Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The Second Bank of The United States
The Second Bank of The United States
THE
SECOND
UNITED
BANK STATES
OF
THE
BY
RALPH
C. H.
CATTERALL
THE
UNIVERSITY
OF
CHICAGO
PRESS
The The
University
of Chicago of
Toronto Press,
Press,
Chicago
5,
37
Canada
University
Toronto
Copyright
1902 New
by
The
University
1960
States
of
Chicago
Impression
the
Printed
in
United
of
America
CS?
PREFACE
IN this book of the effort has been made to write the history States in its various Bank of the United particular stress, however, upon its relations
an
Second
aspects, laying
to politics,and
bank. commercial Craig Biddle, of My thanks are due to the Honorable Philadelphia, the distinguished head of a distinguished family, upon
its operations
as a
a
for over a century and members in the annals of our country as bankers, and historians. With jurists,
whose honor
as
quarter
and
have
won
seamen a
soldiers,
as rare
generosity
it is grateful he
has
papers of his in Andalusia, home exist in their entirety at his summer Without this courtesy much of this history Pennsylvania. have been written. of the Bank of the United States could not
to the
permitted free and complete access Biddle, which father, Nicholas still
I wish
also to thank
Professor
J. Franklin
R.
Jameson
for
C. H.
C.
CHICAGO,
August
29, 1902.
ABBREVIATIONS
manuscript Nicholas Biddle, preserved at Andalusia, Pa. Ex. F.
:
B. P.:
Biddle
Papers.
The
correspondence
of
Doc.
Executive
Document.
Finance.
H. R.
House
:
Report.
The letterbooks of President
P. L. B.
Senate Document.
TABLE
CHAPTEB CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER
I.
OF
CONTENTS
of the Bank
Jones
-
Establishment The
II.
III.
Administration of William
to Save the Bank
22
51
IV.
V.
Administration of Langdon
68 93 114 132
Branch
Drafts
The The
164
Attempts
to
Re-Charter CHAPTER
CHAPTER X. XI. XII.
XIII.
186
215
-
243 285
314 332
the Bank
of the Bank
359
-
376
404
XVII.
XVIII.
Bank,
430
453
CHAPTER
APPENDICES
APPENDIX APPENDIX
"
XIX.
The
Bank
as
Government
Agency
I. II.
The The
Charter
Agreement
479
ruary Feb488
1, 1817
APPENDIX
III.
Rules
of the Bank
of the
490
TABLE
APPENDIX
OP
CONTENTS
the Bank in 1832 1817-36
498
IV. V. VI.
The
Bill to Re-Charter
APPENDIX APPENDIX
APPENDIX
General
Annual
Statement
of the Bank,
501
505
Totals of Inland
of Exchange Transactions
Bills of Exchange
VII. VIII.
IX.
The
Rates
505 507
Exchange
Distribution
of the Bank's
Stock
508
509
511
512
Circulation
Deposits
APPENDIX
512
BlBLIOGBAPHY
INDEX
513
527
MAP
"
The
"
and Agencies
facing
376
CHARTS
CHART
I.
Operations
1819
of the Bank,
February,
1817, to January, 31
CHART
II.
Movements
Business
culation, of Discounts, Other Loans, and Cirin the Face of an Attempt to Curtail 149
CHART
III.
Expansion
September,
1831-32
of 1833-34
151 323
Items
CHART
CHART
IV. V.
Contraction
Movement the Bank
of Principal
When
Closing up
361
CHART
VI.
Issues and
Deposits
------
427
CHAPTER
ESTABLISHMENT
OF
I
THE BANK
of the United States owed its origin to the disasters of the war of 1812, its existence to the founded by Jefferson and party of strict construction Madison. A brief survey of the state of the finances resulting
THE
Second
Bank
from
that
war
impelled
the Republicans
principles and create a In 1811 the charter of the First Bank of the United States expired, and Congress, imbued with constitutional by bitter hostility to Secretary scruples and actuated Gallatin, refused to renew of financial confusion and
it.
constitutional
This
act
was
the beginning
ing financial shipwreck, and foreseethe result Gallatin fled from the treasury as soon as he do so. Thereupon William Jones, secrecould honorably tary
of the navy, became acting secretary of the treasury, l helpless inefficiency was and in his person placed in control finances. Surrendering the post in of the government
February,
1814, he
was
succeeded
the
George
The
W.
Campbell.2
was
administration of the finances In addition, Congress, could not possibly have been worse. after refusing to re-charter the bank, failed to make proper being convinced that hostilities revenue, provision for a war result
that
could
be supported from the proceeds of the peace revenue by loans, in spite of the fact that in 1811 the supplemented
i"
During
the
disconsolate
interval,
from
May,
1814, Mr.
Jones
The
imperfectly
War
Second
2
the routine duties of that performed with Great Britain, Vol. II, p. 252.
INGEBSOLL,
Ibid., p. 253.
THE
SECOND
BANE
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
dishad been not more than adequate to charge ordinary revenue It was the ordinary expenses.1 that loans presumed though Congress failed to would be easily negotiated, even
take
to
provide for their repayment,2 and men of the East refused assistance to ment. brief experience brought disillusionto almost nothing, while the
soon
of project borrowing
vain.
proved
utterly
The first of raising loans were adopted. to increase the funded debt by the sale of bonds ; the was Congress authorized bond second, to issue treasury notes. methods
issues during the years 1812-14
to the amount
Two
of $61,000,000,3
but the administration procured only $45,172,581,* and of this only the sum of $7,860,000was negotiated at par, the
taken at rates varying from $88 to $80 in cash for $100 in stock.5 The direct loss to the government was over $6,000,000,nd there was an even more serious indirect a
rest being
loss resulting from the circumstance that much of the paper for its stock was depreciated money paid to the government from 20 to 30 per cent.6 An excellent example of the
stock loans were negotiated is presented by Secretary the failure of the $25,000,000 loan of 1814. Campbell, despite the most strenuous exertions, was able to
manner
in which
SEC. DALLAS,
on
the Finances,
Vol. II, p. 5.
on
2INGERSOLL,
the Finances,
Vol.
II, p. 6.
3
DALLAS, The
Ibid., p. 15.
ibid., p. 17.
"
"
Committee
during
the
Means
declared
in 1830 that
The
government
short period of the war, eighty millions of dollars, at an to eighty discount of fifteen per cent., giving certificates of stock, amounting average for sixty-eight millions of dollars, in such bank millions of dollars, in exchange But the sum as paper could be obtained of sixty-eight millions of dollars, in a depreciated than half as was currency, not more received by the government,
borrowed,
for it, has been and will be valuable as that in which the stock given in exchange Here, then, is another loss of thirty-four millions, with making, redeemed. lost by the discount, forty-six millions of dollars."" H. R. 358, 21st Cong., the sum 1st Sess., p. 12.
....
ESTABLISHMENT
OP
THE
BANK
secure
In July, in answer to only $10,400,000 of this sum. he received offers for $2,500,000, a request for $6,000,000, and was compelled to accept $80 in cash for $100 in stock. that the loan of $9,000,000, negotiated in the previous spring at $88 on the $100, had the $100, since also to be granted at the rate of $80 on had agreed to allow the takers of that sum Campbell the immediate
The
consequence
was
given on any part of the loan. Even then many The result had subscribers failed to fulfil their contracts.1 Webster's opinion that the loan for the year would justified
best terms
fail unless a bank could loans on any terms" were
"
be established.2 It seemed "that " totally at an end,"3 and that the entirely exploded, had been prepared
....
system
had
at
length
notwithstanding
the Government
to accept terms
" of the most extravagant and ruinous character. The reliance upon treasury notes had proved equally futile. Beginning with June 30, 1812, and ending with December
authorized
at
treasury
one
notes,
5f
year from the date of issue, receivable in payment of all duties, taxes, and debts due to the United States, not a legal tender, and to be issued only at par.5 Of this amount issued, and but a small part of this only $17,227,280 were
sum was
in circulation at any
one
time,
since the
were was
notes,
though
legally not redeemable for one year, because the government redeemable at once
receive them
"
indirectly bound
to
in all payments
of debts
on
and
taxes
due
to it.
the Finances,
2 3
*
to E. Webster,
INGHAM,
Nov.
17, 1814, A.
Vol. Ill,
OAKLEY,
says:
plan which expenses of the war extraordinary inoperative."" Reports on the Finances, the
5
of finance,
speaking of April, 1814, the theory of defraying upon predicated loans, had by successive become already
Dallas,
Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 766, June 1813, $10,000,000;ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 100, March
1814, $10,500,000.
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Moreover,
was
ones
the period of issue was so brief that the treasury kept busy redeeming old issues almost as rapidly as new Secretary Campbell calculated that it was were made.1
over
notes.2
convinced that some fixed provision for the payment of loans must be made, and had begun "to lay the foundation of a system of internal
revenue."
By
May,
1813, Congress
had become
Later
then
laid.3
But
events
had
was
the treasury
so
the exception of those in New England, suspended specie in August and September, 1814,4 and the result payments immediate and upon the finances of the United States was
destructive.
there existed a national bank, suspension, to though injuriousthe country, might have been beneficial to the government;5 but without the bank, since the state
Had
banks would neither pay specie nor accept each other's notes left without any common at par, the country was medium of forced to receive was exchange, and hence the government
its in state-bank paper and treasury notes of all degrees of depreciation.6 Notes at par in one section of the
revenues
i
Amount
of treasury
Jan.
Dec.
the Finances,
CAMPBELL,
DALLAS, The
suspended
The banks of the District capture of Washington precipitated suspension. sylvania, Pennfirst, and were followed in rapid succession by those of Maryland, England New York, New Jersey, Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky. The New sixteen
as a or
did not suspend, though some the suspension the nation used of directed." NILES, Vol. VII, Appendix, banks
5
"
pretext p. 175.
Suspension mattered little,and have failure might been an advantage United States, Vol. VIII, p. 214.
6
had
the
national
to the government.""
York, 10 per 20 per cent, discount; New Sept., 1814, at Boston, Baltimore paper, ADAMS, Ill, p. 363. Jan. 19, 1815, New York paper, Vol. Gallatin's Writings. cent." 22 per cent. ; Baltimore, 25 per cent. ; Feb. 1, at 19-20 per cent, discount; Philadelphia,
Boston,
New
York
paper,
20-24 per
cent, discount
; Philadelphia,
24 per
cent. ; Balti-
ESTABLISHMENT
OF
THE
BANK
Union
were
at
heavy
discount
" not only from time varied from state to state, and in the same state from place to found itself that the government place."1 The result was
burdened
mass rent of depreciated paper curwith an enormous charge vicinity of its issue. To disonly in the immediate it must offer specie or New England a debt in New England notes, since nothing else was current there ; while
in New
would accept anything of less value In England York notes. than specie, New notes, or New Pennsylvania, again, New York notes would not be received York nor at par, and in the rest of the country neither New
no one
York
Pennsylvania
not
notes
Since Congress had acceptable. count the treasury to make any allowance for diswere
the government
state ;2
nor
of
state in another
issues
notes
be suffice to discharge the debt, for by the law they must depreciated in the open market, issued at par, and yet were Hence no one often to a greater extent than bank notes.3
would
more,
receive
them
unless forced
to do
so.*
Meanwhile,
States 6 per cents, 40 per cent. ; treasury notes, from 24 to 25 30 per cent. ; United 20 per cent, p. 176. July, 1815, specie premium, cent." NILES, Vol. VII, Appendix, in Baltimore; 14 per York." ADAMS, 11 per cent, in Philadelphia; cent, in New GallatMs Writings, Vol. Ill, p. 363.
per
1
ADAMS,
"
ibid., p. 331.
....
From
differences
the suspension of specie payments and from various other causes in the rate of exchange between arose the several states ; and the embarrassments increased, since Congress had not the treasury were more more of and
....
on the any allowance account wherever sanctioned of the rate of exchange local currency, it failed also in making failed in procuring treasury a a stipulated Vol. II, p. 25. Eppes Dec., 1815, Reports on the Finances, DALLAS, payment."" said :
"
The
notes
Baltimore,
and Philadelphia will not be received in Boston ; the notes of for payments District of Columbia, in Philadelphia."" or of the will not answer A. C., 13th Cong., Vol. Ill, p. 378, Report, Oct. 10, 1814. of
of New
York
3 were
Note
2, supra
; also
NILES,
"
Payments
Dec.,
in bank
paper
on
1815, Reports
Treasury
notes, which
none
but
seemed
tress, necessitous creditors, or contractors, in disagents, acting, as it were and navy officially, A. of C., 13th Cong., Vol. Ill, p. 652 Nov. 27,
1814.
6 large
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
sums
western not
deposit for the government in southern or banks were almost utterly useless, because they could
on
be transferred to the places where they were payable ; since the taxes were and the future promised no relief, paid, in specie, but in treasury notes, which, " almost as soon not
issued, reached the hands of the collectors, in payment of debts, duties, and taxes ; thus disappointing and defeating the only remaining expectations of productive
as
they
were
revenue."1
The
effect upon
the finances
was
literallyannihilating.
Such being
threatened
of government In November,
to the
holders of government that the the national treasury could no longer pay the interest on debt held in that section, having neither specie nor New bank notes with which England to pay.3 At the same
the administration failed to redeem treasury notes York ;3 it actually paid at Boston, Philadelphia, and New some not receivable of its soldiers in bank notes which were
moment
"
to defray
the current ordinary expenses of the different departments." The State Department was unable to discharge its stationery bill; " the treasury was obliged to borrow pitiful sums, which in tolerable credit to ask for;" it would disgrace a merchant
pay a bill for $3,500 ; "the for paltry amounts paymaster was unable to meet demands for $30 ;" 5 the deficit for the coming year would not even
the War
Department
could
not
"
probably reach
1 2 3
$40,000,000.' Meanwhile,
p. 652.
the government
Vol. VII, p. 270.
Vol. Ill, pp.
DALLAS, Dallas
A.
to commissioner
of loans at Boston,
Nov.
9, NILES,
Dallas to Eppes, Dec. 2, 1814, Schedule 767, 768. The amount was $1,902,680.80.
*
A, A.
of
Dallas HANSON,
to Eppes,
Nov.
of Maryland,
to E. Webster,
"Webster
Vol. I, p. 250.
ESTABLISHMENT
"was
OF
THE
BANK
subsisting upon the drainings of unchartered banks in l the District," and on the proceeds of temporary loans procured from various state banks, as a matter of grace on their
the events which compelled the Republicans Yet long before their culmination to establish a bank. attempts had been made to pass a bank bill.3 The history of the various efforts naturally falls into three periods : (1)the
were
part.2 These
war
was
after suspension
war
"
(3)after the
"
war.
before suspension.
On January
4,
1814, Mr. Lefferts, of New York, presented the petition of " hundred one and fifty citizens of that state praying for Bank, with a capital of the incorporation of a National
referred in the House to the Committee was of Ways and Means, whose chairman John W. Eppes, son-in-law of Thomas Jefferson, and the leader in Congress of the Virginia party, which adhered
was
tenaciously to the
doctrine
firmly in the
and
lieved be-
to meet
the existing conditions.5 The committee shared these views, and on the 10th Eppes reported against the proposition it was because unconstitutional to "create corporations limits of the States, without the within the territorial
consent
6 of the States." real leader of the bank
proved himself the party in Congress, now suggested might be obviated by establishing
who
Calhoun,
and
moved
HANSON,
loc. cit.
on
DALLAS,
on
the Finances,
Gallatin,
"
drawn
up
the
bank.
ADAMS,
of
the
Administrations
of Jefferson and
was
A.
petition
was
dated
Dec.
presented
Jefferson to Eppes,
64.
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the reference of this suggestion to the consideration of the His motion Committee and Means.1 of Ways prevailed. As Eppes could not be persuaded to support any bank bill,''' John Taylor, of New York, reported from the committee a
bill to erect
years and
a
bank
to subthe government capital of $30,000,000, scribe one-fifth of the stock and appoint one-fifth of the
directors.
There
were
to be
no
branches.3
rendered
of providing
national currency, and consequently unsatisfactory to all who " desired to meet the existing emergency. Everyone," said
Fisk, of New
York,
"
.
...
must
perceive that
billcontaining
less, Neverthesuch provisions would not, could not, pass." his motion to refer the matter to a select committee "with instructions to report a bill to establish a National Bank, with provisions for branches," * was decidedly negatived.5 ended the firstattempt to establish a bank. On the 2d of April the came subject up again, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, the recognized spokesman of the administration in the House, submitting a resolution for the appointment of
a a
"
Thus
committee
of establishing
National put
Bank."
a new
The
on
face
The
tration putative support of the administhe matter, and the House rallied
were
to the
project.
strict constructionists
completely
routed, a motion but thirty-two votes and Grundy 's resolution being carried.7 On the committee were appointed Grundy, Calhoun, William Lowndes,
i
and
six others.8
Only
one
of the number
2
was
A.
Ibid., p. 1579.
ibid., p. 1862.
Only 36 ayes.
ibid., p. 1956.
Grundy, Carolina;
Ward,
;
Tennessee; Samuel
J. Oakley, William
Massachusetts;
Jonathan
Fisk, New
York;
Gas-
Carolina
John
G. Jackson,
Virginia.
OP
THE
BANK
constitutional grounds.1 But too nearly ended to permit the necessary discussion, was the committee and four days after its appointment
a
on on
was
"
discharged
the motion
indefinitely postponed,"
a
The bill was of its chairman.2 and thus ended the second attempt
to establish
bank.
the
war
"
2.
recess
During
after suspension.
"
During
the
the capture of Washington pension and the susbrought the Union to the verge of specie payments in extra session September met of dissolution. Congress 19, 1814, and immediately took up the discussion of a bank
of Congress
bill,
absolutely necessary. considered Speaker Cheves, though allowing Eppes to retain the chairmanship and Means, appointed of the Committee of Ways all of his associates from the ranks of the bank party,3 and petition from New York city praying for the establishment at once of a bank was referred to the committee. The overwhelming distress of the preceding months had
a
bank
being
now
at last shaken
loose Campbell's
He
was
incompetent
treasury department.
J. succeeded President Dallas, of Philadelphia,* a capable lawyer, whom Madison had wished to appoint earlier in the year, but had sylvania been restrained from so doing by the hostility of the Pennsenators.
the
The
needs of the hour, however, swept Dallas's appointment was understood Eppes, who a still national bank.
Jackson,
question
He was of Virginia. perfectly willing to have a bank INGEKSOLL, Vol. II, p. 250. could be avoided.
"
if the constitutional
2 A.
p. 2002, April 8.
3INGEBSOLL,
Maryland
ton, North A.
Fisk, New
; Samuel
Eppes,
Virginia;
New
; William
Archer, Gas"
J. Oakley,
; William
Carolina
Pennsylvania
21.
s
Ohio.
INGEBSOLL,
10
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
ury notes,1 addressed a letter to Dallas, asking him to express his opinion to the Committee on the and Means of Ways claring of the finances.2 Dallas immediately replied, de-
subject
bluntly
that
treasury
notes
painting in the most emergency, of the government, and ending by asserting that a national " bank was the only efficientremedy for the disordered condition
8
Committee
that it
was
of Ways
"
and Means
expedient to establish a National Bank, with * The House agreed to the branches in the several States." days and without debate.5 Four resolution immediately later it refused to strike out the words the several States," by the decisive vote
with branches in of 138 to 14, and bill.6 the
out
"
leave to bring in a gave the committee On the 7th of November Jonathan Fisk reported as 7 bill drawn up on lines marked measure a committee's
by
Secretary
Dallas.
The
capital
was
to be
$50,000,000,
$6,000,000of the
in specie, the rest in government The United States was to subscribe stock issued during the war. $20,000,000. The bank could not sell government
amount
stock,
as soon
was as
to be bound
$30,000,000
United
into operation, and the president of the to suspend specie payments empowered
when such suspension seemed necessary.8 This plan did not contemplate a bank which would restore
issues, saying that " Treasury in favor of new than the one heretofore extended notes, combined with a system of taxation, more to be a it is believed, in the present credit, be found state of bank adopted, will C., 13th Cong., Vol. Ill, p. 378. better resource e., [i. than loans]."" A. much
i
On Oct. 10 Eppes
had
reported
of
a *
e
Report
brought
"
in
on
the 21st.
was
Ibid., p. 458.
II, p. 255.
i
State sovereignty Ibid., pp. 498, 499, Oct. 28. Vote to bring in the bill, 93 to 54.
A.
laid low.""
INGERSOLL,
Vol.
ESTABLISHMENT
OF
THE
BANK
11
one that would itselfpay specie.1 specie payments, nor even What the administration wished was a machine which should assist in restoring the credit of the government, and make it Hence the possible to raise funds to carry on the war.2
stock to that provision confining subscriptions in government issued during the war the clause allowing sus;8 hence pension, loan the United States that binding the bank to
In
section prohibiting it from selling government word, nothing spoke in this plan but
the necessities of the government, and these necessities a specie-paying bank deserving the name was of a bank
"
"
impossibility.
It is not
was savscheme agely surprising that this monstrous Opposition came from three quarters : from attacked. a
alists, meager band ; from the Federable, noisy, persistent, and bitterly aggrieved by the stock ;* and provision to limit stock subscriptions to war
the strict constructionists,
from
of the Republican party who were acter. willing to charter a bank, but wished one of a different charThis party was respectable in size, most ably led by Calhoun and Lowndes, and supported by Speaker Cheves.
those members
Calhoun
to champion
1
had
at first been
its bill. He
Madison's
thing
A.
such
head, Messages Vol. I, pp. Papers, and veto, Jan. 30, 1815, second " It will be utterly impossible for the bank to pay its notes. No : said first note is expected it. The it issues will be dishonored its on of
return.""
2
"
of
The
to place
and
of
a
durable
war
revenue
"Dallas
3
to Eppes,
a solid upon the demands with immediate pressure." Vol. Ill, p. 403.
the
public
credit
Intended
held very
Republicans
and
punish
Federalists,
*Ingersoll
not of the bank,
the whole the capital."" Vol. Secretary of the Treasury was lated calcuproject brought in by the new for the benefit of the holders of the stock, created ster Webonly since the war." to E. Webster, Nov. 24, 1814, Correspondence, Vol. I, p. 247.
"
but
1814, the 13th and 14th of November, The prevailing of the stocks : controversy, fell a victim, was what stocks should compose
"On
came
on
the battle
"
to which
12
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
but, project, to
president and secretary, had totally unsuited to the crisis and extremely mischievous.1 On the 16th of November, therefore, he introduced an opposition bill, which opponents
to the
was
designed
to meet
Dallas plan.
There
was
no of specie payments; forced loan. The capital was in specie and the remainder new
in specie or treasury notes, a issue of which should be made for the purpose of supplying bank stock.2 In this manner the govpurchasers of ernment would provide itself with a loan of $44,000,000,
the advocates of treasury notes would be appeased, and the Federalist attack based on war-loan subscriptions avoided. Calhoun, and " generally voted for The Federalists joined
in preference to the firstplan." 3 The adminthe amendment istration Republicans, led by Ingham, Fisk, and Forsyth, by the influence of the administration, backed "supported
by
the
money
*
Means,"
and power, and the Committee of Ways for the treasury plan, especially for the contended
of specie payments.5 provision authorizing a suspension But the South Carolinians swept all before them, and on the day after its introduction Calhoun's plan was substituted for
that of Dallas by No sooner was
"a
6
about sixty votes." found that Calhoun's this done than it was of majority
for his measure. by no means unanimous supporters were "The opposition, the adherents of the administration, and " those who had constitutional scruples combined against it,7
i
CALHOUN,
A.
Works,
or
^ 3 *
5
Webster
Vol. I, p. 247.
Part I, p. 482.
CALHOUN,
See
"
declares
seems
" a
Ingham's
of C., 13th Cong., Vol. Ill, p. 601. Here ought. to be made, and that not to make Vol. H, p. 256. Also INGEESOLL,
he
it
A.
p. 613.
CALHOUN,
Part
I, p. 482.
or
THE
BANK
13
his ablest lieutenant, desired a smaller capital, to $35,000,000.* Calhoun to reduce the sum
much attempt failed, zeal," and Lowndes's followed motion, amendment motion amendment, features forcing back into the bill many of the
opposed though
with
objectionable
of the treasury plan, while leaving the nature of the capital So numerous the changes that when were stock untouched.2 from the committee the bill was of reported to the House the whole, it
....
them
or
interleaved and interlined with amendments that the clerk himself could scarcely arrange 3 the Speaker state them to the House."
was so a
"
week of arduous and acrimonious declared that in his opinion there was no
final passage of the bill"
as
After
debate, Lowndes
"
it stood, and The House to a select committee. agreed with him, * " The Federalists without a division." and the bill was referred had consistently supported Lowndes's attack on Cal-
houn's
as just
they
a
had voted
with
Calhoun
a
against
capital
advocated
of
$20,000,000."
The
select committee chairman, consisted of Lowndes, Gaston, and Oakley,6 and Calhoun, Fisk, Forsyth, Ingham, all favorable to a bank and representing the different shades Lowndes of favorable sentiment. appealed to Dallas for an the advisability of having a capital composed opinion on
of treasury notes.
returned
an answer
This
asserting that
his
Dallas's opportunity, and he which annihilated Calhoun's position, plan could not succeed, and that to
was
attempt it would involve the loss of the necessary loan for 1815 and the failure to restore the nation's credit.7 The disheartening. Lowndes result was reported the bill back
to the House
i 3
precisely
*
as
it stood when
19.
it
5
was
2
referred to his
ibid., p. 622. ibid., pp. 642, 043.
A.
Ibid.
643, 644.
WEBSTER,
"
Ibid., p. 644.
Dallas to Lowndes,
Nov.
14
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
"
STATES
been
committee,
subject."
was
cover able to disof uniting the conflicting opinions on the any means 1 His motion to reduce the capital to $30,000,000
not
ing then adopted,2 the Federalists supporting it. But, havfarther. When the go no gone so far, they would speaker put the motion to read the bill for the third time, it
was
lost by
vote
of 104 bank.
to 49 ; and
so
ended
the third
took up the task. On the 2d of December a bill was reported there substantially incorporating the provisions desired by Dallas.* The Federalist senators offered a feeble opposition, in the face of
failed, the
Senate
ments amendrelentlessly forward, no being permitted, and in one week's time it passed the Senate 5 and went to the House. Here on the 23d and was continued the debate began
which the bill was
pushed
lines as before. Slight amendments were along the same that the Republicans, fearing to risk made, but it seemed the bill,had decided to waive their individual preferences.6
The Federalists, under the lead of Webster North Carolina, exhausted all parliamentary the bill, but
were
and
means
Gaston, of to defeat
of December, " bank day of the session," 7 says Ingersoll, was over the fight being waged the nature of the government this stock to be subscribed to the bank's capital. When determined matter was against the Federalists by a vote of
unsuccessful. the stormiest The
29th
73 to 72," the passage of the bill seemed inevitable, and the alarmed Federalists made a bid for the support of the Calhoun wing of the Republican party by declaring themselves
1
A.
p. 651, Nov.
28, 1814.
*
2
5
Ibid., p. 655.
Ibid., p. 126.
"
ibid., p. 686.
14.
Ibid., p. 119.
Vote
yeas,
17 ; nays,
"
The
reported
7
details of the bill being nearly the same as those of the bill originally in this House, were Ibid., p. 988. be changed." to not proposed
"
"
ESTABLISHMENT
in favor of
a
OP
THE
BANK Webster
15
bank, though
posed pro-
the Federalist idea of a plan which, he asserted, was bank, saying that for an institution of this nature he should " " his " support." a The at any time be willing to give
put to a vote, Calhoun against it,and the result voting for the bill, Cheves, the speaker, had not being 81 ayes to 80 noes. declared his conviction " that the bill provoted. He arose, posed he might almost say, a dangerous, unexampled, a and,
motion Lowndes
on
the
Dallas
measure
was
then
desperate
bill was
enact
"
his vote in the negative. The lost.8 For the fourth time the House had failed to
resort," and
cast
incensed
from
that he expressed
the treasury."
But
sooner
was
the bank
was
Republicans
made
votes
107
No refused to be thwarted. than a motion to reconsider announced 1815, carried by the 3d of January, The bill was to a then recommitted
select committee,8 which reported on the 6th of January. The Calhoun-Lowndes-Federalist measure compromise peared. reapThe capital was to be $30,000,000, composed of
$5,000,000 in
stock, $15,000,specie, $10,000,000in war There 000 in treasury notes. to be no was compulsory loan; no no suspension; government partnership, though
to vote " themselves and Stockton pledged " a and believed that majority of their political friends 1031, Jan. 3.
1
Oakley
"
for
"
modified
do
so.
"
bank
bill,
would
Ibid., p.
to subscribe $5,000,000ore m at some loan to government. (4) Bank or forfeit its charter. (5) A certain paid
any
(1)Capital, $25,000,000, with privilege to government future time. (2) No suspension. (3) No obligatory
to
commence
in specie
6 per
"
on
demand.
operations within a specified time on cent, penalty to be exacted all notes not (6) Capital to consist of $5,000,000 ; $20,000,000 in specie
per
(7) Bank
Works,
to be
permitted
to sell government
Vol. I.
3 *
pp.
DALLAS,
Life of Dallas,
A.
p. 1030.
Stockton, Alfred
Kentucky;
Yancey,
Pennsylvania; W. Taylor,
Ibid., p. New 1032.
ard RichYork
;
Pitkin, Connecticut
Cuthbert,
men."
Georgia;
Bartlett
North
Carolina."
All
bank
INGEESOLL,
16
THE
SECOND
to
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the right to allow the government to subscribe $5,000,000later.1 The committee's report was passed on the 7th of January by accepted, and the bill was
was
Congress
reserve
Their
as a
having lacked only one vote of passing a measure utterly at variance with the present defeated a similar bill, one, after having overwhelmingly
the House,
now,
of the Federalists supporting it. the Dallas Senate bill had served
by
The
more
overwhelming
at
once
vote, adopted
this
measure.
bill went
to the
The House, amendments.* of them, the Federalists declaring that the bill
was a
it stood
not
beyond which they could not and would compromise go.5 The Senate receded in every particular, and the
to the president, who kept it for ten days and then it to the Senate with his veto. In doing so he
bill went
returned
explicitly waived the constitutional question. The proposed bank, he asserted, would not fulfilthe purposes for which a bank
was
then
needed;
a
it would
not
enhance
the
credit, provide
circulating medium, anticipations of the public revenue For the sixth time everything was
....
"furnish during
public loans, or
"
'
the
war.
Republicans
which meeting to the president's wishes.7 This meeting conform would " " Calhoun to especially invited and his supporters were attend.
held
The
They plan
did
and
between the adminiscompromise tration Calhoun's was still suggested, but it was
so.
pp.
A.
1039, 1040.
ibid., p. 1044.
"
"We
Webster,
*
let Dallas's a bank or were obliged to make Jan. 22, 1815, Correspondence, Vol. I, p. 250. increased
to $35,000,000; shares
plan go."
Webster
to E.
Capital
allowed" 1815.
5 6 7
these
the most
important."
A.
to be of $400 instead of $100; suspension C., 13th Cong., Vol. Ill, p. 166, Jan. 13, of
p. 1081.
Stockton, of New
Messages
and
Papers,
JOHNSON,
ESTABLISHMENT
OP
THE
BANK
17
unsatisfactory to the South Carolinian and his adherents. " He thereupon were required further concessions, which refused," the administration Republicans asserting that they
the could carry the bill without his assistance.1 Against tor determined opposition of this littleknot of the party, SenaBarbour, on February 6, introduced the new measure
mostly along the lines of the original Dallas bill.2 in its passage by the Senate A few days' debate ended cussion substantially unaltered.3 Two days later it came up for disin the House, but the news of peace, promising an drawn end to the most urgent necessities of the government, gave On the motion of Lowndes the whole question pause. the bill was indefinitely postponed.* 3.
After the
war.
"
bank for the purpose of procuring loans. The prime necessity now to settle the currency, was which remained in the utmost disorder, and to resume specie Had it been possible to persuade the state banks payments.
a
The
administration's advocacy of a national bank would have But this was Dallas, therefore, again not possible. ceased.5 proposed that a national bank be established, and President Madison broke silence and in his annual message now gested sugsuch
i
an
institution.6
Vol. Ill, p. 127;
C. D., Vol. XIV,
CALHOUN,
Works,
Part I, p. 482.
p. 226.
in specie ; $10,000,000 to be subscribed cent, stock ; $5,000,000 by the United States ; specie payments by Congress ; during and be suspended might for one to borrow to be empowered $30,000,000 was year government after the war
from
the bank
at 6 per
cent, interest.
The
bank
was
not to pay
specie
Monday
3
in April, 1816.
By
a
strict party
vote."
Ibid., p. 1168.
pp.
"'
Dallas
of Feb.
6
"
March
Dallas,
285-7.
Also letter
If the operation
of
a
cannot
produce
this result
general
exchange],
and
the
Bank
lishment estabNational
5, 1815.
18
THE When
SECOND
Congress
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
Clay
STATES Calhoun
met,
Speaker
appointed
to consider " so much chairman of a select committee of the President's message rency." as relates to an Uniform National Cur-
on
applied to Dallas for the treasury's views letter of December 24 the secrethe and tary subject, in a It was on outlined the plan of the future bank. cisely prethe
same
Calhoun
of the United States, with additions and modifications, and it left the Federalists no opportunity for offering an ingenuous and effectiveopposition.2 On the 8th of January, 1816, Calhoun brought in
as
lines
on
opened
the discussion.
was
was
absolutely
necessary, and comparatively easy, yet impossible without a national bank, since the state banks found too great a profit in the unsettled condition of the currency ever to resume.
"
Those
ever
who believe that the present state of things would itself,"he asserted, " must believe what is impossible cure before they will ; banks must change their nature,
....
* aid in doing what it is not their interest to do." The Federalists and the irreconcilables among the strict ing constructionists fought the bill pertinaciously, Webster head-
The attack of the other party. and John Randolph the Federalists was concentrated on two points: the size of
one
J
Committee:
Hopkinson,
Calhoun;
N. Macon, Pickering,
North
Carolina;
B. Robertson,
James
A.
Pleasants, H.
Virginia;
St. George
1st Sess.,
Joseph Tucker,
p. 377.
Pennsylvania;
Thomas
Louisiana;
Virginia ; Timothy
Massachusetts."
21. Principal
provisions:
(1) An
that
might capital, $35,000,000, with a proviso United States to subscribe one-fifth of the capital; fourths of funded debt, one-fourth of specie.
exclusive Congress
charter
years;
(2)
increase
it to $50,000,000 (3) ;
to
(4) capital
consist
three-
(2) (1) To be at Philadelphia and have branches; of bank: directors, with thirteen for each branch; twenty-five (3) president of the United States to appoint five of the twenty-five directors; (8) the resident stockholders, to be furnished being citizens, alone to vote for directors ; (10)frequent statements
II. Government
to the treasury.
III. Privileges
(3)government
IV. Bonus
3
and duties: (2) Notes receivable transfers to be made without charge Ibid., pp. 512 f. $1,500,000."
*
to government;
Ibid., p. 494.
Ibid., p. 1064.
ESTABLISHMENT
OF
THE
BANK
19
the capital1 and the connection The power of the bank bank.2 3 " almost irresistible."
assertion that it
"
of the government
was
with the
was
strous, also represented as monCalhoun answered with the desirable to have a capital large enough
"
to profit," yet small enough prevent a loss to the stockholders," and held that a capital of $35,000,000 met these conditions.* The connection government's
to prevent undue
was
considered
intito be mately essential because the bank was to keep the public associated with the finances, was
deposits
and The
to transfer the
and
to receive
was
to pay pensions
from
the
held power of appointing directors was peculiarly fitting,because only so could an upright administration of the bank be assured.5 There was The state banks a variety of other
lectors. colto be
objections:
to adopt
was
found
some
were
an
so
gross
that their supporters were compelled The tone. constitutional question everyone there was
seeming nothing
On
They
wished
reduction
SERGEANT, to $20,000,000."
3
ibid., p. 1066.
p. 1111.
HOPKINSON,
ibid., p. 1099.
RANDOLPH,
for the purposes more profit alone, but much of national policy, as an auxiliary in Under the exercise of some of the highest powers of the Government. stances such circumThe be too cautiously the public interests cannot guarded, right to inspect the general accounts to detect the evils of a be employed may of the bank interior agency in the direction of its affairs will best ; but an mal-administration
....
serve
to prevent Dallas Dec. 24, 1815, ibid., p. 508. This quotato Calhoun, them."" tion is of interest as throwing light on the conception ment of the position of the governdirectors, which was disputed so much under Biddle. afterward
6
HOPKINSON,
ibid., p. 1143.
20
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
decided not to reduce the capital;1 in March, ruary it was that the government should hold stock in the bank,2 and that the president and the Senate of the United States should appoint a number of the directors.3 On the other
hand, the power of Congress
to order
a
suspension
recalled,4as was also the power the president of the president of the United States to name bank,5 that allowing the increase of the capital to $50,payments
was
000,000,* and the right of subscription to the capital in treasury So much in the way of concession was notes.7 granted,
and properly granted, but in regard to those details of the bill which the Federalists were pleased to consider vital defects the Republicans iota. They would not yield an
to stand firm by the dissension which encouraged Webster was apparently in existed in the Federalist ranks. irreconcilable opposition, but many members of his party
were
from the middle and southern states, where the evils of the financial situation appealed even to the dullest, refused to follow him, and
keen and galling exchange and recriminations between these two wings debate in the House.8
a
On
7 1.9
there and
the 14th of March the bill passed by a vote of 80 to debated It went to the Senate the next day and was
on
the 25th.
Jeremiah
Mason,
of New
Hampshire,
But the of New York, led the opposition. Senate, in those days a body of much speedier action than touching the the House, would not suffer any amendments Rufus King,
essentials of the bill,though
1 A.
2
changes
vote, 49 to 74.
March
3
should
hold
stock"
vote, 38 to 61.
Motion
"
against
very
power
to appoint"
vote
64 to 79.
March
5.
*Ibid., p. 1158.
5 1
By
March
7.
"
6.
Ibid., p. 1109.
"
Feb. 29.
Ibid., p. 1219.
ESTABLISHMENT
OP
THE
BANK
21
The Republicans feared that the measure made. would done.1 The Senate passed be lost if anything further was the bill on the 3d of April;2 the House, with littledebate,
were
concurred
in all the
president, who
the
which project
of almost constant established, in its final form of the United States and that
years
a
two
littlemore
than
year
Bibb, of Georgia.
the
owes
2J6Jd.,p.281. in securing
me
as
Vote, 22 to 12.
"
ibid., p. 1344.
Calhoun
was
decisive
as
the bank
even
agent to much
to any
add
that, had
Calhoun
in the Senate,
I might say with the charter : in the country individual ; other for my efforts, it would not have been
Thirty
Years,
Vol. I, p. 414.
CHAPTER
THE
II
OF WILLIAM
ADMINISTRATION
JONES
ON
the capital stock began for twenty days. No particular the Union and continued the stock was the shown,1 and when eagerness to secure it was found that over $3,000,000were returns were made Hereupon Stephen Girard, much to the stillunsubscribed. relief of the president and the secretary of the treasury, subscribed for the entire amount.2
Organization
expectation
immediately
bank
followed.
would be Accordingly, President administration hoped to make it so.3 directors from his own Madison named all the government party,4 and both Madison and Dallas strove for the election of that the
a
It
This was politician as president of the bank. William Jones, recently secretary of the navy and secretary pro tempore of the treasury.5 The stockholders, less partisan ten Federalists and ten than the administration, named Republican
Republicans.6
1
Jones
was
then
Dallas NILES,
to Madison,
Vol. XI,
same
to Madison, general
Philadelphia bank
returns
was ($3,000,000)
taken
DALLAS,
3
and
speculators.
appointmen disa single line, to the great I congratulate this event." upon you
"
"There
is little doubt
of the organization of the bank being Republican, Dallas to Madison, Aug. 27, 1816, ibid.
and
They
were
A. Buchanan,
198; Dallas
Wm. Jones, Stephen Girard, and Pierce Butler, of Philadelphia, Jas. Astor, of New York." NILES, Vol. X, p. of Baltimore, and John Jacob to Madison, July 7, 1816, DALLAS, Dallas, to Dallas, p. 459; Madison
Dallas
to Madison,
. .
p. 464; same
to
same,
Aug.
3, p. 466.
"
that his prospect of being at the head Madison to Dallas, Aug. 7, ibid., p. 468.
of the institution
NILES,
ADMINISTRATION
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
23
than Smith, of Philadelphia, cashier.1 By the 7th of December, 1816, directors were appointed for offices at Boston, New York, Baltimore, Charleston, and New Orleans,2 and by March
sixteen cities had been selected addition to Philadelphia.3
as
The
bank's immediate
At of specie payments. itselfcapable of compelling the state banks to 1816, Dallas had made to early as March,
proposals, which
were
task
to
As banks
these
to them4 but very advantageous The establishment of were nevertheless promptly declined. the bank and the passage of Webster's jointesolution of r 20th of the succeedApril 30, 1816, requiring that after the ing
to the United States should be all payments "or in treasury notes, or in made either in gold and silver, the notes of the Bank of the United States, or in notes of in specie,"5 gave the banks payable and paid on demand
February
government
sequently of making its will effective. Conon the 22d of July, Dallas issued a new circular proposing that the state banks, beginning with October, should to the extent of paying specie for all their notes of a resume
than $5.6 The banks again refused, smaller denomination declaring that they would not resume until July 1, 1817.7 Dallas despaired, writing to Madison that the success of the "not a littleto be state banks in postponing resumption was
further hope
Crawford, who succeeded Dallas in October, apprehended."8 made a final attempt, issuing a circular to the banks on
i
3
Ibid.
ibid.
pp.
238, 239.
Besides
Richmond, Savannah, those named above, Washington, N. H., Providence, Middletown, Ky., Cincinnati, Portsmouth, Pittsburg.
Dallas,
p. 285, March
Norfolk,
ington, Lex-
Conn., Chilli-
DALLAS,
A.
13, 1815.
of
1440, 1919.
NILES,
Vol. X, p. 376.
The Aug., 1816, ibid., p. 423, quoting National Intelligencer, stating the action The other banks York, Philadelphia, Baltimore. took New banks and of Secretary Dallas's Report, Dec. 3, 1816,F., Vol. Ill, p. 132. discouraging equally action."
of the
"
DALLAS,
Dallas,
24
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
proposition was could not compel the concluded that the government by the 20th of February, and therefore banks to resume
remitted the undertaking to the bank.3 The situation was extremely critical for both the government Without the consent of the state banks and the bank.
if substantial inducements 20, 1817.1 "This advantageous " 2 declined without hesitation. ford Craw-
the government could not possibly collect its revenues after February 20,* because it could not evade the joint resolution ; effect in securing and yet that resolution would be of no The bank for its part was specie or specie-paying paper. to incur legally bound considerable risk, since it was necessitated, under penalty of forfeiting its charter, to go
into operation by the firstMonday in April, 18 17.5 Between this date and July 1 it was quite possible that the state
banks
would draw from it so much specie as to embarrass It was necesthe bank and thwart the policy of resumption. sary, to the state therefore, to make substantial concessions
to be carried out. plans were 1817, at the invitation of the Bank United States, the representatives of the associated
of the banks of Philadelphia, New York, Baltimore, and Richmond met in convention with its agents and discussed the subject. The result was day these representatives that on the same to their directorates to resume on the agreed to recommend
1
At
this time
see
circular
2
over
in $11,000,000 public
deposits.
For
ford's Craw-
Crawford
the that
to the Senate,
by
meant
3
banks,
to the proposiFeb. 25, 1823, ibid., p. 266. See answers tion ibid., pp. 974-80, passim. Crawford this refusal thought did not intend to resume. To Jones, Jan. 6, 1817, ibid., p. 496.
"
Crawford
"
It is manifest that, without the State banks can be brought into an arrangement by which be received in payment can their paper of taxes, there will be no be paid." ford Crawthe 20th of February those dues can upon next in which medium to Jones, Jan. 24, 1817, ibid., p. 497; see also ibid., p. 767.
"
Section
22 of charter, Appendix
I.
ADMINISTRATION
OP
WILLIAM
JONES
25
20th of February in return for the following inducements on the part of the Bank of the United States : 1. Any of these banks indebted to the Bank of the United States might liquidate the indebtedness by checks on other
banks, parties to the agreement. 2. The Bank of the United States would be responsible to for the public deposits held by the state the government
banks, but the actual transfer of the funds, over $8,800,000, was not to be made until July 1, when the state banks should pay them with interest.
3. Other balances
were
had
against the state banks accumulating not to be called for until the Bank of the United States discounted for individuals ("other than those having
and Philadelphia, $2,000,000 each; in Baltimore, $1,500,000; in Virginia, $500,000. 4. The amount als of these discounts not taken by individu-
duties to
pay"),
in New
York
might be taken by the banks of the respective places. 5. The Bank of the United States and the state banks would mutually support each other in any emergency.1
was agreement gladly sanctioned by the secretary to furnish a was of the treasury, since its principal object to pay taxes. In so far as the state currency in which
The
banks
were
concerned, them
time
the articles
to reduce
were
giving
not
so
on
favorable.
in order to pay public payment might have ruined them.2 United States, however, the articles They bound it to meet government
funds stillheld by the state banks, and not to collect balances arising in the ordinary course of business until it had loaned $6,000,000 to individuals, not having
demands
duties to pay, or to the state banks. This stipulation forced it was in the bank to make large loans, whether justified
1
Appendix President
II. State
President
City Bank
Bank of New
Jan. 25, 1817, F." Vol. IV, p. 982; of Boston to Crawford, York to same, Feb. 19, 1817, ibid., p. 987.
26
THE
SECOND
or
BANK
at the
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
doing
ing from the state banks, while giving to them the specie power to draw specie from it, since a large amount of its notes would be put in circulation in discounting $6,000,000.
The article guaranteeing mutual protection would have precisely the same effect; for, since the Bank of the United States was strong and the state banks weak, the clause simply meant that the national bank should support them. It is obvious, in short, that the entire agreement might prove extremely embarrassing to the bank, no matter how pleasing
it
was
so
not, and
same
secur-
The
"
bank, however,
the treasury could not an agreement to February 20, and this was its on specie payments notable service to the country in its firstyears. The
resumption of the banks in the large cities,and the pressure of the treasury and the Bank of the United States, forced as well ; and thus resumpthe banks of the interior to resume tion
was
general.
most
that of pressing question after resumption was deposits. The arrangement the transfer of the government of the 1st of February had fixed the 1st of July as the date which the transfer should take place from the banks along felt that in the case the Atlantic coast, but it was of the leniency was interior banks more necessary, if numerous
on
The
failures were
not to result.1 The bank therefore proposed to the state institutions of the interior to be itself responsible
States for the public deposits held by them, on condition that they would pay these off on the 1st of August, interest to be charged from the firstday of April, 1817. Or
to the United
the banks
I.2
1 2
ning monthly instalments, beginmight pay in seven with the month of May, 1817, with interest from April A number of the banks willingly accepted these condito Jones, March 17, 1817, F., Vol. IV, p. 509. to Committee of western April 3, 1817, ibid., pp. 788, 789.
Crawford
J. Smith
Pennsylvania,
Virginia, and
eastern
Ohio
Banks,
ADMINISTRATION
tions. western
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
27
Some,
parts them
however,
in the eastern
perceive "that any of that portion of the advantages could result to the banks A refusal so impudent Union.1 purely a favor of what was
rejected
on
ficultie the part of the Bank of the United States exhibits its difand the boundless claims of these petty institutions.2 The success of the bank in the agreement of the 1st of
and in its dealings with most of the banks of the interior was intensely gratifying to Secretary Crawford, who
February
At last the government expressed his pleasure to President Jones. in which had common the people a medium " might discharge their taxes," in which to collect its dues in possession of a and pay its debts, while the country was sound It was that the course now currency.3 of presumed public finance and of business enterprise would be easy and to show that the bank was still plain. Yet there was much difficulties.The business situation confronted with enormous
was
not
one
to beget
with importations of English goods, to overtrading in all lines, to excessive issues of bank paper, and to
changed
management
vania, PennsylApril 30, 1817, ibid., p. 787 ; Committee Jones to Crawford, of western Ohio Banks to Smith, Virginia, April 14, 1817, ibid., p. 788. eastern and been made Some of to have banks. Various arrangements seem with the western interest on did not pay the balances the 1st of July. "The them western until from the payment interest from the 20th banks, which have enjoyed an immunity of
of February p. 544.
2
Crawford
to Chillicothe
Bank,
Most
Boston,
3
"
was understand with the banks of the middle states. Slight misof the State Bank of with eastern banks, as in the case Bank of Maine, ibid., p. 813. the Kennebec
from the supporters of the bank charter expected has The vitiated state of the currency that institution have already realized. has been equalized in every been restored, the rate of exchange part of the nation,
The
great
objects which
been
commerce
substantially
promoted."
"
Crawford
to Jones,
28
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
In these circumstances the directorate showed littlediscretion. It is true the government pation urged as early a particiin business as possible, sanctioned the agreement of the 1st of February, and itself secured the first of all the
bank's loans in December,1
were
accommodated must share the responsibility with the bank. government March discounts were $9,436,000, while the circulation
viduals while, largely for its benefit, indiIn so far the early in January.2 In
was
$4,565,398.3 The
effect,but demanded by
was
now
in
The
a
Bank
of rapid expansion, urged thereto by the government, and by the briskness of In trade and the opportunities for favorable investment. April, with six branches in operation, its productive funds
amounted
to
States had,
career
the discounts were stock. Though in July led to a extended, the action of the government further expansion, for in that month the treasury redeemed over $13,000,000of the public stock in the possession of the
bank.4
thus
directors complained bitterly that they were forced to grant further discounts, apparently being of
were
The
bound
to
secure
large dividends,
ness remarkable criterion by which to regulate the busiof a bank.5 in the bank's situation There were several circumstances at this moment which should have warned all concerned that The amount it was not running a safe course. of specie in
most
its vaults
1
was
excessively meager.
Yet
at
The
no
sum
other
was
period
A.
Smith
to Crawford,
$500,000.
Jan. 7, 1817, ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 307; report C., 15th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. IV, p. 1298.
2
of 1819; LOWNDES,
of
$13,043,767.13.Report
"
of the treasurer
of the United
In July
the bank
380, 381.
paid
dividend.
2.6 per
ADMINISTRATION
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
29
by the exigencies of the over-issues of the state banks, by the inflation of the currency, by the almost total lack of coin to keep on hand a large stock of the vaults outside its own
it more
bound
"
precious metals.
was
Nevertheless, in April, 1817, the amount while as late as July, after the payment only $1,811,839, of the third instalment to its capital, it aggregated
the
of $2,129,368. At this pitiably inadequate sum the bank should have held at least twice the amount.1 moment At no time, however, during the firsttwo years of its existence only
2 did its specie holdings reach $3,000,000. The location of its loans ought also to have caused suspicion. Although doing business in July, 1817, three-fifths twelve officeswere
made at Philadelphia and Baltimore,3 and of the loans were the same state of affairsexisted in October, when these two discounted over $21,000,000 out of a total of $33,000,offices
If the other thirteen officesthen in active operation had discounted to anything like this extent, the loans of the
000.*
bank
of $100,000,000. no attempted, and the close of check was apparently left the bank in a very flourishing
been
far in
excess
dividend of 4 per cent, being condition, a semi-annual declared in January, 18 18.5 In March the investments were
1 Under the charter $7,000,000 of the capital should have been in specie, and at least $4,500,000hould have been in its possession in January, 1817, before beginning s
active operations.
2
1817
-
1818
1819
$1,160,072
1,811,839 2,129,368 2,271,611
$2,184,088 $2,357,137
2,666,696
-F.,
Total
New
discounts,
discounted $25,770,120;
p. 352.
at
Philadelphia,
I $5,224,041."bid.,
York, Baltimore,
those
Savannah,
delphia, at PhilaNorfolk,
New
Charleston.
had
town,
been
added Conn.
$8,405,902." Ibid., p. 353. Offices $12,686,601;at Baltimore, R. I. ; and MiddleN. H. ; Providence, July at Portsmouth, since
5/6id., p. 382.
30
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
stillmounting,
being then
of
over $50,657,683.64,
$41,000,000
of which
consisted
loans and
$9,045,-
the forward was movement point, however, checked, the bank's business began to diminish, and it was In November the total wrong. evident that something was this less were $44,115,078.59, about $8,000,000 accommodations than in July, while circulation had fallen to $7,286,069.49, The bank was, in almost two millions less than in July.
and
was
the result of certain causes which had been steadily at work from the first. Three of these were of prime importance : mismanagement, the state of the currency in 1817-19, and speculation
itself. The
and fraud at Philadelphia and Baltimore. Blind ignorance was probably the chief factor in putting the bank in peril. President Jones's conception of the bank's
he rightly Though was essentially mistaken. management regarded the bank and its branches as one system, to be administered as a unit, he did not think it necessary to fix the capitals
and
keep them
offices to settle their accounts funds by bills of exchange or transfer of specie when they drew for funds by the issue of bank notes or the selling of
drafts.2 The
1
attempt to manage
N. C., Chillicothe,
Fayetteville,
O., Louisville,
been added."
2
in its interests.
of the United States is integral in its organization, but indivisible Its offices,although distantly located, have tions no analogy to instituby local authority, and the apparent interest of any established particular nah Jones to the Savanto the general interest." office must necessarily be subordinate
"The
Bank
"
Branch,
"
Dec.
of the part of the system will please observe, sir, that it is no for a definite capital to the respective offices,to be employed the benefit of their several districts ; but to extend or control their operations, as the the requisitions of the Government, exigencies of commerce, and the general interest
parent
Your
board
board
to give
ADMINISTRATION
OP
WILLIAM
I
JONES
31
CHART
Feb.
Oct.
March
July
Jan.
Total accommodations
$30,000,000
e.,
loani. dlsand
SUU"
coonts,
United
"toeki
45,000,000
40,000,000
Total deposits
and circulation
35,000,000
i. e.,
immediate
liabilitin
demand
30,000,000
25,000,000
Circulation
20,000,000
15,000,000
10,000,000
Specie
5,000,000
OPERATIONS
OP
THE
BANK,
FEBRUARY,
1817,
TO
JANUARY,
1819
32
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
with this conception left the bank without a rational plan of 1 "a operations. There was perfect want of system." It need hardly be added that Jones did not stand alone in his ignorance, the directors both at Philadelphia and at
being his peers in this respect. Moreover, the officersand the boards of the southern and western branches incompetent were by All were and disobedient. swayed
local interests in making discounts 2 and did not understand the proper rules of safe banking, renewing notes over and " " over again,3 loaning on mortgages, inventing race-horse
the branches
bills,4 and issuing notes and drafts without furnishing the for their redemption. losses at the branches The means were enormous.5 resulting from improper management
A flagrant example of culpable ignorance or worse the system of stock loans. The board at Philadelphia
on
was
counted dis-
the bank's stock at 25 per cent, in advance of its par value.6 This was and the stock certainly objectionable, loans were reprehensible for several additional reasons:
of the institution shall from 6, 1818, F., Vol. in, p. 335.
1
Branch,
Feb.
James
C. Fisher to Ruf
p. 150.
us
King,
Life and
are
Correspondence
of Rufus
King,
2
Vol. VI,
"
We
individual
CHEVES,
3
renew
"
have too many branches, and the directors Cheves and lopal interests and feelings." Exposition, Oct., 1822, p. 73.
"
frequently
to Crawford,
"
It
a
was
proven
which 11 WHEATON,
note
that this note had been sent to the office at Chillicothe, to by the same had been five or six times previously renewed parties." " " from 433. See a similar case 60 days every of a note renewed
615.
Thus
is, the payment by the purchase one. bill of exchange of a new of one New bill sent from Orleans to Nashville for collection would not be collected bill on ; but instead the Nashville office would allow the debtor to draw a new being paid, and hence to and fro without another office. The bills kept running " " " " bills. racers or were called race-horse
a
That
5"
A different management
more
saved
and gained president of the branches. at the and confidential men of gain the bank has sustained by the want of competent head of the branches."" Cheves to Crawford, May 27, 1819, Exposition, p. 73.
6
than
in the business of each have of several offices would dollars per year to each have paid five thousand would Nay there is no calculating the actual loss and the loss
It
was
necessary,
however,
to have
collateral
excess
of 25 per
cent."
ADMINISTRATION They
OP
WILLIAM
JONES
33
were
and directors not only granting this power, but placing the sum at of $2,000,000 the disposal of the executive officersfor the stock loans.2 The granting of such purpose of making new
by the presifrequently renewed,1 and renewed dent cashier without the intervention of the board, the
loans tied up the capital of the bank and placed it in peril in case of a fall in the price of the stock. counts Finally, the disto speculators and thus made were most commonly brokers,3 and were frequently being made to individuals for and
excessive
sums
in amount,
loans
of
$365,000, $400,000,
suffered to extend Jones's " system "
$1,800,000.*
The
western
their discounts
without any bad enough ; but worse lowed, folwas for every restriction on their operations was removed by the adoption of a plan to regulate the currency, commendable in itself, but impossible of execution in the existing
state
notes
was
fixed, and
the
attempt
to
pay
the
presented.
"
The
a
object
to establish
would not from its place of issue, because convertible wherever For a time this result was the bank had a branch. secured. Unfortunately a depreciated state-bank currency, universal
which
over-trading, and the course of exchange did not permit this The state of laudable measure to be successfully continued.
1 was Out of stock loans for $8,046,932.64 least $5,231,267.60 at
constantly
renewed.
"Ibid.,
p. 337.
from Aug. 12 to times for this purpose, voted at various from $9,913,277in Oct., 1817, The loans on bank stock ran For authority i to $10,335,211.46n Oct., 1818, when the resolutions were rescinded. to president and cashier to loan, see ibid., p. 341.
2 Sums of $500,000were Sept. 9, 1817." Ibid., p. 346.
A.
p. 1311.
ibid., p. 1316.
consistent
a
friend
of the
were,
bank,
many
large
loans
"
the discounts,
"
excessive
in amount."
pledge
of stock,
condemned of them,
34
the
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
currency and the business of the country determined that the course of exchange should be almost constantly in favor of the East and North, and against the West and South.1 Under these circumstances the notes of the southern and Hence would not be returned upon them. This they did,2 they could issue their paper without check. loans. The Cincinnati and consequently piled up enormous
western
branches
branch
$1,800,000 in June, 1818; that at Lexington, Ky., $1,619,000in the same month, and $1,712,discounted
over
000 in November
illustrate what
was
of that year.
These
cases
going on at every western bank.3 The discounts at Boston and New York larger than those at one of these comparatively
western
scarcely insignificant
towns.
Like
of the
redeemed the course
southern
to namely, at the eastern offices, which The result was that of exchange carried them. the business of the eastern offices was almost destroyed,
somewhere,
discounts They
i
"
being
low
were
denuded
The
....
former,
between the West exchanges and the Atlantic are between The exchanges the North and the Sonth
in its favor.""
of the year against the latter, and for another Dec. 7, 1820, F., Vol. Ill, p. 589.
2
" It was no said, Feb. 20, 1819 : the practical operation [of of the system of which he .was speaking of unfair account to the branches, where to paying the bank notes indiscriminately] say, that it gave the entire disposition of the specie of those branches was the exchange unfavorable,
See
Lowndes
favorable." A. of C., 15th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. II, p. 1288. was the exchange into instead of circulating as currency, are bills of the corporation, converted a medium at sight, in any of the Eastern cities."" Report of equal exchange, payable Aug. 26, 1818, F., Vol. Ill, p. 325. of Bank Committee,
"
Discount
and
exchange
(cents omitted)
Cincinnati 1817
Lexington 1817
Chillicoth*
Louisville
July October
....
June
....
November
"Monthly
Statements
of the Bank,
ADMINISTBATION
OP
WILLIAM
JONES
35
and state banks,1 and finally the capital of the bank shifted to the South and West, and could not be recovered. The were such that, consequences of mismanagement
when
at last,in July, 1818,
consciousness
of
the
were
absolutely unable to check the offices. paid by the southern and western branches
that they should diminish their to the reiterated demands business. In spite of this disobedience, the parent board
of the offending directors, and took no effectual step to control them, until the adoption of the 2 general resolutions of August 28, 1818."
"
never
removed
one
Up
permitted
over-trade and to inflate the currency Yet, even the loans of the branches.3
its own
to
of
managed
officeswith foresight and according to correct principles, it could not have effected the principal purposes
for which it was established, in the southern and western states, because it lacked courage to insist upon the payment These had always of debts due to it from the state banks. large balances against them at the Bank of the United
States, constituting loans without interest to these amounts.* Not being called on for balances, they continually inflated
their issues and
1 To
expanded
their discounts.5
Moreover,
the end of December, $6,293,392." jF\,Vol. Ill, p. 331. periods, less than p. 589.
2
"
nothing.""
York, 1818, Boston ; received in specie $1,622,800 New Yet the capital of these offices " united was, at some Memorial, Bank of the United States, Dec. 7, 1820, ibid.,
And such was the want of firmness or of foresight in the parent board, that, finding its repeated disregarded, it never one remonstrances of the removed after directors, and took no effectual step to control them, until the adoption of offending 28, 1818, forbidding the offices to draw on the general resolutions of August each other."
3
"
Report
of Investigating
Committee,
Ibid., p. 307.
$1,203,874;July, $2,463
July, $2,908,160.". D. 128, 25th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 308. S 1819, Jan., $2,624,797;
5
In 1818
of Solomon,
"
have
in the days been more plentiful at Jerusalem in Ohio, Kentucky, and the adjoining regions."
"
GOUGE
36
THE
SECOND
was
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
leniency
to
shown
which was not extended influential people were many not stockholders that it was
advisable to give offense by demanding payment in specie, anxious to keep the banks in the humor and borrowers were of the United States, even when it attempted to press its claims, found insuperable obstacles Hence to collecting in coin.3 the state banks a
to lend.2
Thus
the Bank
enjoyed
banks
was
of the vast majority of the striking contrast to this favor shown the attitude toward the national bank.
a
Banks, brokers, and traders made coin from its vaults,* an operation management and bankers
them
in
business
Brokers excessive discounts. permitting constantly bought up its notes and presented for redemption, drew specie, sold it at an advance, bank
notes, presented
bought
so
on
them, drew
ad
infinitum.5
It will consequently be perceived that the bank could draw any neither keep the little specie it began with nor
1
The
bank
was
aware
that,
annum
"
as
it
penalty forbearance
"
of 12 per
cent, per
to pay
A Treatise
professedly a specie bank, liable, under a delicacy and its notes on demand, the same it as to the state banks." RAGUET, towards
was
"
p. 304, Report
to Pennsylvania
Senate,
Jan.
29, 1820.
zCRAwroBD,
to Eppes,
Report
Dec.
to H.
the community over large demands to make 302, 303, Report to Pennsylvania
their power
boldness
upon
See also Crawford " banks were city sensible that have the that few individuals would so great, " for coin." RAGUET, On Banking," them pp.
The
"
Senate, Jan. 29, 1820. inability, require with indulgence, unreasonable settled indifference.""
3
or
"
The
our
banks,
our
debtors, plead
treat
Jones
*
"
and expostulations claims reiterated May 29, 1818, F., Vol. IV, p. 845. to Crawford, The fact is,that the bills of the bank India traders, in order to draw
are
brokers, and
to procure
Jones to Crawford,
5
sought after with avidity by banks, ticable the specie, which they find it impracpartial degree and with great difficulty.""
So laudable
even
to aid
state
banks
occasionally used States, quoted by of the United cashier of the Bank July 12, 1819, ibid., p. 890; and cashier at Cincinnati to cashier Cheves to Crawford, of United States bank, ibid.
"
that
Letter
OP
WILLIAM
JONES
37
to
state
banks.1
It
was,
therefore, compelled
specie, if it wished to continue paying specie. To like enthuthis foolish task it gave itselfwith something siasm foolish because the bank bought at an advance in Europe and sold at a loss in the United States. This was
"
bailing water with a sieve. due to mismanagement The censure be measured can only by taking into account the state of the currency during When it began operations, the early days of the bank.
at an advance of 14 per cent, in Boston and New specie was York, and of 6 per cent, in the West.2 This premium should have ceased on the 20th of February, and, if resumption had been complete, it should have ceased everywhere. In May,
however,
"
though
as
our
banks
was some
ostensibly
pay
specie, it is almost
ago to see a dollar. 'Paper July the prices of bank paper show greater variation than in February.4 In October Spanish silver dollars were at a York premium of 1^ per cent, in New city, and Niles declared that, though
helped the Bank the exchanges, Baltimore paper called bank notes, at almost every depreciated rate from ^ to 75 per cent." 5 On the 25th of the same month, President Jones asserted that the paper of the banks " of the interior of Pennsylvania
1
"
rare
it
"
had
"
as
The
no
facts
States has
to Crawford,
2 *
May
been that the Bank stated prove of the United by which to replenish its vaults with specie." Jones 29, 1818, F., Vol. IV, p. 845.
"
20.
NILES,
17, 1817.
In New
Baltimore, South
York city Boston notes were at 1A per cent, and 1 per cent, discount; Virginia, 1 and 1!4 per cent.; North Carolina, 3 per cent.; 54 percent.; Carolina, 11A per cent. ; Georgia, 2 per cent. ; Louisiana, 8 per cent. ; New England,
cent."
1 to 2 per
5
1!4 to 2 per cent, discount; Massachusetts, par to 2 per cent. ; to 1 per cent. ; Rhode Island, 1 to 3 per cent. ; New York, par to 75 incorporated, 15 to 25 to 12 per cent. ; unincorporated, per cent. ; Pennsylvania, par 2 to 10 per cent. ; Maryland, Baltimore, par ; others, 4 to 20 per per cent. ; Delaware, itself others were 2 to 5 per cent, discount) ; District of Columbia, cent, (in Baltimore
Connecticut,
par
New
Hampshire,
38
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
it had
STATES
twelve
a
of money
'
ago." from 4 to
as
months
dollars bore
and
4" per
was
cent, in New
York
7 per cent, advance in Boston, and York.3 By this time the commercial 7 per cent, in New panic had fairly started, and all through 1819 bank notes forward In 1820 Crawford came went from bad to worse. specie
at
6" to
" with the honest confession that in several of the States the of the circulation is not even ostensibly convertible great mass into specie at the will of the holder," and that, during
" " the greater part of the time the since specie resumption, notes into specie has been rather convertibility of bank than real in the largest portion of the Union." nominal There are two conclusions : first, while many of the banks
"
'
actually paid specie for their notes, the specie was valuable than the notes; secondly, most of the banks
more
only
pretended to pay specie. Yet by the very conditions of its existence the Bank of the United States was compelled to act as if specie resumption was complete: it had to pay specie for its notes under
penalty, if it refused, of forfeiting 12 per cent, on the amount demanded; to was and to fail in restoring specie payments for its existence. Under these circumlose the very reason stances
should have kept its dealings as restricted possible, for, unless it did this, it could not enforce restricthe bank
as
15 to Bank of, par ; others 2 per cent. ; Virginia, chartered banks, par ; unchartered, 25 per cent. ; North Carolina, State Bank, IVi to 2 per cent. ; Newbern and Cape Fear, 3 4 to 7 per to 4 per cent. ; South Carolina, 1 per cent. ; Georgia, 2 per cent. ; Kentucky, 5 to 10 per cent. ; cent. ; Tennessee, 7 per cent. ; Ohio, 8 to 25 per cent. ; Louisiana,
in New
York."
2
NILES,
Vol. XIII,
to
same,
Same
March
9, ibid., p. 832.
3
*
nominally accordingly day. We say nominally, because in point of fact, a bona the appointed did not take place as is evident from the well-known circumstance, fide resumption as for a long time after that period, American that well as foreign coins would on the spot a price in city bank notes above their nominal value." command
F., Vol., Ill, p. 496, Report, Feb. 24, 1820. RAQDET, " Specie payments Senate, Feb. 29, 1820, says :
on
Report
vania to Pennsyl-
resumed
ADMINISTRATION
tion upon the
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
39
without such restriction no was effective resumption possible. The over-issues of the banks would drive specie out of the country and compel
suspension. To mismanagement
were
added was established the country was passing through a period of reckless inflation and speculation, in which gambling in bank
the wretched state of the currency When the bank speculation and fraud. and
features. Banks one were stocks was of the most marked being chartered all through the states, and from 1815 to " 1818 there was a perfect mania for them. Wherever there
is
a and a tavern' seems proper site for one of them!" says Niles.1 This passion for stock speculation was unusually violent in Philadelphia and Baltimore, and at these places the opportunity for speculating
'church,
blacksmith's
shop
States was
taken
in
seized at the
names
once.
of
15,628 persons, while at Philadelphia twice the amount was subscribed for by 3,566 persons.2 Most of these shares, however, were actually bought by a few individuals, who
placed them in the names of others in order that they might increase the number of their votes and thus control the bank.3 In this way some fifteen persons in Baltimore held about three-fourths of the stock there, and probably three-fourths of all the bank's stock
i
were
one
hun-
NILBS,
Boston New
....
York Philadelphia
Baltimore
....
...
thus subscribed for about one-seventh the stock, and had one-fourth had nearly one-third total number Philadelphia votes. of the stock, twoof ninths of the votes." F., Vol. Ill, p. 349.
the
3
Baltimore
George
Williams,
no
of Baltimore,
By
Ibid., p. 372. 1,172 shares in 1,172 names. how thirty votes, no matter over much could cast I. See Appendix
took
"
40
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
dred persons.1 The consequences of these tactics was that a clique of Philadelphia and Baltimore stock-jobbers controlled it was the bank as soon as plying organized, Baltimore alone supwithin 115 of a majority all the voters present at of the firstelection for directors.2 This littleband of gamblers
to direct the bank's success, attempted, with only too much business so as to manipulate the price of the stock in the The men open market.3 who took the principal part in this directors of the bank, notably James Buchanan, action were
Williams, and Dennis Smith, of Baltimore, assisted by the complicity or incapacity of the president of the bank Jones's and the cashiers at Philadelphia and Baltimore. George
considered him a man of integrity,4but it is absolutely powerless to check painfully evident that he was the schemes of the gamblers and totally blind to his duty in contemporaries He the premises. Smith, and Williams profitson
1
weak as to permit Buchanan, to make him a present of some $18,000 speculation in the stock.5 In addition he himself
was so
"
The
225
or
Vol. XIV,
fifteen control230 all told," about ling 35, March 14. 1818. p.
2 3
7, 1818.
The
cess: sucprice of stock during the early days of the bank will show with what April 1, 1817, 118 on a 100; May 12, 125; May 28, 130; June 9, 131; July 10, 140.5;
Sept. March
1, 137; Sept.
4, 150; Dec.
1, 141; July
1, 136; Aug.
8,127.25; Sept.
as
low
as
92.5.
"
After this it went steadily down, until in June, 1819, it was Conspiracy Cases, pp. 97-9. See "Exhibit of Losses at Baltimore,"
so
in the policy of the Baltimoreans, involved himself so completely ford Crawhe taken in their toils, that he obeyed no other impulse." completely Oallatin's Writings, Vol. II, p. 113 ; see also to Gallatin, July 24, 1819, ADAMS,
*
But
"
he had
was
"
SERGEANT,
5
A.
p. 1384.
in Kay, for Jones without his knowledge shares were purchased later he was informed Somewhat 1817, at $132 a share. of this, and the stock was then selling transferred to him in July at the price originally paid, though stock was he sold it to D. A. Williams, one of those who had first at $140.50. The next month
One
thousand
" it for him, at $150 a share. Had there been any loss, " the company of stockjobbers it. The was had resolved that Jones should transaction not share whole mony to end." Jones's testino stock being transferred from beginning purely speculative, mony, testiCommittee before Investigating of 1819, F., Vol. Ill, p. 364; Williams's
bought
ibid., p. 372; Smith's testimony, ibid., p. 374; McCulloch's to the House, Feb. 5, 1819, ibid., p. 413.
testimony,
ibid., p.
ADMINISTRATION bought
were
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
41
considerable extent.1 Most of the board four of the number consisas culpable as Jones, not over tently to inflatethe price of the stock.2 opposing the measures and sold to
a
attempt to inflate stock values was evident in almost all the acts of the directors. Of this character was the resolution of the board to discount on the security of the bank's stock in order to furnish stockholders with facilitiesto pay the second instalment.3 By this action the specie part of for the most part left unpaid, the bank the instalment was
notes, or notes of the state banks. receiving instead its own " Thus," wrote King indignantly, " tho' the Law says a sum in specie double the firstpayment shall be made at the second
The
period or Instalment, the Directors feel no scruple with a dispensation, which will prove so seriously mischievous in * Another measure the early resumption of Cash Payments."
whose
was
to enhance the price of the stock prime motive was the resolution of the 26th of August, giving stockholders the privilege of discounting on their stock at an advance
on
of 25 per cent,
the par value thereof, the directors naively necesalleging, as a defense for their action, that it was sary " to extend the discounts of the bank, in order
....
dealt in 1,575 shares from Oct. 7, 1817, to Aug., 1818 (not counting the above from $139 to $153 a share in all over $200,000worth of stock. Ibid., p. 364. He
"
J. C. Fisher
to
Rufus
Correspondence
of Rufus
Resolutions of 18th and 27th of Dec., 1816, F., Vol. Ill, pp. 335, 336. It is true, however, that, resolution or no resolution, the bank would have secured very little specie for the second for, as specie was instalment, then at a heavy it would premium,
3
have
to refuse payment profitable for the stockholder and forfeit the first Moreover, in operation, its own the bank was since notes could already bo presented for specie with which to pay the instalment, as could also the notes of Nov. 11, 1818, ibid., p. 288. It was specie-paying state banks." Jones to Crawford,
been
dividend.
the charter ments instalthat was this method when granted, of paying be adopted the first would (MASON'S remarks, A. of C., 14th Cong., 1st after Sess., Vol. I, p. 236), in and, indeed, every bank chartered in that day began operations the same CALHODN, Jan. 7, 1817, A. of C., 14th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 431. way." precisely
recognized,
Nevertheless,
the directors
were
culpable
in
so
far
as
they gave
the requirements
*Life and
of Rufus
King,
42
to
THE
SECOND
a
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
to
STATES
stockholders."1
afford
was
reasonable
dividend
the
This
laudable ambition, and just a as undoubtedly the highest price the stock ever bore follower! undoubtedly immediately upon the resolution.2 A third measure designed purpose was that creating a market for the by the establishment of an officein London stock in England to pay the dividends of foreign holders "at the par of The committee exchange, at the risk and expense of the bank."
to meet
the
same
did so on the ground this measure which recommended " " of the advantage to be derived by enhancing the value of the stock.3 These efforts were only too successful, and for
the stock commanded a premium of from 50 to 56 per cent, in the market, an advance for which there was absolutely
some
time
no
justification.
and fraud was the principal scene of mismanagement was dent presiofficeat Baltimore, of which James A. Buchanan and James W. McCulloch cashier. Baltimore at this
The
time
firm of Smith and Buchanan was city, and for twenty-five years had formed and controlled the "moral, political,and commercial character" of Baltimore.6 Remembering this, one may easily imagine that it boded little
at the head of the branch. good to the bank to have Buchanan McCulloch, the cashier, was a penniless clerk of the house.8 It has already been pointed out that the Baltimore stockholders
and The
of all sorts of
names
almost controlled the bank by the scheme of buying in which the stock could be held. The next step of
IF., Vol. Ill, pp. 341, 842.
2
Philadelphia,
in September For
Aug.
Sept.
7,155;
New
York,
Sept. 2, 155.
Later
3
148 and
11 to 10. Report resolution, ibid., p. 343, Nov 28, 1816. The vote was ibid., p. 342, Nov. 26. See also letter of John Donnell, ibid., p. 343. committee,
*
of
J. Q. ADAMS,
Ibid.
Memoirs,
was
Vol. IV,
p. 383.
Smith
United
He
of the firm.
Buchanan directors,
managed
See
also 2 WHEATON,
61.
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
43
was
to form
Buchanan,
George
This
view
:
Williams, all of Baltimore, composed this company.1 in little band of speculators had one prime object to manipulate the price of the stock in order to make
As
means
fortunes.
of the Baltimore directors. were where Williams and Buchanan The methods by the general management employed inflatethe price of the stock have been already related.
Baltimore
the
to attain this end, they had possession officeand unusual influence at Philadelphia,
to
At
swollen to an of the branch was In the first in enormous extent with the same object view. two years the Baltimore discounts ranged from five to twelve and a half millions; the drafts on other offices, particularly
those
was as
business
in
the North,
were
frequent and
excessive. in 1818
Specie
limited in amount, and once $26,714. The debt to the bank always
fell as low
was
and
over
branches
of the time
$8,000,000.2
in his testimony before the committee of the House, stated in a company largely; Smith " Buchanan, who concerned purchased the company."" and Mr. McCulloch, of Baltimore, together with himself, composed F., Vol. Ill, p. 372. Williams the man was who took 1,172 shares of the stock in the in order that he might exert a great influence in the election names of 1,172 persons for the The 1,000 shares in 1,000 names Ibid. company also purchased of directors.
George
Williams,
that
"he
was
"
same
purpose.
"
testimony.
Drafts 1818:
drawn
on
Bank On On
On On
of the United
States
.....
and
branches
$3,684,157
1,072,008 1,831,514 1,294,000
.......
......
.......
Total
........
$7,881,679
"Ibid.,
p. 328.
The
issues
were
not
managers,
Cashier
that
was
that
not the fault of the " had never the office had
Baltimore
a
cient suffi-
supply
of its own
Ibid., p. 377.
44
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
to increase the price of the stock, the working bought still larger quantities. In April and manipulators 19,940 June, 1817, Buchanan and McCulloch purchased
While
shares in different lots from D. A. Smith at 19, 20, and 36 12,000 shares at 155.1 per cent, advance, and in December The total was 31,900 shares, for which they paid $4,451,376.
much determined,
How
more
extensive
their dealings
were
cannot
be
but they held 15,490 additional shares in March, 1819,2 making the sum of their purchases at least $6,397,626. Purchases
so
extensive
demanded
was
it from
the bank,
agreed to accept bank stock at an advance of 25 and per cent, above par as security for loans.3 Buchanan to buy more McCulloch the money consequently borrowed stock on a pledge of the stock they already held. At the in this way. bank in Philadelphia they borrowed $1,957,700 but At Baltimore they procured $1,629,436.12,* here, though
the loans
were
presumably secured by stock, there were the entire actually only 2,558 shares in the office to cover debt.5 At an advance of 25 per cent, these shares secured only $329,750 out of this total of over $1,600,000. The conspirator loaned themselves
the remainder without giving As the cashier was the keeper of all
stock pledged, none of the directors could know that no stock from That they might draw these sums was given in by them. the officewithout security, and without the knowledge of the board of directors, Buchanan declared to and McCulloch
1
Testimony
of D. A. Smith, X.
March
Cases, p. 137.
2/Md.,
3
Aug.
26, 1817.
"It
is expedient
a
that
the
notes
loans
to
on
the
stock
of
the
two
bank
approved
be
extended
names."
"
share, upon
that
amount,
with
*For
pp.
the
a
77-83,
5
debt at Philadelphia ibid., p. 91, Paper X; for that at Baltimore, see list of loans upon March 8, 1819. the office at Baltimore, stock at
X.
ADMINISTRATION
the
OP
WILLIAM
JONES
45
of stock loans was making delphia executive business, and that they had authority from Philato make such loans without the consent of the board. Baltimore board that the
At other times, to conceal their designs from outside parties, they claimed that they had this authority from the Baltimore less These declarations were board. absolutely false.2 Neverthethe Baltimore directors acquiesced, and their acquiescence
shows reprehensible slackness and almost criminal neglect. At this point active fraud begins, for it was only after this the president and cashier had arrogated to themselves
the vast proportions already that their debts assumed On the llth of August, 1817, the discounts on noted. 3 bank stock were only $314,850. On the 12th, however,
power
after the usurpation of authority by Buchanan to $857,350,the result of the rose and McCulloch, the sum discount of a note for Smith and Buchanan,* and by the llth immediately
Buchanan, with the aid of his accomplice, of September McCulloch, had loaned himself $798,301.77on stock security.5 borrowed $574,001.036 in the same McCulloch ner, manthough
he
was
Williams
secured
absolutely without means, and George $169,833. 34,7 the total amount owed by
on
bank
$1,542,renewed,
136. 14.8
1
"
These
notes,
moreover,
constantly
He proved That after some time early was next examined. 1817, he thinks the 10th or llth, no stock notes, to the best of his recollection to the Board, for discount ever or renewal ; until some and belief, were submitted in January, Board the Parent 1819, when an was time order of received, forbidding
R. L. Colt
....
in August,
them
and
Jas. W.
the consent enquiry of the Directors : And that on making without A. Buchanan the subject of such loans, he was told by both James business, M'Culloh, the President executive and Cashier, that it was
no concern."
"
with
p. 48;
which he, as a Director, had of A. B. Bankson, p. 46 ; John John Hoffmann, John Finley, p. 119.
24, by-laws
Conspiracy
Cases, p. 48.
Also testimony
White,
p. 46 ; Jas. Beatty,
McKiin,
Jr., Jos. W.
p. 50; Thos.
2
Ibid., pp.23,
of the
*
bank;
testimony
directors,
pp.
76 id., p. 139.
Ibid., p. 29.
*Ibid., pp.
there
were
several
This differs slightly from the figures already to them not counted which were stock loans made
as
46
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
of interest, and without the knowledge without the payment did their loans cease or consent of the board;1 nor when the parties were ruined.2 absolutely certain that they were 11, 1819, the stock was at 107,3 and the loss of the stock company by this decline in price, counting in brokerage, commission, and other incidental charges, was
Thus
on
January
$1,444,074. Yet
them.4
they
renewed
their notes
and
added
to
had evaded the superand McCulloch vision of the local board by usurping the power to make stock loans, yet the loans had to be entered on the books of the bank, and thus the chances of discovery were enhanced
to such
Though
Buchanan
degree that continued concealment seemed impossible, since the directors had the right, and it was their duty,
a
to examine
the books.
recorded
and caused no comment.5 be remembered neglected their plain duty, though it must that many of them believed that they had no authority to inquire into the business of loaning on stock. Moreover, there
was
at first glance
were
littleground
the books
entered
mention
manner
on
any
of what
the stock
how
much
it
in what
secured.8
They Stock loans did not comprise the whole of their debt. of the company. his account, Each loans on personal security for small amounts. secured overdrew to the great mass sums minor of the debt. The added and in several other ways to the sum to $497,723.40(ibid.),hich, added w already given, made whole amounted
use
total of $1,982,098.66.
i
Conspiracy
3
*
[the books]
dates,
amounts,
persons,
6
"
to such the fact, that such notes, drawn by such at such periods, and and endorsed payable for the Traversers, Idem, ibid., p. 178. discounted as stock notes."
doubt
disclosed
"
They
now
This is fully and undeniably wholly silent on all these heads. Cashier and the Clerks, and by the books themselves present been for a fortnight, day by day, to the as they have and open
of the notes
; its nature,
as
They of the Traversers and their counsel. simply speak but make no of the stock pledged mention whatever stock notes ; inspection
its
ADMINISTRATION
To
OF
WILLIAM
JONES
47
a evade the vigilance of the Baltimore directors was none triflingtask ; to evade that of the central board was at completely in the possession all. Jones, said Crawford, was of the Baltimoreans, and there can be no doubt that Cashier
But when the panic fell,in so. quite as much the autumn tinue. of 1818, this state of affairscould no longer conOn the 20th of October a call was sent out from
Smith
was
Philadelphia, asking for lists of the stock loans at all the There were branches.1 three points included in this call,on required: (a)a separate each of which full information was list of notes discounted to Philadelphia;
to be forwarded security was (6)with the names of the drawers and a description of the stock pledged. and indorsers ; (c) Discovery stared the unhappy wretches in the face, and for
on
stock
On the 26th to abandon they seemed all hope. wrote to the officers at Philadelphia, of October McCulloch saying that the information desired would soon be forwarded.2
a
moment
carried to Philadelphia a list of the stock loans, which he intended to present to the board, and in all its nakedness the which would have revealed at once Cashier Smith, however, fraud which had been practiced.
It
seems
that he
then
dissuaded
him
from
doing this.3 He
and on the 9th of November intended to pave the way for a Philadelphia,4 which was falsification the records of the Baltimore branch. Loans, of
amount,
in which the pledge was All these matters or the manner were secured. the Traversers, Buchanan the sole cognizance of within and M'Culloh, as President the custody and Cashier ; and to the latter exclusively belonged of the Stock itself. See testimony Idem. All this is undeniable."" John White, ibid., p. 47. of
i/6id.,p.
2
"
27. directed
I have
granted
here
as
upon
can
and
up, and as soon personal security, to be made Ibid., p. 58. to you." ; it shall be forwarded
3 4
it
Testimony
"
of D. A. Smith,
ibid., pp.
62, 63.
....
a the delay in upon preparing stock at this office, list correctly, arises from a necessity to examine loans for some this these debited to loans on stock, which time back, as entries have been sometimes should have been to bills on personal security, and vice versa." to Smith, ibid. McCulloch
am
list of borrowers
furnishing
"
48
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
he asserted, had been mistakenly entered as loans on stock followed instead of as loans on personal security.1 McCulloch up his letter by rectifying the presumably false entries.
This he did by transferring to the account of notes on personal from the stock list, security $852,683.64 and of course With this substitudiminishing that list by this amount.2 tion
Buchanan stock to
on secure
and
McCulloch
$645,400, and
14th
the
as
amount
owed
of November by them.3
showed
precisely
that
For the time the speculators were saved, but not for long. immediately In January President Jones resigned, and steps were taken to correct abuses everywhere, and especially at On January 22, 1819, an order was issued from Baltimore.
the bank
at Philadelphia
or
renewal
of any discount on the security of stock without the consent of the board of directors.4 This put an end to any further of the funds of the Baltimore office by the manipulation
president
i
"
and
cashier.
On
the
1st of February
another
and inspected : court will recollect that the books have been produced to the Traversers have laid on the table three weeks, open they and their Coun" has been made Traversers, to point on the part of the and that no attempt sel : 9th import, nor indeed any as this entry and the letter of November out any such errors The That
.
it fully appears, tion by the inspecthat such errors exist. On the contrary by the testimony of the clerks and the present of the books themselves, as well as that Cashier, that no such errors exist. Thus it is established, and indeed admitted, Harper's Argument, Conspiracy Cases, p. 212. For the entry is absolutely false." intimation
"
the evidence
2
see
pp.
67-73, testimony
of clerk and
on
the genuine
W. 1818, James of November, in relation to loans on wrote entry and stock, with did ; from directions to enter it in the day book of that day, which he accordingly into the ledger on the same it was day, and made part of the stock posted whence Ibid, p. 64. that day." account of "Mr.
Butter
then
M'Culloh
the
14th
an
"
See
Buchanan, Whether
list, ibid., pp. 60-62. " The follows: Smith sums are as given George Williams, $221,875and $188,150; total, $645,400. $97,875 and $137,500; is doubtful, but it was to the directors at Philadelphia ever presented
the letter of precisely the same date mentions that a stock list has letters of this date. from See two Ibid., pp. 58, 59. Both are " he says loans In one I send you herein a statement of the existing
a
"
McCulloch.
made
pledged
stock and
personal
security."
27.
49
stock.1 On came an order directed to Baltimore demanding a specific account of the loans at the officemade on stock security.2 Concealment could be continued but a resolution prohibited the 19th of February
new on
any further
loans
littlelonger.3
Before the 16th of March the gentlemen had that they could not pay their debts, and about they handed
in
a
paper
to the directors at
purporting
to these
to show
precisely how
their affairs
stood.4 In addition
acts of the
speculators
as
body,
each of them kept his account after they knew that they were
must
be at hand.5 The mismanagement of the branch was flagrant in this respect, for when McCulloch was removed 6 footed up $200,759.60. Nor was the sums this overdrawn all,for the cashier knowledge of anyone The amount sums.
seems
loans without the made else, and to have kept no record of the 7 loaned was so over $84,000. Finally,
to have
was
found to be
defaulter,
count the sole right to disloans on pledges of stock, by indorsing for each other, by lying to the local board of directors, by false entries in
the books
of the branch, by
at
ibid.
They,
however, in another further deception by handing fraudulent attempted list and another fraudulent list on March false 8. The security personal list of March 8 gives the debts of the parties on follows: as stock security " Buchanan, total, $645,400. Williams, $221,875nd $188,150; $97,875 a and $137,500;
was
stock
loan
this
was
no
part
them
debtors
77-83.
The
false discount
X.
was
Sustained,"
Of
this
sum
Buchanan
debtor
McCulloch $39,916.24,
Williams
^
Ibid., p. 11.
50
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
kept
STATES
But
it
Philadelphia, the
speculation
was
going.
was
the panic of impossible that it should continue when once When the crash came, the country. 1818-19 swept over the parties to this shameless fraud failed to pay $1*401,685.32 of their debts.1
i
Smith
J. W.
" Buchanan's
....
$344,212.43
429,049.80 628,423.09
$1,401,685.32
"
"
Exhibition
of Losses,"
Conspiracy
CHAPTER
THE
III
THE
BANK
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
UNDER
JONES
in straits finally the conviction that the bank was took possession of the directory at Philadelphia, strenuous it. These began July 20, 1818, efforts were made to rescue
WHEN
it was when resolved to curtail $5,000,000 in discounts at Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, In addiand Norfolk. tion,
instructed to call for the office was payment of balances due by the other banks in the District, and the Cincinnati office to collect the balances due from
the Cincinnati banks
at the rate of 20
the Washington
The
reduction was to be mainly and East, outside of Philadelphia, this moment the immediate demand
were
to meet
measures
them
$2,357,000.
soon
period to the most the drafts of the southern namely, offices. Consequently, on the 28th of August
the reduction of the discounts more, at this bank, and its offices at BaltiRichmond Norfolk, be forthwith commenced, the average and at and continued count on rate of at least twelve and a half per cent, on the amount of the income each disday." Philadelphia, Baltimore, $2,000,000; Richmond, $2,000,000; $700,000;
(1) "That
Norfolk, $300,000. (2) " That the president be required to demand of the Bank of Columbia, a satisfactory that the large balance which is now assurance and has long been due from that bank to this institution be discharged, that the whole shall be so liquidated by the 15th day of October next ;
....
....
(3)
payment
"
the cashier of the office at Washington city be directed to demand the balances which be due to that office by the other banks of the may of
....
That
the of the office at Cincinnati be directed to demand the balances which may be due by the State banks in that place, at the reduction of rate of at least 20 per cent, per month, until the whole shall be extinguished." F., Vol. Ill, p. 387.
"
2CHEVE8,
p. 14; NlLES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 90.
51
52
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
series of resolutions was adopted forbidding the offices to receive any notes but their own, except in payments to the United States, prohibiting the further sale of drafts at par, and restricting the purchase of billsof domestic
a
second
If
In October it was
as
found
had
to reduce
The
branches
in the South
failed
of the bank advised that these officesbe required to complete the reduction, be in discounts should and that $1,500,000 more mond, curtailed: $100,000at Middletown, Conn., $400,000 at Richand
$1,000,000 at Baltimore.
Once
more
the
bulk
of the reduction was to fall upon the South, and particularly upon Baltimore, which had already been called upon for a tion reduction of $2,000,000and had failed to make that reducby
prohibited the offices from drawing on each other; called upon the southern and western branches for $700,000 in specie; authorized President Jones to arrange for the
October
importation
taking the offices' the notes of any banks which did not redeem them in specie demand ; and insisted that no further credits be given to on discharged. the Cincinnati banks until the balances already due were
of could proclaim louder the distress of the bank than this report. Nor, if it were obeyed, could anything
$1,500,000 more;
forbade
Nothing
In
discounts
diminished
exchange
had
been
been
3(1)
sum
"That
the
President
a
of the bank.
one
million and
be
coin, to be shipped
account
of
"
have not reduced their discounts, as required by which the 20th of July last, be required to complete said reductions. of to reduce in addition their the following offices be required
....
ATTEMPT be
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
53
effective, since it would not only directly reduce discounts, but indirectly, by the prohibition of selling drafts, go far toward putting a stop to all the southern and western On the other hand, it spelled ruin for thousands, business.
more
been strong, would have been the most evidence of a total incapacity to handle a monetary What the country stringency as it should be handled. had a right to expect at such a time from a bank holding and, had damning the bank
an of the United States was mate extension of credit, the granting at a fair rate of all legitifor loans. demands
by the Bank
to be effective. In March, 1819, seemed a total loans had fallen to $40,640,236.65, reduction of over
The
measures
$3,900,000
The
since
October,
from
reduction
at, the
$7,505,760.55. The
discounts had
been
particular effort being to reduce by $7,000,000, and the difference in this item in the eight $6,530,159.49.The circulation months of contraction was
discounts
at
especially them
the
average
rate of twelve
and
discount
to
day."
follow.) (Names of offices and sums (4) (An order to Charleston to hold specie ready for Savannah, and t $150,000o Philadelphia.) (5) That the offices reciprocally refrain from drawing on each other,
"
ship
upon
or
this bank,
"
until further orders." (6) (Cashier to draw for specie.) in specie or bills at sight Richmond,
------------."----------
on
York
or
Boston
$ 50,000
100,000 100,000 50,000
Pittsburg,
50,000
--
-----
100,000 100,000
Fayetteville, in specie
Total
$550,000"
paid on demand cash notes of banks which has been made.)
notes
(7) (Only
credit payment
as
Not to in specie, to be received everywhere. for to the bank after demand shall be indebted
the
the banks arrangements at Cincinnati shall have with when made for the payment debts, the cashier of of their respective of this bank as cash, provided the office at Cincinnati may receive the notes of any such bank demand." Ibid., pp. its notes in specie on the said bank shall thereafter pay 388,389.
(8)
"
That
cashier
"
54
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES being
secure
fell away
rate, the reduction proportionate $2,500,000 from July, 1818, to January, 1819. To
at
had this decrease in circulation the most stringent measures 28, which been adopted, culminating in the order of August forbade the officesto take any notes but their own, even on deposit.1
it appearance, therefore, the bank had done what wished to do, but actually it had done nothing of the sort. The attempt had been directed against the southern and
In
branches, and here it was almost absolutely futile. instead of diminishing, increased In fact, the western offices, their loans to the extent of $500,000.2 Moreover, loans in
western
frequently changed their form only: the branches ceased to discount, but increased their purchases of bills of as a species of renewal exchange, in most cases of notes or bills drawn on them,3 and frequently this change resulted in
the West
transforming paying
one.*
an
interest-paying debt
into
non-interest-
In addition, the southern and western offices "restrained from issuing their notes, which
5
profusely." The curtailment, therefore, fell almost entirely upon the not desirable. curtailment was offices in the East, where Philadelphia
1
'
alone reduced
directed
to the extent of
or $3,600,000,6
to inform yon that notes of this bank which are made payable offices of discount and deposite will not be received at this bank States. ever, Such notes, howof debts due the United after this day, except in payment have received during this day, will be received of the offices as your bank may J. Smith, cashier, circular to city banks ; issued in exchange to-morrow morning."
Sir
am
at its several
"
had ceased receiving offices also, F., Vol. Ill, p. 367. The office at Boston branch notes in March (Gray to Jones, March 19, 1818, ibid., pp. 324, 325), and southern New Orleans, and Charleston had never taken any but their the offices in Savannah,
to the
own
notes.
"
Report
of committee
of August
2CHEVES,
3
p. 15; NlLES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 90.
ran
Ibid.
These
were
from
office to office
without
*
being
paid.
in a change resulted merely of debts local banks, on neither or the notes of
"The
bearing
of which
5
interest received.""
Ibid.
6
Ibid.
CHEVES,
p. 14, and
MILES,
ibid.
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
55
half the entire reduction in discounts; Boston and New York, which were forced not required to reduce, were to follow the example of Philadelphia, the discounts at Boston
over
in April, 1819, being only $94,584.37.1In like manner it was the eastern officeswhich reduced circulation, the notes in the East.2 of the western banks having to be redeemed
that the bank was result was actually worse off than when it began the reduction, because the offices which needed strengthening became weaker, while the branches of the South
The
After could not be checked. rapid curtailments," says Cheves, "the New vital points (Philadelphia, York
infinitely in
worse
and West
"
these immense
most
and
sensible and
devised."
destroyed.
had
condition than The business of the eastern officeswas almost On the 19th of March, 1818, the Boston office
It had made ceased receiving southern branch notes. discounts worth mentioning for many no weeks, its whole time and capital being employed in the redemption of southern branch paper.4 The office at New York suffered in the
manner.
same
Both
branches
were
though
them.5
large quantities of the precious metals were sent to At times their capital was "less than nothing."6
The
general condition of the northern branches corresponded to that of the officesat Boston and New York. The entire
capital of the institution was rapidly being shifted to the South and West. Out of the total capital stock of $35,000,000 the office at Baltimore held $5,646,000 in May, 1819;
1 2
CHEVES,
From
p. 15,
and
MILES,
ibid. 24, 1819, $5,700,000 southern and western in " offices, nearly all at Philadelphia,
....
been
and
received Boston.""
3 * 5
Cheves
pp.
eastern to Crawford,
May
CHEVES,
Letter
Vol. XXIII,
of President Amount
Gray
to Jones, March
Ibid., p. 331.
furnished from
office at New York from May, 1817, to Dec., 1818, Jan., 1817, to Dec., 1818, $1,622,800.09.
7, 1820, ibid., p. 589.
Memorial
of the bank
directors, Dec.
56
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Richmond,
ton, $1,760,000;Savannah, $1,420,000, and Charlesin an $1,935,000,while the offices in the West were
condition, controlling a capital enormously Lexington out of proportion to their legitimate needs. had $1,502,000, Louisville $1,129,000, nati and Cincin-
equally
prosperous
York
had
capital of
$245,000,
manner
in
it by the
and speculators, it will easily be conjectured that the frantic attempts to secure specie would be of little the eight months avail. During of contraction the bank
could procure after the most strenuous efforts only $2,617,440.63, while from the beginning of its existence to the 5th of December, date no more
1818, it imported
$6,500,458.42.After
that
To get this specie over could be secured. half a million dollars was expended,2 and this half million represented only the direct cost of buying and importing. Cheves declared that a debt of $1,586,345.47 owed by the "principally if not entirely" out of its specie operations.3 The only result of any consequence, by over to diminish the bank's resources therefore, was bank
in 1818
grew
and
drafts of South
The
CHEVES,
2F
3
.,
for Philadelphia
was
merely
nominal."
Exposition,
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDEB
JONES
57
was
Specie purchases and similar nature. States stock ended by reducing " the productive capital of by "eight the Bank, within the period of eight months,"
millions of dollars and upwards." balances due from the state banks
l
an
The
efforts to
more
secure
were
perhaps
less hope-
still. In
the
West
these
banks
remonstrated, and when pressed were State banks had nothing insolvency. and hopes of relief from the them
were
when called upon forced to declare their with which to pay, ning. vain from the begin-
to efforts of Jones and his coadjutors the results. After a reduction the bank, and such were secure the officesin the North and East were of about $7,000,000, almost prostrated; the specie funds there had vanished;
Such
were
diate its debts abroad had been increased enormously ; its immeits liabilities in excess demand were of $13,168,000,
means
them only $2,666,000; the capital had of meeting tied up there been shifted to the South and West, and was debts could not be in notes and bills constantly renewed;
collected; the
orders of the central board could not be enforced upon the branches; and at Baltimore a gang of looting the office and striving with might thieves was
suspension of specie payments. demanded the government given when $2,000,000 of its deposits in specie in order to make a payment in redemption of the Louisiana purchase stock.2 For and The
about
a
moment
the bank
....
trembled
on
of insolvency:
to give
"
"
"the Directors
answer
they furnished arrangement whereby in lieu of the specie, a substitution " which bills on London 3 But no one conversant with its situation saved the Bank."
but finally made
i 3
CHBVES,
James
King,
p. 16, and
NILES,
to
ibid.
Redeemable
C. Fisher
Rufus
King,
Jan.
of
KM/MS
58
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the
expected
storm.
that it would
be able much
longer to weather
brought down the popustringency of 1818 at once lar felt wrath upon the bank, and popular feeling was soon On the 25th of November, 1818, and reflected in Congress. John C. Spencer, a representative from New York, introduced The
investigation by a committee of resolutions demanding After a brief but spirited debate, these were the House.1 was adopted on the 30th,2 and the committee appointed with investigated committee laboriously, collected a vast amount of formless material, and on the 16th of January, 1819, reported, censuring the
as
Spencer
its chairman.3
The
speculation, and of the bank for mismanagement, ing violations of the charter. These violations consisted in buy$2,000,000 of the public stock for the government of managers
the United
States, in assisting the stockholders to evade part of the second payment of the coin and funded-debt dividends to stockholders who had instalment, in paying
not paid up their subscriptions, and in allowing stockholders to cast more than thirty votes in the firstand second elections
for directors.*
Despite the really flagrant mismanagement and fraud at the bank, and despite the amount of this which was revealed by the committee, the report was exceedingly weak, being hastily and in its imperfectly, contradictory constructed
The author of it charges, and in places incomprehensible. had too feeble a grasp on the complicated questions before him, and consequently failed to make the most of his He felt called upon, indeed, to apologize for advantages. The inaccuracy the report, admitting confusion.5 and
l
3
A.
317.
"
Ibid., p. 335.
*Ibid., p. 552.
J. C. Spencer,
Harwell
York
William Louis
Lowndes,
South
Carolina
; John
Bassett,
pp.
Virginia;
McLane,
Delaware,
constituted
committee."/^.
335, 340.
The
in the report. S. proceeded to make expressions of some explanations ' business of the bank certainly has been to discount the principal remark, that
"
Mr.
ATTEMPT of the
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK the
UNDER
JONES
59
it who
minority possessed
committee,
anything
like
an
of
Thus in the of slight moment. stock the bank had acted as agent purchase of government for the government, had committed no and consequently breach of the charter.1 The failure in respect to compelling
of charter violation
were
the payment
was was
in specie and funded debt for the second instalment ter, regrettable , but it was not a violation of the charby probably inevitable, and had been condoned
in advance.2
quent payment of dividends to delinfor trifling amounts, by stockholders was and made or subordinate officers of the bank without the knowledge The bank had no control of consent of the central board.3
The
Congress
had permitted the casting of election who than the legal number more no of votes, and there was method specified in the charter by which these judges could hinder such violation.* In explaining the mismanagement
the
not so successful, of the bank's affairs its supporters were but they forcibly argued that these acts were the result of ignorance, or of a difference of opinion with regard to coron
judgesof
notes
by a pledge of stock,' was liable to misconstruction. The expression secured does not convey it was tence the meaning ; of the committee either an inadverused in copying ; in the draught, or an intended to confine error and it was
.
.
exist among the facts stated, they unanimously facts, and abstracts of documents
With of the bank at Philadelphia, regard to the in the. close of the report, that, ' whatever differences of opinion can them (the committee) as to the result and inferences to be drawn from
to
the
business
....
in giving to the preceding statements concur of Mr. S. observed that he thought their sanction.' it was liable to a misconstructhe expression sufficiently precise, but he understood tion. facts, the unanimous When inferences were did not sanction with mingled fact was definitely to these inferences ; but that, in all cases a wherever to sanction it. Mr. S. remarked, the committee that the report had stated, meant indisposition, and when had been been prepared the committee at a time of severe fatigued and almost exhausted labor, and he should not be surprised if many with
extend
erroneous 1 2 3
*
expressions
pp.
were
found
in it."
"
LOWNDES,
1339, 1340.
pp.
pp.
1389-91.
p. 1391.
was
pamphlet
by AEGLES.
60
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
consequently
was
Indeed,
criminality
not
it was being unknown until later. Under the circumstances recting urged that the policy to be pursued should be that of corcent abuses, not the destruction of the ignorant and inno-
the victory of the bank's advocates in Congress that neither house could be persuaded to take any step except that of passing an act additional to the charter
was
offender. So complete
by which
House scire
in the future it would be impossible for stockholders to cast more votes than they were entitled to cast.1 The
rejected,
facias and
by
large
motions majorities,
to
a
sue
out
less stringent measures.2 others contemplating did nothing until January, 1820, when it decidedly repelled the consent of the resolutions to compel the bank to secure
states for the establishment
and to expose its of branches accounts with private individuals.3 The investigation of 1819 had its results, however: the fell below par;4 President stock of the bank immediately Jones, entirely discredited, fled in affright from the bank, and on the 25th of January, 1819, James C. Fisher became
tempore,
until
man
could
be found
to
save
States had
punishment,
crime
were
would it been
it have been
of the United
no more serious compelled to undergo but the consequences and of mismanagement be severely felt for the rest of its existto ence,
even
more
A.
p. 2522.
2/6id.,
Only
28 ayes
for
for
measures
proposed
To 93 at Philadelphia
F., Vol. IV, p. 868, and
; 97 at New
York."
NILES,
p. 417.
NILES,
Vol. XV,
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
61
hatred
and
almost universal conception by Gouge in a single sentence: summarized ' The ruined." saved and the people were
conviction
Bank
was
is apparent
in Niles, who
threatenings and slaughter against all banks, but especially he of the United States, upon which against the Bank directed the whole weight of his clumsy artillery,declaring into a machine for the shaving of that it had degenerated
the oppression of the middle classes, and that it Its curtailments had, indeed, precipihad caused the panic. tated it was hardly more the panic, for which, however,
notes
and
Noah for the flood. responsible than was infinitely increased by the was
The
popular
terness bit-
restrictive orders of debts precisely when it was which compelled the payment to pay them, the climax of dissatisfaction being most difficult reached on August 28, 1818, when the bank issued its order
to the
measure
The receiving each other's notes. for which the country was one was quite unprepared, Notes and occasioned suffering and embarrassment.
offices to
cease
a
were current only at of distant branches Niles complains bitterly of the inconveniences
discount, imposed
"more
and
upon than
with hundred dollars in small notes of the Bank of the United one States " in his pocket, he " could not pay the postage of a few letters."2
own,
when,
keenest distress fell upon the West. In that section for the terously there never existed the slightest justification preposThe
large loans of the bank, and, as the state banks been equally generous, the inflation and over-trading Worse unparalleled. yet, much of the indebtedness
been
1
had
were
had
created
Cobbett's
NILES,
per
had
no
security to
slightly, about
depreciated
% of 1
cent."
p. 1301.
62
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
on
reflection should have convinced anyone that these new and insignificant towns of the West could not possibly ton, pay debts as vast as those contracted in New York and Boshave been permitted to borrow such and should never
moment's
enormous sums.
on
Of
course,
money improvements,
borrowers
never
the
had and
been
could
mostly not be
the notes
over
expected to pay due, the usual custom being to renew the 20th of July, 1818, the parent collection of the balances from the
rate of 20
and When,
again. therefore,
the
on
board
demanded
per cent, every month,1 the inhabitants of Ohio were extremely indignant, and complained The of the action as being diabolically oppressive. aggravated by the prohibition of the orders of July were
receipt of the branch notes of other offices. The Cincinnati banks could not pay,2 and, so far from discharging their in in October than they had owed indebtedness, owed more
Cincinnati banks
at the
July.3
Nevertheless
they had
striven
to reduce
their debt,
had inflicted great distress upon their and as a consequence debtors, who were absolutely unable to pay, having neither The Cincinnati bank notes with which to pay. specie nor banks
protested, therefore, against the United States as a " grievance bank, however,
unprecedented."
of The
could not and would not yield, and, instead favorable terms, prohibited the receipt of offering more This act precipitated a of the notes of these banks.5
1
2
8. to Bank
Cincinnati
committee
of United
States, Aug.
20, 1818."
The
sum
was
Jones $721,006.12."
to Crawford,
ibid., p. 859.
Vol.
XV, p. 59.
* 5
Protest
of the Cincinnati
Resolution
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
63
in
Cincinnati
banks
stopping
payments
November.1 To detail the events in regard to the other western states would be merely to repeat, without essential variations, the The Bank of the United States story of the Ohio banks. The local banks could of its dues. pressed for the payment debts, and consequently could not pay. not collect their own In Kentucky They suspended, and ruin fellupon thousands.
20. 2 of the State ceased specie payments November 1819, the remainder By January, banks of the Kentucky had suspended, and their notes were at a discount of from
the Bank
20 to 30 per cent.3 Most of the banks of western had ceased payment by December, 18 18.*
initiatory impulse
came
vania Pennsyl-
from
the Bank
of the United
everyone held that institution responsible. In the South there were In difficulties of like nature. South Carolina there was constantly a balance of from $500,-
by the state banks to the Bank of the bank called upon the banks of Charleston
there
intense excitement, threatened to get a
was
to pay
$130,535.50, whereupon
and the exasperated local banks state law passed hostile to the Bank of the United States, They complained that and also to suspend specie payments.
the
"
"
monster
was
iniquitously draining
the South
conditions existed in North specie.6 The same where the balances against the State Bank were also large.7 As early as March, 1818, a hint was of given that payment balances would be agreeable, though no demand was made.8 The
1 2
of its Carolina,
State Bank
Ibid., p. 864.
Though to partial resumption immediately compelled and continuing afterward (Cobbett's edition),p. 90. until Jan. 1, 1820." NILES, Vol. XV, p. 283; GODQE 3 NILES, * Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 385. p. 283.
'"" Jones to Spencer, Dec. 23, 1818, F., Vol. Ill, Jones, Dec. 4, 1818, ibid.
p. 323 ;
letter from
Charleston
844-7.
to
"
8
Ibid.
Jones to Crawford,
to Polk, of State
May Bank,
Grove
of branch
bank
March
64 Bank
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
of the United States, in notes of other banks, or in drafts upon other banks in places where the bank had offices,1 but the proposition was brusquely refused, to the extreme
embarrassment of the State Bank, which repeated the angry charges that the bank was attempting the ruin of the people by deliberately and wickedly trying to draw away the specie of the state.2
the hatred and enmity circumstances of states and state banks to the Bank of the United States From the firstthese had been higher and higher. mounted these
Under
ana, keen and persistent. Thus the earliest constitution of Indiadopted in 1816, had prohibited the establishment of the branch of any bank chartered outside the state.3 In February, upon
1817, Maryland
laid
tax of
$15,000 per
annum
Tennessee lowed folthe office at Baltimore;4 in November this example with a tax of $50,000 upon any bank settled in that state under any but a state charter,5 and in
" tax of thirty-one and annual dollars of bank stock opera fourth cents on every hundred ated " the state, a resolution of the within upon or employed 1818, declaring that this tax " was legislature in November,
December
Georgia imposed
an
of the only intended to apply" to branches of the Bank United States.6 When the panic began, the indignation of
the people found vent in further acts of the same character. The first constitution of Illinois,framed in August, 1818, prohibited the existence of any but state banks within the
state.7
1
In December
to Grove, March
to Polk, March Charters and
North
Carolina laid
an
annual
tax
of
Polk Grove
11, 1818, F., Vol. IV, p. 848. 14, 1818, ibid., and
2
3
March
19, p. 849.
POORE,
Constitutions,
1817, chap.
*Laws
5
of Maryland,
156, p. 174.
Laws
of
Tennessee,
Scott's
edition,
Vol.
II, pp.
389
ff.; Laws
of
1817,
chap.
132,
sec.
2, Nov.
22, 1817.
see
LAMAE,
Laws
of Georgia
21.
POOEE,
sec.
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
65
1819,
each of month in that
at Fayetteville ;
in January,
imposed
the branches
to pay
the next
Ohio
by enacting that the tax rivaled Kentucky Even in Pennsylvania, state should be $50,000 upon each branch.3 ture the supposed stronghold of the bank, the legisla-
warmly discussed the policy of a tax,4 and in 1819 the constitution petitioned Congress to take steps to amend to the District of Columbia.6 as to confine national banks so
6 also debated in the legislatures of Virginia York, Clinton, of New and South Carolina,7 and DeWitt urged action upon the legislatureof that state.8 It was only
The
was subject
Court in the cases the decisions of the Supreme of McCulloch vs. Maryland and Osborn vs. the Bank of the United Had it lost either of these States which saved the bank.
cases,
there
out
can
be
no
doubt
taxed
states.
of existence immediately
These
were
have been that it would soon in all of the southern and western the losses suffered in that the bank was pled crip-
More
disastrous
so
enormous or seven
were
1817-18.
debt
was
in
excess
years.
In 1822
capital being tied up in unavailable assets, while the actual 9 loss was calculated in October of that year as $3,743,899.
1 2
NiLES,Vol. SLAUGHTER,
XV, p. 367.
Acts
of Kentucky,
p. 64.
p. 637, chap.
CHASE,
Statutes
1072 ff.,chap.
*NILES,
5 A. 6
8 9
Vol. XIV,
NILES,
p. 23, note.
Vol. XV,
pp.
289, 290.
GOUGE
Expected
and
SUSPENDED
DEBT
Personal Loans
on
stock securities
$6,401,255.90
4,017,050.76
stock securities
$10,418,306.66
of which it is calculated that $3,743,899 will be a loss." Report of Committee 4, and NILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 88. Oct. 1, 1822, CHEVES, p.
holders, of Stock-
66
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
two years had been $1,100,000, that so The profitsof the first * in this period the management netted a loss of $2,600,000. The principal loss was being at Baltimore, the amount next. offices came Cheves declared in 1824 that from 10 to 15 per cent of the the 1st of capital loaned there had been lost,2 and on due and unpaid at these offices was April, 1819, the sum
over
$1,600,000. The
four
western
$6,351,120.80,hich w
on
was
August
30,1822.3
reduced by less than $1,000,000 In the South the offices most offending
Norfolk and Charleston, but there were after Baltimore were considerable losses in addition at Washington and Savannah. The final loss in the South was $2,234,138.61, while in the only $552,576.78.* The explanation of this small loss in the West is to be found in the appreciation of western real estate which the bank had been forced to accept West
it
was
i
see
report
Vol. XVII,
p. 165.
a
3
JP.,Vol. V, p. 96.
Kentucky, in Ohio to the Bank and 6,351,120 dollars, 80 cents ; on the 30th of August due, including also real estate taken in payment, 1822, the sum 5,389,477 was dollars, eighteen being 961,653 dollars sixty-two a cents, cents."" of reduction p. 27, and NILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 94.
"On
the
sum
due
including
balances
due
by local banks,
was
"CHEVES, * Sums
$ 177,057.02
3,708.33 2,807.48
Portsmouth Boston
Hartford New
6,299.02 29,939.79
1,696,643.09 70,794.85 38,057.20
-
York
Fayetteville Charleston
Savannah New Orleans
-
Louisville
Lexington
Cincinnati
Chillicothe Pittsburg
Total
"
$3,005,527.03
H. K., 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 244.
ATTEMPT
TO
SAVE
THE
BANK
UNDER
JONES
67
This property had in liquidation of its debts in 1818-19. been taken at a low figure, but its value increased with surprising rapidity, largely owing to the phenomenal growth of
Cincinnati.
Had
it not
been
for this
bank's
enormous
increase
in values, the
West
would
hardly
have
been
less than
$2,000,000. As
consequence of the transfer of real estate the bank owned a large part of Cincinnati: hotels, coffee-houses, warehouses, foundries, residences, vacant lots; stores, stables, iron
besides
over
Kentucky.1
the
former
of good farm land in Ohio and Its possession of this vast property maddened by a recklessness impoverished owners, now
50,000
acres
they would not acknowledge, believing instead that which the bank was responsible, as if it had taken possession by violence.
the situation gave to the politicians too tempting to be neglected, and by a an opportunity one can slight effort of the imagination almost hear the reverberations of "Old Bullion" Benton's voice startling the
Moreover,
drowsy
....
Senate
where
2
as
he thunders:
"
I know
towns,
yea, cities,
already appears as an engrossing proprietor. All the flourishing cities of the West are mortgaged to this money They may be devoured by it power.
"
this bank
at any
moment.
They
are
in the
jawsof
one
the monster!
one
lump
of
dog !
gulp,
swallow,
Thirty
Years,
I, p. 1003.
CHAPTER
THE
"
IV
OF
ADMINISTRATION
LANGDON
or
CHEVES
or
SHIP
without
rudder
sails
on no
masts,
sea
on
strong to express the hapless condition of the Bank of the United States, when I undertook the government of it." So asserted Cheves many years later,1and with truth, for when he came into officehe found an appalling state of affairs. There was
means a
stormy
too
general
expectation
was
about
to suspend
be more payment, and that the nation would once into all the difficultiesof the period just before plunged its establishment.2 As already seen, the situation of the specie
Elsewhere the particularly serious. attempt to curtail had frequently ended merely in changing the form of the debt, while the notes of the southern and western branches were stillpouring into the northern offices in an flood.3 The spirit of the offices is overwhelming
eastern
offices
was
evidenced
would
1
by
the
act
of the
a
Baltimore
new
not
in
attempt
answer
to make
President
Cheves
to
Thomas
Cooper,
Carolina, Aug.
18,
1837, NILES,
2
"
the Charleston
My
deceives
if I found any one in or out of the Bank, who me much longer. belief of its being able to sustain its payments much a public that the nation was and general expectation
....
suffer the calamity of a currency composed entirely of irredeemable CHEVES. p. 19, and MILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 91. paper."" " to pay The chief difficulty,probably, now continue will be if the Bank cannot incur a liability to be called upon by its creditors for twelve specie, and consequently about
to
interest We fear there is too much to calculate upon cause cent, per annum tors the Bank being placed in this unhappy situation before many months.'1''" Bank direcFeb. 2, 1819, to Cheves, Feb. 1, 1819, Exposition, to Crawford, p. 39 ; also Smith
per
And
pouring
when in upon
in this wretched circulation was state, the southern and western NILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 90. these weak p. 15, and points."" CHEVES,
68
ADMINISTRATION
OF
LANGDON
CHEVES
69
February,
instructions
though,
from
renewed
"without
order to keep the strict letter of Philadelphia, the notes of debtors were An insignificant the formality of discount."1
in
violent and sometimes successful opposition by the stockholders.2 The government stock held by the bank had been sold and the proceeds with exhausted without bringing any relief.3 The
to reduce
the excessive
loans
on
stock at
being
met
bank
was
almost without
vaults to meet banks, while a stillgreater sum was owing and immediately borrowed Meanwhile due for money at home and abroad.4
specie, and actually without sufficient in its the possible demands of the Philadelphia
dues embarrassed the bank to an the receipt of government chants almost ruinous extent, the duties being paid by the merin branch paper, and the debentures for these same
in specie
was
no
"
by the government and paid by the or paper immediately redeemable in specie.5 specie to be procured at home, and the
the curtailing success, against after protesting, by letter, without Board, bearing date the 19th February, the Parent 1819, it was to order of agreed the formality of discount, in order not to violate the instructions renew the notes without Conspiracy Coses, p. 114. of curtailment."
That,
"
At the close of this period [of curtailment] the discounts on personal security had been so long the tion subject of curtailment, that but a small porbeen of further reduction, and, after great efforts, a rule had of them admitted to reduce had been granted on the discounts which the stock of the established Even Bank, at the rate of 5 per cent, every 60 days this small reduction was
at Philadelphia,
"
the subject of loud, angry, claimed the privileges and and CHEVES,
3
the borrowers, among and constant remonstrances who due to stockholdthe favour which they contended were ers, in communicating to the Board." their sympathies succeeded
"
Vol. XXIII,
p. 90.
exhausted."
" 5
CHEVES,
been
disposed
of, and
the proceeds
CHEVES,
"The
were
p. 17, and
ibid.
sums
paper, every
which demandable
collected
next
the
day
of the
revenue,
in branch
The
thus paid
at
at the discretion paper principally paid in Branch in Branch the debentures paper, comptor
. . . .
"
time, at and, at the same the officers of the Government. of ; and while the duties were
were
"
demanded
CHEVES, money and paid at the other in specie, or its equivalent, of the place." ibid., and NILES, ibid., p. 91. See also Cheves's letters to Crawford April 6 and 13, 1819, F., Vol. IV, pp. 873, 874.
70
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
broken
STATES
down
early in was receiving little aid from the South, from the West,2 while its own slender stock of the still being the resources have
drawn
into these
it abroad
had
Cheves, "would
mode and
not
parts of declared
Nothing
Even
Secretary Crawford
The stoppage of specie payments hope. by the abandoned bank and by the State institutions is inevitable," he wrote to Cheves.5
to save the man the president, however, was wreck, if it could be saved ; for what was required before all decision and firmness, and these Cheves posthings was sessed He clearly perceived to an extraordinary degree.
new
The
lay in that the essential cause of the bank's embarrassment the business of the southern and western offices, and these " immediately directed not to issue their notes," while were the bank itself " ceased to purchase and collect exchange This measure the vital one was and west." difficulties.7Alone, in rescuing the bank from its immediate however, it would have been effective only after a lapse of
on
the south
Smith "The
to Crawford,
were tardily, and the Western remitting not at all."" Vol. XXIII, 91. See also letters of March 17, and NILES, 20 and p. p. April 2, 1819, from Cheves to Crawford, Exposition, pp. 42, 51.
Southern
Offices
CHEVES,
to purchase and collect drafts on the southern Offices, though lay western almost the whole active capital already and in these quarters the Union, and though the great object of the curtailments was of ibid., p. 90. CHEVES, to draw funds from these points." p. 15; NILES,
3
"
The
Bank
itself continued
....
even
"
Exposition,
p. 17; NILES,
ibid., p. 91.
5"Langdon
KELL,
Report to Cheves,
"
?
American
States Bank," by Miss LOUISA P. HASand the United Historical Association, 1896, Vol. I, p. 366. See also Crawford April 6, 1819, CHEVES, p. 59. Cheves Vol. XXIII,
p. 92.
CHEVES,
"
p. 20; NILES,
cause
has given security to the bank, and without which it itself,has been the restraint put upon the offices, sustained certainly could were the exchanges Cheves to adverse, in the issue of their notes." with which Crawford, Sept. 15, 1819, F., Vol. IV, p. 903. The
great
which
not have
"
ADMINISTRATION
time than the bank
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
71
had at its disposal. Hence it was immediate relief in other directions. necessary to seek forward a number Cheves consequently brought tional of addiThe curtailments having this end in view. measures
more
to be continued, though not increased ; already ordered were to be collected; the balances due from the state banks were to be requested to give the bank time was the government
transfers of public funds from the places where to be they were they were collected to the places where disbursed;1 to allow debentures to be paid in the same currency finally, as a temporary duties were in which paid;
to make
relief of absolute necessity, the bank borrowed in Europe, payable in three years.2 "These
$2,000,000
measures,"
in the short space of seventy said Cheves, "lifted the Bank to a state of safety and even days, degree of some In fact, the storm was not only weathered, but power." in part abandoned, the state banks the curtailments were
....
the
and
Hitherto had been allowed to call for its deposits at any the government longer possible, no was no matter where the funds might be. This arrangement office, the bank in a single day. as it led to infinite embarrassments prostrate and might May 3, See resolution of board of April 12, 1819, ibid., p. 874 ; Cheves to Crawford,
1819, ibid., p. 876. Confined to the offices at Philadelphia,
Boston,
New
York, and
timore. Bal-
the curtailments previously ordered. (2)To forbid the Offices to issue their notes when the exchanges were south and west against them. due by local Banks To collect the balances to the Offices. (4)To claim of the (3) to transfer funds from the Offices where Government the time necessary was money
to the to be disbursed, as well as like time (untilthe difficulties collected to those where it was funds to meet to transfer the Bank were the notes of Offices paid of removed) in the Bank or other Offices than those where to their they were payable according To pay debentures in the same in which tenor. the the duties, on which (5) money
"(1) To continue
debentures
not
were
secured, had
been
paid.
a
exceeding
pp. 20, 21 ; also NILES, Vol. XXIII, ibid., p. 95. p. 25, and NILES,
3
p.
for a sum obtain a loan in Europe CHEVES, three years." period not exceeding borrowed CHEVES, 92. For the exact sum see
"
(6)To
"These
measures
....
lifted the
the
some
Bank
in the prostration
short enabled
space
(from 6 March
to
a
to 17
May) from
even
extreme
which
has
it to
in
degree
an
of power,
it, and
it had
excess
of capital, to
wanted
aid
and
72
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
peril, it became necessary to attempt a complete reform of its business methods and the correction of all abuses, with the purpose of restoring and afterward retaining its capital. Cheves's
Having
immediate
management
dominated
care
perfectly safe, and considerable business so long as he was is, therefore, to be judged, his career not by his ability as a banker in ordinary circumstances, but as an inventor of expedients
to restore the bank
it firstheld.
completely successful ; as a banker, one may reasonably doubt his titleto any pre-eminence. Resolved to restore the capital of the institution, Cheves In this he
was
should be paid until the intact.1 In order to make once more original capital was the funds perfectly safe, he strove for three principal ends: the reduction of the active funds, a proper distribution of determined
that
no
dividends
capital to the branches, and the retention of these capitals they had been assigned. by the branches when once To reduce the active funds, he insisted on the retention
been surrendered as a result of the insolvency of the debtors at Baltimore and other ishing of 37,954 shares,2 thus virtually diminplaces to the number the bank's capital by $3,795,400. In addition to this,
had
Cheves secured
as
far
as
further reduction of active means by investing practicable in the funded debt of the United
a
management
had
of the currency which had just before solvent; above all, to establish the soundness hopeless; and in a single season deemed business (the first) to giro to every been of it could advantageously Exposition, p. 21, and Office as much employ." capital as
"
NILES,
1
2
ibid., p. 92.
of Committee
p. 29, and p. 30, and
an excess
Vol. XVII,
p. 165.
3
*
was
April.
Reports
of $322,823 in March, 1819, which of the state of the bank for 1819.
was
reduced
to
in $160,210
ADMINISTRATION
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
73
government's subscription to the bank's capital, $7,000,000, To increase this the bank took a government at 5 per cent. loan in 1820 of $2,000,000at 6 per cent., and another in 1821 of by
$4,000,000 5 per cent.1 The capital was at $16,955,610. It was further diminished
debt, which was in excess of $10,000,000. of the suspended left as After all these deductions were made, the amount active capital was about $8,000,000. Cheves thought this almost
case
needed.2 only $1,500,000additional was More important to safe and proper management was the The firststep was to assignment of the capital- the branches. funds
to transfer the
of the
bank
from
the
western
and
held, to the northern offices, southern where it was offices, By putting an end to most of the it was where needed. business of the southern and western offices,and by compelling bills of exchange on Europe them to remit in specie or
or
the
occasioned
There were, ever, howmismanagement. locked up at Baltimore and the western vast sums still offices,and at all the southern offices the funds held were Nevertheless, correct banking manded excessive.3 principles de-
by
former
that definite capitals should be assigned to the bank since otherwise it would be impossible to "do and its offices, 4 business with judgment success." The 1st of November, or
selected as the date upon which the capital should be considered fixed,5though the sums assigned in most cases was were provisional, and nothing whatever
was
1819,
therefore
to the western
CHEVES, Report
p. 22, and
NIIES,
ibid., p, 91.
CHEVES,
p. 30, and
NILES,
sees.
ibid., p. 95. 3, 4.
sec.
of Committee
sec.
of Bank,
5
*Ibid., p. 906,
1.
ibid., p. 909,
17.
"
Ibid., p. 907,
5.
74
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
of foreign
all excess of capital and all revenue received on account of the government.1 The most difficult and the essential task stillremained, for the mechanism of the system had to be arranged so as to
or
domestic
exchange
keep
the capital stationary, and thus avoid a repetition of the disasters of the previous years. In analyzing the causes
of the transfer of the funds to the South and West, the directors pointed out those which needed correction before any permanent reform could be obtained or the bank's safety
These were: the payment revenues assured. of government at the eastern officesin notes of the distant branches, which made necessary the keeping of large supplies of specie at all the officesto redeem them ; the collections and drafts of the bank and its offices on each other; and the payments on account of the government,2 which had to be made wherever ordered if the bank held sufficient funds belonging to the
government,
them
at the particular
causes
Cheves
after the western invariably against the West, and for half the exchanges were year against the South ; and hence the notes of these offices
serious
constantly to the East and North in payment of dues, and thus tend to shift the capital to the government West and South.3 As the course of exchange could not be controlled, one of two things was, in his opinion, necessary: would
run
decline to receive the branch must either the government dues, except where the notes in payment of government by their tenor made receivable ; or the bank must notes were
put an end to the issue of western notes and greatly diminish At the very beginning of his the issue of southern notes.
1
Eeport
of Committee
sec.
of Bank,
sec.
10.
2 3
Ibid., p. 908,
12.
Cheves
to Crawford,
April
Memorial,
Bank
of the
United
States, Dec.
ADMINISTRATION
or
LANGDON
CHEVES
75
tary presidency, therefore, Cheves earnestly appealed to SecreCrawford to cease the receipt of branch paper in the dues.1 Crawford eastern cities in payment of government
declined to accede to the proposition, as he considered it illegal, certain that it would be inexpedient, injurious and was
to the treasury, and
transform
destructive to the bank, while it would the branch issues into local currencies, circulating
neighborhood of the issuing offices.2 Cheves submitted, but the belief that the government's dangerous rereceipt of such notes everywhere was mained 1820, the bank with him to the last. In December,
appealed
to Congress
to make
and especially urged a change Congress would the treasury nor the
same
end
was
by prohibiting
exchanges ran. The notes of another nothing larger than five-dollar notes. not to be paid out except by an office having a officewere credit with the officeoriginally issuing them.4
The
reached by the alternative method, namely, the issues of the offices against which the The western officeswere instructed to issue
third difficulty, that of having to pay government funds wherever they were called for without having time to
1
Cheves
to Crawford,
pp. 49-52.
Same
to
same,
April 6,
1819, ibid., pp. 53-7; also F., Vol. IV, pp. 873, 874.
to same, to Cheves, April 6, 1819, Exposition, April 9, Crawford pp. 59-63. Same to pay however, It would seem, that for a brief period the bank refused deposited by the treasury except at the places where payable by the tenor such notes Bank from F., Vol. IV, p. 874; Memorial, Extract of the of the note. minutes,
2
pp. 64-9.
"
United
States, Dec.
to Cheves,
"
*
Memorial,
"
States, Dec.
586 ff.
from to be drawn When the notes of an office (above five dollars)shall appear to issue them, it,to be used as a substitute for exchange, it shall immediately cease On to sustain the credit of the office to do so. necessary unless it be indispensably run this principle it will be inexpedient, steadily and considering that the exchanges that the offices of Pittsburg, Cincinnati, country, constantly against the western pensably Chillicothe, Lexington and Louisville should issue their notes unless it be indisnecessary
to sustain
their credit, until the further order of the Board." of the Bank of the United States, Sept. 25, 1819, ibid., Vol. IV,
"
14.
76
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
completely obviated by a new ment arrangeto be with the treasury by which sufficient time was for the making of transfers.1 given in all cases in themselves sufficientto keep the These measures were transfer them,
was
not a capital fixed, but Cheves was and consequently further rules were
man
enacted with
the upon
same
object
issues
in view.
In
addition
office
was
to the prohibition
the
of notes, each
to draw
it had other offices only when for only to be drawn bills were Such which to draw.2 sixty days and payable at sight, thus avoiding the danger of tying up capital in a species of long loans; they should
upon
not
be bought
Each
above
par,
nor
should
provision
par.
on
any unexpected minor debts due each other, and furnish one another monthly lists These notes were to be sent of notes of other officesheld. home as soon to pay them as possible, and the funds might be secured by selling drafts on the debtor office conversely, ;
collections might be provided for by buying bills payable at the creditor office.* Besides the monthly reports, which acted as a check on the impulse to draw on the other offices,
to furnish the central board with a weekly each office was listof the billsof exchange bought and checks drawn, giving exact and minute information about them.5
1
16, and
Crawford's
answer
to the proposals,
Sept. 14,1819,
ibid., p. 640.
2
"They by
an
shall not
arrangement
draw,
or
except
on
funds
to meet
unless
understanding
with
each
of their drafts,
may,
under
"
credits with each other and with the parent establish mutual be advised." the parent Board of all which arrangements shall immediately p. 908, sec. 12.
arrangements,
3
5
such bank,
Ibid.,
sec.
18.
"
12.
to their weekly statements a list of the bills offices shall severally annex by them in the preceding week, with the names the drawers, endorsers, of purchased from sight or date, and the premium and and drawees, dates, the time to run, whether
The
ADMINISTRATION
OF
LANGDON
CHEVES
the
77
capital fixed: to draw for funds only after giving time the treasury was to draw for the transmission of the funds; the officeswere
Such
were
the
measures
for keeping
only
checks
course
when and
they
had
provided
notes
were ones
for the
payment
bills; the
in putting the bank into a position its its business, once it could safely continue where from the South and West and properly capital was withdrawn With their capitals assigned, the offices apportioned.
knew
they
came
had
to trade
returned
at
to the various
offices to
While
the bank banks
to
against dangers which threatened from Cheves undertook to hold the state management, providing
a
strict accountability.
It
was
bank's profits that the state banks should balances due to the bank; retain enormous
to the bank's
necessary
safety that they should not be permitted to trade absolutely without restriction, for if they did so the
currency
could not be kept sound, and specie payments Consequently, as a means to the could not be continued. profits,to its safety, and to the securing of the bank's just diate soundness of the currency, Cheves insisted upon an immeances reduction of state-bank debts, a settlement of balin the future at fixed intervals, and the constant time presentation of their notes for specie.1 At the same vigorous Kentucky
interest
efforts were
and
Ohio.
state to settle up
"
by them, with amount and also the aggregate of the checks drawn Ibid., sec. 13. received." of the premiums " It is generally understood that the U. S. office in this city has called on the 20 per cent, a week, till paid; then banks to pay their balances, up about
This is by orders from head quarters." short period. weekly, or at some Enquirer NIL.ES, Vol. XVI, p. 261, quoting the Richmond of May 28, 1819.
78
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
terms easy to the security, and by accepting real estate on debtors, it contrived by August 30, 1822, to secure $961,-
653.62
120.80.
out
of a Cheves
$6,351,unusual
achievement.1 in the management Reform was energetically pursued. Salaries were at once reduced,2 current expenses cut to the lowest possible figure,3and the London agency discontinued,
in
the expenses were lower than at any other period of the bank's history.5 before Cheves Changes of officials and directors began even In January, 1819, was placed at the head of the bank. directors had been elected to the parent board fourteen new
so as
far
possible.*
As
consequence
afterward of a total of twenty-five,6 and immediately President Jones and George Williams resigned from the board.7 Cheves remorselessly continued this necessary work, out incompetent officers and striving to bring weeding
out
Less than a year after his entercriminals to punishment. ing McCuloffice,Cashier Jonathan Smith left the bank.8
forced out of the Baltimore branch in May, 1819, at once resigned;9 the directors of the branch and Buchanan loch
was
president was elected;11 and suits changed;10 a new Williams, and McCulloch instituted against Buchanan,
were
1
were
for
Exposition,
pp.
NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 94.
President's
and
per
cent.
3
"
The
year
1819.""
current Report
expenses
of Bank
of the bank have been essentially reduced since the Oct. 1, 1822, CHEVES, Committee, pp. 11, 86, 87, and the State of the Bank,
NILES,
*
ibid., p. 89.
Report
of Committee
on
Vol. XX,
p. 344.
6
CHEVES, NILES,
p. 39, and
NILES,
p.
p. 417.
was
Vol. XVII,
440.
place
taken
on
Feb.
Wilson."
9
Cheves
to Crawford,
March
Cheves
NILES,
May
The
NILES,
"
Vol. XVI,
p. 223.
10
five.
Ibid., p. 238.
ADMINISTRATION
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
79
These came to trial in the conspiracy to defraud the bank. The lower court acquitted the in 1821. courts of Maryland defendants, and the decision was then overruled by the court
of appeals;1 but on re-trial in the lower court in 1823 the defendants were also brought again acquitted.2 Suit was branch for defalcation,3 against the cashier of the Middletown while similar measures Louisville, Ky., the number
were
taken
at other offices. At
eight
to
thirteen, only
increased directors
from
being
Half the appointed.4 president was retained, and a new directors at the offices,Niles calculated, were turned out.5 board In August, 1819, the president of the Richmond
of some resigned,6 there being a deficit at that branch $60,000; and in September, 1820, the cashier at Fayette-
N. C., resigned because of a deficiency in his accounts.7 ville, Meanwhile the western and southern officeswere carefully investigated by committees of the bank which reported their
of losses suffered during condition as well as the amount Cheves was of the opinion that the firstyears of the bank.8 branches,9 and it was too many determined to there were
reduce the number, if possible.10 The attempt the Cincinnati branch alone was withdrawn
1
was
Conspiracy
Cases, Appendix,
pp.
81 ff.
*Ibid., Appendix,
1 ff.
3
* 6
one
Sum
removed
12, 13.
NILES, NILES,
NILES,
Vol. XVII,
p. 325,
Vol. XVI,
Aug.
branch."
NILES,
14, 1819; p. 421, Aug. 21, 1819. The fault was with Vol. XVIII, 11, 1820, quoting p. 32, March
NILES,
Vol. XIX,
pp.
p. 26,
the Fayetteville
Observer.
8
9
CHEVES,
"We
p. 94.
have May
branches,
I hope
"
Cheves
to Crawford,
10
p. 73.
that the number as committee strongly recommend expedient, of the discount deposite be gradually diminished, and offices of should whenever it shall be deemed beneficial to the institution." Report of Committee of Bank Nov. 5, 1819, NILES, Vol. XVII, p. 166. The same Stockholders, was recommendation
....
"
"The
made
by the committee
of 1822." CHEVES,
p. 11 ; NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 89.
80
THE
SECOND
BANK
"
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
office." Complete
On these various measures. crowned the 1st of January, 1821, the capital was once more entire,3 having been appropriated from profits since 1819 $3,550,000
success
fairly apportioned, though not yet in manent Perentire consonance with the best interests of the bank. fixed in the cases of the southern and capitals were
1823, the capital
was
Here and with the exception of Baltimore. northern offices, at the western offices no capitals could yet be assigned.5 The effect of these measures the volume upon of the With bank's business was the effective funds of marked.
t $8,000,000,o which Cheves had virtually reduced the capital
done, and under his little could be done ; for his policy was one of management Since the western restriction. continuous and southern any offices could rarely issue notes, they could not make
of the bank,
no
extensive
business
was
the
measures
thus
adopted
was
checked
Cheves
to Crawford,
2 3
CHEVES,
"
p. 28,
and NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 94.
Resolved,
were
That, in the opinion of the board, the losses of the bank, previously repaired, and that the capital stock was re-established, and made the State of the on the first day of January, 1821."" Report of Committee
300, and
5
Committee
Vol. XX,
pp.
298-
Distribution
-
Philadelphia
Portsmouth Boston
Providence Middletown New York
suspended
1,500,000.00
-
Charleston
....
350,000.00
-
Savannah
Lexington Louisville
-
200,000.00
2,500,000.00
500,000.00
-
Baltimore Washington
...
Chillicothe
-
....
Richmond Norfolk
-
1,000,000.00 500,000.00
....
1,000,000.00
"F.,
ADMINISTBATION business
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
81
western
it
was
never
a meant policy of that management " Total investments " for the whole contraction. continuous much less than at any other of Cheves's administration were particularl period of the bank's existence, and discounts were
In the light of this fact had to assert that his management It never had, in so many contraction.1 entirely.
entire
from about restricted, running from $39,000,000 to $30,000,000 out of productive funds.2 The issues kept
$25,000,000 to $44,000,000 of
pace with the discounts, ranging from in $3,519,000 January, 1820, to $6,630,000in September of
almost completely year. The West and South were deprived of the bank's notes, as a consequence of the policy 1819, which forbade their issue when the of September, the
same
course
in October of that was adverse,3 though of exchange plan allowed all the officesto issue five-dollar year the same notes, no matter what the course of exchange, and provided for their redemption at allthe offices.4 This permission, however,
of littlevalue, since the notes had to be signed by the president and cashier of the parent board, and these officers
was
1
"
now
state, and
ordered
defy
has
p. 21, and
2
been
from
NILES, of
Vol. XXIII,
am
ready
to
prove
that
"
seat, until
this day."
no ment curtailExposition,
funds in April, 1819, $33,480,000ere a total of $40,640,000 of productive w In 1820 discounts at no time exceeded $29,913,000.In 1821 discounts were their maximum $29,346,000 of a total of $40,061,000,while in 1822 the maximum out discounts.
was
Out
in
at
$28,561,000 out of
3
"
the suspended
be included
All notes
issued
between
of exchange place, centered in those cities. The to direct those branches to refuse to issue their notes, even a deposite upon of specie. The effect of these causes, has been, the exclusion from circulation, in all combined, the states west and south of the seat of government, of the notes of the Bank of the state
have, in consequence of the of Washington and the commercial cities to the east of this itself constrained found Bank has consequently
United
*
States
and
Report,
Dec.
is hereby given, that the notes of this bank and its offices, five dollars, will be received and paid on demand, the denomination of of at the bank and its offices respectively, without by reference to the place where they may, By order of the board of directors, Jonathan their terms, be made Smith, payable. cashier."" NILES, Vol. XVII, p. 115, Oct. 23, 1819 ; see F., Vol. IV, pp. 908, 909, sec. 15.
"
Notice
82 being
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
entirely too busy to give adequate time to this task, furnished.1 The bank, neververy few five-dollar notes were theless, was anxious to meet the difficultyby increasing its
issues of five-dollarnotes,2 and the order allowing them to be The prohibition taken at allofficesgave relief in the North.
upon the officesagainst receiving any of the notes had stood for fourteen months, and had caused much embarrassment and excessive feeling.3
management of the bank, on the whole, was He excellent. Nevertheless, he failed to avoid all errors. could not restrict overdrawing either at the parent bank or He could not control the branches to the at the branches.*
apology for his requisite, and found an adequate failure in the nature of the branch directorates and their as remedies the withdrawal of officers. He recommended
extent
Cheves's
possible, and the payment of good salaries offices where His banking methods, to the presidents.5 moreover, were He discounted notes at not altogether commendable. long dates,6 he
stock,7 and
1
made
was
loans
he
Bank
content
the
Memorial,
"
of the United
five dollar notes of the bank and the offices shall be increased as fast as be prepared Report of Committee and signed." of the Bank, Sept. 25, 1819, F., Vol. IV, p. 908, sec. 15."
2
The
they
can
"
3NILE3,
Vol. XV,
p.
p. 5, Sept. 4. 1819.
sary checks are presented, the officer will not think it necesdrawing, to see with the accounts examine of the individuals scrupulously Mr. Cheves attempted how much they are credited, but will pay them at once irregularity, and, in consequence, the business of the to check this practice an as
*
"
Sometimes
when
to
bank
was
was
diminished,
soon
H.
R.
were complaints however, not, resumed, with 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 113;
and
many
branch,
5
to Biddle,
Cheves
May
and
Report
of Committee
of Stockholders,
"
"
ibid., p. 11.
The
bank,
to keep
up
its business
as
far
as
"
say
longer." Cheves at four and six months, and perhaps Aug. 18, 1837, NILES, Vol. LIII, p. 8, quoting the Charleston
amount of loans on bank stock in Aug., 1822, Sept., 1831, NILES, Vol. XLI, p. 117. stockholders,
^
The
was
Biddle to $5,974,725.80."
ADMINISTRATION
tute
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
83
them so. merely local currencies, and strove to make In short, Cheves was not a banker either by profession or by inclination. He saved the bank, but, having done that,
he had exhausted his usefulness to the institution. The difficulties with the states and the state banks continued indeed much all through his administration, and were more serious then than either before or after. The currencies In April, in a wretched condition. of the state banks were York ranged from par for New 1819, bank paper at New England notes to 75 per cent, discount for other notes ; at
Baltimore, in August,
from
1819, New
England
notes
were
ciated depre-
1 to 6 per cent., New York notes from par to 8 ern per cent., Pennsylvania notes from par to 60 per cent., westfrom 10 to 60 per cent. , and southern notes from 1 notes
to 25 per cent.1
even
the states failures were continuous through 1819-20 ;2in the South and West affairswere All the banks of North Carolina virtually susworse. pended
Throughout
The banks of South specie payments May 31, 1819.3 In July, Carolina did not regularly pay specie until 1823.4 1819, the Nashville Bank of Tennessee suspended payment.5 6 The Bank of Missouri stopped in August, 1821, and in that Cheves was unable month Indiana, or Illinois which
to find any bank
in Tennessee,
he considered perfectly sound.7 In brief, there were very few banks in the South and West their notes in during the years 1819-22 which redeemed
Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, specie. In Tennessee, Kentucky, than elsewhere, for in even worse and Indiana affairs were was these states the relief system established, hindering ing creditors from collecting their debts, with the effect of bringdisgrace and ruin upon
i 3 5
The
passim.
con-
NILES,
Vol. XVI,
p.
434.
and
XVII,
GOUGE
Crawford
to Cheves,
6
8
Ibid., p. 758.
Cheves
to Crawford,
That
the
way
is, a system intended to give relief to the debtor by throwing This was done the collection of debts by the creditor. of
obstacles in by enacting
84
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
sequences were painful to all parties. The bank would not take the notes of any but specie-paying banks, it did not issue its own notes in any considerable quantity in the South and West, and it forced the specie-paying state
banks presentation of As a result the people of these their notes for redemption. loans, and were left totally withno sections could secure out to Convinced a sound that the bank was currency.
to restrict their issues by
frequent
for all their woes, the entire population of the South and West spent their nights and days in reviling it as a rapacious, greedy, oppressive, and destructive monopoly. blame Cheves
adopted
vain,
as
had
as
wish to play the martyr, and consequently lenient a policy as possible; but it was all in
no
The
of the State of Georgia, had paying their debts while Jones was Under
no
enjoyed
and immunity
bank. issued
Cheves
the
case
was
in Georgia, the notes of the Georgia banks were and the received in payment of the government revenue, Bank of the United States, which took them, credited them
notes
specie. As a natural consequence it then asked the Georgia banks to redeem them in specie,1 and thus forced the Georgia banks to reduce their business in what
to the treasury
as
degree.2
Moreover,
in May,
Georgia
banks
must
be
of judgments in favor of the creditor, or giving replevin laws, staying the execution his property the debtor the right to recover of at a slight advance sold in payment his debts ; or by laws forbidding the sale of real estate excepting at a value appraised by the neighbors of the debtor ; or by similar pernicious legislative devices.
by receipts balances which had before accumulated were caused drafts, and have been long since paid to Government the revenue account of and by this bank."" Cheves to Crawford, June 9, 1820, F , Vol. IV, p. 927. the Government
1
"
The
heavy
on
"
The
very
diminished
amount
thirds of their paid capital, whereas to Cheves -July 16, 1820, ibid., p. 937.
ADMINISTRATION banks
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
85
had received the benefit of at least $200,000 of the bank's capital,1 this being the average amount of the debt Even now the directors, dreading the possible against them.
results of popular hostility in the great state of Georgia, prepared to allow themselves to be robbed stillfurther, though to a less extent. The Georgia banks were to be allowed a
to be permanent credit of $100,000 without interest, that sum held by the branch in Savannah in their notes and not presented for payment. In other words, the bank was willing to devote
and profit of the But beyond this it would not go ; state banks of Georgia. it sternly demanded that all debts in excess of the $100,000
use
$100,000 of
should be duly paid, and instructed its officesnot to receive the notes of the banks unless they would pay the excess on demand.2 The Georgia banks considered the propositions refused to pay the excess,3 and declined haughtily to suffer the indignity of daily settlements for their notes.*
monstrous,
or
the office lost and these banks gained the use of the sum of $200,000, for a period of nearly three years." the capital of the branch of Report of Committee the State of the Offices, July 11, 1820, ibid., p. 933. See exact on figures, ibid, p. 934, column 4 of table.
1
"
Whereby
thereabouts,
"
do, immediately the office at Savannah on the receipt of this in deposit or payment to receive the notes of such local banks as shall order, cease them. not punctually and bona fide redeem " 2. Resolved, nevertheless, That if the said banks, respectively, shall bona fide pay 2"1. Resolved,
That
held by the office, of the whole proportions of the local paper over of $100,000, and above their proportions, respectively, of the sum which the office is permitted to keep on hand, then the foregoing resolutions shall cease to operate as
on
demand
their
to such
"
banks,
3. Resolved,
manner
in the
respectively, of Georgia,
respectively. That on failure of the said banks, respectively, to honor their notes stated in the second resolution, suits be commenced against them, States for the District at the next return of the Circuit Court of the United
for the recovery
amount of the whole interest thereon."
"
of their
paper
held
by the
on
office,with legal and customary State of the Offices, May 30, 1820, ibid., p. 932.
3
Report
of Committee
the
Planters' Bank refused to the amount of $10,900; State Bank, $25,600." Hunter, to Cheves, May 30, 1820, ibid., p. 928. This in excess of the permanent of Savannah, deposit." Cheves to Crawford, June 9, 1820, ibid., p. 927.
*
"
The
totally and in the intercourse of the banks in this quarter of the Union, who without example have always acted towards confidence, each other with unlimited and distinguished but as otherwise Joint Committee Report Banks of Savannah of objectionable.""
as
from
requisition by the office of the United States has been resisted, not only the local banks
Bank
for
daily
cash
ment settle-
unnecessary
[Planters' and
Bank
of the State
of
Georgia], June
86
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
still unwilling to grapple with the state institutions and took steps toward further concessions. The Georgia banks now dictated their terms: daily
was
settlements of balances must be abandoned ; the Bank of the United States must issue its own notes and not those of the banks would redeem the Savannah state banks ; and, finally,
the notes already held and submit to weekly or monthly settlements in the future.1 Willing, if possible, to evade the conflict,the Bank of the United States accepted these terms,2
indignantly repudiating the insinuation of the Georgia banks that it wished to draw specie from them.3 Yet the arrangement letter a was scarcely accepted when
at the
same
time
from the president of the Savannah bank revealed to Cheves that the state banks would hardly be willing to consent to weekly settlements.4 To this Cheves replied that weekly be adhered to, but conceded that, if the settlements must ances Savannah banks would pay 6 per cent, interest on the balin excess of $100,000,they need not discharge them.5 The banks of Savannah at last accepted these terms 1821, with the addition, however, that checks
in January,
on
ern north-
cities might be given in lieu of specie. But peace endured only for the moment.
were
No concessions resolved to do
Report
of Savannah
Banks,
as
be authorized Resolved, the office at Savannah and instructed, so long be kept within the rules heretofore preSavannah banks shall the balances of the scribed, in each week, oftener than once of these banks not to require settlements
2 "1.
it may hold of the said banks, respectively, of the notes which unless the amount over their respective proportions and above of $50,000, of the shall exceed the sum which the office is allowed to hold ; in which case the office of local paper aggregate demand as heretofore directed. will, of course, be authorized to cease the office at Savannah entirely, so long be kept within the limits aforesaid, to pay out the notes of the as the balances shall if these banks it pay all banks of Savannah, shall desire it, and that in that case it shall be disadvantageous its own it in to the demands upon notes, (except where
"
2. Resolved,
That
interests of the bank to do so), or in specie." the Bank, July 11, 1820, ibid., p. 934.
3
"
Report
of Committee
on
the State of
Ibid.
Richardson
Cheves
to Richardson,
ADMINISTRATION
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
87
commercially justifiabl of what was and the agreement of January stillrestricted their dealings. business ;" They that they could do no " new complained and that they imported specie at a loss to redeem balances held by the Bank of the United States.1 After six months'
a
business far in
excess
were
in
worse
therefore, annulled
ment agree-
June
more
that
no
22, 1821,3 making the astounding request of its notes be received at the branch, and
notes
declining
to redeem
presented
by
the Bank
were
of the
on a
United
more
placed
declared that He righteously indignant. the Bank of the United States had " exhausted the cup of " tributed concession and would go no farther,5 and the branch discirculars accusing the Planters' Bank of having Cheves suspended Hereupon the Planters' Bank specie payments.8 angrily retorted that no further intercourse could be held that of the United States,7and complained with the Bank "dissatisfaction
or
irritation against
the
Georgia"
1
"
arose
only
when
"this
and
....
mammoth
no new
Still they curtailed their discounts the north, on of bills of exchange The Bank
did
business, except
This bank
the
excesses."
"
to import
of Georgia paid interest under the agreement. buy, at a considerable premium, and specie to pay to Crawford, July 21, 1821, ibid., p. 1068. experiment
to maintain
worse
"The
them in
a
(during which
enable
every
ence and found to fail. After six months' experito of closing their doors, has been made the State banks find themselves with your office)
than
before.""
Richardson
to President
Campbell,
June
J. Marshall
to John
Hunter,
our
June
paper
to refuse
hereafter;
to the
and
am
instructed
at your
annullment
shape."
"
present
agreement,
it may
to request not be
Planters'
Bank
which
prevails among
Aug.
the State
institutions."
"
Richardson
to
Campbell,
5
Cheves
to Crawford,
Richardson
to Crawford,
'
Ibid.
88
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Ships, plantations, negroes, substance. of wealth of the state have wharves, stores, all the sources by been [devoured]this all consuming power! " It declared
destroy
our
very
that it would cash no more of its notes Bank of the United States.1
presented
by
the
of the State of Georgia also of January, 1821, and the office annulled the agreement Attempts to collect specie refused the paper of both banks.2 for notes held, however, met with determined and succesful
the
resistance.
Meanwhile,
Bank
1819, the state legislature had this difficultby suspending the law allowing 25 per made on the failure of the state banks to redeem cent, damages
their notes in specie, so far as that law operated in favor of 1821, it the Bank of the United States,3and in December,
In
December,
totally precluded
notes
the bank
from
recovering specie
on
such
1, 1822, state-bank enacting that after January " notes held by the Bank of the United States shall not be in specie," unless the person presenting them redeemable that the notes were not procured by the bank should swear by
to demand to for the purpose or with any intent or draw specie " from the bank issuing the notes.* branch rapidly fell away. The business of the Savannah informed that " not a single In January, 1822, Biddle was
"
....
deposit is made
in it
5
nor
do
they discount
dollar but in
was
almost
Richardson
Cheves
to Crawford,
to Crawford,
Aug.
Laws
Enacted
Dec.
of Georgia of Georgia
pp.
70, 71.
S. Nicholas
Reduction
of the business
of the Bank
of the United
States in Georgia
Oct., 1820 Dec.,
1824
Deposits of individuals Domestic bills discounted Bills and notes discounted Bills on stock pledged due from Balances state banks XXVIH, p. 116, April 23, 1825.
$ 112,562
...
$ 39,896
6.070 448,125 6,590
reduced
from
$75,724 to $10,862."NILES,
Vol.
ADMINISTRATION
The
OP
LANGDON
CHBVES
89
directors promptly inaugurated suit against the Planters' Bank to compel it to pay specie for its notes, and was settled in the of litigation the case after a long course Supreme
Hereupon repealed
Court of the United States in favor of the bank.1 legislature, in December, 1824, the Georgia
the
obnoxious law permitting the state banks to of the United refuse specie for their notes to the Bank States,2 and the national bank was once more enabled to
state of public feeling opposition and the same In July, 1819, the Bank of Nashville appealed existed elsewhere. to the public against the Bank of the United States in
same
engage The
in profitable banking
in Georgia.
address, declaring that it was striving to "destroy every In South Carolina, one mined state bank."3 year later, a deteran
" made to establish a system of state paper effort was that the Bank of the United States money," on the ground In all the western was collecting specie for bank notes.*
states the
which
into effect in 1819-20, by relief system went dered hinthe bank, in common with other creditors, was from collecting its just debts. In Kentucky a court
was
held
that it
a
without
power
under
its charter
to purchase
state
promissory note or to collect on such note if purchased,5 decision supported by the court of appeals.6 The a the bank. of Ohio waged relentless warfare upon
by the decision of the Supreme Court in the determined Maryland, case vs. a of McCulloch effort was to collect the tax laid upon the branches at Chillimade The statute decreed that the tax cothe and Cincinnati. Undeterred
1
Bank
904, Feb.
2 3
* 5
term,
States
vs.
The
Planters'
Bank
of Georgia,
p. 71.
9 WHEATON,
Dec.
of Georgia
p. 341.
(Dawson's Compilation),
NILES,
Vol, XVI,
Cheves
Bank
to Crawford,
of the
United
Norvell,
2 A.
K.
MARSHALL,
1819 (Kentucky
reports)
; NILES,
Vol. XVII,
p. 150.
6/6id., p. 365. The court reversed in 1821." Bank this opinion States vs. Norton, 3 A. K. MARSHALL, 422 (Kentucky reports).
of
the United
90
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
should be collected by the authorities of the state on the 15th of September of every year. The bank consequently filed a bill in the circuit court of the United States for a
writ The the enjoining auditor, was injunction issued,
Osborn, from
but
was
the auditor had been notified under subpoena1 He therefore proceeded in conthat it had been granted. tempt
18th, though
On the morning of the 17th his agents of the court. the counter, entered the branch at Chillicothe, leaped over seized upon the vaults, and forcibly collected the tax.2 The
act aroused intense excitement,
outrage," he be rarely paralleled under a Government can asserted,". of law, and, if sustained by the higher authorities of the 3 The bank State, strikes at the vitals of the Constitution."
was
. . .
the Union.
Cheves
instituted suits against Osborn and others for the money seized. contempt, for trespass, and to recover The legislature of Ohio interposed, and, finding that the bank immediately
would
drop its suits, passed an act in January, 1821, "to withdraw from the Bank tection of the United States the pronot
and aid of the laws of the State in certain cases," unless the bank should either consent to pay 4 per cent, of the profits from its branches in Ohio as a tax to the state,
or
the offices.4 In February of the same year it withdraw passed a further act, promising to restore $90,000 out of the $100,000 seized if the bank would drop its suits and agree
to pay the branches.5
remove
the
September,
1821, the circuit court of the United States for Ohio gave that the money seized should be returned to it, judgment
1 2
3
NELES,
Vol. XVII,
p. 86; 9 WHEATON,
738.
A. G. Claypoole To Crawford,
to Crawford,
Sept. 30, 1819, ibid., p. 905. It is interesting in the light of this to recall that Cheves was a determined nullificr in 1832. sentence * Statutes Ohio, Vol. II, pp. 1185, 1186, chap. 519, Jan. 29, 1821. of
5
ADMINISTRATION
OP
LANGDON
CHEVES
91
from collecting the time the and at the same enjoined state The defendants to the tax henceforth.1 appealed the case Court, which finally disposed of it in the February Supreme
term,
of the circuit court.2 This narrative of dispute and discord with the South and ties idea of the almost insuperable difficulWest will give some slowly of the Bank of the United States, while it was
recovering from the shameful and criminal mismanagement so of its early years. In the opinion of judges competent
as
J.
Q.
Adams
" the interest of the stockholders and Rufus King, be to surrender their charter," the government
interested
this
was
in
so,
"the
continuance
of the
Bank."8
the government, outside of inclination to extend no the Treasury Department, showed unusual favors to the Bank of the United States. Requests bank's notes and to permit the election of directors eligible for longer than three in the persistently denied,4 though years out of four were
to allow other officersto sign the
Though
apparent that the bank could of signing notes it was not furnish the necessary circulation without this concession. done, and he could safely By 1823 Cheves's work was retire. Moreover, his restrictive policy, with the resulting
case
the opposition to him among profits, aroused an meager latter became The directors and stockholders. "restive
under
1
which
they received.5
States, 9 WHEATON,
It is not
NILES, Osborn
the Bank
were
Memoirs,
counsel Vol. V, pp
25, 1820.
Nov. 5, 1819, NILES, Vol. XVII, p. of the Committee of Stockholders, Memorial 166; Bank of of Dec. 7, 1821, F., Vol. Ill, p. 586; Report of the Committee Stockholders, Oct. 1, 1822, CHEVES, p. 10, and NILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 89. 6 Crawford to Gallatin, May 13, 1822; ADAMS, Gallatin's Writings, Vol. II, p. 244;
See Report
CHEVES,
in answer to President Cooper, Aug. 18, 1837, NILES, p. 9. See also Cheves Vol. LIII, pp. 8, 9, quoting Mercury, Cheves paints in warm the Charleston where the embarrassments the misery of his position because of the clamor colors and him. against
92
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
he was surprising that under these circumstances willing to His willingness was lay down the burden of the presidency. increased by the provincial hostility of Philadelphia to him,
based
soon,
As not a Philadelphian. upon the fact that he was in therefore, as he felt himself justified doing so, he
his intention of resigning,1 declaring that it was announced "fixed and unchangeable," a "determination" and that he as the bank had always intended to resign as soon was once
more
restored to its first integrity. In October, 1823, he made a succinct report of the history of his presidency, and retired from the control of the institution.
i
Made
Vol. XXII,
p. 291.
CHAPTER
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE AND
V.
HIS POLICY, 1822-28.
IN January,
Biddle,
old
being
Biddle
but
was
elected president of the bank, there for the office.1 one vote against his nomination College, was a proficient a graduate of Princeton
been secretary to Armstrong at Paris and Returning from Europe in 1807, he to Monroe at London. had devoted himself to the law and practiced for several
linguist,and had
senate. years. In 1811 he was elected to the Pennsylvania he cultivated literature,contributing extensively Meanwhile in both prose and verse to Dennie's Portfolio, ing and edit-
and later a Commercial and Clarke's Journal In 1819 Monroe him Digest. a appointed government director of the Bank of the United States. Having a taste
Lewis
and subjects,
the French
being thoroughly
economists,
into the study of banking and monetary questions, soon one of the most prominent members of and was tact, conciliatory in He was a man the board. of eminent temper,
his
own
industrious, quick of apprehension and quick to act, strong-willed and tenacious of fault was the possession His prominent opinions. On the whole, it would have over-sanguine temper.
versatile, untiringly
secure
upon of New
first standing
i
and
York,
conservative
NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 209, Dec.
7, 1822.
93
94
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the second banks of the United States, to select confidential keep him should advisers at the various branches, who informed of the affairsof the offices.1 The advice was taken. Lenox himself became Biddle's most intimate and confidential
adviser in regard to New York business, the affairs of the officethere, and the character and ability of its officers and directors. At Boston, James Lloyd and Daniel Webster son acted in a similar capacity; at Charleston, Robert PatterPotter; at Baltimore, John McKim, Jr., Robert in Oliver, and R. L. Colt men who had been prominent rescuing the office in that city from the destroying grasp of and John
"
Buchanan.2
It is commonly and
asserted that Biddle represented a new radical policy as against the conservative system pursued by Cheves, the intimation being that he was inclined
There is no evidence whatbanking. unsound ever for this opinion, and none could be more mistaken. That he represented a new policy may be conceded, but it far from being radical, and in some instances it appears was
to rash and
even more
conservative
two
important Cheves:
from
He
supersession of a director for one for three years, was an furnished a means of excluding an
the rule compelling year, after he had sat consecutive because it excellent one,
member of objectionable his enmity ; while, in case of a the board without arousing desirable director, the seat could be held for a year by some firm, the director of the same relative,friend, or member returning to the board at the expiration of the year.3 He also believed, as against Cheves, that the receipt of all the
1
Feb. 6, 1823, B. P.
2 For an see CHEVES, of this aid rendered by Oliver and McKim acknowledgment HASKELL, his trusted agent Baltimore. Langdon Cheves and 18. Colt was p. at Historical Association, 1896, Vol. I, p. 366. the United States Bank," Report American
"
"
NICHOLAS
notes of the bank
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
95
of the government everywhere in payment revenue need not be restrictive of the bank's transactions.1 In neither instance could the difference of opinion be
regarded as wildly radical. On the contrary, Biddle in the early years of his presidency In one of proved himself thoroughly conservative. his first officialletters as president of the corporation he
shows
more
"
been
crippled
our
concentrate
and business
have had enough," he wrote, "and have in the interior. We of banking almost destroyed by it. It is time to
We
"
to bank
where
there is
some
use
to make at present the large profit in it, of our operations."2 commercial cities the principal scene Nothing could be less radical or revolutionary than this.
and
some
....
The
rendered and southern business was to be surperilous western bank employed where its and the capital of the in the large would be most useful and safe employment
"
In pursuance of this plan, cities along the Atlantic coast. the center of extensive the office at New York was made all the good paper it operations, being instructed to secure so managed possibly could, while the funds of the bank were
to protect it against inimical action by state banks to cease and brokers.3 To make this possible, the officewas the issue of state-bank notes, using its own exclusively; to
as
reduce the balances of the city banks due to it, and compel a week.4 them to settle all their debts in specie at least once The plan of operations thus outlined for the New York
1 2 *
Report
of Stockholders, Sept. 1, 1828, NILES, Vol. XXXV, of Committee To R. Lenox, Feb. 3, 1823, P. L. B., Vol. I, p. 5 (confidential). That
p. 74.
3
ibid.
hand This
on
" for nearly a year been occupied at second office has chiefly in Banking been largely their debtors. the notes of the State Banks have of course who
is a state of things not to be tolerated, and accordingly an effort has been to cause directed, to discontinue the special deposit of State Bank paper, weekly this operation combined with the settlements with the State Banks, and then, when its proper the effect on of business of the season shall have produced debts. While this movement to remit it in payment their Northern exchanges, of Biddle to is going on we wish to keep the office strong till the crisis is over." John White, of Baltimore, Feb. 19, 1823, ibid.. Vol. I, p. 11.
return
"
96
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
particularly the plan of weekly liquidation of balances.1 being created at While a more extensive business was York, the exchange New Orleans operations at the New
footing. Of all the a sounder placed upon ness, amount considerable of busioffices, this did the most the center of all the especially in exchange, and was The Southwest. banking and operations of the West
office
were
exchange
manner as
in such a operations here had been conducted to be almost unprofitable, while the same accommodations might be rendered to individuals at the New
York from
and provided with funds In other words, Biddle the various business centers of
His plans for increasing notes. and issuing the bank's own business were all based upon an enlargement of the issues by means of which the greater part of the discounts was
"
necessarily made at that day. Since Cheves had believed the issues dangerous, because they were received everywhere in payments to the government and thus would, in his opinion, compel the retention of a specie fund much larger than the total note circulation, the bank had hitherto been
1 B. Lenox to Biddle, Feb. 21, 1823, B. P. Jan. 6, 1824, P. L. "., Vol. I, p. 96. 2
"
Biddle to I. Lawrence,
of New
York,
We have made also a vigorous effort to correct the exchange operations of the Orleans office which during the last year were on conducted principles equally For instance the office at New York unsound collects on and unprofitable But as the exchange is now New Orleans at 3 per cent. the office at New conducted it in 60 or 90 day bills at par without interest. Allowing them the 30 Orleans repays days for transmission, the 60 day bills are in fact at Vt and the 90 day bills at 2. So New
you
for the risk and trouble, even that really the profit is scarcely a compensation when Sometimes for a considfunds back immediately." they remain your receive erable Feb. 19, 1823, ibid., Orleans."" Biddle to White, of Baltimore, time at New
"
p. 11.
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
97
discounts, to issue the notes of when accustomed, making state banks instead of presenting them for collection. The undesirable in several ways: the bank furnished result was littlecurrency to the West and South ; a very necessary check upon the state banks was removed ; the bank was deprived of the profits accruing from the circulation of notes; and the rendered impossible. In adequate increase of discounts was Biddle's plan of operations the fundamental consideration, the increase of the bank's circulation. He therefore, was
might
account, necessity of paying them everywhere on government if only he could put an end to the depreciation of state-bank This was logical, for, if state-bank notes were notes. undepreciated,
the bank's
would
not
issues in the localities of state banks be employed as bills of exchange, and would not
as issued. constantly be presented for specie almost as soon The to bear state banks would, in brief, be compelled Biddle insisted, therefore, on their share of specie demands.
settlement of state-bank balances, and on the issue of the bank's own notes instead of those of state banks.1 done, the branches might receive each other's When this was
the
constant notes
without
At Philadelphia received much the issues of all the branches were indiscriminately2 taken. At the same were therefore, that these methods moment, delphia,3 York, they went into effect also at Philaapplied at New Richmond, Savannah, and Charleston,* and by August, 1825, Washington the only office not conducted was
i 2
the
notes
were
Report GOUGE
"Every
of Stockholders'
Committee,
Vol. XXXV,
p. 74.
change the clerks from the Bank meet to interand the State Banks morning The Balances are the notes received respectively on the previous day. struck for any length but no Bank ever remaining accordingly calculated on its Balance hesitated to send for Bank it grows ever a little too large, no of time, and whenever Biddle to C. P. White, ten or fifteen or twenty dollars from its debtors."" thousand
3
"
York, Feb. 3, 1823, P. L. B., Vol. I, p. 6. of New "Biddlo to C. J. Nichols, cashier Richmond
98
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
established there.1 The attempt was not wholly successful, however, and the central compelled on several occasions to call the authorities were attention of the officers to the regulations regarding the
on
this plan.
In that year it
was
ure issue of state-bank notes.2 The reasons for the partial failis found in the inability of the president and cashier to sign sufficientnotes for the offices. The problem was finally solved by the creation of "branch drafts." With the policy of issuing only the notes of the branches the discounts and purchase of went a plan for expanding bills of domestic exchange in the South and West instead of discounting personal security there.3 This operation was ness the complemental part of the plan for increasing the busion
The issue of the bank in the interior of the country. tions operaof the branch notes and the purchase of exchange were depending upon and supporting each other.* The proceeds
the bills provided a fund for the redemption of the note issues of the southern and western offices,and thus possible extensive loans in those sections without made
from
incurring the danger of transferring the capital thither from was encourthe other offices. On the whole, the success aging. The note circulation at the beginning of Biddle's only $4,432,000; in June, 1825, it was the $6,740,000, and in June, 1826, $9,616,000. Meanwhile operations of the bank were enlarged in every other item.
presidency
was that it should go into operation with you, as it has done inconvenience any else without everywhere and as far as possible without producing Biddle to R. Smith, Aug. 26, 1825, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 42. excitement.""
1
"
am
very
anxious
Aug.
bank
says that he hears that the Charleston office pays out stateibid., p. 43. To President J. Johnson, this must not be done. difficulty existed at the Pittburg office." Correy to Mcllvaine,
"
Increased
Binney
parts
See Remarks of of the union."" Sept. 1, 1825, NILES, Vol. XXIX, pp. 31,
of Stockholders,
Vol. XXXV,
p. 74.
NICHOLAS The
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
two
on
99
and three
notes
between discounts
and
domestic
a
bills had increased to about the same extent, while debt of $1,292,000due in Europe had been discharged.1 intimately a larger circulation was The attempt to secure
connected, as already pointed out, with the plan to diminish It was one the issues of the state banks. of the cardinal doctrines in Biddle's banking creed that the big corporation existed for the purpose of furnishing a sound currency to the whole Union, and that this could be done only by forcing the state banks to redeem to secure The bank was
Usually it maintained this relation creditor bank. and, on the slightest appearance of a without difficulty, tendency in a state bank to expand unduly, checked the by demanding times movement specie for its notes, though someposition of
a
dealings within bounds, and at such times could not restrain the state banks. On the whole, however, despite the growth of the population, the increase
it failed to keep its own
of business, and the necessarily enlarged and for banking facilities, demands the state banks
to redeem
legitimate
were
compelled
showed
very encouraging to all who had the good of the country at heart. This the directors of the Bank of the United States always claimed claimed, to be due to its efforts.2 and justly Biddle's conservatism also and ability as a banker are
a
the currency
revealed in the stress which nature of the paper which was The loans
were
paper.
i
The
New
York
triennial
office was
meeting,
Report
to the
Stockholders,
p. 32.
bank's
report and Gallatin's article lay stress upon benefits to the community. See Report of Stockholders, Vol. XXV, p. 74.
2McDuffie's
100
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
paper at only 60 and 90 days, though it might take notes at 120 days if "beyond tomer." all exception, and for a good cusdirections are given, in answer In 1825 the same
on
request of the president of the branch to be permitted to extend the time of discount because he felt sure that larger profits could thus be secured. "Let us not," urged
to
a
Biddle,
"
by the hope
risk the
Loans demands
must
prosperity be confined
were
to short-time
paper,
even
when
slack.3 Loans on real estate or forbidden, real estate not being fitbanking stock security were " tendency to lock up security, and stock loans having a for money
* " All the movements the funds of the Institution." of the bank," asserted Biddle, " are governed by this general considerati ! long loan to a senator He declined making a
from
Louisiana,6 and in 1827 he refused a long loan on real estate to an old and intimate friend, who had been a trusted " In director of the bank and of the Baltimore office. satisfied relation to the loan you suggest," he wrote, "I am Our great here. is that it would not be done object have so large a business men We and business paper. locked up in real estate part of the capital of the Bank
in a state obliged to keep every dollar we can of activity and I do not believe that a loan for eighteen be done for any however well secured would months,
that
we
are
"
of ties of friendship, pressure, no considerations of gain, no could persuade Biddle in these first years of his presidency
1
body."
The
evidence
is conclusive
that
no
amount
Biddle Same
to Lawrence, to
same,
May
branch,
ibid., pp.
26, 27.
*To
5
To
the president
"
f To
NICHOLAS
to
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
101
swerve
from
an
eminently
course
of
banking.1
Equally respects.
discounting
conservative He repelled
was
a
in other
to make
tees proposition to erect small commita certain class of loans, instead of leaving all The bank, he declared, had lost to the board.
by "irregular discounting," and it was advisable not much for making to risk repeating the loss by creating the facilities such loans.2 He also made it a cardinal point of his policy rowers." to get rid of directors who were "large or habitual borIt
was
difficult to
on
was
refuse them accommodations the directorates, and consequently to exclude them, which was consistently lay, however,
rather
vision, under a close superto engage freely in banking while allowing them Cheves's method of solving the problem had operations. been to restrict their business, in many cases almost completely. loss could accrue with such a plan, the Bank of the United States might almost as well have been conwere non-existent, so far as the West and Southwest cerned. Biddle justly regarded this situation as intolerable,
no
While
an
admitted
he evolved new and stricter measures of control for the branches to to allowing them preparatory increase their business. to be When the directors were
chosen for the offices, he dispatched letters to his intimate friends and advisers in the neighborhood of the offices,
1 In the case of New York this policy was relaxed for a short period in the spring Lenox to discount 1827, the office being allowed at six months. of objected even to Dec. 27, 1827, P. L. B., Vol. this." To Biddle, Dec. 20, 1827, B. P. ; Biddle to Lenox,
II, p. 329.
2
3
To William To
Gray,
Lloyd,
president
Boston
office,1823, B. P.
James
July 26,
1826, B. P.
102
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
solicitingadvice as to the situation of the offices, and particularly The presidents to the condition of the vacancies. as likewise called upon for and cashiers of the branches were information, being given especial their recommendations a since it was point of prime importance that a
should act in friendly conjunction with its a new executive officers. In case president was to be elected to designate the at a branch, the central board undertook individual of its choice by placing his name at the head
the of the listof directors forwarded to the office. Though by charter provision election of the branch president was mation exclusively in the control of the branch directorate, the intiof the central board
matter
was was
of considerable bank a surer control of its offices and secured presidents who had the confidence of the board at Philadelphia.1 In 1825 2 Biddle evolved still another plan for strengthening
the
directorates and checking any tendency This consisted in empowto perilous vagaries in business. ering the directors of the parent board resident in cities branch existed to sit at the local boards, with the right to advise and discuss, though not to vote.3 Naturally director so situated, acting as the agent of the central a
where branches ate, board, scrutinized keenly the methods of the local directorThe advanthe loans made, and the policy pursued.
the organization of the institution, the president of an office is necessarily Board with the general superintendence by the Parent of its affairs, charged in selecting the other Directors of the by the parent Board he is chiefly relied on Board. In any he is in fact a confidential officer of the parent estimate office,
1
"
From
for the Office,his acceptability to the parent then of the qualifications of candidates he is at once to contract Board with whom relations of very intimate confidence, is be attached."" to which Biddle to some a may weight naturally circumstance
William
2
Wirt,
to S. Wheaton,
of
Providence,
Biddle to Lawrence,
"
3 But for the last few years the practice and an excellent one it is, nas been for the Parent Directors to sit at the office Board as regularly as if they were members Biddle to George Hoffman, of Baltimore, Oct. of it" and do every thing but vote." 27, 1829, ibid., VoL III, p. 79.
"
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
103
tages accruing from this plan were most marked at the large officesof the East and South, since non-resident directors of the central board were almost invariably selected at these places. The authority of the central board was further strengthened by clearly defining, while enlarging, the functions of theory of the administration own the branch cashier. "My of the Bank," wrote Biddle, "and my uniform practice, is to consider the Cashier of an Office,as the confidential officer of this Board, to rely on him and to hold him responsible for the execution of their orders;" he must obey orders from to the extent Philadelphia even the local of disobeying keep both the central board, if necessary,1 and he must officeand the other branches thoroughly informed of those to their interest to know.2 Better transactions which it was
also secured by selecting all the new cashiers were the trusted, thoroughly known cials offiappointees from among had been trained at the bank in Philadelphia. who branch
intimately acquainted with the policy of the bank ; their honesty had been tested ; and machinery known; they were their characters were not open to the
cashiers
were
Such
of making loans to assist friends and relatives, since they had neither friends nor relatives in the localities likely to obey in which were they were settled.3 They
temptation
1 Biddle 2
we
to C. L. West, cashier
you
were
at New
Orleans, May
"Since
in the
Bank
before,
and
are
its discipline
is much
improved
constant
and
are
in the
frequent
the
habit
requiring
essential being
and of
the
course
good
Bank
the basis My
of all
our
facts
present
purpose
correspondence which cannot of Mobile, Jan. 10, 1827, ibid., Vol. II, pp. 233, 234.
3
of is to invite your attention to a constant and regular be too frequent Biddle to George Poe, and detailed."
"
measures
of
in the appointment Bank has been Policy of confidential of the trusts to take in preferto live at a distance and to execute such important ence officers Officers brought eye whose up in the Bank character and conduct under our own "The
known to us, and afford the best guarantee of their capacity to carry into effect I have long been satisfied that the system the Bank with which they are familiar. of in case a Branch is I think it will be pursued this is the true policy of the Bank and to the cashier. course Portland. The observation only applies of at established Biddle to John by the Directors The other officers are appointed of the Branch.""
were
104
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
orders promptly and to keep a careful lookout for the general interests of the bank, since they knew that future promotion depended at Philadelphia and not upon the officials upon the local directorates. To diminish still further the temptation of the cashier to act as the mere creature of the forbidden to borrow from the local board, that officer was
prohibition applied to the subordinate These rules were as well.1 correct, and their results officials were excellent. Before their adoption the bank had suffered
same
offices. The
severely from the peculations of branch cashiers and other as officials,2 well as from the tendency of these to act with loans. It was the local boards in making
objectionable
found, too, that variations from these rules during Biddle's administration resulted disastrously.3
Further
were means
devised
by
February, business
1826.
of securing complete control of the offices the creation of two assistant cashiers in The first of these was to supervise the
a knowledge of the branches, especially to secure "of the accounts between the offices,"of which the bank had
never
before possessed sufficient information, and to superintend This officer was to keep up the exchange business.
quent correspondence with the branches and make fretrips of inspection.* The other assistant cashier was debt of the bank and of the to take charge of the suspended
a
constant
The
show
that the
of
out
McKim, to John of Boston, Nov. 23, 1826, P. L. B., Vol. H, p. 209; same Dec. 26, 1826, ibid., pp. 219, 220. In letter to Baltimore Biddle points " is " a positive recommendation." that the cashier's being without connexions"
1 2
John Cases
The
Potter
to Biddle, Charleston,
were
in point
at Baltimore,
Middletown.
the Nashville
Nashville
was we
branch
*"
and
Again,
We
March
5
officer for these two 14, 1826, P. L, B., Vol. II, p. 140.
between the of the accounts sufficient knowledge these accounts, and we wish also to have our have We therefore well managed. appointed Biddle to John McKim, Jr., of Baltimore, purposes." had
a
"
Ibid.
See Appendix
III, Rules
and
Regulations
of the Bank,
NICHOLAS debt
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
105
suspended
real estate were carefully and profitably while the Biddle correspondence proves that managed, the duties of the assistant cashier in inspecting the branches Biddle faithfully discharged. himself attached so were and
"
much
importance
"
to thorough
inspection that
on
several
in order
occasions
the country
necessary to have cashier watchful, completely informed, and in closest touch with the this officer was
cashier since 1820, was apparently superannuated ; at any rate, he did not tactfully satisfaction;2 and therefore he was give complete Orleans, while in his place was appointed a shifted to New
Wilson,
who
had
been
delphia.3 of Philaan thoroughly in was excellent officer, with his head, tactful and conservative, and watchsympathy ful He remained in office until of the interests of the bank.
younger
man,
Mr. William
Mcllvaine,
July, 1832, when he resigned. These measures various resulted materially the amount of fraud which
upon the
in diminishing
very
had
bank,
and
in
securing
much
been
methods,
a
all they made possible the adoption of policy of expansion in the bank's business. Biddle laid particular stress upon the accumulation of a surplus. Since Cheves's entire administration had been devoted
and above
i
"
wanted
in a day or two to accomplish what I have find leisure. I mean tion but could never a personal inspecare easy of access, of the offices. I shall begin with those in the North which Officers distant offices will be afterwards inspected by some own of our and the more it thorimportance to execute to (.his measure oughly."" and will endeavor attach much "I Biddle to J. Potter, of Princeton, July 26, 1826, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 179. I
am
about
leaving
Philadelphia
to do for three
years
Other Biddle
*
trips
were
taken
in 1829.
Cadwalader
and
Colt
visited
western
offices.
"
to Webster, H.
in January." NILES, Vol. XXIX, was transferred p. 289; Biddle to R. Gilmor, of Baltimore, Feb. 3, 1826, P. L. "., Vol. II, Mcllvaine's announcing election,
3
Wilson
p. 112.
106
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
no
In January, 1823, accordsurplus fund had been provided. ing "a dollar of reserved profits," to Biddle, there was not to though in his opinion it was "of the utmost importance have provision against current losses, so ' From the the dividend from fluctuation."
some as
to preserve beginning to
ceased his of his presidency, therefore, he never a surplus that would make the bank efforts to accumulate All profits from the safe and strong in all contingencies. the end sale of bank stock forfeited during the troublous regime of William Jones, allcollections of interest upon the suspended By July, 1825, the surdebts, went uniformly to this fund. plus
it steadily increased until at the expiration of the charter it was over $6,000,000. Biddle's management of the bank in these early years
exceeded
$550,000,and
was
by the stringency of approved He 1825. the action of the always claimed that it was Bank of the United States alone which saved the country in that year from serious losses. In 1824 business was
thoroughly
tested and
slack, and
instead of putting funds into long loans, as he might profitably have done, Biddle secured government 1825 When always a market.2 stock for which there was for money, he was brought brisk demands cautious of meeting " them, arguing that the unexpected and sudden increase of the demands
....
requires that
3
we
Watching circumspect at the present moment." and the monetary affairsof the world with intent care, he clearly foresaw the approach of the pressure of 1825 and began to prepare for it.4 In May he wrote to Lawrence, of
Lloyd, of Boston, July 5, 1825, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 28. " would be slack in this year, the bank had thought it very in the late loan." as possible desirable to place as much of the funds of the Bank Biddle to Kobert Qilmor, of Baltimore, June 23, 1824, ibid., Vol. I, pp. 165-7. The C., 18th loans to the extent of $10,000,000in 1824-25." bank took government .4. of 26. Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. H, Appendix, pp. 3228, 3229, 3249-51. Acts of May 24 and May
1
Biddle to James
Seeing
that business
"
3
*
To
of Baltimore, April 15, 1825, P. L. B., Vol II, p. 12. April 22, 1825, p. 18. Instructions to President I. Lawrence of the New York office,
John
White,
NICHOLAS
AND
His the
POLICY
107
result of "wild and exaggerated speculation," and that the bank must not be by it.1 As the year passed the pressure carried away In England a comincreased, and panic began to develop. mercial
was
New
York,
that
most tremendous proportions carried so ruin everywhere, and in the United States the alarm was " " one of the directors of the great that, according to Gouge, crisis of the
" of the United States talked publicly on the Exchange specie payat Philadelphia of the expediency of suspending ments."2 Whoever this director may have been, certainly
Bank
was
resolved to ward off any such disaster. In discounting of loans on a pledge of bank
September
or
the
government holding stocks was approved,3 as giving relief to merchants tunately Unforsuch stocks and unable to find a market for them.
the bank
extreme
at this moment
was
compelled
to act with
circumspection, because it had to expend on the 1st of of October $7,000,000of the public funds in redemption debt. This brought it into debt to the state the national of Philadelphia, and expansion of its business. banks prevented any pronounced To extricate itself the bank sold thus
large portions of its own and the government stock in its possession in order to increase its supply of specie. By the it was firstof November more once the creditor of the state banks.* Though
the
contract.
Solvent
"can get as much as they want good credit," wrote Biddle, ! In New York, which was the center of the at 6 per cent." for the substitution of excessive pressure, Biddle arranged
paper
1 3 *
for demands
to Walter
made
of New
H. R.
there
2
instructed
Biddle For
these
details
460, 22d
The
amount
5
of government
Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 60, 61, 254, 434, 435. in October was over $2,100,000,f o
its own
"H.
108
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
done the office at that place to increase its loans,1 which was immediately to the extent of $50,000.2 This wise policy was continued throughout the rest of the year,3 being deliberately
adopted It must
as
the
most
and enlightenment, that at aid was needed the Bank of the United States was able to render it. It had pursued in previous years a out sober and conservative plan of operations ; its loans were were on short paper, its supply of specie was large, its means and the moment
completely at its disposal, and its credit was unshaken.5 that Cheves had reduced the bank's It will be remembered capital by retaining the shares of its stock which had been
ance surrendered in 1819, and that he had advised the continureducing of of this policy with the object permanently the bank's capital by three or four millions. This was one
which a difference of opinion prevailed, the stockholders wished to sell the stock and a party among in order to increase the active capital of the bank, which they considered too reduced, because over $11,000,000were
of the questions
on
tied up in suspended debts and real estate. In 1824 Biddle was of the officialsof the bank to part with urged by some this stock, but declined, since he agreed with Cheves that the bank
i
had
no
use
Biddle
to I. Lawrence, to Biddle,
2
3
1. Lawrence
"
It is our
as
of confidence.""
the increase of the loans and stillthink, that this measure, in the face of an approaching panic, could alone have averted the same were consequences, with such fatal effect which, in a few days afterwards, operating Biddle to Investigating England."" Committee upon of 1832, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., I then thought,
of the bank, 1st Sess., p. 435; also Biddle to A. Dickins, Nov. 30, 1828, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 443. 5 In March May, $33,992,000; July, $33,531,000; tember, Sep$31,668,000; active loans were
h $33,091,000; October, $33,400,000;December, $32,329.000;oldings of United increased from to $20,738,000in July and States funded $18,400,000in March stock from to $6,977,000in March were at $18,600,000 in December; circulation increased i to $9,542,000n October; and specie fell from $5,782,000 $4,544,000.
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
109
the stock was not sufficiently appreciated, and because the loan and would need the bank wanted to take a government
funds from the sale of the forfeited stock to pay for it.1 The transaction then would be doubly profitable, since one profit could be secured on the sale of the stock and another on
the
bonds
too
; it would,
a
moreover,
large
stock would replace the bank stock sold and government the necessity of extending discounts would not arise. In 1824-25 the bank secured $10,000,000in government stock
forfeited shares. Most of the and began the sale of its own sales took place in the first six months of 1825, when the The market was very favorable, the stock selling at 119.
2 profits from the sales up to July, 1825, aggregated $481,000. In 1827 business was more, slack once and again Biddle loan.3 This time he was a government attempted to secure
not
the board permitted consequence This was a paper. mistake and was inconsistent with Biddle's past policy. There was constant pressure, however, for an increase in the dividends, many
as
of
dissatisfied with their much smallness and criticising harshly the conservative policy of Whether or the bank's management.* not these considerations influenced the president cannot be said, but it can be
the
stockholders
being
Biddle Biddle
to John
to
White,
of Baltimore,
James
Lloyd,
July
5, 1825, ibid., p.
were
From
June
14, 1824, to
Dec. 5, 1829, the proceeds of stock $117,548,and the profits were was
252-5, 294.
3
sold
the $4,645,859.16, average rate per share H. $693,559.16." R. 460, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., pp.
Biddle
241-3 ; to Webster,
Feb.
Biddle and get a new board which formed to remove a combination was informant, larger dividends. It amounted to nothing, but Biddle's a pay would be increased." Bowne trusted friend, gave it as his opinion that the dividends should In 1825
to Biddle,
"
New
York,
June
aware
You
are
doubtless
over
the Bank
which
you
In 1828 a stockholder at Baltimore wrote : the opposition to your administration of the affairs of of itself in your city, preside, which has recently manifested
28, 1825, B. P.
110
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
persisted in the policy of declining all long loans, as he had The year 1828 was done in 1824. again one of pressure, to not so well prepared and this time the corporation was On the contrary, meet the situation as it had been in 1825. gave for its refusal which were reasons not particularly laudable in the man who prided himself upon relieving the stringency in 1825 by the enlightened method of granting loans freely
to all who
reason
can was
the board
had
to refuse
accommodations,
and
Biddle
be
no
securities. His principal could furnish good that the banks had loaned too much,1 and there doubt that the Bank of the United States must be
To save itself, the delinquents. therefore, included among it should it had to restrict its dealings at the very moment have expanded them, and inaugurated a contraction lasting
2 from the 12th of February until the 1st of May.3 from 1823 to 1828 The success of Biddle's management
is revealed in the monthly returns of the bank. were of January, 1823, the total investments
On
the first
$41,754,000,
and
over
on
the
same
date in 1828,
an $51,307,000,
$9,500,000. Of the total, United comprised $11,000,000 at the first date, $17,624,000 at the less than $3,000,last,so that the increase in discounts was
000
the contemporaneous growth Circulation increased in population and trade is considered. in a larger ratio, the amount than doubling : on January more
"
1, 1823, it
New
was
only
$4,432,000, and
on
January
1, 1828,
The the impression York and elsewhere. that your are under stockholders is to keep in check the State Banks, and to regulate the currency of the country object be inconvenient to you, while you receive the their cost." This they say may not at
salary of President of the Bank, but it does not suit them." to declare a dividend of 314 per cent." June 17, 1828, B. P.
1
He
then
advises Biddle
Article by Biddle
in National
Gazette,
extracts,
2
3
GOUGE
of Philadelphia, 150-56.
See, for
to Lenox, to
same,
II, p. 344.
reports
so
April 27, 1828, ibid, p. 381. The monthly for loans was is that the demand explanation would
show
no
excessive
relief
an
expansion
have been
necessary.
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
111
rose
from
$3,372,-
$6,142,000; while the holdings of specie mounted from $4,424,000 $6,170,000. By July, 1828, the annual to its income of the bank had been increased $823,312 over income in 1822, an amount representing profits on $21,000,had been secured, first,by the sale of the bank's productive stock and the investment of the funds in a more form, and, secondly, by the enlargement of the bank's circulation The suspended and consequent dealings in exchange.
000, which
to debt had been reduced from over $9,000,000 $7,109,009. from nothing to $1,500,000; The surplus had grown the
semi-annual dividends from 2^ to 3^ per cent. ; the western that the arrears of offices had been so carefully managed interest paid annually $111,000. It was that with justice
the stockholders in 1828 triumph."1 looked upon the result as
a
"signal
The
most
during
notable increase in the transactions of the bank to be found in the dealings in this period are
Foreign was exchange exchange. of little consequence The profits from it began to develop. until 1826, when foreign exchange in the first six months of that year were $60,000,2 about the average rate of profits and this was
thenceforth,8 the The
extensive
trade
taking
in 1827-28.*
based upon As a conthe sale of southern produce, particularly cotton. sequence a large buyer of of the cotton trade the bank was
large seller of them in the fairly level, This kept the exchange with England North.5 "less important and Biddle claimed that the dealings were and
a
1
Report
of the Committee
to P. P. F. Degrand,
of Stockholders, of Boston,
Vol. XXXV,
pp.
74, 75.
2 8
Biddle Biddle
June
'Same
s
Same
to
112
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
as a
STATES
by far
as
source
much of truth in this claim, but, truth or not, it is certain that from the year 1827 the Bank of the United States virtually controlled the foreign exchange market,
there
was
being able by the plan of buying billsin the South and selling in other words, through its branchbills in the North bank system to drive out all competition. This was the
" "
bankers and brokers of much dissatisfaction among who had hitherto drawn a considerable portion of their profits from dealings in foreign exchange.2 One of the most efficient causes of the bank's unpopularity with the local
source
banks
centers
arose
from
charges were for the purpose of increasing its profits and driving out its competitors. These assertions do not appear to rest on any basis, and may be disregarded. The bank's dealings in foreign exchange were much expanded by the selling of bills for the China trade, and were effective in stopping the export of specie to the East Indies and to China.3
The
while
dealings in inland exchange also increased very considerabl In January, 1823, they were only $1,940,000, in January, 1828, they were $5,022,000. Here is
Biddle's method of augmenting the bank's revealed at once discount business, for three-quarters of this augmentation is plainly apparent in these figures. The increase took place
The total discounts of bills mostly in the West and South. from July, 1827, to July, 1828, were of inland exchange as $22,084,222, and the profits $451,203.17, against profits in 1822 of $95,240.25.* The
i
3
period 1823-28
was
one
both of conservative
p. 308.
2
and
ibid.
of
Biddle Biddle
to Gallatin, July 29, 1830, P. L. P., Vol. HI, to T. Pitkin, Feb. 4, 1835, B. P.
The
Keport
of the Committee
of Stockholders,
sale of India bills began in 1825. Sept. 1, 1828, NILES, Vol. XXXV, p. 74.
NICHOLAS
BIDDLE
AND
His
POLICY
113
successful banking on the part of the Bank of the United States; the affairs of the institution were aged carefully mandealings considerably ; it checked the ; it extended its
tendencies
an was on
business; it put of the state banks to do unsound end to most of the depreciated state -bank currencies; it fairly popular; its dealings with the government were
the best footing; it gave the nation a better currency before had ; and it had finally reached than the country ever the point in public opinion where it was for the uses both of the government
CHAPTER
THE BRANCH
VI.
DRAFTS.
by Biddle to suppress the depreciated employed currencies of the South and West, making the currency of the United States fairly sound and uniform, and thus giving the Bank of the United States a preponderating share
means
THE
in the business of those sections, have been detailed. Complete however, did not attend these measures success, until " branch drafts," as they were the introduction of called. These did not in any single respect affect the measures
means
of executing
It will be remembered believed that Biddle had never that the charter provision for receiving the branch notes in payment to the government a defect, nor was everywhere indeed that such a usage would be perilous if extended in a to individuals. He was large measure thoroughly persuaded could deal extensively in the West and South, discovered by were safe means provided only that some which the officesin those sections could be prevented from
that the bank
tal attracting to themselves an undue share of the bank's capithat some ; in other words, provided method was found whereby the branches furnished the funds when they issued
He very early their notes for the payment of their notes. concluded that he had found the solution of the problem in
i
Biddle
was
measure.
"
in the policy of the Bank change its powers and its usefulness. of
a very curious and a very authentic document because the Bank the change of the system made and specially really I should like that it has been for the ten years past, and is my peculiar work. what historical and by your Committee, to the country so as to become explained matter I will thank you therefore to take charge of it."" Biddle to Webster, Dec. 8, 1834, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 284.
made It is
in which the drafts were the crowning system," furnished Mr. Tyler was the one showing by myself which led to the full development
interests
me
114
THE
BRANCH
DRAFTS
115
the purchase of bills of domestic exchange which should be tated.1 payable in those centers to which the notes naturally graviThe bills bought were to be drawn on New Orleans
or
cities at short dates, so that they might to maturity and be paid at these places simultaneously come The plan was an with the notes.2 excellent one, and could provided the bills of exchange produce no embarrassments,
the Atlantic
promptly paid. Even before the system was elaborated, however, it was painfully evident that the bank did not possess the means of executing it. By the terms of the charter all its notes had
to
were
be
signed
by
its president
and
not
countersigned
by
its
cashier, and
amount
these officerscould
of small notes with Consequently Biddle's plans could the necessary currency. By not succeed in the first years of his administration. 1828 the South and West were almost destitute of notes The whole of the bank. up to that year equaled
were
cient suffi-
of five-dollar notes issued only $1,576,000. Several offices nations: almost entirely without notes of the smaller denomihad on hand only 2 notes of $5; "Portsmouth
amount
1 "The ties has always been, and stillis one of the greatest difficulquestion which in the administration The difficulty arose the bank is this of its circulation." of from the necessity of redeeming all the bank's notes at every office,no matter where issued, in dealings with the government, this giving rise to fears of embarrassment
culty the difficonsidered worthy of trial, whether large participation in domestic not exchanges; might which, besides its other advantages, might enable the bank to be always provided accompany out of these issues, would with a fund, which, being in fact created and
to the institution.
"
be
afterwards by a surmounted
It
was
BIDDLE, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., sustain them."" Report for 1831, NILES, Vol. XLI, pp. 113 ff.
2
"
See
also Triennial
When
the
branch
at New
Orleans
for different
objects
the north, these bills are the functions paid, await the arrival of the period when the notes, having performed in the course brought trade to the Atlantic offices, are of a circulating medium, of given ; or, finally, where they are met by the proceeds of the bills for which they were
in the purchase of exchange, based on the drawn by the bank upon the the bills of exchange exportation of produce houses to which the bills from New Orleans are remitted, provide the fund European Orleans, originally issued in the purchase to meet the notes of the branch at New of
notes
are
issues its notes, it does it to various persons, issued in payments If these notes, however, are branches, and, being there sent to the northern
if these
issued
in New
Orleans
to Europe,
them.""
H.
116
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
"without a single only 8;" and Louisville was All the offices together had only $100,five dollar note." 000 in five-dollar notes, and $500,000 in ten-dollar notes.1
Providence
existed from the first,there had been frequent attempts to escape it by petitioning Congress for permission to have signers of the notes other than the president and cashier. The bank firstapplied in January,
As
bill authorizing the appointment deputy cashier for the purpose,3 of a vice-president and but the bill was in the House at the indefinitely postponed passed
a
18 18.2
The
Senate
third reading.
After
Cheves
became
president
Again a bill was memorial was presented.4 Senate, empowering the appointment of an agent and a registrar to sign the notes,5 and passed there in February, 1821 ;6 and again it failed in the House after being twice
read.7 and
a
A third memorial was presented in December, 1821,8 bill was offered in the Senate, failing there by a vote acted ably.11 favor-
of 23 to 19.9 A fourth memorial, in 1823,10 was never reported upon by the Senate, but a House committee Nothing, however, was done.
The
and
worn
difficultyof signing sufficient notes became greater as time passed, since many of them From February out and had to be destroyed.
to January
21, 1827,
over
were $2,800,000
circulation.12 Cashier Mcllvaine intolerable, that sufficient could not signing notes was
1
Biddle
to Secretary
Rush, Jan. 10, 1828, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 53, 54.
2 Ibid., Jan. 13, 1818, A. of C., 15th Cong., 1st Sess.,Vol. p. 49. Memorial presented I, p. 710; reported favorably Jan. 20, ibid,, p. 792. 3 April 14, 1818, ibid., p. 365.
*Dec.
5 8
9
1, 1820, ibid., 16th Cong., 2d Sess., Vol. in, 20, ibid., p. 127.
"
p. 29.
^
Dec.
Ibid., p. 360.
Ibid., p. 1193.
Dec. 27, ibid., 17th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, p. 40. March
14, 1822, ibid., p. 291.
10
Presented
Jan.
House,
Jan. 28,
ibid., p. 713.
11
pp.
Mcllvaine
to Biddle,
THE
BRANCH
DRAFTS
117
supplied in any case, and that he would resign rather than structi "The decontinue in office under such harsh conditions. " is now that our so rapid," he wrote, circulation
and specie must profit from
soon
a
balance each other and leave us without quarter where we ought to have the most.'"
directors, therefore, returned to the of project securing to the appointment consent of additional congressional
Biddle, writing to Webster in 1826, gave it as his opinion that the charter as it stood would permit other signers, but added that he "would like to have an act," and Acting of 1823.2 suggested the revival of the memorial
The
signers.
gress,3 authority from the board, he again appealed to Condeclaring that the House but without avail, McLane Committee and Means would not make a favorable of Ways
under
that Congress
would
never
of directors cast about for some The invention of which they could obtain the desired end. branch drafts was the result. The possibility of issuing
first pointed out by John Forsyth in such a currency was 1818,5 and it is probable that Biddle took the idea from Before proceeding to issue the drafts Forsyth's suggestion.6 the board
it advisable to consult competent legal talent, and Biddle laid the proposition before Daniel Webster and Horace Binney,7 both of whom were at the time members of
thought
Dec. 1, 1826, H. E. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 52. Biddle, Jan. 19, 1829, B. P.
2 5
*To
to trade in bills of exchange, The bank is authorized and trades in bills with The directors to do but make an thus have nothing order each of its branches. to draw directing the president and cashier of each branch on them small bills, payable to the bearer, and the object is effected. ""A. ofC., 15th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II,
p. 1748, April 16, 1818.
6
Biddle
mentions
Forsyth's remarks
to Edward
Everett, March
Vol. IV,
i
"
p. 213.
The several offices of this bank, especially those at a distance, are in the in its habit of drawing of the community checks on the bank for the accommodation from These the business they are the nature exchange operations. checks, of
designed
to facilitate,
as
well
as
from
them,
and
the hazard
118
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the central board and thoroughly familiar with the subject. Binney gave an opinion supporting the bank's power under
the charter to issue the drafts, and Webster and AttorneyThe opinion was to the effectthat, General Wirt concurred. since the issue of checks upon the bank by its branches was
ordinary banking operation, the proposed use was legal, " " for large sums or signed small," whether the checks were by one "the external with or without officer or more," l Hereupon the bank authorized appearance of a bank note."
an
been for large sums. It is proposed, of their being counterfeited, have generally the community a view to the more of general accommodation and the bank, with that the offices should be instructed to issue these checks for smaller sums, such as twenty, by the dealers with those offices ; ten, and five dollars, whenever requested in order to relieve the offices from the burden of preparing them, to transmit, and, from the bank, the blank forms of the checks, wanting the signatures of the only to the prevention a view persons at the respective offices. With proper of counterfeits,
and the security of the bank as well as the public, it is further proposed, that as near the general appearance of these checks should be uniform, and approaching, to that of the notes of this bank, to which the as their different natures will permit, is now habituated be signed, not by the ; and, also, that they should community
cashiers alone, as the checks are at present, but by both the presidents and cashiers 22, 1827, H. R. 460, and Binney, March of the respective offices."" Biddle to Webster 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 50.
" As there is no substantial difference as follows : were essential points made between the the checks or drafts heretofore drawn at the different offices upon hereafter to draw, the it is proposed States, and those which Bank the United of be no legal difference being in appearance than in form, there can more even tion objec-
The
does not apply to everything of this nature that has been done to them, which by the present Bank of the United States, by the former bank, and by almost all the banks in the country : " If the former practice has been lawful, so must the proposed practice be ; for, or small, the drafts be for large sums they are signed by one officer whether whether
. .
.
or they have the external appearance note of a bank and whether wise, otherindifference, and entirely within the competency be a matter must of perfect of the bank to regulate at its pleasure. That the former practice is without objection, is to be inferred from its long or more,
"
It is a practice, continuance. for, in this way only, can between operations exchange
of every banking corporawithin the powers tion, intercourse of a bank and its offices, and the banking institutions, be adequately prosecuted, and to empower by charter, every bank is competent its unless restrained consequently, its funds, wherever to draw such drafts or checks upon situated, and to bind officers It is an ordinary banking to the holder for their due honor. the corporation operation,
moreover,
the
it is Whether their general faculties are perfectly competent to issue ' bills or notes promising the payment the power the corporation of of within his or their order, or to bearer,' unless signed by to any person or persons, money by the principal cashier or treasurer, is not the the president, and countersigned inquiry. The affirmative provision in the 12th fundamental article, which present
to which
gives
bills or notes, though a particular unsealed, effect, has the bank."" to checks or drafts drawn at the offices upon conceive, March 23, 1827, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 51. such
no
reference, I Philadelphia,
THE
BRANCH
DRAFTS
119
the issue by the officesof five- and ten-dollar drafts,1signed by the branch presidents and cashiers, drawn on the principal cashier at Philadelphia, and payable to some officerof branch, or his order. This officerthen indorsed the drafts the the effect of transforming them The drafts were into a circulating medium.2 prepared in blank at Philadelphia and transmitted to the offices. They
"payable
to bearer," with
to resemble bank notes as closely as possible in made design, color, and texture,3 and so accurate was the likeness five that after they had been extensively circulated for over
were
man
in ten thousand"
were
They
had
"
ten-dollar denominations,
twenty-dollar
drafts
being
added in 183 1.5 The secretary of the treasury accepted them in payment footing of taxes and dues on precisely the same the notes of the bank,6 thus giving the approval of the as to their use and materially assisting in their cirgovernment culatio and when Congress renewed the charter it inserted a clause forbidding their use after 1836, additional signers of the circulating them notes being permitted instead.7 The bank employed to the end, while the government their receipt continued
until January
1
2
They
were
bitterly attacked
in
1832,
1, 1835.8
April 6, 1827, ibid., p. 52.
was
as
Minutes
of the Bank,
Ibid., p. 56.
The
form
follows
Pay
Cashier of the Bank of the United to Jas. L. Smith^ or order, five dollars. Oihce of discount and deposit in Utica, The 3d day of September, 1831. JOHN
B. LEVING,
cashier. indorsed : " Pay
name
States,
President.
N. V. GRAZIER, This
Part
was
then
to the
bearer.
at Utica
JAS. L. SMITH.""
was
I, p. 120. SBiddle
"
The
of the president
Devereux,
to Secretary
Rush,
CLAYTON,
March p.fl.975,
2, 1832.
56, 57.
Secretary
Rush
to charter, sec. 2, proviso, Sen. Jour., 22d Cong., 1st Sess., IV for the amended bill. 8 Woodbury's circular of Nov. 5, 1834, forbidding their receipt after Jan. 1, 1835, Ex. Doc. 42, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 2, 3.
p. 451.
See
120
THE
Benton,
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
in
who attacked the drafts as illegal,succeeded casting doubt upon them, and it consequently becomes Of course, to determine their legal status. importance
of
a
layman's
opinion on the legal character of bank paper is of value, but, by sticking to facts which are pretty relativelylittle generally admitted, one may hope not to go far astray. first point to be noted is that the drafts, while in in form and law drafts or actual use notes of the bank, were In determining their legal status it is certainly of checks. the firstimportance to keep clearly this distinction between
The
Benton and the legal nature of the drafts. Had chosen to do so, his speech would have been briefer, less But he preferred to involved, and less incomprehensible. apply two incompatible tests to the drafts: to treat them as
the
use
if they
and
as
were
to be
notes.
judgedin
law both
bank
Clearly, to spend
fatuous, since no one not notes was up proof that they were ever claimed that they were; to argue that, as they were not therefore illegal as a currency, notes of the bank, they were disingenuous, the conclusion by no means following was
from the
was
an
certainly did not succeed in doing. In confirmation of this conclusion there exists the opinion To the lay of Binney, Webster, and Wirt already quoted. But the opinion of the three conclusive. mind this seems
Benton
great lawyers does not stand alone; it is supported by a decision of the circuit court of the United States, which definitely that the bank was within its legal powers
adjudged
when decision,
issuing the
were
drafts.
The
drafts, according
not
to
this the
consequently
to subject
The charter did charter stipulations in respect to notes. not on that account prohibit their issue ;' in fact, it author1
"
We
this kind
find in it [i. e., the charter] no prohibition direct or indirect of paper either by the bank or any of its branches, or
against
any
issuing
or
word
THE
BRANCH
DRAFTS
121
ized the issue of such paper by the insertion of the words "or article of the other contract" in the twelfth fundamental contracts between the bank eleventh section;1 the drafts were and the recipients of them, for whose payment the bank was liable under the charter, as it was for all acts done under its rency authority by its agents ;2 that the drafts constituted a curmade
no
the counterfeiting of them was liable if they directors were charter stipulation.5 After this decision it
ton's arguments,
were
of the Ben-
seems
superfluous
to combat
may
but their consideration will assist in determining the precise legal character of the paper and therefore not be labor lost. To begin with, Benton reached his
conclusions
"expression neither can
only by
congress
denying
the
validity of the
court's
has excluded it from the purview of the 18th section ; ence thing in its nature justify such inferany perceive which would debts by any other mode The bank is left free to contract than by their an or note under seal, with no other limitation than is contained promissory obligation is merely as to amount, in the 8th fundamental the only effect article, which from liability for the excess, but to make the the bank of which, is not to exempt liable." United it shall happen, administration personally "directors, under whose States vs. Benjamin Shellmire, October term, 1831, Judges Baldwin and Hopkinson, 1 Baldwin, 370 ff. see also MILES, Vol. XLI, p. 231. ;
by which
we
"
is an by that the bank may explicit declaration make, and are bound These other than those by bond, bill, note or deposit. other contracts "contracts must be taken to mean and be co-extensive with ordinary transactions of banks In all these operations, checks or orders on the bank or its cashiers, are indispen
i
"
This
It is in our opinion no answer to the business of the bank sible to conducting to these views, that the law has not expressly authorized the officers of the branches draw for this point that they are on the bank ; it is enough not prohibited from Ibid. so." "doing
"
"The
8th fundamental
amount
"exceed the
agents,"
or
....
limited
mode is of the places where contracted, by them become the debts contracted them."" "They
or
The
they the bank liable for all debts, though article makes the offices of discount and deposite its the 14th makes ; it assumes, in which the bank contracts a debt, the shape
"
no
importance.
the debts
to pay
3
Ibid., and
MILES,
Vol. XLI,
The
for curor or rency small ones orders for remittance, devices or marks. in any form, with or without ornaments, circulation, and Whether they resemble in these particulars the notes of bank, is immaterial ; their debt or duty, obligatory legal effect are the same they create a new ; substance and on the bank."" Ibid.
may
be
in large drafts
Ibid.
Ibid., and
MILES,
Vol. XLI,
p. 231.
122
THE
SECOND
BANE
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
decision,
method which in itselfinvalidates most of his Having refused to admit the correctness of own argument. the court's interpretation of the law, he insisted on treating
a
tations instead of limiupon powers already possessed;1 asserted that the drafts were their legality as not notes, and then impeached the charter specifications as grants of power His assertion that the drafts were billsof exchange. not he proceeds, however, When notes will be readily admitted. bills of exchange they were not valid to be in error, for to reach this coninstruments, he seems clusion he argued that bills of exchange must always be transferred by indorsement and not by delivery, and that
to declare
that
as
such bills could not be reissued;2 This as to transfer, for "notes and bills
to bearer,
or
was
certainly
ous errone-
are
'A. B.
or
bearer.'
Such
faciethe property of the holder, are transferable by prima delivery, and if transferred by indorsement the indorsement
Even if not made payable to bearer need not be proved."5 when drawn, if indorsed "payable to bearer," the bill would * Nor did it become "transferable thereafter by delivery." both drawer and any difference that the bank was make drawee, maker and payee, providing that the bill was indorsed.5 The bank was bound also by the act of itsofficers
at the branches.
These
them
correct
no
supposing
1
If Benton
had been
clear grant decided against 2 For Benton's C. D., Vol. VIII, Part I, pp. 114-40. see argument ibid., p. 553. Buckner's argument, 3 American and English Encyclopedia of Law, Vol. II, p. 337.
"
"
The
to
payable delivery."" Ibid., pp. 338, 339. 5 "That the payee or drawee
by indorsement, transferable
e. g., a
note
thereafter
by
invalidate
indorsed."
drawee,
p. 315.
or
"
is identical with the maker Ibid., p. 336. "But such notes 85 111.,513. "The same person
"
or
drawer, does
incomplete
not
are
may
drawer
and payee."
American
and
English
Encyclopedia
THE
to reissue, it would
BRANCH
that, in
DRAFTS
123
seem
case
agreed, they might be reissued. The drafts, however, were not ordinary bills of exchange, but checks on the bank, differing from ordinary bills in deposit of money in a bank; in on a always being drawn
days of grace allowed ; in not freeing the drawer by neglect on the part of the holder to present them for demanded.1 was payment; and in not being due until payment
having
no
Of
course,
they
were
transferable
by
delivery if indorsed
payable to bearer. It must be admitted, however, that the use of branch drafts as a currency was not contemplated when the charter This would not necessarily make them illegal. was granted. Many
when grown Such
other banking operations have not been contemplated banking privileges have been conferred, but have up without any specific legal authority for them.
was
the
case
with
the
Yet
was
not
drafts varied in their legal status from the notes of the bank in the following particulars: they were not signed bank; by the president and cashier of the parent nor drawn
to of the corporation; nor subject the legally supervision of the secretary of the treasury; nor payable where of public dues; nor receivable in payment limited to issued ; nor suable on at the issuing branch ; nor
name
in the
the denomination
i
"
of five dollars
not inland
or
above.
Bank
checks
bank
or
banker.
bills of exchange, but have many of the properties are ; and many paper of the rules of the law merchant applicable difference are that a check is always drawn on chief points of is not discharged No days of grace The drawer are allowed.
are
by the laches of the holder in presentment has sustained some injury by the default.
for payment, unless he can show that he is demanded, It is not due until payment from that time. It is by its face the approthe statute of limitations runs priation only and in the hands of the drawee to the payment money of the drawer of so much liability of the drawer. It is not necessary that the drawer of a bill of an admitted
of the drawee.
check
in such
case
would
be
124
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
ferences not one was of practical interest to the community, because in actual use the bank took advantage only of the power to sign the drafts by others than the president and
Nor would it have paid to take cashier at Philadelphia. a advantage of any other difference. What was wanted was substitute for notes, not an instrument of different properties
aroused suspicion and thwarted As to the other differences, the only the very ends sought. from which the bank could by any possibility reap an ones those by which it might issue drafts of a advantage were whose
use
would
have
than five dollars and refuse payment of the bank all drafts excepting at the parent office.1 Had either of these legal rights, however, the attempted to use imposing a penalty greater than appropriate punishment,
lesser denomination
any benefit gained, would have been found immediately in to it. the refusal of the treasury to take them in payments In that case their circulation would have been diminished, their credit impaired, and the very purposes for which they
were
between
notes
were
discrimination Hence,
the
where
same
were
receivable, and
rules obtained in regard to redemption, payment, and deposit. dangerous, branch notes Consequently, if branch drafts were
must
have
These facts even the enemies of the other. of forced to admit, while laboring in vain to the bank were Thus Benton in his incoherent attack explain them away. violently asserted that they were later granted but a moment
i
been
one
kind
must
of have
payment of 12 per cent, interest on non-payment might if it existed, but only in case been an advantage The of the bank's failure. fact that the government to take them in receipt of revenue was not bound payments to the bank. a positive disadvantage was
The
ability to refuse
have
125
branches.1
paid
at other
Biddle
stated the
whole
matter
branch "The and over again. succinctly over in practice, substitutes for he said, "being, Like notes, are considered in all respects the same.
notes,
those
branches;
necessarily Branch draughts of all denominations are received received on account of the Government, and those only of five dollars are uals." necessarily received on account of individ2
those
received
are
at all the
not
These
statements
on a
are
corroborated
no
by
the
was
bank
ever
correspondence
the
and subject,3
evidence
the
adduced The
mist able econohas treated at length the history of the bank, is who invariably cited as conclusive against the drafts. It becomes therefore, to point out some of moment, misapprehensions he seems into which to have fallen. For instance, he declares
one
brusquely
*
manner
as
"
convertibility." Since the drafts were treated in precisely the same the notes, they had just the same amount of convertibil
no more, no
that
the
drafts
"had
no
true
less.
If they
no
were
not convertible,
the notes
were
one
has
ever "no
reached
true conthe point of asserting that the notes possessed vertibil Again, he appears to believe that the branch drafts as a currency device to be substituted for notes were
issued branch
in 1818,
drafts"5
speaking in 1827.
of
the
use
a
of
confusion
to be
drafts as a currency device with the of the branch drafts drawn by the bank. The ordinary bank customary drafts did not need
1
3
Cashier
120 ; Jaudon
* 5
York to Jaudon, Sept. 28, 1833; 8. D. 17, 23d Cong., at New to New York cashier, Sept. 30, 1833, ibid,
Life of Jackson
Banking
(revised)
p. 303.
in the United
facts in connection
with
States, p. 186 ; though elsewhere drafts. the " invention " of branch
he describes
the
actual
126
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
by banks
were
ever
used
period when
the "branch
doing the work of the But these credit devices were the same only drawn for large sums, was ordinary draft was
draft"
was
transferable only by indorsement, and in 1818 certainly was supported by no provision for payment, and did not circulate The " branch drafts " differed in to any considerable extent.
they
were
bank-note
bank
currency. drafts as
They
were
the notes
themselves.3
promptly loose," he asserts, " from actual had cut in capital,"* and might be indefinitely inflated. They
"
considers the drafts possessed of no not naturally holds that they were
true convertibil
opinion. It may functions. In that be said, however, that they could perform the same is at a loss to understand be made tion one over the invennoise should why so much branch drafts, and why anyone illegal. of should regard them as Sumner, in denying
" in were convertibility to the drafts, asserts, too, that they form redeemable issued, but in intention and practice they were redeemed where hundreds Andrew Jackson (revised),p. 303. The drafts were not of miles away." " in form redeemable while in practice they where issued," but only at Philadelphia,
"
were
His
issued, at Philadelphia at many and of the other offices. where draft is again bank the ordinary of note with of this species he quotes Gallatin in regard to the drafts. Gallatin is here (ADAMS, apparent when use Gallatiri's Works, Vol. Ill, p. 265) speaking of the ordinary of bank drafts, and redeemed confusion
arguing
that they
are
by his adding : part of the circulation, as is shown in the amount cannot of circulation of the bank, we
"
Though
in circulation as making part of the currency were will not in the least apply to branch drafts, which " included in the amount H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., of the cirulation." always doubt confusing, no are p. 56 ; 8. D. 79, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 4. Gallatin's remarks
"
not
draft" at the beginning of the paragraph, since he speaks of the "branch and does he proceeds to discuss the ordinary between the two when clearly discriminate bank draft. of the character of convertible bank-notes proved that they had none instruments were money, of credit which of credit, and, like all instruments limit to their have cut loose from actual redemption in capital, there was no more inflation than to the infinity of human hopes and human desires."" Andrew possible
* was
"
It
or
but
Jackson
THE
To in this the
BRANCH
DRAFTS
127
answer
absolutely no against them, to be valid, must be valid as against the notes. The But one does not need to urge this general objection. truth is that the drafts did not embarrass the bank because but that in many they had " cut loose from redemption,"
cases
is always ready that the drafts differed the notes, and respect from objections
too soon they had to be redeemed ; not that they stayed out too long, but that they did not stay out long enough. More than once they had to be paid before the bills of exchange,
from
to
come, were
the funds for redemption whose payment in February, themselves paid. Thus
were
1832,
otherwise
connected with it must press uncomfortably institution " in the East,1 and Biddle, writing to the
of the Charleston branch in January, the bank at states that the branch circulation embarrasses its eastern offices,because it is presented there for redemption before the bills of exchange on the notes were which issued
are
themselves
paid.2
Nor
from could not pouring out streams of this paper, for the drafts were all prepared at Philadelphia in blank and dispatched thence to the offices.4 Consequently all that was necessary to stop the
1 2
necessary. attention is at present large masses your notes, of find their way to the north, and being immediately soon a charge create which paid, the bank and the northern offices ; while in the present disturbed state of priupon vate drawn, find it extremely bills are upon credit, many of the houses which
as
did
Feb. 4, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 526. " There is one point, however, to which particular Your purchases into circulation naturally throw
difficult to meet their engagements and an extension of time without indulgence, from the bank itself,so that the notes must be paid by the bank, and the bills to Jan. 30, 1834, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., are meet them not paid by individuals."" Orleans office,ibid., p. 81 ; p. 79 ; see also letter of Biddle of date Jan. 24, 1834, to New and
Ex.
3 ^
of Committee
I, p. 138.
"And
by having
"Biddle
[i.e., branch drafts] is preserved of the issues of them tribution, for disall prepared and registered at the bank itself, and forwarded wanting only the signatures of the presidents and cashiers of the offices." to Secretary Rush, Jan. 10, 1828, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 54.
the entire control
them
128
THE
SECOND
from
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
to forward
branches
was
to refuse
any further supply to them.1 Seventeen branches issued this species of currency, those more, York, Baltinot doing so being Philadelphia, Boston, New Portsmouth,
Hartford,
Portland,
Washington,
this list it will be seen intended, in the West and South, and, as were employed, indeed, four-fifths of all the drafts issued in 1832 were put two in the South, and the other six in out at eight offices
Richmond.
From
"
the West
what amount of this currency was in circulation in 1832, since knowledge of this fact will help to determine the share which the drafts had in the expansion rency. of the issues of the bank and in the inflation of the curBenton, without knowing, assumed that the amount ran up into untold millions.3 The bank, however, sent in a
1
Sumner,
believing
of
embarrassments
were
can a
the
were
lays
and responsible for most of the errors too to their charge. "They much
most
be traced
of the
a
of the subsequent real troubles of the bank in the United States, p. 186. And again, in speaking the bank found itself of 1832: "The position in which drafts. Their effect was just beginning to of the branch in
a
made
investments
drafts or no branch drafts. Again, speaking were of " the charges against the bank in 1832, Sumner the expannotes that one of them was sion September 1, 1831, and April 1, 1832, of the circulation by $1,300,000between He adds : " The bank although the discounts had been reduced during the winter." was the facts struggling already with the branch drafts, and this struggle produced
permanent
in the West
Southwest
high ratio." Ibid. The truth is, if the bank in 1831-32, loans which were virtually
"
which On
Ibid., p. 204. It would be curious, to say the least, if circualleged." lation have increased discounts were to a considerable falling. extent, while should it is apparent that the facts alleged did not exist. The real state of examination
were
"
: In the time specified the circulation had increased $2,500,000, by Professor Sumner. The discounts, however, amount named almost On the contrary, they were had not fallen off during the winter. April 2 $4,400,000 on in excess on they were 1831, and they had not been at as the 2d of September, of what
affairs
was
as
follows
the
double
low
figure through
the winter
as
they
were
on
the 2d of April.
on
exchange aggregated 1831." Monthly Reports the 2d of September, in Cong., 1st Sess. Surely an increase of $2,500,000 the than
on
of bills of inland
$7,600,000ore m
Moreover, the purchase the 2d of April, 1832, of the Bank, Ex. Doc. 523, 22d circulation
was
not excessive
in the face of an increase in loans of $12,000,000. 2 For localities see note 3, p. 129. Fifty signers at work, and one hundred five and twenty places their perennial Part I, p. 138.
3
"
and
streams
fifty endorsing
of paper."
"
out
from
THE
the
BRANCH
DRAFTS
129
return
on
subject
for January,
1832, which
was
as
lows: fol-
$10,781,000; gross circulation, $7,410,000; net circulation,1 $5,029,000.2 The entire net $21,080,000. The circulation of the bank at this time was
whole
amount
issued,
proportion of drafts to the whole is, therefore, less than onefourth. The showing left Benton crestfallen, and it can hardly be held that the drafts played a very large part in
the inflation of the bank's issues. That must have been to a much greater extent the result of branch notes of large denominations used in the purchase of western and southern bills. A comparison at the eight officeswhich issued fourfifths of all the branch drafts in 1832 shows that they
circulated almost twice the amount of notes, and only three had a larger offices Pittsburg, Lexington, and Louisville
"
"
circulation of drafts than of notes.3 Benton to be countemade other charges which seem nanced by Sumner. Thus he asserts that the drafts drove specie out of the West and debt.* The charges do not
1
2
irrevocably in
worthy of credit.
worn
Sumner
In computing
fif. D.
which,
notes
in transitu,
out,
were
subtracted.
1st Sess., p. 2. $5 drafts, $1,991,000;10, $2,428,000; $20, $ $610,000. See also H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 57, for April, 1832; issued, $10,781,635; ou hand, $3,371,545;gross (calculated), net circulation circulation, $7,410,090; 79, 22d Cong.,
p. 64, for
$12,341,212;
hand,
3
$5,565,465 gross ;
and
Drafts
notes, January,
(four-fifths gross) : of
Drafts Notes
Fayetteville
Savannah New
$381,740
344,604 726,740 503,476
$ 492,010
699,996 2,536,580
Orleans
535,008
640,356
482,048
415,560
Total
"
$4,029,532$7,006,822
S. D. 79, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 4.
H.
currency which has enabled the bank to fillthedebtors in chains, who scream incessantly for the life and glory of their with Juggernaut, man and attack with the fury of wild beasts every public who will not his public conduct by the devouring their own square private condition, miseries of
*
"
Union
and
the remorseless
cravings
I, p. 139,
130
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
himself contradicts the assertion of driving away specie when branch drafts were he says: "The transferring the capital of the bank to the western branches, and locking it up there in accommodation paper indefinitely extended by drawing Now, the drafts could hardly drive the and re-drawing."1
specie out of the West and simultaneously transfer the capital bank to the same lock it part of the country and of the as the real state of already shown, up there. Moreover,
affairs was that the drafts
were
were
sometimes
before funds
the funds
were
furnished
usually forwarded, not in the form of specie, but in the form of bills of exchange bottomed on the crop and
Orleans. Specie the eastern offices or on New did, indeed, flow from the West to the East, for the simple in which the that specie was the cheapest commodity reason
drawn
on
West
have away
Most of the specie, however, could pay many of its debts. from Mexico, and complaint, if justified, came should been made by that country. Whether such drawing of specie would
constitute
a
casus
Benton belli,
did not
intimate.
As to the second charge, that of impoverishment by the issue of drafts, it would be indeed surprising if the effectof loaning to a poor country was to impoverish it. The usual opinion has always been
Jan. 20, 1832. the States
and
"
that such
loans
are
of great assist-
bank, and an adethe branch quate hand to redeem them ; but these supply of gold and silver must Philadelphia, the gold and silver of the State must be sent on orders being drawn Ibid., p. 140. "The in debt for this there to meet them."" are people of the country from borrowers, the greater part of them at second and third hand, borrowers paper, lenders. The labors of the year barely suffice paying rack-interest to the intermediate for the payment the sixty days' collection of all this interest. The principal of has is still behind, to come delayed payment these exhausted upon countries when
are
In the next place, these orders are impoverishing and destructive to issued, because they lead to the abduction they are of its gold
issued, they
are
payable be kept on
at
difficulty of making Ibid., p. 141. Sumner of says apropos payment." " So far as the branch drafts after 1827 helped to produce this result, : such remarks the bank had some then very few banks of issue in the share in it, but, as there were doubled
the
"
Valley,
greater
before."" Banking
l
amount inthe
retained
at that
time
than
ever
Ibid., p. 206.
THE
BRANCH
DBAFTS
131
country, and that it is of a new be developed. only by procuring loans that the country can To be sure, the bank its loans and received interest on the principal. Perhaps this was what expected to recover
ance
in the
development
But, after all,it was hardly fair to ask that it should give away its capital or make loans for nothing. have Benton had perceived, too, that the bank should Benton
objected
to.
of forcing its loans upon the people of the West, and, if they contracted debts at the bank, they did so because to their interest to do so. it was
no means
A portion of the population of the West undoubtedly had that portion which was a grievance constituted of bankers in They were justifiedhating the bank and note-shavers.
"
their note issues and monopolized the ness, transactions ; it put an end to much of their busiexchange to almost allof their bad business, and at the same time
it reduced
because
compelled
them
possible had
results
were
the bank
been
out
of
the
secured to a considerable extent through the drafts, their righteous hatred was use naturally of branch transferred to this currency. In
seem
one
repeat briefly the points which notes established : In use the drafts were may
were
checks or bills of exchange ; as notes, those of the denomination of $5 were at all the offices,and the others usually at all the redeemed offices, and always at Philadelphia and the issuing office; all in payments taken everywhere to the government; were depreciated, drafts would be depreciated where notes were to the same extent ; they were readily convertible ; they were only a small part of the circulation ; they did not abstract specie from
the West ; and they to the interests of the bank.
were
CHAPTER
THE
VII
BIDDLE'S
RESULTS
OF
were
SYSTEM
THE
branch
drafts
invented
in
1827.
By
July,
had proved its ability to check the business of the state banks, put an end to depreciated state-bank currencies, issue a full supply of its own notes, and secure By July, control of the exchange business of the country. 1831, its success was complete,1 and Biddle, in the triennial
report
to
utterance
to
pasan of victory while explaining what had been Naturally enough he laid more tance the imporstress upon to the public than on their value to the of his measures bank, for the of securing a renewed charter was now
veritable done.
project
full-blown, and, if he could carry home to the people the conviction of the bank's indispensableness, the chances of getting the new "The experiment," enhanced. charter would be much he declared, had could supply
a
been
to
see
in how
sound
cirand uniform currency of extensive culatio mercial reducing "the necessary expenses of com-
emphasized in the interests of commerce, and explained how the bank, eign by its extensive participation in them, and especially in forexchange, bank
1
curtailments, which
The depreciation
year
any
other
2
from
on the whole, lower in 1831 than in of state-bank notes was, 1817 to 1837." S. D. 457, 23th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 126-30.
far the It was to try how interesting and hazardous. was experiment in diffusing over a currency institution could succeed so wide a surface of country ; and and of uniform of large amount value at all places and under all circumstances limit the necessary it could bring down to its extreme expense of commercial also whether
"The
....
intercourse
were
between
various
distant
sections
of such
and
unequal
productions
132
RESULTS
because
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
133
of the slender stock of the precious metals in the The bank, he asserted, had now fulfilled"all the country.1 it was in the true purposes for which created," and was
sense
of the word a national bank.2 Undoubtedly the country and the business community were the beneficiaries of a sound currency and a low rate of was exchange,3 but the jubilation not all on account of the
States, for it
been
was
not forgotten
accomplished
*
the contrary, had been fully of the stockholders," on cared for. This was notably evident from the figures for For the year ending June 30, 1831, the bank exchange. had purchased $44,053,520.10 bills of domestic exchange in 123, 161. 23. 5 counts, Disand had sold drafts to the extent of $42, from $32,877,000to $41,448,000. The too, had run
increase in the two
400,000.
$14,-
greater total profit, since discounts paid 6 per cent, and inland exchange at least 9 per cent., while funded debt was In other respects the state of the bank's affairs at 4 and 5.
Loans equally gratifying. almost ceased.6 The suspended
was
on
$10,426,000 in 1822 to $3,633,000 in 1831; the loan of had been paid; the continto $1,180,880, 1821, amounting gent
fund had been increased
all losses; the surplus was 1828, net circulation had increased
1
3
that it
$8,000,000, private
at
par,
or
Ibid., p. 115.
"
ibid., pp.
115, 117.
at the utmost
one-
At present
one
these exchanges
are
generally
either
half of
* 6
per
cent.""
Ibid., p. 116.
5
Ibid., p. 117.
ibid., p. 116.
Ibid., p. 117.
Loans
on
bank
134
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
$2,700,000, $5,500,000, specie over and $380,000.* The song of triumph annual profits over
deposits
over
net
was
not
unjustified.
But there
were
fliesin the ointment. While increasing the bank's transactions and its profits,Biddle had extended
its dealings in the Southwest
and West out of all proportion, rior and in doing so had returned to that policy of extensive inteloans of which, in 1823, he felt sure that the bank had had "enough It is true that he than enough." and more system of operations which, if faithfully executed, completely transformed the situation, but he should have known that the men who had to execute that plan were
had
perfected
it faithfully, in which
case
the bank
would suffer loss and perhaps ruin. There was a number why Biddle had turned of reasons ness deliberately to the task of building up a large banking busiFor one in the West and Southwest. thing, the steady payment of the public debt had put an end to the bank's
holdings of public stock and compelled it to invest its means In July, 1831, the government had even in other ways.
liquidated its stock-note for $7,000,000which it had given in 1817 for its shares in the bank's capital stock,2 and by left without a cent of govNovember ernment of 1831 the bank was
funded of attempted
debt
"
diminution
ments the lack of government stock by investin that of the states, offering a loan of $8,500,000 at 5 in 1829,3 while in September, per cent, to Pennsylvania 1830, he was eagerly inquiring as to the chances of getting
and Mississippi stocks.4 These effortsfailing,some To put them other disposition of the funds had to be made.
Louisiana
1 3
*
NILES,
Vol. XLI,
pp.
V.
Ibid., p. 112.
Hoffman,
RESULTS
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
135
sible, impos-
was
in spite of constant efforts to keep them up.1 Competition in the East was excessive, there being a great deal of capital In Boston the total business of to be had on easy terms.
the branch
000
in
therefore the only and Southwest was Moreover, Biddle's system of branch drafts and resource. dealings in exchange this, and consequently contemplated
in
hands joined
to push
the plans for extensive banking in these to work, however, than unforeseen distant sections begun demand for loanable causes gave rise to an overwhelming had
indeed years of phenomenal capital. The years 1831-32 were " The growth in trade, industry, and internal improvements. introduction of the new means of intercourse," says Sumner,
"
produced
to
a
development
of industry
as
so
a
great
as
to amount
3
to create
But the effect and Ohio upon business produced by these means of communication, though large, was not comparable to that resulting from the By extensive application of steam to water transportation. 1825 steamboats the Mississippi. everywhere from the Hudson to The result was a tremendous reduction in increase in the the cost of transportation, an enormous volume of production, and a marked diminution of the price
were
In
the
found
of the
most
1 2 3
commodities
transported.
was
The
American
industry
a
profoundly
See monthly
affected
statements
Biddle
SUMNEE,
of American
Currency,
p. 90.
136
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
for The demand in great request after 1824. commodity cotton led to brisk speculation in southern, and especially southwestern, real estate, and to a less extent in western
lands. there
revenue
Times
were
was
good and everyone wanted to borrow; from Europe, importations the enormous and the spur of excessive unusually large. Under
were
demands
and
largely increased
expanded.
So intense
was
the
the bank to grant pressure for loans, and so willing was them, that in 1831, contrary to all precedent, its accommodations The were not reduced during the summer months.1
urgent demand
through
bank's
loans increased
an
evident from Biddle's exposition 1832, he would probably not have been By that time, satisfied with the situation.
May
May,
1828, domestic-exchange
dealings alone increasing by the increase in significant items were total deposits, $2,762,000;while
held on May specie had hardly increased at all,the amount 1, 1828, being $6,318,000, and on May 1, 1832, $7,890,000.
Thus, while the immediate-demand liabilitiesof the bank had had risen by $13,340,000,the ability to meet them
IS. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 97.
2
The
bank's
selected
as
being
the moment
at which
the
extended.
RESULTS
increased
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
the bank
137
owed
and
Southwest
were
responsible for
enormous
On
May
few figures will clearly reveal. a expansion 1, 1828, the discount and exchange dealings of the had
been
bank
$13,697,000
out of
total of
$36,419,000out
$39,352,000;on May 1, 1832, the sum was OOO.1 In other words, of a total of $70,400,
loans had increased from a the western and southwestern little over one-third of the whole to over one-half of the business of offices doing this enormous whole, the number being
out of a total of twenty-six, established almost exclusively in cities of moderate size.2 Since the dealings
nine
in inland exchange were responsible for this state of affairs, they deserve full consideration.
At
the
time
of
the
bank's
"
was
the
senses:
phrase first,
to the depreciation of state-bank thirdly, in that of notes; secondly, in that of real exchange; due putting an end to the discount on bank notes which was to their being at
a
distance confusion
Natchez,
from
redemption.
i
This
West:
Southwest
St. Louis,
and Lexington,
Mobile,
Orleans,
Nashville,
Louisville,
Cincinnati, Pittsburg,
Discounts
(Chillicothe agency).
Bills of Exchange
Totals
"Compiled
"
from
the monthly
reports
of the bank.
New
Orleans
excepted.
138
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
ought not to charge for making exchanges for the public. The banks of the day rarely dealt in exchange,1 and considerable hostility was aroused when the Bank of the United States undertook to charge a premium for purchasing
hint of such action and collecting bills. At the very first Secretary Crawford came forward with violent and objections,2 the House committee of 1819 disparaged the practice.3 This
hostility was
the bank
secure
never
used
* usurious rates on its loans ; Clayton declared that in this way the bank extorted 12 per cent, interest.5 Gallatin, on the other hand, asserted that the bank's
this line constituted one of the three principal advantages derived from a national bank, and one at large.6 Besides, the which accrued to the community
transactions
along
bank
in order
hand, and at times transport it, Moreover, interest and preexchanges. mium
on
together must be less than the cost of transporting specie ; otherwise they would not be paid. It was only just,
i"That
to the
institution
business
of
of the United States], at some quent period subseits operations in February, 1817, entered upon the commencement of dealer in inland bills of exchange by buying and selling bills upon all
e., [i. the Bank
located, upon it a profit on the transterms that gave action. points where its branches were to the general This practice probably now gave custom rise prevailing banks of buying and selling bills of exchange." RAGDET, pp. 114, 115. amongst
"
exaction of one-fourth, or one-half, or one per cent, on checks drawn on the comone upon another, munity office of discount will as effectually convince of the prostration of its rights and interests at the will of the bank as the It is the establishment of ten per cent. of the principle, and not the exaction amount of the exaction, which will exhibit the power of the bank to levy contributions
2
"The
....
on
the
commerce a
of the protest
on
The whole
3 5
letter is
July 3, 1817, F., Vol. IV, p. 540. nation ad libitum." the subject of the bank's system.
"
BENTON,
Thirty
Tears,
Vol. I, p. 240.
6 "The States, derived from the Bank of the United principal advantages therefore, first and principally, securing with certainty a uniform, and, as far as can, a sound currency paper ; secondly, the complete security and great facility it in its fiscal operations ; thirdly, the great convenience to the Government and affords bills in domestic from its extensive transactions benefit accruing to the community are,
of exchange
and
Qallatiri's Writings,
RESULTS
therefore, that the
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
the
139
community
should
pay
premium
asked.1 This reasoning furnished a complete answer to the foolish that a national bank ought to make arguments exchanges for them. But it must be noted that, without charging is to the complete as the answer against the sale
objections
and
objection,
more
purchase of drafts, it does not at all touch the other that the discount of bills was a device to extort than
the 6 per cent, rate of interest allowed by the bank's charter. Biddle When this charge was made, it by describing the operation of purchasing a answered bill of exchange with interest at 6 per cent, and 1^ per
cent,
premium,
"two
hinting
accuser
had
confounded
blended
things distinct in themselves, but necessarily in the same the interest on the bill, operation"
"
on
charge was bills on to purchase their crops when they desired instead to discount notes, and that by doing this it secured than the legal rate of interest. Undoubtedly more this
it is plain enough that, in the case explained by Biddle, if the borrower paid 6 per cent, on the loan and
was
true,3 and
For the bank to be always in the market, drafts, to suit the varying demands of commerce, sell disturbances trade, be compelled the course of of
i
"
ready to buy domestic bills, or to it must, on occasions of unusual to transmit specie from place to
be the supposed there has been credit of its paper, when it at any one the bank at that place must of accumulation point, extraordinary be reinforced with an the balance of of specie; more especially, when addition It is, then, obviously just,that the bank is against the place. foreign commerce
may
should
this office ; and which, if it did not perform, The premiums the community. and discounts other part of must to the bank must be less than the expense transporting of specie, or they would paid by the operations be paid; and the difference is a net gain to the community, of not The Theory Money Banks Investigated, the bank."" TDCKEK, p. 301. and of be compensated devolve upon some
for performing
2H.
3
"
ing For the last two seasons, my attention has been steadily applied to the lessenour ; but of such reduction note business, by a substitution of bills to the amount it is the interest of the in this, I have not been so successful as I could wish, because to counteract this policy."" Cashier at Nashville, Oct 21, 1832, S. D. 4, 22d merchants
140
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
1" per
the
common
cent,
as
rate
of 12
one
laws of usury.8 Twelve the market rate, of course, per cent, was and the result only illustratesthe truth that the market rate and not be paid, if the borrower wishes to be the legal rate must
the
accommodated. exchange
were
It
should
be
noted,
too,
that
bills of
to not so much really used in such cases loans. Almost obviate the transfer of funds as to make all the bill operations of the Bank of the United States were or less than a species of discount. nothing more
In
of the
bank's
it did not reach $2,000,000until May, the first considerable increase, the figures for July shows
$3,273,305 and the total purchases for the year to $7,353, 190. 56.3 The reports for the succeedamounting ing
being
years marked
to
1827
growth of Biddle's system.4 It was part of Biddle's plan to secure control of the entire business of the country in inland exchange.5 The bank, therefore, worked
almost
course,
a show slight increase, but real and did not begin until that year, with the adoption
and by 1832 had it.6 Competition in exchange was, accomplished of free, but the Bank United States of the perfectly
with this
object
in view,
secured
1
excess
"
virtual monopoly
bills purchased
In 1829 domestic
$210,000in
annum.
Biddle
2 5
of the discount, an average of % of 1 per cent. ; equal to 9 per cent, per Hemphill, Dec. 19, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 117. to Joseph
p. 107.
3
RAGUET, Jaudon
TUCKER,
for it
TYLER,
"
See Appendix
VI.
to the cashier
R. 121, 22d
Cong.,
2d Sess.,
p. 148.
6
p. 300.
"Though
banks] had
they did
always
been
competitors
business] yet exchange in their efforts tillsince 1832." Woodbury's report, successful Sess., p. 13.
[i.e.,
inland
KESULTS
tages not furnished It can better rates.
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
141
The
bank
had
in other words, by other competitors the case. surprise no one that such was decided advantages over tors. all other competi"
It had branches
its machinery that of any
was
all over
the United
more suitable and adequate much than state bank, while its large capital permitted it to deal in exchange far more extensively than other institutions.
The
rates of exchange
between
to the
the
western
from
from
the West
and
South
East
and
par to
from par to than three-fourths of 1 per cent.2 The rates from the East to higher than the rates on the the West and South were much Between the eastern offices East from the South and West.
the rates officeswere
were
2^ per cent. The average rate was 1^ per cent.,1 the average for 1829
low.
The
other western bills drawn on western and paying bills Orleans. Thus the
as
on
should be drawn on the East or on New rates between the western officeswere almost as high higher than these. rates on the East, and sometimes Not
the
but it sold drafts.3 Each only did the bank buy bills, of the offices sold drafts on the others and on state banks. in These operations were also very considerable, amounting
1829
1 2
to
$24,384,232,* and
VII. profit
per
on
in 1832
to
$45,157,424.
The
See Appendix
"
The
gross
the purchase
"
purchased,
cent." bury points to the fact that the state banks bought States. He uses the rates of 1834. of the United One might as well use state-bank figures for 1839.
of bills, arising from the rate of exchange in the year 1829, to 227,224 dollars or less amounted, ADAMS, Gallatiri's Writings, Vol. Ill, p. 343. Woodexchange These, of
cheaper
course, are
than
the Bank
not apropos.
3 " These The bank purchases consist of two correlative but distinct operations. Philadelphia at payable at different and at every one of its offices bills of exchange United States where there are such offices, and the bank dates and on all parts of the Gallatin's at sight."" ADAMS, and its offices sell their drafts on each other payable
Writings,
Vol. Ill, pp. 343, 344 ss. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 180.
*Ibid., p. 343.
142
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
slightly lower than premium charged for selling drafts was that on billsof domestic exchange. It ranged from par to ^ and 1 per cent. The most common rate per cent.1 Besides
was^
drafts, the bank collected drafts drawn by selling its own other institutions and individuals. The amount of this side of its exchange business was large.2 The charge for collecting
was
and West, as already pointed out, constituted What the great field for these operations. the was proportion of the whole business done in these sections? Early dealings were $8,890,000in slight, aggregating some
The
moderate. Southwest
29 per cent, of the bank's entire 32 per purchases of inland exchange bills. In 1827 they were 56 per cent. cent. ; in 1829, almost 46 per cent. ; in 1830, over 1824 and being less than per cent., and did not again fall below 50 per cent, until 1835. Here was a able remarkincrease in the proportion of the business done in the
they
were over
In
1832
60
and Southwest to the whole business done, running from less than 29 per cent, in 1824 to over 60 per cent, in In the former year the western dealings were 1832.3 not as large as the southern and only a littleover half as large as
West
those
excess
and East, while in 1832 of the North of those of the North, East, and South.
they That
were
in
is,nine
ness officesin the Mississippi and Ohio valleys did a larger busiin exchange than all the other offices combined. But this comparison of the business of the West and Southwest as against total business does not reveal all the significance of this surprising increase, for business in the East and South was by no means at a standstill. Hence, to get a true conception of exchange transactions in the West ity must compare the business in that localand Southwest, one In 1824 the total sum with itselfat different periods.
i 3
See Appendix
VII.
VIII.
p. 180.
See Appendix
RESULTS
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
143
$2,540,000;in and southwestern purchases was of western 1828, $8,140,000; in 1831, $27,000,000;in 1832, $40,900,is, the volume of the purchases of exchange than trebled from 1824 to 1828, these sections had more
000.
That
in
was
over
teen sixgreater in 1831 than in 1824, and over This simple statetimes greater in 1832 than in 1824.1 ment ments investreveals at a glance the increase of exchange
ten
times
and West in accordance with Biddle's plans. The sale of drafts had increased in a like ratio. The officeswhich did most of the business were only four Thus from 1829 to 1832, including both five in number. or
ville, these years, the four officesof New Orleans, Nashville, Louisfour-fifths of all the exchange and Lexington did over For the remaining business of the West and Southwest.
in the Southwest
years of the history of the bank the first three of these offices,with the addition of the two branches of Mobile and four-fifths of the whole. Lexington did over Natchez, becomes much lessimportant, while Natchez, an officestarted late in the life of the bank, more than takes its place. New Orleans, being the great entrepot for all the commerce of
sissippi, the valleys tributary to the Misthe the center of exchange operations ; it was was branch where most bills were purchased, and on which the two-fifths of officesof the West drew most bills.8 About
the Mississippi valley and
1 2
The
figures
are
computed
from
the added
"
monthly
totals.
....
....
It will be perceived, the the system that, in those sections of funds of the bank have naturally sought a temporary employment the Union where there is less banking capital, and where the productions of the great into the in bringing to require them seem most assistance staples of the country
Biddle
describes
thus
This observation Orleans, the centre applies especially to New market. commercial depository of all the trade of the Mississippi and its tributaries. The course and the business is to send the produce Orleans, and to draw bills to New of the western bills are purchased branches, and remitted the proceeds, which on at the several When New branch Orleans. issued by the several branches to the the notes at
in the course find their way pay the Atlantic branches
New
or Orleans on account turers, manufacof the northern merchants This explains the large amount the circle of the operations. thus completing H. R. 460, 2'2d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 316, 317. of business done at that branch.""
branches of trade to the Atlantic branches, the western drafts on their funds accumulated branch in by at the by bills growing there pay the Atlantic branches out of the purchases
144
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the exchange transactions of the four or five offices already Orleans alone, or from over done by New 34 to noted was 45 per cent, of the exchange purchases throughout over the
whole
15 to over 33 of the western country, and from over per cent, of these transactions throughout the entire country.1 Of the officesin the West which ranked next after the New
another
Orleans branch, sometimes one, sometimes more extensively in this line of banking.2
On
engaged
Biddle most of these bills drawn? what offices were " " states that the billswere purchased at the several branches in the West, "and remitted to the branch at New Orleans."
This office paid the eastern offices for the collection of the " by bills" on the East growing western note issues out of in New Orleans on account of the the purchases "made In other words, or northern merchants manufacturers." New drew Orleans, and New branches on the western In the main the statistics It is to be noted, however, available bear out the assertions. that during 1831 and 1832 this system of operations was in the West not adhered to. The drawings and Southwest
Orleans
on
the eastern
offices.
on
western
was
which
cities increased very materially, a state of affairs in the beginning and extremely not contemplated
undesirable.3
Biddle, in his explanation of the business to the committee of 1832, gave a table for 1831. The total is $48,562,185.32, the amount of the business in exchange containing Orleans footed up $9,470,184.38, over 19 per or the purchases at New and of this sum The to all the western and amount accredited southwestern cent, of the whole.
i
42 per cent, of the business of the West in gives over which offices is $22,452,760.32, Orleans." H. B. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 318. Similarly, figures to New exchange bought for the year 1832 give the whole at $67,517,000. The amount of exchange In the Orleans is $13,251,000, over 19 per cent, of the entire sum. or amount at New "western offices these dealings footed up 37 per cent." Orleans is over to New
a table shows practically the same 20 per o share, $14,439,367.80,r over 40 per cent, of this. a
total of $34,627,000, which the sum of ited accredS. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 180. At p. 192
cent.
facts for 1833 ; total, $71,761,370.86.New Orleans's Total western, $32,582,000 New Orleans over ;
see
Appendix
1830, total
VIII. dealings
in domestic
According
were
to
McDuffie's
month
table
for March,
exchange
for that
$5,700,000,f which o
$2,100,000 were
in the West $10,100,000. The sum equaled purchased drawn on the Atlantic offices, mostly by the branch
RESULTS
Though the bank
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
145
had expanded everywhere through the as a consequence years 1831 and 1832, it was of the extravagant dealings in inland exchange in the Southwest and West
that the greater part of the debt to it had and in this particular it acted incautiously
been
Adams
was
imprudent
and that the Bank had been somewhat convinced in her issues and accommodations" in 1831 ;'
' '
created, foolishly.
" as and one of the directors at New York wrote Biddle that it turned out we done harm last fall" by "letting out."2
The
summed up exactly by a Philadelphia banker, no doubt Girard, who, after seeing the report of the bank's condition for 1831, wrote to a friend :
situation
was
I confess I am alarmed at the picture. Their loans have been increased in the year from forty-five to sixty-six millions, while their specie has decreased from twelve to seven millions. The bank
(whichit will be outstanding that vast amount of loans difficult to reduce or call in,) specie low its funds in Europe no to draw for; on the contrary, in debt a million and a half exchange at eleven per cent, premium specie shipping by every
now
" "
has
"
"
millions of their notes in circulation, them which the pressure of the times will bring back upon They and their private deposites liable to be withdrawn. rapidly have acted like madmen, and deserve to have conservators appointed packet
"
....
more
than
twenty
"
over
them.3
Having
unduly
perilous situation
itself in
was
rapidly
drawn on Of the remaining $2,500,000ere w $3,600,000, at the mouth of the Mississippi. leaving only $1,100,000 bought the same the offices up the Mississippi, on office, down the Mississippi." H. R. 358, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., pp. mostly by the branches
39-41. According
a
total of $16,304,000 of expended 000 were spent in the West and drawn
on
report for the month of October, 1832, out in the purchase inland bills of exchange, $10,053,of Southwest. Out of this sum were only $1,545,000
the drawn
East,
on
remaining
$3,331,000 were
Ex. Doc. to Biddle,
drawn
on
The and Southwest. the whole, being $3,900,one-half of offices." 8. D. 4, 22d other western
on
the
West
8, 22d
with
8. D. 4.
J. G. Watmough
May
11, 1832, B. P.
Cambreleng,
bank."
quoting letter of Feb. 16, 1832, from C. D., Vol. X, Part II, pp. 2380, 2381.
dead
banker
friendly to the
146
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
proof that the paper currency was and prices inflated. Directors were redundant urging that the exportation be stopped by the sale of foreign bills and expressing fear that the state banks would secure running
out of the country,1
a sure so the bank was of specie.2 Meanwhile hard pressed for funds that Biddle notified the American agent of the Barings that it would be compelled to draw to the limit of its standing credit of $1,000,000 with that
the bank's
fund
and, if possible, to increase the credit by another $1,000,000on which bills of exchange might be drawn to be repaid later at 5 per cent.3 The bank evidently could house,
not stop the exportation of specie, because
on
it lacked
funds
The government which to draw bills of exchange. added by calling for its deposits in order to to the embarrassment pay off part of the public debt, and doing this without giving The final timely notification of its purpose. blow came of $6,000,when the treasury demanded payment 000 to discharge the 3 per cents.*
the bank
of October, 1831, the day after Biddle's letter to the agent of the Barings, the bank turned5 to the task of procuring the necessary means by creating a
Hereupon,
on
the
7th
Biddle
to Lawrence,
Dec.
"
" *
Ward,
Oct
has worked mora Treasury measures of your recollect which " I for all concerned."" Biddle to A. Dickins, Nov. 29, 1831, ibid., pp. 46, 47. crossly Mr. McLane he means to pay next you would above all let us ask and wish what
I
never
"
to amount to calculated McLane's letter, Sept. 29, 1831, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 542, 543. 5 The unusually heavy reimbursement of six millions of funded debt
"
like the last caprice."" moment's without warning, 27, 1831, B. P. The payment of public debt for 1832 was H. $18,080,057." R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 162. See
a
is
the office at the parent bank, and upon upon calculated to press very New York ; the more the necessary from our uncertainty proso, as to the time when vision Be pleased, for money. be made, and from the prevailing active demand must denying reasonbusiness immediately, therefore, so to shape as that, without able your inconveniently
interests of your or sacrificing the into large amount throw, as early as possible, a may office, you of available means hands in Philadelphia time, abstain, as far as York, and, at the same our and New Circular of Oct. 7, 1831, drawing upon practicable, from either of those points." ibid., p. 19. accommodations
to
your
own
customers,
"
KESULTS
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
147
contraction
of its business, issuing orders to that effectto all to diminish discounts and to instructing them the offices, purchase bills of exchange Nor funds to the East.
with the object transferring of the board content with this, was but as time passed it urgently repeated its orders again and July 29, 1832, after seven months again.1 Finally, on of
contraction, it issued
....
instructions
that "the
western
or southern offices it may be of any domestic bills of exchange, except when debt already due to the bank or the a necessary to secure
and discounting
offices," thus
orders were In the face of these frantic efforts to contract, the expansion ber, of the bank's business went steadily forward from Octo1831, to May,
was
loans ; and these stringent cutting off all new 29, 1832.3 not relaxed until September
1832. of
a
in the nature
For the entire period the advance for one moment triumphal march, never
suffering check
reached
a sum
of which
amount
must
was
1, the loans had pause until, on May before approached,* the contemplation never have been terrifying to the managers. The
or
against $60,101,000 at the beginning of October, 1831, while the net note issues rose from $19,708,000 to $21,377,000. The tract attempt to conbegan to show results, however, after the beginning
i
$70,400,000,as
13-22.
"Resolved
that
the Committee
on
the Offices be authorized bank have been acting."" stated to the board,
so to modify advisable Louis, Cincinnati and as
under which the offices of the Report Biddle, Sept. 21, 1832, ibid., p. 27. "The dent Presiof had deemed it that the Committee on the Offices,
....
to modify
the instructions
the
instructions
as
Pittsburg,
heretofore,
and
to extend
their
Louisville, St. offices at Lexington, freely upon to allow them to check the bank in domestic bills." Minutes purchases of Oct.
to the
"
4, 1832, ibid.
facts: The from total loans rose the following reports show monthly Sept., 1831, to $70,400,000t the beginning May, 1832, and $60,101,000 the end of of a at in October, standing to $63,600,000 fell from $70,400,000t the beginning a of May The net circulation in began. the contraction $2,500,000bove what they were when a
"The
1832. and
in $19,708,000 Oct.,
148
THE
SECOND
The
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES by
the
of May.
chart. The
entire movement
is clearly revealed
increase of the bank's transactions in the marked face of this strenuous attempt to reduce took place at the offices in the South, the West, and the Southwest, especially
at
Charleston,
Savannah,
New
Adding the other western and Nashville. offices to these, to just the expansion amounted $10,587,000, counting from the last day of September, 1831, to the first day of May,
1832, actually exceeding the figures for the whole expansion for that period. Taking the western and southwestern branches alone, the total expansion was $9,000,000. Of this
$1,385,000 was
in bills remainder of The chart for these offices on p. 151 domestic exchange.1 reveals at a glance the astonishing increase. in the
discounts,
Meanwhile
eastern
the bank
had
also attempted
to curtail at the
and most of the southern offices,2 ith the result of w keeping down loans, though contraction did not really begin The even at Philadelphia until the end of May, 1832.3
offices of Boston, New
and Philadelphia succeeded most completely,4 but at no time did the reductions means at the other offices. The equal the augmentations
in April, 1832, The was, whole of the bank's purchases of inland exchange $13,952,000in June the ; $23,052,000, which the western and southwestern share was of Reducing the matter total was $14,342,000. $22,577,000, western and southwestern,
1
York,
Baltimore,
for New Orleans, Natchez, Mobile, exchange follows: April, $10,594,000May, $10,816,OTO ; ; months This being nearly half of the business done in domestic exchange. June, $10,059,000, at four out of twenty-six offices of the bank. still further, the amounts and Nashville for three
of domestic
are as
It has
delinquents.
out that Savannah serious and Charleston were already been pointed demands for contraction found at Richmond, Slight failures to meet were Hartford, Portsmouth, Norfolk, Fayetteville, Burlington, and Portland.
"
Offerings Income
Excess
today
$265,851
157,647 108,204 112,300
.--.-.-..
of offerings within income have for many that we months to Biddle, May 29, 1832, B. P.
from
Rejected
Discounted
"The
$4,096
been
able
to keep
on
first time
the
right
side.""
*
Cadwalader
For
January
to November
was
$5,516,000.
RESULTS
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
149
CHART
II
75
70
70
65
65
60
60
15
20
15
10
10
Total nccommodations
...............
Inland exdmngo
Circulotio
MOVEMENTS
OP
DISCOUNTS,
OP
AN
OTHER
ATTEMPT
LOANS,
TO
AND
CIRCULATION,
BUSINESS
IN
THE
FACE
CURTAIL
150
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
secured in the East thus went to pay the debts incurred in the other sections of the country, and the bank was still without the funds needed to meet the government's requisitions. That apparent to Biddle
would be the result had become March, 1832, and out of this as early as the attempt to postpone the payment of the such
situation sprang 3 per cent, stock which the treasury had directed to be paid.1 It was that the bank only by securing this postponement
could meet
a
the government's
demands.
It
was,
in short, in
position, and had to use every possible means to extricate itself. diminution in the bank's While there was actually no
very grave
loans, there
pressure occasioned by its real and severe This would, of course, be true in the attempts to reduce. East and South, for there the bank had actually reduced its Yet, curiously enough, the most intense accommodations.2
was
a
pressure
felt in the West, where there had been no contraction The cashier of the branch at Cincinnati whatever. 1832, that the "demand for money" in November, writes "enormous," at that place is and that the branch would
was
time to resist it."3 The struggle for some " bills of very short dates cashier at Nashville declares that character, drawn and offered by persons and of undoubted have been desirous to accommodate," In were we
"have
severe
rejected.*
on the "unexampled scarcity of another letter he remarks " in Alabama Tennessee, and prays for the priviand lege money discounting, if that privilege is to be extended to of because the branch at Nashville is the center of a any office,
population
1 2
which
"
of
circulating
See chap,
xi,
Charges
Wayne,
our
driving
Vol. XLIII, pp. 17, 18. Evidence p. 20, and of Lippincott, 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 548; of Sullivan, ibid., p. 554 ; of Neff, ibid., p. 563.
3
declared is that "the want of money at this moment to all those shifts and expedients to raise it which usually merchants March 13, 1832, C. D., Vol. VIII, Part II, p. 2144. See also bankruptcies."" of Georgia,
H.
R.
"
RESULTS
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
151
CHART
III
I
40
10
do
35
30
30
25
25
20
20
15
15
10
10
"
Totals
Domestic
"
exchange
EXPANSION
OF
AT
THE
AN
WESTERN ATTEMPT
TO
AND
SOUTHWESTERN
OFFICES
IN
THE
FACE
CONTRACT,
SEPTEMBER,
1831-32
152
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
A gentleman in Cincinnati writes that " the distress medium.1 for money here at present, is greater than can be well The brokers get readily one-fourth of one imagined, : Similar complaints of a lack of money per cent, per day."
....
came
from
other western
the offices,yet at this very moment piling up debt upon debt by the
The exchange. in the West simple: The actual expansion below the demand for loanable capital there
explanation is
was so
much
that the effect that of a severe was contraction; and if there had been no attempt to reduce, the increase in the amount of western loans would have been infinitely in excess of what it was. All this embarrassment to the bank and all this distress
had arisen from Biddle's plan of operato the community tions in the western and southwestern country at a moment for capital were The business the demands excessive. when
almost entirely based of the bank in these sections was Money to grow was the crop, advanced upon the crop. the crop the loan paid out of the proceeds when and to market.3 The bills of exchange by which these came
loans
case
were
made
sudden
were
frequently
upon
of
demand
In
was
certain
to
occasion
would if the crop in 1831 and in 1832. The crop was this is what happened to this were added excessive short in both years.4 When
1
"
....
It is reported here, that the Louisville office has received instructions If this be true, then allow me, bills for money. to solicit similar instructions to this office ; for I assure a you, that no of the Union contains portion for lack of a circulating medium, than does that portion more suffering population,
to discount
....
of which this office is the focus." Oct. 21, 1832, H. R.. 121, 22d Cong.,
"
Cashier
at
Nashville
to cashier
at Philadelphia,
2NILE9,
Express.
SH.
Vol. XLII,
p. 436, Aug.
the New
York
Courier
and
*NiLES, complains
Vol. XL,
that
p. 271,
and
are
See, however,
low
prices
account
KESULTS importations
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
153
arising from a visitation of the cholera, it will readily be supposed that the bank could not get itsdebts paid when they felldue. Nor could it secure and disturbances
foreign bills to send abroad in order to check specie drains, drawn for the most part upon the since foreign bills were
crop.1 had not manifested But if the difficulty it would have done so later,for the cause
cotton
itself in 1831-32
lay in the nature torates of western loans and in the character of the western direc; it lay in the purchase of bills at six months' time ;
in that constant renewing of discounts which was customary in the loan of money in the West and Southwest; a crop on This was even. not ungathered, unsown yet unmarketed,
correct
and, worse who had to make yet, the men ignorant, careless, and interested in their the loans were sections rather than in the bank. The letters of branch officialsreveal these facts clearly. Thus
the cashier at Louisville wrote to Jaudon in November, from the too great 1832, admitting that the difficulties arose
banking;
extension
to
own our
been
overtrading at
so
difficulties last
had
very
and payable not be paid Nashville branch to Biddle, Nov. 24, 1832, H. R. of out in his letter of Oct. 21, 1832, speaks 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 47. Sommerville, " disappointments by the unlocked for frost of the the severe occasioned of last." he mentions Ibid., p. 149. Again, in November, "the ficulties dif25th October
crop
....
"
that
our
crop," unfavorable of another of the last season, produced redrawing Ibid., p. 155. [i.e., Alabama]."
"
further in the same letter, " the on and by the failure in the crops in that quarter
Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 319,320. "The situation of the We have had on the one hand is very delicate. an at this period excessive country in value and diminished on a importation, the other hand crop short in amount, Swartwout, of New York, Feb. coming in at a time unusually late." Biddle to Samuel
1
BIDDLE,
H.
R.
460, 22d
"
27, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, pp. 189, 190. For the difficulties arising from the New York, to Biddle, June 28, 1832, says that it makes alarm, C. W. Lawrence,
B. P., Feb. 9, 1832. Biddle anticipated to reduce. P. L. B., Vol. IV, p. 157. I. Lawrence,
"
cholera it difficult
source.
difficulties from
that
"To been
"Encouraged
induced
by
to purchase
at the east,
own now means or
country required : hence the embarrassment 2d Sess., p. 145, Nov. 18, 1832.
154
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the branch, and that some of the bills purchased comprised but the that "nothing worthless paper.1 The result was indulgence of the bank " and " a full year's products of the
could relieve the situation. The position of the " The cashier admits one was of peculiar delicacy." that bills of exchange sent to Louisville to be collected are country branch taken instead. That is, collected, but other bills are bills to Louisville for collecthe other branches forwarded tion, and the parties at Louisville, not being able to pay,
not
on allowed to settle by selling other bills of exchange The amount some other branch. of such transactions is hot known, but $4,000,000of collection paper had been sent to
"
were
and "the The tobacco and hemp cashier at Pittsburg exports." bears witness to similar conditions, declaring that the loans for the present be lessened, and inland bills cannot on
*
Louisville in the year just past.3 The branch reduce its loans ; indeed, for a time they might because business" increased," of the "pork
"
admitting be
has
discounted
paper
known
to
since objectionable,
at maturity, and
i
"
of
declines all notes "not pay able business character." 5 The cashier at
I do not
mean
upon
to say all our bills have a real business origin : we are doubtless by fictitious transactions."" H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 144.
145.
.
. . .
We have been, and stillare, in a situation of peculiar delicacy ; A large proportion bills were to enable the parties to meet of our purchased their obligations sent here for collection : the amount of such collections has been from at least four millions of dollars in the past year, of which about one half came
of the United States and the office at New Orleans. hasty estimate, the bills collected for the office at New Orleans, amount, for the past twelve months, to upwards is stillon of $1,300,000, and a large amount hand coming to maturity." Ibid., p. 144, Nov. 18, 1832.
"
"
the Bank
By
"
*Ibid., p. 145.
5 " In that the reply to your letter of the 10th instant, I remark, in the west, are founded transactions, and that the amount on could inconvenience to our at this time, without ; but, in a few customers doubt, the operations here, in exchange, no will be as limited as
not
may
Our
diminishing because are their products, the office is moro manufacturers in its loans, declining all new are cautious notes which not payable at maturity, and fore of a business character, and calling in, by regular reductions, those on time heretodiscounted."" Nov.
17, 1832, 8. D. 4, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 31.
RESULTS Cincinnati
or
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
155
impossible that for the present it seems Evidence of renewal is apparent here to reduce discounts. " bills of exchange are offered, to be as fast as good also, for
asserts
l At notes, they are purchased." applied to discounted Nashville both the president and the cashier of the branch declare that renewal is the best, in fact the only means of
dent meeting the situation.2 In the preceding October the presihad declared that the scarcity of money and the refusal had to be to do business where money of the branch advanced had compelled the renewal of all billsfalling due within the four months preceding, the bills of exchange by for six being purchased the renewals were which made
to some and passed on months " This operation," he concluded, bill account very much, without
Bills renewed this office very sensibly as yet." at New Orleans had been again renewed at Nashville after having been sent there for collection.* A request from Biddle that for bills should be restricted to four months the term
brought
back
"
the
answer as
that
"bills payable
as
"
after date
1
"
were
for
short terms
ought
months to be taken."
six
'
Our
discount Our
wish
soon,
board
but at present
as fast, I am not go down afraid, as the parent board to get it down, and we hope to be able to do so struggling it appears to be impossible." Nov. 21, 1832, H. R. 121, 22d Cong., are
"
line does
24, 1832.
"The
and have this way all the bills been from the Orleans and other western
p. 150,
in both Alabama scarcity of money and this State, and our business wherein is to be advanced on money either note or to discount safe bills at six months us to enable debtors advance, deposited with us for collection. other offices to meet the paper paid
which
were
remitted month
to
us
offices since
the
of June
*"In consequence by have been drawn of which, drafts to a very large amount the commission on their friends here, and made merchants of New Orleans payable due, at this office,by the payment at this office. Those drafts could not be met when of cash on account of its scarcity ; and no other means could be resorted to but drafts again on New p. 47, Nov. 24, 1832.
5
Orleans, which
our
directory thought
right to purchase."
"
Ibid.
Ibid.
156
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Biddle admitted that many bills had to be taken up at Nashville by redrafts, but considered the number actually drawn In reply to this the president at Nashville excessive.1 bought, " amounting that too many billswere acknowledged
to
more
J
than But
or
pay." taken
crop of cotton and tobacco will help for if; the bills had to be
have
protested, and
protests would
led to many
The failures and endless embarrassments. amount of redrafts fall amounted for the summer to over $1,000,000.* and Notes and bills stillto fall due could be met only in the same probable that the branch would add not way,4 while it was
less than
$400,000 of
its
own
debts to
president of the Nashville branch declared that it would be to "get the debts due this office paid; impossible anyhow
....
the
not
"
means
were
expected that three times the ordinary amount complained officials of bills had been sent them for collection.8 Under these circumstanc they considered it their duty to renew the
could
notes
be
not
maturing
"mature
during again"
October
they
and
November,
but
when
these
either by bill or
i"We
necessary
are
would "insist upon payment otherwise," and, if the debtors did not pay
to take
anticipated
2
*
bills have returned it was that many this office which upon by redrafts, but still the amount had been up exceeds what much by the board."" H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 46, Nov. 10, 1832.
aware
There
are
some
can
thousands only be
which
of dollars of bills from Orleans and other offices Ibid., pp. 157, bill operations." our met through
"
What
portion
of
our
own
not
less perhaps
debts may be turned into bills, I cannot form now Cashier to Biddle, Nov. 26, than $400,000.""
Nov. "The
22, 1832, ibid., p. 153. bank, and the offices at New Cincinnati, Louisville, and
ibid., p. 47.
parent Pittsburgh,
York, Baltimore,
Lexington,
have
Washington, been
at
mond, Rich-
bills and notes made of discounting payable here for collection. This has been done this
of any
the amount
previous
year.""
EESULTS
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
157
they would bring suit, " unless in such cases as justice would 1 dictate the propriety of further indulgence." The propriety kind of Orleans the same of further indulgence ! At New business was done, the figures for renewal at Nashville showing drawn at New Orleans.2 Indeed, that most of the billswere New Orleans must share with Nashville and Louisville the discredit of being the source of most of this bad business.
In May,
ing expressand dismay at the bill purchases at New astonishment Orleans, Cashier Jaudon defended the action of the branch.
1832, in
answer
to
letter from
Biddle
This
was
ominous,
for Jaudon
was
tried employee
office,and if he could err so littlehope that others would keep the strict letter of was The instructions or practice more conservative methods.8
Philadelphia
and on mature such circumstances, reflection, under the difficultiesof discussions to supply the deficiency, and frequent crop, without money unfavorable another it a faithful discharge of the the subject, the board on considered tant .importhe notes maturing within the last and responsibilities confided to it, to renew to insist upon these shall again the present month, mature, payment, and when
i
"
Under
either
by bill
or
otherwise
as
; and,
in the
in such
cases
justice would
26, 1832.
event of failure to pay, to sue the debtor dictate the propriety of further indulgence."
"
Bills collected from Sept. 1 to Nov. 26, 1832 Bank of the United States
------
$147,473
746,893 203,061
New
Orleans
$1,097,427
"
"
Bills business
of New
Orleans
for western
Amt.
Office
Nashville Louisville
....
$2,421,301.26
775,002.68 398,627.33
....
$2,350,000
910,000 500,000 930,000 187,000
Lexington
Cincinnati Pittsburg
396,947.25 25,018.82
$4,016,897.34
$4,877,000
it appears, "Thus that we are not only obliged to pay at the north the whole Offices ; but that we are obliged to pay amount of bills remitted to us by the Western ern are of our notes which collected by the Westat the north also, for a large amount Orleans demand New A further on funds. offices." Difficult to get northern
New Orleans office at the end country. of the offices taken in the western by drawing bills to pay all this, so have attempted payment of its devices for means from
notes
158
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
to
was
not
entirely confined
hints of something of the * sort at Richmond and at Charleston,2 while, as already seen, neither Charleston nor Savannah was able to reduce. These bills and drafts drawn "to pay "other bills, drafts,
are
and
to maturity were what were coming "racers" bills, by which loans or "race-horse" As a result there was "the payment perpetual.
notes
known
were
as
made of debts"
up the Mississippi by bills on New Orleans; "the payment" Nashville and other western of these by bills on offices, " " bills the payment and of the bills on these officesby more
The iniquity of other western towns. the business was naively disclosed by an advocate of the bank in 1834, in what he supposed an was argument conclusive bank's usefulness to the West and Southwest: of the
on on
New
Orleans and
houses, all through the Western States [said tor SenaPorter of Louisiana] having credit, and doing business with those of our city, have drawn late in the summer, or early in the
autumn,
on
Commercial
bills of exchange
"
on
New
Orleans, and
sold them
New
:
to the
Orleans
Jandon Another to Biddle, May 16, 1832, B. P. the western country. statement offices in 1830-31, October to October of business with western
Billi Collected at this Office for
Remitted
Office
from
Nashville Louisville
$547,179.56
469,293.54 197,162.67 65,673.36
$431,940
542,385
706,300
Cincinnati
Pittsburgh
193,475
Lexington
30,714.24
211,430
$1,310,023.37
"This
$2,085,530
dred a sum again, as the former statement of 7 or 8 hunshews shewed, find the means in the WestDollars, which we ern thousand of paying could not Cities ; and were therefore obliged to allow to become a charge against us at the So they are paid "by purchasing Bills on the western North." cities, and so far
diminishing
"Our
nearly met
1
"
us they can make against chargable the two great points, Nashville and notes collected at by bills bought on those places." Ibid.
the amount
which
at the
North."
are
Louisville,
"
Your
assurance
lately taken is of such a character as will not Mcllvaine to Eichmond office, Jan. 19, 1832,
"
Biddle to president
of Charleston
branch
Jan.
30. 1834,5.
D. 17, 23d
Cong., 2d
Sess., p. 78.
RESULTS
branches drawn
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
159
....
established in their respective States. With the money from this source, the planter and the farmer have been supplied, Its utility, however, did not stop here. A few months
are
run
gathered, delivered to the merchant, and Orleans for sale. There then happens what
considerations of personal make of the future. It is
found that the planter has estimated too largely his crop; he falls in debt to his merchant, and he in return has a balance against him
in the city where the produce was sold. The bank steps in again, and purchases from the factor in New Orleans, a draft on the House
country, and in that way enables the produce of a is really demanded. second crop to be got to market before payment What I now state, has been every year's transactions for several
in the Western
years back.1
with a vengeance, and, since it had renewing been the transaction every year " for several years back," it debt was follows that one piled on top of another year after was stillfar in the future. year and that final payment
This
was
What
Porter
the whole said revealed clearly enough comparison of the figures for exchange bears It shows
that at New Orleans the sums in the purchase of bills were expended very small in the beginning of the year, large in the early summer months, At Nashville the sums were and small again in the autumn. of the year, and then generally large at the beginning
diminished
The
reason
on
tillat the end of the year they were very small. for this difference lay in the fact that bills were
drawn
came
New
Orleans at Nashville
early in the year, and later to Nashville from New bills purchased
in the
character it is impossible to say. of this permanent Folk's committee sippi declared that, if all the bills in the Missis-
ville, of the same character as those at Nashvalley were "at least $7,000,000" were "secured by paper" which
1
160
THE
SECOND
from
BANK
branch
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
was
"running
to branch,
it.1 be raised to meet" It was this dealing in permanent in an the bank when it needed means
any bank collect its debts with any facility,when they were No bank could, out for six, twelve, and eighteen months ?
and the Bank of the United States did not in 1831-32.2 Though it managed to correct many of the abuses after that date, the difficulties entailed by western banking remained to The state of the Louisville branch in 1834 was no the end. better than in 1832, three-fourths of its debts being practically When the bank closed many of its offices permanent.3
i
"
The
month, as the bill debt at Nashville, at least seven out of the ten millions is secured by paper from branch to branch, waiting for crops to bills, which is running called race-horse be raised to meet them, and ruining the drawers sions commiswith interest, exchange,
for endorsement Sess., p. 49.
bills under discount in the valley of the Mississippi, of domestic whole amount last, as shown in November by the monthly statements at the close of that that it is all in the same was $10,112,106.37.Upon the supposition condition
and
acceptance,
and
other expenses."
"
2Benton,
Jackson,
a
and
their
purpose
political
" of July branches, false, infamously false, were the true curtailing at the western is now This, reasons were threatened." political : a foretaste and prelude to what its business had expanded that the bank $5,000,000since the year after showing
speech
had first that the bank associates declared purpose. and then contracted with the same Her 12, 1832, he said : reasons then assigned for
....
opened. applied
to press ;
debt had been created for the very purpose to which it was now The contraction was a contrivance electioneering, political purpose." " in the West, the screw Every where was the debtors. turned far The
an
....
"
enough
to make
the
screams
"
of the victims reach their representatives Thirty Years, Vol. I, p. 258. These charges
in Congress,"
facts.
The
bank
order to wished.
secure
renewed
swayed
It
was
was not attempting the bank could not than itself. It had was
no
to as great an extent as accommodations them down, but could not. Consequently In the next place, the bank schemes. in paying the action of the government
demanded
; indeed,
the expansion
was
cannot
troubles
any
more
to attempt by compelled curtailment debt. Consequently the off the national in politics to be charged to participation
"This
"1st.
"
held three classes of discounted office then [Nov. 1, 1833] Notes payable at maturity.
on
paper.
which
ten per
cent,
was
no was
required to be paid at each renewal calls heretofore have been made. of November all paid in the months
ten
per
and,
and
last,
The
second
class
of notes
on
which
cent,
is paid
at
each
renewal,
KESULTS
in 1835
OF
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
101
1836, it protested at one branch alone $405,Other losses 280.87, all in bills of domestic exchange.1 must have been concealed by the methods of selling the debts
and
to other banks
for long credits. Renewals mon.2 comremained It must be concluded, therefore, that the later business not conservative and of the institution in the West was But this must to the bills of not be charged sound. The
same
exchange.
on
discounted
losses would undoubtedly lowed have folFrom the letters already quoted notes.
it is plain that the discounted notes of the offices had to be renewed, the renewal generally being by turning these notes facts as to the renewing The same into bills of exchange.
of notes
come
out
in the
already referred to. The discounted, and yet the major not, then, the form of accommodation
it was
report of the Louisville office loans here were in every case notes It was part was permanent. which involved loss ;
so
of accommodations
at all to
large
an
indeed made possible, and rendered inevitable, by Biddle's plans for employing the capital of the bank in the West and Southwest ; and his system, therefore,
must
amounts
be held responsible.
to this time
very
to about $1,100,000. This class of debts, although considered that cannot of debtors well good, is generally due by a description beyond to force payments this rate an ; and curtailment attempt
increase our list of suspended debts. third class of notes amounts to about the sum at of $600,000, renewable different periods, from sixty days to six months. This description of notes was generally debts, real estate sold, "c., and is well secured to taken for old compromised The
or very considered personal either by mortgage security ; but although it would be difficult to force heavy this class of our on curtailments good, yet debtors."" Feb. 4, 1834, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 110. The amount of discounted in Oct., 1833, had been $2,343,000.They were their highest in that month. notes at
the bank,
to the president's letter, then, the amount have from run $800,000 to $700,000 and notes must in the shape of permanent loans. The $2,400,000 was
According
of really good
paper
in local the
$800,000,while
the
rest of
that
counts dis-
never
fell below
$1,780,000.
118, 24th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 43. " The second item consists of domestic bills, Of these you were were that $405,280.87 under protest at already informed /6td., p. 48, bank committee's a single "branch."" statement.
1
Ex.
....
Doc.
The
bills to enable
" " direct renewals committee of bills and speaks of 48. the parties to take them up." Ibid., p.
"
"
the discount
of
new
162
THE
The
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
to have been board of directors at Philadelphia seems unaware tive of the nature of the business done,1 but the execuawoke to a realizing sense officers soon of the situation.
The
firstintimation in April:
as
Jaudon
and
occurs
in
letter from
so
Biddle to
rarely been
much
startled
at the appearance
of your two
extension He adds
statements
domestic
direct conflict with the plan of operations to be pursued, and directs Jaudon to reduce at once.2 Cashier Mcllvaine was
positive that the New Orleans bill business was wrong. than two-thirds of the domestic bills purchased," "More he wrote, "are Cities at 60 days upon the Northern
more
"
and
large
already noted, the bank prohibited the purchase of all bills at the western and southwestern " it may be necessary to secure a debt offices, except when already due to the bank or the offices." In sending these
roots.'"3
portion In July, as
of
them
must
'come
up
by
the
orders Biddle bluntly and truthfully asserted that these bills are "in fact a mere by the Bank advance and the * Atlantic offices." He had had this truth thoroughly brought
home
never
to him
the president at Nashville to "abstain from the purchase of domestic bills,except in reduction of pre-existing debts to the bank,"5 and in 1834, after getting rid of most of the bills by the contraction of that year, he shuns their renewal,
writing in relation to the desire of the Pittsburg office to begin purchases once more: "Unfortunately these bills are
mainly
i
in the crop
exchanges
of the western
2
cities and
H.
3To *To
5
1, 1832, J5. P.
KESULTS feel
OP
BIDDLE'S
SYSTEM
163
little afraid of reviving them. I should prefer, if delphia, any thing were necessary, an increase of its bills on Philabut as these are very often made they paper
a
"
of "banking
iTo
good as a direct increase of the local had "enough than enough" and more in the interior."
"
Jaudon,
Newport,
CHAPTER
THE
BANK AND THE
VIII
DEMOCRACY
opinion prevailed in 1829 that the bank was almost impregnable in popular favor, a conviction which was not confined to its friends but found voice in the expressed fear How the consideration of of its enemies. mistaken it was the influences at work against the continuance of the bank will reveal. These influences may all be reduced to five heads:
belief that the bank was the widespread unconstitutional, the hostility of the states, the opposition of state the rise of the Democracy, and the envy and hatred
THE
banks,
which the poor always feel for the rich. Sumner considers the constitutional question as having delivered,1 and no vitality when Jackson's firstmessage was
it must
than
be conceded that it had less vitality at this moment Nevertheless, the belief in the bank's before. ever
still vigorous, and was extremely unconstitutionality was see, Tennesprevalent in Virginia, Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, and
South
Carolina,
less
so
in the
other
it had been
quiescent
was was
broached. undying hostility of the states, which believed their rights infringed and feared the centralizing tendencies of the bank, was intimately connected with the constitutional question.
The
In
party
1
South
Carolina
the bank
and
Georgia
the "states-rights"
opposed
Jackson
almost
latter
it may in
SUMNER,
that
fact to the
were
contrary
constitutionality
introduced
164
THE though
BANK they
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
165
also influenced by the conviction to that it was injurious the material welfare of the state.1 Kentucky In the West similar were objections offered; in involved the bank the "relief system" the struggle over
reason, were
it in his annual message; Tennessee tax upon a the state law imposing any branch not repealed until 1827 ; in Ohio the established there was bama commonwealth persisted in opposition until 1824; in Alathe governor establishment attempt
was
in 1825
Governor
Desha,
of in
of
in 1829 to tax the stock held by its made tax of 1 a citizens;2 and in 1830 South Carolina imposed per cent, upon the dividends of stockholders resident in that state.8 In New York, state pride was offended because the location of city was the bank; the struggle while of still deadlier import was for commercial supremacy between the two cities, to secure and
not
Philadelphia
New
York
The situation which the bank was of great importance. further complicated by the political rivalry between was sylvania the two states. In the scramble for national honors Pennpoliticians
were
forced
to
It was politicians to oppose, the bank. the institution that at this juncture Democracy the
York
was
of New
headed
by Martin
an
Van
Buren,
enemy
of the
truth was that in all those States in which the not to be concealed, its local expenditures, the Government the operation of vastly exceeds of less severity and inconvenience." the Bank of the United States is felt with more or income
The
Such
was
the
case
in South
HAMILTON,
of South
Carolina, and the bank was therefore unpopular Carolina, Dec. 21, 1827, C. D., Vol. IV, Part I, p. 853.
there.
"
NILES,
Vol. XXXIX,
p. 460.
Imposed
in Dec., State
ex
court
declared
vs.
In 1826 Van
convention,
Buren
Dec.
a
state
Benton's letter to the Mississippi against the bank. Vol. I, p. 402. In 1829 his message 16, 1834, Extra Globe, as governor
"
declared
contained
phrase
which
evidenced
monopolies.
Van
166
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
less pronounced in of the states as a whole, however, was 1829 than at any other period of the bank's existence. interests were The opposition of state banks whose It arrayed a powerful party against the bank. had forced many of them to restrict their business by compelling for their notes in specie, and it had been payment particularly active and particularly offensive in this respect involved Consequently it could count upon and West. Other reasons opposition from most of these corporations. were operative also, as a review of the situation in New
in the South
Here, as elsewhere, the bank reduced the will show. profits of the state banks, because it loaned at 6 per cent., being compelled to do so by its charter, while the New York banks, which compelled
so;
York
might legally have charged 7 per cent., were to loan at the lower rate because the big bank did
reason
another
for hostility
was
found
fund system
a common
which
bound
The politicians expected to control the union. New York banks through this system, but could not reach the Bank of the United States; while the bankers felt that
restraints not imposed upon the national bank, and cherished the dislike which the members of one system are apt to feel for those under another and These remarks unfriendly system.1 relative to New York
they
were
to subjected
likely to be united will show how the conflict of interests was with the opposition of politicians. Yet it is true that, as in the case of constitutional and state opposition,
objections
distinctly
were
more
friendly to the
"
the bank on other than constitutional grounds opposed are against the bank on the ground of its unconstitutionally.' Mr. Madison believe with that the contemporaneous recognition
'
Van
Buren,
you
' Oh I no, I said, of the constitutional to establish a bank by all the departments power of the government, and with the " in favor of the power.' view Interconcurrence of the people, has settled that question Van in a letter to a friend, Nov. 28, 1829, A. Hamilton, Buren, James with
He
"
Reminiscences,
1
p. 150.
The
center
Mechanics'
Bank
of state
politicians and
banks
was
the Farmers
and
THE
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
167
Many of national bank in 1829 than at any other time. them petitioned that it might be re-chartered. devoted to the principle of equality, is Democracy, than to more opposed to all forms of privilege, and to none
it is recollected that the Bank When monetary monopoly. of the United States was at that time the one great monopoly directed all the pasin the country, and that against it were sionate
a
fear which today fall upon banks, railroad companies, and trusts, its danger from the rising Jackson which with Andrew power of that fierce Democracy opposition and The be faintly measured. may to the was positive that the bank was a menace political and social interests of the United States; that it that it "the rich richer and the poor poorer;" made swept over Democracy the country depressed and made "the potent more powerful;" that it accentuated the differences of society, creating on the one hand a powerful aristocracy and on the other hand beggarly impotent an and opinions proletariat. These the weak
Democracy especially prevalent in the West, where mination While the other factors in the deterwas most powerful. of the bank's fate had been diminishing in potency, this had increased with every year since the granting of the
were
charter. Inextricably linked with the Democratic opposition the ceaseless hostility between rich and poor, the envy
was
and hatred of the man has nothing for the man who who has much, the ill-willwhich the debtor eternally cherishes for directed against the the creditor; all the social arguments
bank
gathered force and passion from this feeling and at time added to it. the same These were tion the forces which worked toward the destructhe conserving forces ? For the most part persons interested in the bank and conscious its debtors, its stockholdthat they were so : its employees,
of the bank.
What
were
168
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the value of
ers
; enlightened
business-men
who
understood
the bank ; statesmen of the nationalizing school, who would uphold the bank because they believed it to be in accordance with the politicalprinciples they professed ; and finally crowd of noisy politicians and newspaper motley These factors of strength could not be very important. employees could have no weight in politics; the debtors
a
men.
The
were
only
few thousands
; politicians would
the majority;
to
statesmen
expediency;
business
men
be of more than assistance to any cause they injury supported, for they belonged to that intelligent class whose influence upon American able, affairs has always been inconsider-
would
partly because they are not interested in politics, partly because they are themselves of objects suspicion to the There remained the stockholders. The democratic masses. distribution of the stock was moment consequently of some In July, 1831, in determining the strength of the bank. 4,145 stockholders, of whom 466 were ers.1 foreignthere were
This small number of people, and mostly people who took littleor no interest in politics,could give the bank no popular strength, and the dreadful fact that foreigners held
these
were
English
of positive weakness localized in the states of the bulk of the domestic stock was Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, Virginia,
and South Carolina, and it is plain that the bank could derive littleassistance from the distribution of its stock. Any additional support of the bank would spring from the realization of its usefulness a sound services in supplying business
source
to the
its
the
of the treasury efficiently and cheaply, and in furnishing banking at a reasonable rate. accommodations
i
NILES,
Vol. XLI,
p. 112.
of the stock
see
Appendix
IX.
THE
But
never
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
169
these
were
virtues hidden
from
be made apparent to them The bank's and involved nature of financial discussions. hold on popular favor was consequently of the most tenuous kind; as Webster said, popular once aroused was
prejudice
"more
than
match
conflict with a popular faintest hope of success. That its error and its misfortune.
in
certain
that
had
not the
was
The December
beginning
of the bank struggle may be dated from 13, 1827, on which day P. P. Barbour, of Virginia,
in
of Representatives a resolution directing the sale of the bank stock owned by the government.1 It was suspected that this movement portended "the
of an attack" which would "lead to permanent distrust in the stability of the institution,"2 and the price of fell. It was also believed that the act the stock immediately indicated the hostility of Jackson politicians to the bank.3 The motion to adopt the resolution was lost by the overwhelming vote of 174 to 9,4 a result which caused the stock
to
introduced
the House
beginning
and
convinced
many
I, p. 815.
I, p. 843.
John
Sergeant
to Nicholas
Biddle, Dec. 13, 1827, B. P. ; Gorham's remarks, The intention was disavowed by Barbour. fundholder
men
"
Dec.
Hamilton,
"
"exclaim
Carolina, said that "many an old how it is the moment these Jackson
would
possession
have
got
States ' sky-high,' and we shall goes the Bank of the House ; away of the United ' in hand, his way, sword next see the military chieftain,' after his election, making into the vaults of the Bank, and seizing its coffers as his especial portion of the booty do not mean to Be quiet, gentlemen. Be assured we after the strife and victory. heads against the Bank of the United States run our vote will show." and this our believe that there was truth more people later would "Ibid., p. 854. A great many
"
than
humor
*76td.,
5
in this description
p. 858.
of what
"
Jackson
would
do.
Some
conclusive in favor of a renewal of the charter Rush's Barbour's p. 275. occasioned motion
Rush
in the report of 1828. " At the time the Bank was in effect, I took my determination not to leave the testimony upon my of its vast value to the record
10, 1828, B. P.
170
THE The
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
attack was made incidentally by Senator Benton in February, 1828, in a series of resolutions relative to Though direct reference to the sinking fund. there was no
next
the bank
enjoying
for he
in the resolutions, yet the senator's speech in support of them reveals a purpose to attack it as an institution undemocratic privileges at the expense of the people ;
constantly refers to the balances of public money in the bank as " the gratuitous deposites," and the whole purpose to reduce these deposits.1 In of his resolutions was
the aggrespertinaciously resumed sive in a series of resolutions, one of which declared that the Bank of the United States " ought to be required to make a for the use of the balances of public compensation
....
December,
1828, Benton
On the 6th of January he spoke to money on its hands."2 his resolutions, devoting considerable attention to the sums in the keeping of the bank and advancing of public money
that the provision in the charter argument the which permitted the secretary of the treasury to remove deposits " included the right to make terms for letting them
the astonishing
remain."3
far from being the opinion of the Committee Finance, which reported on the 20th of February, on and asserting that the controverting Benton's arguments This
was
paid in consideration of the privilege of holding the deposits.4 But Benton's attack upon the privileges of the bank had its effect upon popular opinion, and for later he asserted that the attempt to secure compensation bonus had
the balances
was
been
the bank.5
i
^Senate
escape
the bank.
Biddle, "that
B.P.
3 5
hostility did not 20th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 48, Dec. 23. Benton's to Senator Samuel Smith wrote will see from the papers," Dec. 27, 1828, his attack on the Bank." Colonel Benton has renewed
You
"
Mr. President,
it does
to
me
that
there
on the undrawn bank in this contest for compensation in which the struggle began in the British Parliament
which
has ended
in the
over-
THE The
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
171
of opposition grew out of circumstances Complaints were attending the election of Jackson in 1828. made that the branches at Lexington, Charleston, Portsmouth,
next
act
Jackson's defeat. and New Orleans had attempted to secure Kendall, who At this time Amos was justbeginning to assert his dominance of Jackson's politicalthinking, Isaac Hill, a pettifogging politician and newspaper editor of New
an and Francis P. Blair, of Kentucky, editor who had borrowed from the bank and had apparently the at a loss to the institution,1 were settled his account Kendall and Blair principal authors of these charges.
Hampshire,
infected with the monetary heresies which then raged in Kentucky, and both believed that the bank had participated
were
in campaigns
" "
for the
purpose
The complaints old court party. branches were to Biddle as early as January, communicated 1829, coming from the Democratic congressmen of that state
through
Postmaster
McLean,
who
suggested
both political parties." of directors "from from Colonel R. M. Johnson a list of members of the Jackson party in Kentucky who were considered eligible and fit for such positions.2 Biddle, in reply, repelled the
insinuation
dictated by were appointments "a political considerations, and repudiated the suggestion of " as tably" system of political balance" almost ineviresulting in that the bank's forcing
'
persons."
throw
He
the bank inferior or "incompetent upon then forwarded the charges to the Kentucky
is beginning It is the way in which the struggle of the Bank of England. My resolutions of two and three years ago are the causes here. of the speech which is now itself for balances hear; the question you now of compensation mixing Feb. 2, 1831, here, as in England, the charter." up with the question of renewing
....
"
Thirty
i
Leslie Coombs
Clayton
July 21, 1831, B. P. "I have sent to Mr. to Biddle, Lexington, Mr. Blair which to accompany those of the other edithe account of tors."" ought Biddle to John Watmough, April 23, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, p. 220. It appears
that Blair owed the bank $20,744 and settled by paying $2,237." NILES, Vol. XLV, p. 39, Lives of Butler and Hoyt, pp. 87, 88. J. G. BENNETT ; and see MACKENZIE'S quoting
2
"
John Biddle
McLean
to Biddle,
Jan. 5, 1829, B. P.
to McLean,
172
THE
SECOND
a
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
to request for information and a warning officers of the branches avoid all political action.1 The replied, denying the charges and demonstrating to Biddle's
branches, with
made by the congressmen satisfaction that the nominations were cal unfit and designed to transform the officesinto politiLouisville declared that machines,2 while the cashier at
scheme to make a Jackson partisan president of These explanations did not satisfy the plotthat branch.3 ters against the bank, who continued to insinuate charges to there
was a
with suspicions
to which
he
gave
these circumstances Secretary Ingham, of the treasury, shire Hampby Senator Woodbury was persuaded of New to make complaint to Biddle of the noxious activity Mason, president that Ingham
of Jeremiah
Woodbury
at the
Two using his place for political purposes.6 weeks earlier Biddle had received a letter of a similar tenor from Woodbury, and, almost simultaneously with Ingham's,
one
in Philadelphia, written by Isaac Hill to two gentlemen for his perusal and containing two intended memorials. from a number mouth The first of these was of merchants at Ports-
and Hampshire
of the business methods of the branch, from the Jackson members of the New legislature, uttering similar complaints and containing
names men.8
those of Jackson
1
were
the
3
5 6 7
Ingham's
Exposition,
Vol. XLII,
p. 315.
June
27, 1829, H.
439, 440.
to Ingham,
of June
June
THE
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
173
ury, secretary, the senator, the second comptroller of the treasHampshire legislature, and the merchants the New of Portsmouth, added to the action in regard to the Kentucky
and the charges against the branch at New Orleans, an convinced the board of directors that there was ized organattempt to convert the bank into a Democratic party machine. thought,
that Mason
branches
The in
a
animus
was
of the attacks was revealed, they in Woodbury's letter declaring sentence " a particular friend of Mr. Webster, and
his political character is doubtless well known to you," and another sentence in Hill's letter which asserted that "the friends of General Jackson in New Hampshire have had but
too to complain reason much branch The at Portsmouth."
management of the opinion of the directors has historians, who believe that Jackson's
from
of the
the repulse
of the attempt.
has the corroborative weight of assertions opinion John C. Calhoun, by Daniel Webster, made and John It is, however, only partially true. In so Quincy Adams. far
as
it may be accepted, Hill and Woodbury, but the implication of Jackson and the bulk of the party is false. Ingham demonstrably also disclaimed any such purpose it involves
both
in 1829,1 and
again
in
1832, asserting that he acted as a friend in order " to avert His disclaimer is the meditated destruction of the bank."2
strengthened by the fact that he of his subordinate, Hill, who was
was
ignorant
behind
the whole
an
Ingham's
i
letters,therefore,
....
as
showing
"Allow
me
to
assure
the Government,
....
disclaim
To of the bank."" in the letter of Oct. 5, ibid., pp. 456-62. expressed 2NILES,
3
"
that those charged of with the administration desire to derive political aid through the operations all Biddle, July 11, 1829, ibid., p. 439. Similar are views
you,
Vol. XLII,
p. 315.
to the Bank of the United States by Mr. Isaac Hill, communication made it adverted to to me, two memorials, was accompanying until I saw wholly unknown in your letter."" Ingham to Biddle, Oct. 5, 1829, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 457.
The
174
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
make
party machine
the part of the of Jackson's enmity On the other hand, they prove
on
politicians believed that they had ground for complaining of the bank. The truth is that the vast of majority the bank's officers and directors were drawn from the ranks of the party hostile to Jackson, not because
the
bank
supported
men were
business
and directors had business men. Yet this result, so simple and obvious, naturally appeared to Jackson and his supporters exceedingly
this party, but because most of the unfriendly to Jackson, and the officers to be selected from the ranks of the
hostile.
By
the Jackson
Democrats
the opinion
was a
was
firmly
political engine; that Mason, an aggressive and influential politician and the to close personal friend of Webster, owed his appointment these circumstances, and especially to Webster's influence 1
in which lattersurmise they were quite correct2 and that " " " Mason to establish the bank's then absolute undertook 3 Hill, in his letter of July 17, both parties." control over
"
at Portsmouth
"
1829, asserted that all now to be an continue engine party ;"* while in 1832 he made
a
that it should "not of political oppression by any declared that the branch "was
asked
was
tion party engine previous to the last Presidential elecits directors were exclusively of one politicalparty its favors were dispensed with a view to affect that election ;
"
"
to give, in the choice of the principal instrument to electors of President in 1828, a small majority the party ' in that State which has ever since been in a minority."
and it
was
Woodbury
"
to
Ingham,
June
The
Portsmouth
recommendation.""
3
have this day arranged to your we office*which agreeably Biddle to Webster, Aug. 14, 1828, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 410.
a
Extra
letter from
Portsmouth.
*H.
5
8, 1832.
THE
The Ingham
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCKACY
175
correspondence
attitude of the
revealing the
questions of privilege and monopoly, and consequently It shows that the party from its political toward the bank. principles was necessarily hostile to the bank, and that
Ingham believed, and
as
did
McLean,
the Kentucky
Kendall only
"checks
Hill, Woodbury,
and
just and counterpoises" would provide in other words, that only by having an equal equilibrium;" number of directors from both parties could the bank be
of politics. This was absurd, since the bank's interests could only be injured adopting any such prinby ciple for the selection of its directors. On the other hand,
out
kept
it was
great privileged monopoly, and therefore justly ious obnoxto the democratic theory of equality. Ingham pointed
a
this out by asserting that two opposing principles struggled for control in the management of the bank: the democratic, " that the bank ought to exist exclusively for which held benefit of all," and national purposes, and for the common the aristocratic, which held that it was the "prominent use " to strengthen the arm of the bank poise of wealth, and counterthe influence of extended
1
"
that anyone supported bank certainly The stockholders of the the second. did not invest their funds with the purpose of counterpoising " " for any other or the influence of extended suffrage
racy It was enough, however, that the Democpoliticalpurpose. believed that they did, and that it was correct in considerin the bank as exclusive privileges in which enjoying the masses could not participate. political charges against the bank effective by the complaints of the merchants
iff. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 465.
The
were
176
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
course
The truth is that the office offensive to them.1 had been too free with its accommodations, at Portsmouth d and had consequently fallen into difficulties uring the pressure
was
of 1828. Mason
Hereupon
the board
proceeded rigorously to cut off accommodations and collect the debts of the branch." In this he had been eminently successful. He had reduced the time of the renewal of accommodation days, and had insisted on the payment
notes
acted only as business-man, but his acts were a excessively irritating to debtors and gave an opportunity to the politicians. Biddle, whose apprehensions had been keenly excited by
the similar complaints about the Kentucky ately immedioffices, replied to both Woodbury and Ingham, repelling the charges, and, incited by his suspicions, wrote a second letterto
Mason
Ingham
hostilityboth to spiritof uncompromising what he considered an attempt to involve the bank in politics, and to the "officiallecture," which he thought the secretary showing
a was
not
in delivering.* justified
Ingham
believed himself
treated unjustly
and retorted sharply in a letter which, " the writhing of according to General Cadwalader, revealed " In Biddle's opinion it revealed far the scotched snake." relations between the bank and the administration which he was not inclined to admit. " The Secretary of the Treasury believes," said Biddle, " 1st. ' That the ' relations between the Government and the bank
more
than
this:
it announced
confer
1
2 3
some
Memorial Biddle
Extra
to Ingham, Globe,
p. 442.
letter from
New
pp.
letters of Biddle to Ingham, "Two July 18, 1829, H. R. 460, 22d 440-46 ; to Woodbury, June 30, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 55, 56.
5
General
Cadwalader
to Biddle,
undated,
B. P.
See Ingham's
H.
446-8.
THE
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
'
177
ment action of the Govern' the bank on not precisely explained, but in which he is the proper agent; and, finally,3d. That it is his right bank,
....
2d. That
there is
some
as and his duty to suggest the views of the administration to the political opinions and conduct of the officersof the had not said as much Ingham as this, but he bank."1
had
talked of suggesting
his own the secretary to mind business, and he wrote Cadwalader outlining a reply, which " better from should be sent by the latter,as it would come He was glad, you and would annoy the individual more." he said, that they had withstood him.2 Biddle had scarcely dispatched this letter to Cadwalader still further confirmed in his conviction that when he was the real battle was with the administration for the bank's integrity, by the receipt of a letter from Mason stating that being made to remove at Hill's instigation an attempt was from the Portsmouth the pension funds of the government branch to a state bank in Concord, of which Hill had formerly been president.3 Immediately afterward the secretary of bank.4
"to
course see
war
"
management" did not tend to change his desire to teach it, nor
"proper
government's views as to the His letter certainly of the bank. Biddle's opinion of the motive behind
the
ordered the removal of the funds to the Concord It requires little prescience," wrote Cadwalader,
developments of a germ In the the Bank. the institution is the
in these disgusting
hands
of systematic hostility against men of impartial and independent they wish to make
5
not what
it
"
an was
Secretary Ingham
1 2 3
*
objected
engine of subserviency this the only added complication to paying the com-
to Ingham,
The
bank
withstood
the attempt
and
it failed.
To Biddle, Aug.
4, 1829, B. P.
178
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
mission charged by the bank for transferring government funds abroad, asserted that he could procure the service elsewhere at a cheaper rate, and threatened to place part of
the public deposits with a state bank, which would oblige the transfers for 1 per cent, the administration by making instead of for 3^.! commission Ingham
so: was
now
"If
we
must
exasperated, Biddle only less fight," exclaimed the latter, "I want no
thoroughly
After investigating the Portsmouth fairer battle ground." a "I can now say with the affair, he wrote to Cadwalader: utmost confidence that the whole is a party intrigue got up by
a
gogues." of small bankrupts and smaller Demacombination 3 The business opposition to Mason melted completely in the face of investigation.* Indignant at the away
he believed were being made upon the attempts which bank's independence, Biddle returned to Philadelphia and in which he took the wrote a withering reply to Ingham,
liberty of inferring the three points already noted as involved in Ingham's "altogether earlier letter.5 This action was
by the guileless secretary, and "created a unexpected" " in fact, he was deeply incensed that strong impression ; these meanings should have been read into his letter,and time asserting that indignantly repudiated them, at the same the bank by its the administration did have power over authority to appoint five directors and the secretary's right deposits.8 The letter, to remove the government whole along
1 2 3
* some
some
with
Asbury
Albany,
Dickins's
Aug. Aug.
comments
to
Biddle
on
his
Cadwalader
to Biddle, Aug.
To Cadwalader,
Biddle to Cadwalader,
complainants sa-id that they had The
were
" They came ; and asked to meet Biddle at the branch. the petition because they had been asked to do so signed knowledge no of the subject ; and others said that they had
the Senate,
5
in
Biddle to Ingham,
Ingham
Sept. 15, 1829, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 450-56.
460 and 462.
"
THE
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
179
letterof the 15th of September,1 leaves no doubt that the secretary ingenuous in his correspondence than was much more
Dickins's regretBiddle and most historians have supposed. ful warnings and pleadings for conciliation convinced Biddle
in answer that he had possibly the misjudged secretary, and letter,spun out to a prodigious length and full to Ingham's
of the sputterings
of inappeasable
returned a good-tempered " You shall not complain " for I have written as conciliatory
and helpless wrath, he reply closing the correspondence.2 he wrote to Dickins, of me now,"
as
possible
an
answer
to
8 It the voluminous and belligerent epistle of your chief." is evident that Biddle had mistaken the purpose and temper able into a position favorof the secretary, who had blundered
indignation the
imputation
*
" a connexion with the movements of of these other people," but not their the Hills and Kendalls, whose tool he was,
conscious
coadjutor.5
effect did
What If his
own
word
can
upon
none.
Jackson?
He
wrote
to Biddle: I feel very sensibly the services rendered by the Bank at the last payment of the national debt and shall take an opportunity of declaring it publicly in my message to Congress. That is my own
feeling to the Bank
a
and Mr. Ingham's also difficulty thro' the foolishness if I may use
"
"
He
"
and you got into the term of Mr. Hill. that has all
Observing
1 2
he
was
littleembarrassed
Oct. 5, 1829, B. P.
I said Oh
Asbury
Dickins
to Biddle,
Biddle to Ingham,
469-71.
3
* 5
Hill's rejection by the Senate to a subordinate post in the by Jackson due to the bank." PAETON, Life of probably considered Vol. Ill, p. 274. This is highly improbable. Jackson, Benton has no mention of it. The that Hill had made reason was Mrs. Adams a scandalous alleged attack upon
treasury
was reason.
"
no
Ibid., and ADAMS, Memoirs, Vol. VIII, p. 217. This was trace in the Biddle correspondence of Biddle's having
sufficient
the Portsmouth
It
was
kept
very
180
THE
SECOND
He
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
passed he had
now.
?] said with the Parent Board and myself [yourself to be satisfied that he had heard comreason plaints ever[y] then mentioned Louisville a case at and of which he
"
"
promised to give me the particulars. I said Well I am very much gratified at this frank explanation. We shall all be proud of any kind mention in the message
"
should feel like soldiers after an Sir said he it would be only General. it [i. the bank's services to the e.,
for
we
action commenced
an
by their mention
act of
to justice
government].1
This extract shows Jackson amused, indifferent, and open in his attitude, perhaps a littlecontemptuous as regards poor Ingham,
was
The
he certainly did not like,and whose discomfiture whom in allprobability more pleasing to him than otherwise. son's next movement against the bank foreshadowed Jack-
On the 30th of November attack in his firstmessage. Kendall informed James Watson Webb, editor of the Amos New York Courier and Enquirer, that the president would
take ground Webb with
scheme
in his message, and furnished number of queries for publication, in which a substitute for the bank was outlined:2 Would
ernment general govdeposits of the revenue ; of their safety in receiving of the United States?" and transacting the banking concerns Would "the Legislatures of the several states adopt resolutions
on
"take
measures
to satisfy the
the
"a
and subject
to vote ?
"
proposition be made to authorize the government to issue exchequer bills,to the amount of the annual revenue,
Would
circulating medium equivalent to the notes issued by the United States Bank?" in the Courier Enquirer These and appeared queries redeemable embodied
1
at pleasure, to constitute
in
an
editorial article,with
Papers
no
intimation
undoubtedly
that
Letter
in Biddle
without
date
or
signature,
but
Jackson's
and
written
in November.
on
2ff. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 80, shows that the article appeared 111. J. G. BENNETT, Memoirs see p. of
the 30th.
For
the queries
see
NILES,
Vol. XXXVII,
p. 378, Jan.
30, 1830.
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
181
came
the suggestion
In them is to be found the administration. ment of the removal of the deposits, of the experi-
of using the state banks as places of deposit, of an stitute attack by the state legislatures upon the bank, and of a sublater by Jackson. for the bank's currency supported That the act of Kendall was not an isolated one is shown by the response of the South Carolina legislature. Resolutions introduced there requesting their representatives in were Congress and instructing the senators of South Carolina to oppose
the re-charter of the bank unless it were to the District of Columbia, declaring for
to be
a confined
bank
stockholders, and requesting that the Finance Committee on the should be asked to report on feasibilityof a national bank without private stockholders.1 To Nicholas He Biddle these cumulative believed it necessary to meet
assaults
were
a
foreign
out withSenate
revelation.
were which he clearly saw already making.2 His method of doing this, after his first ebullition of anger and indignation expressed in the Ingham correspondence, to adopt the means was of conciliation suggested by McLean
the bank
and Ingham,
ilbid., p. 275. Carolina by
2
namely,
Resolutions
a
South
vote
Agreed
to by
the
senate
of
to
an
secure
believed that there was a settled attempt management I have on my table the bank for political purposes "And now : possession of to the manner in as of the views of the Administration officialcommunication
the Bank by the ought Board as
to choose
a
From
which
showing Bank, on a point where it is peculiarly sensitive as well from duty as And they think it should be resisted at all hazards and accordingly to Dickins, Sept. 16, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 67. "Biddle " know You do not perhaps that soon after these people came
"
generally
of the honor
"
power,
there
of the most active of the Jackson party as to the in place themselves means was of sustaining and the possession of the Bank Cooper, of Columbia, as a primary S. C., May 6, ranked object."" Biddle to Thomas 1833, ibid.. Vol. IV, p. 481.
was a caucus
"
deliberation
in
the same of directors in Dec., 1833, made charge publicly. States, Dec. 3, 1833, p. 1. committee of directors of the Bank of the United of Kendall as the statement DALL, KENa falsehood. Autobiography stigmatized of AMOS 392. The denied by Hill, March 3, 1834, C. D., Vol. X, was p. charge also committee
a
"
The
Report
"
Part
I, p. 770.
182
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
of the bank and the branches. This was indeed a lame and impotent conclusion after his brave challenge to the secretary, his bold declaration that there is but one course "for the bank of honor or of
tion to seats at the boards
....
safety.
Whenever
its duties
come
of party, it should not compromise it, but resist it resist it openly and fearlessly."1 the wrath of his enemies and deprive them
"
To mitigate of their
friendly to of attack he appointed men who were weapon York,8 the administration as directors at Baltimore,2 New Orleans,6 and the western offices. Utica,4 Portsmouth,5 New He tried to put himself in touch with the administration, opening a correspondence with MajorLewis, Jackson's most intimate and confidential adviser; and he expressed himself "desirous of treating MajorBarry with great kindness and liberality" Barry owing money to the bank and being Major
"
unable to pay it when due.7 There has been much as conjecture to the origin and Historians in nature of Jackson's opposition to the bank.
general believe that he did not contemplate action in regard His he firstcame to it when to Washington as president. relations with it, they think, conclusively prove this. It is
offended by the refusal of the New Orleans branch to cash his drafts on the secretary of state,8 On but he would hardly remember this trivial annoyance. Hoist, he had the other hand, declare Parton and von
true
that he
had
been
the
as
branch
at
of certain
Magazine,
2 ser.,
Biddle
to
Nov.
2d
to I. Lawrence,
to General
to Cadwalader, to W.
6
i
B. Lewis,
Dec.
Nov.
Biddle to Lewis,
PARTON,
THE
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
183
Now doubt there is no officers at the Nashville branch.1 that Jackson had done both of these things, but they have little significance, since nothing signatures to a petition, which
is easier than
was
to
secure
all that
either act
to.2 Moreover, the letter recommending officers amounted for the Nashville branch was not written in 1828, but in 1818. With this correction of dates, the whole weight of the argument
is removed, and Jackson's act loses all significance in the determination of his attitude in 1829.8 Of his opposition to the bank before coming to Washington there exists,
Biddle was 1827 proof. In see warned that Jackson had opposed the repeal of the Tenneslaw taxing branches established in that state.* James A.
moreover,
incontrovertible
Hamilton,
expressed strong opinions against 5 He had undoubtedly the Bank of the United States." wished to insert a paragraph attacking the bank in his
firstinaugural, but had
1
an
"
ber, in Decem-
he
been dissuaded
HUGH
by politicians wiser
Memoirs;
VON
PAETON,
L. WHITE'S
HOLST,
Vol.
II, p. 32.
2 See J. Vol. VIII, pp. 212, 213, commenting Memoirs, on Q. ADAMS, had actually recommended Chief Justice Marshall and Justice McLean Henry Lee for an office, his nomination to which was unanimously infamy of his character." the Senate, " on account the surpassing of 3
rejected by
adds
to his
See the letter in 8. D. 17, 23d Cong.,[2d Sess., pp. 233, 234. In signing, Jackson " He had resigned his comDivision." name Major-General Southern mission in 1821 (PAETON, Vol. II, p. 590), not have signed in this fashion and would
later than
among
though moreover, undated, is placed by the committee " of 1817. It speaks of the anticipation of the location at this States Bank." This was both in 1818 place of a branch of the United anticipated and in 1827, but not in 1828. Jackson could not have signed in 1827 ; see next note. here," declares that "Gen'l of the Louisville directors, now in in his power to prevent the repeal of the Law everything Tennessee if there had been a delay taxing the B. U S., and would have succeeded in coming The repeal was to the decision. of a single day more carried in one of the Houses, as he states, by one vote. ""Cashier McHvaine to Biddle, Jan. 27, 1827, B. P.
letter,
*"Mr. had n
Hill done
one
"
The
to
informant
a
Jackson
that
the
respecting
of who
Robinson
discussed, and who stated positively when the subject was to Mcllvaine repeal was effected in one of the houses by a single vote." Biddle, Jan. 29, 1827, ibid.
5
to be in Nashville
Reminiscences
of James
A.
Hamilton,
p. 69.
184
THE
SECOND
Again
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
in 1829
Lewis
"
wrote
had
led to believe
"
loaning unfriendly manner, This conviction of defeating him.2 object gave a personal flavor to Jackson's opposition, yet that at bottom not personal, but based upon conopposition was stitutio
an
-
during the pendency of the branch had acted that the Lexington
in
and
opinion
social opinions.
The
as
a
bank
was
in Jackson's
He
same
I think it right to be perfectly frank with you. I do not think that the power of Congress extends to charter a Bank ought of the ten mile square. I do not dislike your Bank any more since I read the history of the South
But ever than all banks. Sea bubble I have been
afraid of banks.8
After
1
this naive
and
delightfully Jacksonian
"
reason
for
Vol. Ill, pp. 258, 259. Von Hoist also conconsiders this a tradition. siders it a "tradition Vol. II, pp. party not well founded.'' of the democratic SI, 32. But the assertion was made with great particularity by Polk in 1833, and he
Parton
"
....
could
"
It
was
very
well known
was
States
Bank,
before he prepared
a
his inaugural
not
But it was fact which was susceptible of proof. of this opinion, until he should send his first message communication it was into his inaugural On this account not introduced address."
C, D., Vol. X, Part
Dec.
30, 1833,
II, p. 2263. See also BLAIE, Extra Globe, Vol. I, p. 90 ; Bancroft's June, 1845; INGEKSOLL,, History Eulogy of Jackson, of the War of 1812, Vol. II, p. in Sept., 1833, said: "The President's convictions 264. Jackson, of the dangerous States, so were tendencies overpowering when of the United of the Bank he entered on the duties of Chief Magistrate that he felt it his duty, notwithstanding
....
he was to avail himself the objections of the friends by whom surrounded, to call the attention of Congress and the people to the question Vol. Ill, p. 5, paper Messages and Papers, of Sept. 18, 1833. recharter."
firstoccasion
"
of the of its
"He
during
Lewis
3
of his friends, certainly had been led to believe from the complaints pensing branch in disthe pendency of the presidential election, that the Lexington its golden favours, in the way of discounts, had manifested great partiality."
to Biddle,
"
Lexington
no
was
no
near
Clay's residence.
no
Letter
to Biddle,
Papers,
date,
Jackson's,
aspect
signature,
but indubitably
THE fearing
BANK
AND
THE
DEMOCRACY
185
all banks,
no
scruples,
or
after this frank confession of constitutional one need henceforth seek for the motives
He fails to tell of Jackson's opposition. he had read the history of the South Sea Biddle just when it fixed him it happened bubble, but whenever against
the
origin
banks.
Let
was
in general, and
of the
United
particular.1
I understand Jackson's antipathy is not to from Dickins that General He considers the Bank of the United States in particular, but to all banks whatever. all the State Banks unconstitutional and impolitic and thinks that there should be no
1
....
"
Currency
part
of
our
but coin, that the Constitution designed to expel paper altogether C. J. Ingersoll to Biddle, Feb. 2, 1832, B. P. system."" monetary
as
any
CHAPTER
ATTEMPTS TO
IX
JACKSON'S ASSENT
TO
A
SECURE
RE-CHARTER
early awake to the possibility of Jackson's enmity, and began immediately to calculate the chances of In March, 1829, he thought them renewal, good;1 but,
was
BIDDLE
to make them better, he bestirred himself to produce His plan was to convince a favorable effect upon Jackson. the president of the usefulness of the bank to the government
anxious
in its management community and to the commercial of the public debt.2 He at of the disbursement of payments the position held by Major Lewis, and once comprehended in June
addressed a letterto him in reference to the appointment branch, in which Lewis of directors at the Tennessee might presumably be interested.3 Lewis in return expressed " himself as " much gratified at the selection of directors, and added: If your Directory is composed of men ence, of influit the people have confidence, will have and in whom In tendency to prevent opposition in a good degree."*
was
"
other words, it
with the sympathy could have the confidence of the people in the implied.
advisable
here
In October, after the brush with Ingham, Biddle became for supposing the that Jackson had personal reasons aware bank inimical to him, and he undertook to remove these
1 2 3
Biddle
to Jos. Kingsbury,
March
To A. Dickins, As
May
was
the bank
could
Lewis
to Biddle, June
28, 1829, B. P.
186
ATTEMPTS impressions.
He
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
187
the charges regarding branches, and to rebut these made against the Kentucky forwarded a letter from an ardent Jackson partisan who was
wrote
a
to Lewis
which indignantly denied the truth of the reports, and which he asked Lewis to show to the pleased, Lewis president.1 This Lewis did. Jackson was director at Lexington,
wrote
:
he says to learn that probably It is gratifying to him for those complaints, or at least, that there was no just cause He requested me to they possibly had been much exaggerated.
....
say, that
moment,
he
has
too
much
that you
Branches
of your
would Bank;
confidence in you to believe for a knowingly tolerate such conduct in the but from the complaints which are still at New of them, particularly the one improbable that party feeling may yet
made with regard to some Orleans, he thinks it not have some influence upon
The President their operations thinks, as you do, that the Bank of the United States should recognize that in all its operations, it should have an eye no party; and to the interests of the stockholders and the good of the single
country.
"Some
of
our
friends in Nashville,"
he
about directors from outside, and and corrected "to prevent jealousies unpleasant feelings."2 This letter undoubtedly expresses accurately Jackson's attitude toward the bank and
its head.
stillsuspicious of political activity on the offices; that he believed that the bank
was
of
should not engage in politics either for or against him ; that both he and Lewis discriminated against in thought that Jackson partisans were
appointments to the directories ; and that Lewis was inclined to place the Nashville office on what he considered a fairer footing by putting more friends of the administration upon
its board.
His
reasons
for this
are
political exclusively.
this
was
an
Biddle
1 a
might
well have
that objected
p. 75.
attempt
To Lewis. Lewis
188
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
which
denied flatlythe expressed opinion that party considerations should not be intruded into bank affairs,but he would consider a refusal to place ination. on the board as being in itselfa politicaldiscrimLewis's letter also proves that Jackson was sonally perwas
recognized Democrats
that Jackson
well disposed to Biddle, and such considerable period after this date.1
Altogether Biddle
was
saw
reason
and that the most material matter to disabuse Jackson's mind of the suspicions about the was branches. For this purpose he sent a friend to Washington,
not
a
difficult one,
satisfiedthat the parent who reported that the president was board knew nothing of the political abuses at the branches, a if such abuses existed, and asserted that the bank " was blessing
administered as it was, diffusing a healthful circulation, sustaining the general credit without this partiality or political bias."2 Biddle followed up
to the country
auspicious beginning by dispatching the cashier and one of the directors of the New Orleans office to repel the charges " Not against it, and succeeded in dispelling all suspicion. the least doubt the charges
'Thus struggle the most
manage
his mind,"
Orleans officewere
"
Jackson Biddle as a government nominated always In July, 1830, Biddle was for re-charter. assured that that exalted terms and says that there is no gentleman
Bank" branch do the Bank and Country better or more of Nashville, to Biddle, July 20, 1830, B. P.
"
the
director until the he speaks of you in be found can would justice." J. Nichol,
"
"
president
2
"
I cannot in saying the result of the pleasure it gives me withhold a moment is most inasmuch President expressed himself in the as the my satisfactory, visit decided friendly to the Bank ' that it was manner a blessing to the most clear and it was, diffusing a healthful circulation, sustaining as the country administered general credit without partiality for its excellent President, (I use Bank possess'd
true many
a high regard political bias that he entertained his own words) who with the Board of the Parent his entire confidence for the readiness and and indood his thanks to meet he said it the views of Government" which they had seemed
or
cordiality with
was
in Kentucky made of partiality in the Branchee have he any foundation, added if these complaints knew nothing the Parent board was persuaded of them, and if they did would not M. L. Bevan to Biddle, Oct. 21, 1829, ibid. sanction them.""
and
New
been
3"
.
that he by the
was
was
exercised
that no hostility to his administration entirely convinced Board the Parent Bank, and that in reference to yourself of
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
189
so the moment opportune that he sent word able to Lewis urging him to procure from the president a favormention in the annual message of the bank's services in
payments of the public debt,1 to which Lewis replied : making " to I think you will find the old fellowwill do justice the for the handsome in which it Bank in his message manner in paying the last installment of the assisted the Government
2 And so he did, as anyone may perceive by national debt." turning to the message. It was that Jackson politicians received at this juncture
appointments to the branch directories from one end of the sion country to the other, and Biddle, convinced that the impressufficient, made upon the mind of the president was to assure determined to seize the favorable moment the bank's future.
the vanity which was so nent promifeature in the character of Jackson, the astute head a of the bank suggested to Lewis that the hero of New Orleans glories to the 8th of January by arranging for might add new the complete discharge of the national debt upon that day before his final retirement. The idea pleased in 1833, just
Perceiving
Biddle say to him the President would be glad to see his proposition for sinking or paying off the three per cent stock," wrote Lewis,8 and Biddle, conJackson.
see
"
If you
Mr.
confidence in the purity of your intentions. particularly he had the most unbounded have been satisfied, he said by your letter alone of the want of any He should New Orleans for the accusations foundation against the office at not the least his mind." Samuel Jaudon to Biddle, Oct. 26, 1829, ibid. doubt remained on
....
....
"
Mn say of debt paid off in 1829 he naturally would speaking of the amount that in July last a larger payment the principal of the public debt was of made ever than was at any former period" that looking to frequent payments redeemed of
"
an similar kind in future the effect of that in July was object of great solicitude it was to perceive that this large displacement very satisfactory of funds was and to any branch the least shock or inconvenience accomplished without of industry
"
'
result which of that excellent institution the B. he Nov. 9, 1829, the substance of which
it is but
justiceto ascribe
in
great
"
"
degree
to the
judicious arrangements
U.
was
/S.'
Memorandum
to Win.
to write
Jackson's
2
3
Lewis
Ibid.
I will submit
He had better write to me adds : when his leisure will permit and Say to Mr. Biddle it to the General." A little earlier he had written :
190
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
come,
STATES
fident that the critical moment for the extinction of the debt bank's charter. No suspicion
ever
had
submitted
through
plan of the
has heretofore
a
arisen
dents presi-
approximated
relation where one could make and And yet proposition of this character. Biddle was not unfriendly natural.
while
Jackson
expressed
hearty
him.
should the two not agree upon a continuation of the charter and the payment of the national debt at the same time, and thus settle with mutual satisfaction a question which might give rise to future difficulties?
His plan was interesting and brilliant: So Biddle reasoned. For a new charter for twenty years the bank would exchange $7,000,000of 5 per cent, stock held with the government
Why
by it for the government's $7,000,000 in bank stock, and then in return for one-half of the 3 per cent, revolutionary to over at the time amounted stock, the whole of which
the $13,200,000, bank would
to pay the whole.
assume
manner
the government's
over
tion obliga-
In this
$20,000,000of
leaving
true, would not be A small part of this, it was creditors until after that date, and the government's
not choose
to surrender
case
the bank,
to it of the amount by the government, would payment that portion as well, and thus the country would be assume completely freed from debt. Briefly stated, this proposition
was
that
the
government
present the bank with should discharge the bank at would At the firstglance to present the government
if the bank
proposed
the project of gratified with the report I have made him upon to it will be well."" Lewis tr H. Toland, Nov. 9, with regard B. P. 1829, in Biddle's handwriting,
is much All things
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
it must
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
191
with
but $6,648,124.73,
the government
in the market worth considerably more further if the charter were and would appreciate still renewed. Biddle calculated that it would be worth $8,500,000in that
was $7,000,000,
and with a have sold for ten or renewed charter it would undoubtedly the 3 per cent, stock was below eleven millions. Meanwhile par, so that the sum of that stock would have been worth less contingency, already worth than
but it was
that
sum,
$13,000,000. On
littleor nothing not only made this offer,but said that the bank would probably and, for Jackson's benefit, he pay a bonus of $1,500,000,
the whole, the bank would have lost Biddle if its suggestion had been adopted.
argued the constitutionality and expediency of the bank at length, declaring that, if the charter were not renewed, three months after its cessation would see a suspension of specie in the United States and the ruin of the state payments
banks.1 The
to this proposition, contained
answer
in
ever
been
he
National
debt
on
Jan. 1, 1830
$48,522,869.93
-
at pleasure, 5 per cent, bank stock at pleasure, 3 per cent, stock in 1830 at any time
....
$ 7,000,000.00
13,296,249.45 7,998,793.92 18,901.54 11,018,900.72 2,227,363.97 2,227,363.98 4,735,296.30
22
Redeemable
Redeemable Redeemable
in 1835
$48,522,869.93
Biddle then says that in consideration of re-charter, the receipt of the $7,000, to the bank for the government's 000 of 5 per cent, stock subscribed shares, and the bank of half the 3 per cents, (say $6,648,124.72), will give the government $7,000,000 5 per cent, stock and assume the payment of of the principal and interest
$13,296,249.25 the 3 per cents., thus striking off $20,296,249.25 the of the whole of of A long calculation is then entered debt." into showing that the rest of the debt, be discharged Jan. 1, 1833. The bank would can on of $2,145,036.04, with the exception
the government, on payment of the principal to it, thus probably take this from Biddle to W. B. Lewis, Nov. 15, 1829, relieving the government entirely from debt. and again on the 17th, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 84-91. Biddle's addition in the cents
"
"
columns
is
erroneous.
192
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
directed immediately
curious,
it to Congress, difficultyin recommending I do not think but I think it right to be perfectly frank with you. that the power of Congress extends to charter a Bank ought of the
no
great and pure mind and could not agree though if he had said, that as it was necessary for the with him there ought to be a national purposes of the national government bank I should have been disposed to concur.1
" "
....
I have
a
of John
Marshall
This
was
Jackson's
same
out
the financial operations of the government if established in the District. Biddle immediately
went
to Washington
for
an
interview
he and his advisers. The arguments but Jackson merely repeated what he offered are unknown, had already written.2 Biddle was view, pleased with the interwith
the president
however, writing to Robert Lenox that he "found with in the great pleasure a friendly feeling towards the Bank merly minds of the President and his particular friends who for3 These particular friends entertained different views." not members of the cabinet, for he said later that he 1 2
were
Letter
"
without
date, place,
or
signature.
"
B. P.
In regard to what passed at Washington I speak of it with great reserve, but to you, I have none and will therefore say that the President spoke in the highest in the administration terms of confidence of the Bank and particularly of the had afforded to the Government, in July last assistance which the Bank of which
"
"
"
he intended that
to bear
he doubted
Biddle
in his message He mentioned to Congress. public testimony to incorporate Bank trict."" the right of the Government a out of the DisS. Smith, Jan. 2, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. ITT, pp. 129, 130. to Senator
a
re-charter
was
sent
on
to Washington,
and
returned
On
or
immediately
To Robert
Historical
Lenox,
SON'S
Magazine,
Dec. 4, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. HI, p. 99. Nov. 22, Vol. IX, 2d ser., p. 10.
ATTEMPTS had
TO
SECURE
"
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
193
no
conversation
"
with
was,
never
Lewis
is necessary to infer that the others were various members No doubt he had also learned that of the Kitchen Cabinet. favorable to the bank.3 But a of the cabinet was
majority
he had
ground failed completely to perceive in the obscure backthe menacing and sinister figure of the most powerful, determined, and most subtle enemy most of the bank,
Amos
Kendall.
The
attitude of Van
Buren
was
likewise
unguessed. So confident
Biddle of a favorable issue that he spoke view, to his friends of what had passed at the interunguardedly that he had given, and it was reported to Jackson to individuals in Baltimore "that the charter assurances
was
with the good- will of the president.* should be renewed" Jackson was surprised and offended, declaring that he had " never and that Major Biddle given any such assurances,
to my frankness to him on this subject Major acknowledged He suspected that Biddle had spread Lewis and others." the report in order to facilitate speculation in the stock.5
He
declared that he
1 2
was
"pledged
been
"
To John
"
. . .
McKim,
Jr., of Baltimore,
and
p. 236.
3
in favor of a National Bank tion, descripalways of some this present Bank should not object to the rechartering with modifications."" Lewis to J. A. Hamilton, Jan. 1, 1832, Reminiscences A. Hamilton, James
.
that I have
of
Jackson
says
in
a
"
letter to Hamilton
first message, of my
*
paragraph
so
in th"
great
majority
in Baltimore I gave I saw to those gentlemen assurances fair with the administration, that I had every that the interest of the Bank stood assurance and their good of the President and others of their friendship for the Bank handsome that the Charter should be renewed that I expected something will and The that from the President
John
5
McKim,
Jackson
in his speech be some great mistake." must Jr., of Baltimore, Jan. 13, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 138.
....
"
Biddle
to
to J. A. Hamilton,
a
p. 154.
Hamilton
had
sent to Jackson
letter from
Duff
Green, containing
Nov.
reports
of Biddle's
supposed
conversation,
"
ibitl., p. 152.
J. A. Hamilton
to
friend, Washington,
194
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
leaves no doubt that he had not been which Of this, entirely ingenuous in his conversation with Biddle. however, Biddle had no suspicion. When on the 27th of
statement
November
Alexander him
Hamilton,
son
of Washington's
great
that the president's message would in an unfriendly manner,1 he of subject renewal " conversation replied that he did not believe it,since in a of a very full and frank character with the President about secretary, warned treat the the Bank
....
he
never
intimated
such
purpose.
look
to the
message,"
of the most it would contain words of commendation surprise and dismay, therefore, when extreme.3 else it contained, were The message
was
he
"with knew,
he
discovered
both surprising and alarming. After an encomium upon the bank's usefulness to the pronouncing treasury, Jackson asserted that "both the constitutionality
and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well by a large portion of our fellow-citizens, and it questioned must be admitted by all that it has failed in the great end The currency."4 sound and of establishing a uniform declaration that the bank's currency was not sound and uniform was particularly offensive to the bank's supporters: do you think of the assertion that the Bank has not "What
uniform and solid currency?" asked John Sergeant. " Did you believe that any man who valued his intelligence and veracity would have character for common hazarded such a declaration in the face of this community
produced
an
Nov.
27, 1829, B.
wrote
P.
Hamilton
probably
received
his information
from
his
brother,
2
who
The
saw
that I
increases
"
every
I recollect all when with equal surprize and regret Washington, the contents my at surprize of the message at Dec. 9, 1830, ibid., p. 103. Biddle to A. Hamilton, moment."
see
....
"
Messages
and
Papers
of the Presidents,
Vol. II,
p. 462.
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
ASSENT
195
manifest
Bank
stock
125| to
Biddle consoled
" a measure himself with the belief that it was emanating exclusively from the President in person, being the remains it is not a cabinet of old notions of constitutionality, that the a nor measure and finally that on party measure,"3
"
His attack would "rather benefit" the bank.4 opinion as to the president's sole responsibility for the act to was at which the bank question was correct; the moment
whole
the
be
taken party one was stillfar in the future. But he was misin laying all the stress upon the president's constitutional Jackson's that he own show words opinions.
as
to objectionsthe
bank
Jackson
is
His act was not the result of the Portsmouth quarrel, for it had been determined upon before that episode ; nor did it spring from the belief that the bank was opposed this was
for he had been persuaded that politically, He was convinced that the bank was not the case. to republican institutions, unconstitutional and dangerous
to him
What Jackson by a uniform iTo Biddle, Dec. 11, 1829, B. P. currency meant be inferred from in his farewell address : " The corporations a clause which to keep the circulating medium can money create the paper not be relied upon form uniin amount."" Messages Vol. Ill, p. 301. There never was and Papers, and never He have meant, however, that the bank's notes were may will be such uniformity. depreciated distant from the place where they were when made payable ; or he may
may
have
inclined
Gallatin was the purchase meant of bills and selling drafts at any rate but par. to the opinion that he referred to the selling of drafts for a premium. Qallatin had asked an explanation from the president, but Jackson did apparently
not
know
"
GallatMs
ings, Writ-
p. 275.
George
two
of Baltimore,
Dec.
*For and
(1)because
by everyone terrify everyone.
the
uniform
known
(2)because
was
correct
Jr., of Baltimore,
I was by all the sordid and aware bo disapproved the bank question would interested who liberty, and the more the perpetuity than prize self-interest of our blessings of a free republican I could not shrink from a duty so government imperious to the safety and free institutions I considered as this to purity of our be."" Jackson to J. A. Hamilton, Dec. 19, 1829, Reminiscences, 151. p.
196
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
and therefore he only fulfilledhis duty by speaking out. If criticism is to be offered at all,it must be directed against his presumption in daring to dictate while he was completely
ignorant of banking and monetary affairs. Nevertheless, he fair to the bank, willing to hear reason, was sult willing to conthe opinions of Lewis, Hamilton, and Nicholas Biddle,
Kendall.1 well as those of Hill, Taney, and Amos It is important to remember that Jackson's hostility was to a national bank as "to the bank as organnot so much ized,"
as
with exclusive privileges in which the whole form He was people could not share. convinced that some of a bank was convenient, and perhaps necessary for carrying
a
to
bank
on
the financial operations of the government, and in this message he argued for one with provisions which would not the constitution. conflict with the constitution as he understood difficult to comprehend It was just what he meant,
not settled in his own mind as and it is evident that he was Writing to the precise nature to of the bank he wanted. 1829, he requested him to outline in December, Hamilton
the firstto be that of a " bank of deposit for the plans facilityof the transfer of public moneys and the establishment of a sound and uniform currency, making, if you please,
two
"
the
Custom-house
branch
to this National
Bank,
and
other of a mixed character which may fulfilall the purposes of a bank, of State rights and our and be free from the infringement attaching
it to the Treasury
Department.
The
Constitution."
i
Six months
penned the
some-
James
He
A. Hamilton had
tone
on
been
in opposition to phrases in the first message by Van Buren, Lewis, and others to come ington to WashThe original especially in relation to the bank.
or style," fairly good to possibly Kendall, Blair, or but the president declared impossible, that it was omit the paragraph altogether, " he was Hamilton as to a friend, Dec. 28, 1829, Reminiscences, pledged against the Bank.""
" at great length in a loose, newspaper, written from the pen of Jackson himself evidence that it came Hill. Hamilton to persuade the president attempted
pp.
"Dec.
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
"I
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
197
what Bank
more
decidedly:
have often spoken of a National ances the principles of the checks and balGovernment, with a branch in each
agreeably
to representation,
to and to be attached to and made subject the supervision of the Secretary of the Treasury, and an expose" of its condition
annually, in his report to Congress, as part of the If, revenue; might be a bank which of deposit only." however, it should be necessary to make count it a bank of disbe made and issue
as
exclusively," and South Carolina as the model for such an institution.1 What bank, in whose he preferred then was a purely governmental to be a place profits all the people should share, which was
well, "then it should belong to the nation he referred to the Bank of the State of
of deposit only, under the control of the secretary of the This, he thought, would obviate all difficulties, treasury. both constitutional,state, and social. On the other hand, he
bank of deposit and issue, but in case such a one should exist, it ought to be on the model of that of the state of South Carolina. This bank was owned completely by the state; its president and directors
was
were
had
session; it annually elected by the legislature in joint discounts, dealt in exchange, and no monopoly; made
The feature of state ownership was issued notes.2 that upon fixed. He was more much which Jackson's attention was inclined to the first plan, however, and adopted it finally as the only proper one, advocating it in his second message at considerable length, with the added features of allowing it to deal in exchange "based on and individual government
no
stockholders,
Hamilton,
at
no
To
June
Large
Statutes
of
South
Carolina,
24 ff No. 2021. .,
The
dato
of the charter
198
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
not thoroughly worked out, but property.1 The details were it is sufficiently plain that Jackson's bank would have been
like the present sub-treasury system, with the additional features of the privileges of trading in exchange and of receiving the deposits of private individuals.2 something
to Congress, the the submission of the message parts relating to the bank were referred in the Senate to the Committee on Finance and in the House to the Committee of Means. Biddle urged the latter to discuss the Ways and
After
a re-charter.3 The committee esced, acquimessage and recommend both it and the Senate committee reporting at length McDuffie's report in the House in favor of the bank. was It controverted the president's reasoning at every exhaustive.
point, declared that the bank was constitutional and expedient, " that it had a actually furnished circulating medium
specie,11and contemptuously condemned Jackson's proposed bank, "founded upon the credit of the Government being inefficient and as and its revenues,"
monstrous,
"a "prodigious giving to the government patronage" in its character," in its influence" and "dangerous and creating a centralizing agency of enormous potency.4 To him, and the not to convince refute Jackson, however, was
more
uniform than
"
firmly in his opinion: "I presume a joint effort, and the best that
it will
be
1
made
Second
INGERSOLL,
for
a
bank
Messages Vol. II, pp. 528, 529. See also message, and Papers, annual Vol. II, pp. 283, 284, where Jackson declares this " the only safe outline deposite." or government
2 Jackson wrote Lewis, Jan. 1, 1842, that his plan did not contemplate SUMNER'S Jackson by the government." (revised),pp. 286, 287, quoting letters of Jan. 1 and Jan. 15, 1842. The wonder is that anyone
note
issues
manuscript ever
Ford should
have
are
now
that Jackson's
The note issues. plan contemplated collection of the New York Public Library. Hemphill,
reports,
Ford
manuscripts
to Joseph
and
Dec. 22, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 118. Biddle for word report is word much of Smith's
as
supplied he
Beport
The
italics
are
McDuffie's.
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
199
' He a proper time arrives." unanswered when interpretation of his bank plan.2 resented the committee's That the report had aroused his temper, and that he had
not
go
reverted to his suspicions of the bank's corrupt activity in " The bank was the present hydra politics,is also evident. liberties by its corruptto our ing of corruption, so dangerous influences everywhere, and not the least in the Congress 3 His determination that the bank should of the Union." not be continued in the form in which it existed is shown in Duff Green 26 to Lewis, wherein he censures for laxity in making attacks upon the bank, and asserts that for that purpose.* The be founded another paper must
a
letter of June
as
editor, was
was
should
be
conthe reports of the committees, and was vinced that conciliation was the best policy.5 He adopted a bad curious method remarkably of conciliation. With he judgment, proceeded to scatter the reports from one end
of the country to the other as a species of appeal against the He reprinted thousands of copies at the expense president. tracts not sufficient,he sent exof the bank, and, as if this were
wider circulation. He paid for the printing of other articles as well, and he secured from Grallatina long and exhaustive treatise which
Jackson Jackson's.
2"
never
to the newspapers
so
as
to give them
to J. A. Hamilton,
May
3, 1830, Reminiscences,
p. 164.
The
italics
are
I have
did
had no conversation nor the subject of Banks; on with Mr. McDuffie I contemplate in his imagination he has assumed, as recomsuch and mended in his Report."" June 31, 1830, ibid., p. 167. Jackson to Hamilton, letter of June occasions is, he
as
In the
3, Jackson
shows
temper
"
by
three separate
*
"
the
"
hydra
of corruption." to
mentioning Ibid.
to be heart
as
the
bank
on
The
the Bank,
puppits,
much to announce the the policy, " defend organ must get another in his hands it is more ing, Wheelinjured than by all the opposition."" administration," June 26, 1830, SUMNEB'S Jackson (revised), 206, quoting Ford manuscripts. p.
[Duff Green] has professed but his idol [Calhoun] controls him as
truth
we
me
the
showman
and
"
What
am
now,
himself
To Senator
April
200
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
text.1
STATES
irritating and
may be inferred from what he had already said about McDuffie's report. That Jackson would " persevere in his opinion, and refuse to sign a Bill," Biddle could not believe.2 Lewis remained sagaciously continued to furnish good advice and the names of Jackson partisans Hio should be made directors at the branches.3 Biddle took the advice and the directors, telling Lewis that he ought to be satisfied, named
cordial, and
"
How
Board
a [atNashville]very
large proportion are of gentlemen nominated by yourself." * He assured Lewis that the bank entertained kindly feelings if the rumors the president, and wished to know toward
credible that the president had declared that he would veto a bank bill.5 To this Lewis replied:
were
I told you in Philadelphia when you first mentioned the thing to me, that there must be some at mistake because the report was / had heard him say upon the In conversing variance with what
subject.
few days ago upon the he entertained subject still Bank might be established that would be a national preferable to the present U. S. Bank; but that if Congress thought differently,and it was deemed necessary to have such a Bank as
with him the opinion that
a
to object
it.6
This
letter is 3, where
curious
commentary
June
"hydra
1
he
repeatedly and
of corruption,"
Gallatin
yet it is not
Writings
Gallatin to Walsh,
furnished
Biddle
p.
documents
offered to pay Gallatin $1,000for the work." Gallatin to Biddle, Dec. 8, Biddle Gallatin refused payment. also sent a clerk from digests, etc. ; sent his own to give whatever the bank to assist in making secretary In many particulars the article assistance needed ; read the proof, and gave advice. in Biddle's letters. The article furnished follows the statements and arguments
429),and
appeared
2
3
in the American
Quarterly Review
Biddle to S. Smith,
Biddle
to Lewis,
April 22, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 227. Feb. 24, 1830, ibid., p. 185 ; Lewis
to Biddle,
May
3, 1830, and
June
*
13, 1830, B. P.
To Lewis, May
June
"To
Biddle, May
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
201
with it. Omit the temper in Jackson's letter,and Provided that there is no difficultyin reconciling the two. Jackson was not further irritated,Biddle might stillhope to
variance
new,
though
wrote
him
conversation with the president on the subject,1 and, to leave no stone unturned, he instructed President interview with Nichol of the Nashville office to have an
a
to have
Jackson
the president's visit to Nashville in 1830, and attempt to convince him of his mistake in the message He Nichol did not neglect his instructions. of 1829.2 "to be well satisfied" with reported that Jackson appeared
during
in transferring the funds of the govthe bank's management ernment "a Bank that and of individuals, and admitted
was
objection
a
Bank
"
is that
great part of the stock is held by consequently the interest is taken from the
am
well convinced that he will not the ter of subject renewing the charhe keeps his opinion this
subject
to himself."
i
All this
was
reassuring, though
Jackson
had
May
?To
3
Josiah
Nichol, June
President States arrived in town last Tuesday I done of the United during his stay at my the pleasure of waiting on him, as an Old friend myself house I had frequent opportunities, and did not neglect the subject of your letter I enforced every argument I could make bear on the that subject or that would be
....
"
"
"The
of any
that a Bank point to another and acknowledges do so he appears to be generally pleased with the such as the present only can Management States and Branches of the Bank of the United and particularly so I this office. I have taken considerable with pains and gave him all the information Banking him have that the consistently could on convinced subjects and believe
"
with transferring
his prejudices service in removing facilities that the Bank has given the
"
....
he
appears
to be well
to Government
and
satisfied in individuals
"
their funds
from
One
"
"
"
injury manifest could not be dispenced with without to this Western as no country particularly so other currency He then states Jackson's could be substituted." objection to foreign stockholders, He is well satisfied that Politicks have no influence in Bank in the : or and adds Directors."" Nichol to Biddle, July 20, 1830, B. P. Choice of
present and to the Country and
"
" "
"
Bank
Branches
202
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
He
STATES
said no keeping
a
on
more
was
counsel, and meanwhile in he considered the loss of the interest new objectionwhat the stock held by foreigners. Biddle answered immediately,
his
refuting at length this supposed and objection, Nichol to press these points upon the president.1 urging Biddle had recovered mtfre than his former By autumn " The worthy person who firstmade the attack," confidence.
" he assured Grallatin, looks at the matter now with different feelings." His advisers " studiously disclaim all participation" in the opinions of the firstmessage; both houses of
Congress
the Bank
are
favorable, and on the whole it seems best should apply at the next session of Congress
a
"
that
for
renewal of its charter." Despite this robust confidence, Biddle at times felt apprehensive The newspapers was that something amiss. supposed
to voice the sentiments
unconstitutional, asking for a full report on its affairs,and asserting that the House would not consent to a re-charter; and, though these were voted down
by large
ominous
; at Boston,
in June,
to remove the deposits the collector of the port attempted from the branch to a state bank/ and obscure hints coniTo
who
first made
him
Those
opinions
quarters,
by
attack, looks at the matter now with in the studiously disclaim all participation from a great mass of observations from various
the
is
decided
is therefore present impression charter. the next session of Congress for a renewal should apply at This it can well do after the invitation given by the President and it of its charter. to approach is I think of great importance the question before it becomes involved Congress
....
to the
My
in the controversy
3 *
for the
Presidency.""
To Gallatin,
has transferred, or means The Collector at Boston to transfer, the collection to a State Bank." Biddle to Dickins, June 24, 1830, of his Bonds from the Branch " P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 281. The bonds have been restored by order of the Secretary,"
"
"Biddle
to S. Frothingham,
of Boston,
Aug.
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
203
tinually reached Biddle of Jackson's implacable hostility,and of a coalition against the bank between Van Buren and certain
Richmond politicians.1
Jackson's second message disappointed Biddle's prevailing his occasional fears. It declared hopes and justified to lessen in any degree the that nothing had "occurred dangers
from that which many citizens apprehend of our institution as at present organized," again recommended the "as branch of the Treasury Department," a creation of a bank
should obviate constitutional and other objections, his plan at length, and concluded by saying outlined to call " the attention of the president's that it was
which
object
possible modifications of a system which cannot continue to exist in its present form without occasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetual apprehensions discontent on the part of the States and the people." 2 and
Congress
to the
Jackson's attitude had clearly not changed in the slightest He was degree. to the bank as organunalterably opposed ized, and wanted
men
that, if he
was
sentative Reprenational bank of another model. however, convinced of his own party were, sible, imposonce was persuaded that his
a
project
he would be willing to sign a bill re-chartering the old His message allows as much to be inferred, since it bank.3 "in its present form" that his oppois against the bank sition
is directed.
Immediately
expressed" that repeated the opinion he had more bill to re-charter "with certain modifications" would rea ceive What these modifications were the president's assent. between does not appear, but it is certain that somewhere
the president's scheme
1
message
Lewis
com-
Biddle
Messages
"
to James
and
Eobertson,
2
3
Papers,
will be
effect
on
Dec.
12, ibid.
204
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
promise could
could it be long before the president would surrender his plan, for it met with no encourage whatever from the of his own party.
be found.1
Nor
majority
what he queried; "whose does all this mean?" attack is this?"8 Meanwhile the presses supporting the bank treated the president's his bank plan with contempt. message with insolence and
Biddle, however,
was
keenly disappointed.
"
Well
both
"such
The
the part of the Bank on severity of animadversion it felt and would do the institution much injury,"being was from the bank.1 taken for granted that the attacks emanated be taken, the Bank that ground must fail," warned Senator Smith six months later.* But Biddle would not "If interfere with
irritated, of the press." He was " not the slightest fear of either and affected to have " Our countrymen General Jackson or Martin Van Buren. "the
"
freedom
throats to please any body, and I have so perfect a reliance on the spirit and tion sense of the nation, that I think we can defend the institu' Perhaps from much stronger enemies than they are."
are
own
to cut their
Nicholas Biddle
that
"
men
are
read Hamilton's sagacious saw reasoning rather than reasonable animals," had
never
....
from a conversation that altho' the l"I gathered with Major Lewis, to Congress, yet if President is decidedly in favor of a Bank such as he recommends both houses, renewing the charter of the Bank United States to pass a bill were his approval the President would What not withhold with certain modifications, I conld not distinctly understand were the modifications ; but I believe that the principal
"
one
was
to take from
the Bank
unless with Dec. 13, 1830 confidential, B. P. 2 To S. Smith, Dec. 10, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 411.
3
"
the consent
of the states."
Cashier
R. Smith
I called yesterday on the Secretary of State, and found him very sensitive on on that part of the message, the last publication in Webb's paper which related to on the part of the Bank was the Bank, he said that such severity of animadversion was felt and would do the institution much injury." The same opinion expressed
by the Speaker, and the general impression Senator S. Smith for the publications." * Smith to Biddle, June 3, 1831, ibid. To Cashier M. Robinson, of New
to be that Biddle was responseemed sible to Biddle, Dec. 19, 1830, confidential, B. P.
York, Dec. 20, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 423, 424,
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
JACKSON'S
ASSENT
205
upon it the reflection it Instead of moderating the ardor and the wrath deserves. Biddle of the journalists, redoubled his exertions to influence letters from He ex-Presidents secured public opinion.
or,
if he had, he had
not
bestowed
Madison
bank's
and
Monroe,
expressing opinions
favorable to the
he published expediency;1 constitutionality and floods of articles at the bank's expense: reports of Smith Gallatin's treatise, to Benton, McDuffie, answers and
speeches
torrents.
guished and the opinions of less distincongressmen, writers on finance poured forth in ever-increasing
of
Meanwhile
and
Jackson's partisans were not idle. The Globe its following fulminated against the bank in the most
The charges of political activity at the violent fashion. Wayne, Kentucky branches were renewed. of Georgia, in to refer that part of the message dealing the House, moved
to with the bank friendly Committee
instead of to the select committee, The motion was and Means. of Ways lost by a vote of 108 to 67.2 In the Senate the indefatigable Benton presented a resolution against the renewal of
a
the charter,3 for the purpose of creating an opportunity to deliver a speech which should arouse "the masses" against It was a long, involved the bank.* performance, revealing
abysmal
on
but not the less effective of banking affairs, that account, since "the masses" were even more
ignorance
ignorant strong
than
the
orator.
Moreover,
it
was
particularly
exclusive
in its appeal
to their
"
against prejudices
privileges which
i
made
to C. J. Ingersoll, Jan. 15, 1831, ibid., p. 442; Biddle to Silas E. Burrows, To 3, 1831, ibid., p. 484. Crawford a letter in support also wrote of the bank." Ingersoll, Dec. 5, 1831 ; MILLEB, Bench Bar of Georgia, Vol. I, pp. 242, 243, and and NILES, Vol. XLI, p. 301. For letters of Madison, of Feb. 2 and June 25, 1831, see
Biddle
March
NILES,
a ^
Vol. XL,
pp.
pp.
82 ff.
Tears,
"
It
was
conceived
and
the masses speech to be read by the people delivered for that purpose." Ibid., p. 204.
"
206 The
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the resolution
was
The February
state legislatures
the
New
against re-charter. its passage, and for a time succeeded, but other influences taneously finallypreponderated and the resolution was passed.2 Simulbrought a resolution requesting re-charter was legislature of Pennsylvania. Biddle urged its adoption and, under the assiduous lead of C. J. Ingersoll, it It declared "that the was carried almost unanimously.
into the constitution
a
also called upon to act. In York legislature took up a resolution Biddle was active in trying to thwart
were
of the United
the
prevent paper currency of unequal 3 The two great states were thus arrayed in value." hostile columns, and Jackson was warned that he must tread
money
In July the support of both. carefully if he would secure legislature the Republican members of the New Hampshire passed a resolution "in decided opposition to re-chartering * The same the secretary the United States Bank." month
to
remove
in Albany,
center of opposition to the bank in that state.5 Biddle, however, now understood the president's position The bill to take no chances. exactly, and had determined
for re-charter, he wrote, must not be brought forward at the it would probably be short session of 1831, for, if it were, postponed.
1 2
Thirty
For
NILES, hardly
be
Vol. XL, p. 114. Biddle believed that Van Bnren was doubted that he was right." Biddle to Nicholas
Feb. 17, 1831. P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 470. For Ingersoll's part in the matter the Biddle Vol. II, p. 268. For the resolutions see NILES, Vol. XL, pp. 69, 73. The resolutions in the senate ; in the house by 75 votes to 11. unanimously Vol. Ill, p. 384.
5
INGEKSOLL,
are
Papers
authority.
passed PARTON,
481-9.
ATTEMPTS
Once
brought
TO
SECURE
RE-CHARTEB
it would
207
be of course blended up with one of those political matters judged exclusively by party considerations. On the other hand if it passed through both Houses, and was negatived by the
forward
and
Pres't, from
that
between
construe
the Bank
it
as a
question him, and he would and re-elected, decision by the nation against the Bank, and act
time
forward
it would if he were
become
accordingly.1
Shrewd
calculation could
possibly analyze a political accurately, and it would have been well if forgotten his own To avoid never wisdom.
not
blending
becoming
the
by
party
question with the election, to hinder its " one exclusively of those political matters judged the guide-posts to these were considerations"
"
could inspiration itselfforetell more precisely the result of a failure to remain true to these precepts; the Jackson and the bank, question would become one between
success.
" and if re-elected he would construe it as a decision by the nation against the Bank, and act accordingly." " In January Biddle was that the President aims certain
Nor
2 at the destruction of the Bank ;" in February he 3 he was convinced that they must fight ; in March
*
was
almost
utterly at in April and May all his sea as to the president's position ; hopes flashed up once for the cabinet had gone to more,
"an friend Mr. avowed pieces and the change substituted The new Livingston, for a decided enemy in Mr. Van Buren. friend.'" The Secretary of the Treasury is also a known
1 2
s
Biddle
to Joseph
Hemphill,
Dec.
To Jonathan
"
has assailed it, his partizans, those who claim to be his special between friends, unite in this denunciation they wish to force it into a question the ascendancy and it is to of General Jackson of the Bank and the destruction be feared that they may Feb. 17, 1831, ibid., p. 470. succeed."" To Nicholas Devereux, The President
" "
heard
On the subject of the determination of the President towards the Bank, I have " such various opinions by knowing that I have ended nothing." much To Leslie Coombs, Lexington, Ky., March 23, 1831, ibid., p. 496. of
*
so
"
"
believed that May 4, 1831, ibid., p. 514. It was even of Savannah, in the cabinet resulted in part from a change in the president's opinions the change Justice Johnson Court assured Biddle " that the of the Supreme about the bank.
To J. Hunter,
208 hopes
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
STATES immediately
were
The justified.
in touch
head
put himself
with the two secretaries, and was soon He was cess, now assured of their assistance. sanguine of suc2 the stockholders in their triennial and on September
authorized the president and directors "to apply to congress for a renewal of the charter of the bank" gressmen Conat any time within the three years next succeeding.1 meeting
directors at the bank who were left off the boards.2
or
The
two
in of sentiment Convinced chief, and with excellent success. that his own plan could not succeed, Jackson prepared to ter. accept the alternative of the old bank with a modified charchange
with conjunction
Biddle,
then argued that he ought not and McLane in his next message. to mention Jackson agreed the subject Biddle, however, on learnto this, "tho' reluctantly." ing even
Livingston
of this decision, declared that he considered it better for the bank that the president should speak, "that his silence the would not be so useful as his mentioning and
subject,"
left the matter suggested that he should say that he now Biddle entirely "with the representatives of the people." to recommend a re-charter in his report also urged McLane
At firstMcLane thought he could not go so far, of 1831. but finally acquiesced, and in the presence of Livingston the president that in his report as secretary of the informed treasury he would advocate a re-charter "in the strongest
manner
he could."
Jackson
to mention
"made
no
whatever," objection
the bank
been suggested
have
to think
on
from the present Cabinet, nay there is much reason nothing to apprehend leading that a a change of Policy on several object of the change, was Information has been elicited." W. Johnson more to B. correct which
"
for Nicholas
Biddle
R. Smith
to Biddle,
Washington,
Aug.
9, 1831, B. P.
NILES, Biddle
Vol. XLI,
p. 119.
to N. Silsbee, Nov.
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
RE-CHARTER
209
view
to show
his report might that the Committee of Ways and Means might choose to act upon the report, and immediately bring in a bill to re-charter,
which he, McLane,
"
the Pres't the full extent to lead," pointed out the possibility
he only that After this interview with Jackson, upon him in that way." McLane the prospects of went to Philadelphia to talk over
could not oppose. The president answered forced would be sorry if the question were
Biddle showed with its president. anxiety about the forthcoming message, and insisted that the president " "or a shade of opinion" must not express against the bank, any declaration that having once expressed his views and
the bank
having
no
reason
to change
Congress."
McLane
now no
leave it to
such sion expres-
Jackson's position was could or should be introduced." discussed, and the secretary said that the bank should wait for until after the election before petitioning for re-cnarter, brought forward earlier, the president if the measure were
" On the consider it a defiance and act accordingly. other hand, if given time the President would probably That Livingston's this was acquiesce in a re-charter."
would
Some conversation opinion is also well known.1 the details of the bill then followed, and the two
with mutual
1
respecting
men
parted
satisfaction.2
"
Livingston
to
cease
disposed
2
me
"
said the
war
"
was
really
About
Mr. McLane
to Philadelphia
at the Bank.
"
He
had
come
principally
with He now
the President. after he had seen stated that he had seen the President, he proposed in regard to the Bank. to pursue
me
the
course
no on the part of the President misapprehension to say in his report. which might result from what he proposed " He said to the President that he thought the act of Congress which directed it the duty of to report to Congress the Secretary of the Treasury made annually his own his own that officer to present responsibility and that the views and on
be
Executive
Secretaries. volume
with
him (the Secretary) and between rather in the light of a moderator had always been the construction That such of the powers of the to whom I left a by Mr. Dickins infusion an (This was obviously
marked
which
I thought
might
encourage
this opinion.)
210
At
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the goal it had long striven to reach a re-charter with the assent of the Biddle, Livingston, McLane and Jackson now president.
seemed
to be nearing
"
acted under a sort of informal compact: to remain work for re-charter, Jackson present, but to sign a bill in the long run
if his wishes were met, and the bank on its part to wait until after the election before, presenting its petition for a charter, and to accept the modifications desired by the president.
He means He proceeded to speak to explain to the President what his intentions were. to pay off the whole of the debt on the 3d of March 1833 the Government the power of of that this stock if sold out would occasion alarm in the the aid of the Bank stock with he was and the panic would sink its value whereas country satisfied that the Bank
"
"
would take it at a reasonable price, not less certainly than eight millions. This would in the most favorable manner, of speaking of the Bank give him an opportunity to a the continuance the charter of the present Bank in preference of recommending as without one, injuring the institution might be usenew with such modifications ful
to the country
strongest
manner
President Mr.
the heads
who to say in his report and showed to the President. them of what he meant by request of Mr. McLane Livingston this meeting. was present at " It had been previously understood between Mr. Livingston and Mr. McLane had
This he meant to present in the and acceptable to the Executive. he could to Congress. All this he explained particularly to the For greater precision he had put down no made objection whatever.
in the message The President the Bank. should say nothing about he could not well tho' reluctantly in this, because he thought acquiesced be silent with consistency. But in my Mr. McLane I had conversations with him be useful as his mentioning the opinion that his silence would the not so expressed The matter was Messrs. Livingston McLane therefore renewed and with subject.
"
resolved
occasions the representatives of the people. " Mr. McLane to show the Pres't the full extent to which his report a view with lead, said that perhaps his report was when migh't presented and referred to the Ways in his present Mr. McDuffie Means Committee and of of thinking in mode for continuing to introduce a bill into Congress to the Bank the regard might choose
the subject in this way that he should introduce brought before Congress it was the question now
left with
entertained be sorry if the any opposition make him in that way. forced upon were question " I said it would be necessary to scan the Pres's speech so that very accurately be a shade of opinion expressed it, or any declaration that there might not against having once no to change them, he would reason expressed his views and having
now
if
so
he (Mr. McLane)
could not with the views which to it. The President said he would
he
leave
it to Congress
"c.
as
Mr. McLane
it would
said
certainly
or
no
such
expression
or
should
"
be introduced,
not be in harmony
consistency
the be
with
report.
Mr. McLane
"
bonus
said that he would be willing to charter but intimated large bonus would that he thought a
in
Bank
without and
any
required,
said
that this should be considered " Ho said that he thought this Bank wished to pull down
our stock. proposed of Bank purchase from those who the greatest danger of the Bank was in order to build up another. Mr. West That a of
ATTEMPTS These
TO
SECURE
KE-OHARTEB
211
modifications are not known certainly, but may be The governinferred from what Jackson afterward wished. ment holding stock in the bank, as may be to cease was from Biddle's memorandum seen and from his correspondence The bank would take the stock and with the secretary. in paying off the national debt, thus assist the government as suggested by Biddle to Jackson in 1829.1 The bank's
I said there were I believed some pressing on that point. talists capiNew York who were it but I thought they had and anxious about little political weight. He said that the argument was that to continue it would be Salem had
been
very
in Boston
"
for the renewal, he does not wish to be to the period of applying because it might be imputed to him that he the adviser of the Bank but he renewed he was the opinion which acting in concert with the institution doubtful (indeed he seemed inclined to be more that it was expressed at Washington it inexpedient) whether it would be expedient this year. to think to apply now considered
as
"
His idea
posed disbe more to the President test, he would as a The President is now account. perfectly confident of reject is the greater but he is sure less majority his election the only question or of If therefore success and wishes to succeed by a greater vote than at the first election. affecting while he is so confident of reelection this question is put to him as one
was
were
that if it it on
put
to
that very
"
"
his reelection he might on that account it were dared to do it. For what I see
be disposed
says
to put
his veto
on
it, if he be
as
Mr. McLane
Jackson
"
I think
he would then
be
more
disposed
is in danger.
"
he
now
"
"
on now stands is this : which the matter is to say that having previously brought the subject to Congress leaves it with them. The Secretary is to recommend the renewal. he did not This latter point pleases me When I saw him at Washington much.
The
The
footing
President
so
far
as
reports
and I left the all originated with them Dickins's hands marked, them so that he might the Secretary's attention. on urge " He thinks he can he will then press with present the tariff question strongly if he can the question of the public arrange strength the Bank question equal and lands (the surrender to them of the lands within their limits at a certain price so as
"
of the Bank and I therefore for the that the proposals in Mr. these reports of volumes
to make the landholding states pay in stock the latter have a right to the Bank would
"
States the proportion which in such good company and on put Mr. Benton such a footing that even could not attack it. " sistency On his way to Mr. Carroll's with the President the latter adverted to the inconthe new, those who pulled down to build up the old Bank and larly particuof This he then made were that foreigners stockholders. of the
to the old
be
objection
unfounded objection. (He mentioned by Biddle, written Oct. 19, 1831. McLane interview is undoubtedly with
an
this to
that
me
at
Washington.)"
"
his Autobiography,
excepting memorandum. what
pp.
373-5.
The
account
he says
about
Webster
and
in to by Weed referred but, inaccurate, is evidently be reconciled with Biddle's Clay, may
in Weed
1 See Also Biddle to McLane, Oct. 21, 1831, offering on memorandum. of the bank to pay at least $8,000,000for the government stock in the bank.
the
part
212
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
capacity to hold real estate was to be limited and the number than two ; the permisof officesin any state fixed at not more sion to be secured before establishing offices; of states was to be issued from the parent office, all the bank's notes were
to be permitted to have two was which officers whose sole business should be the signing of the notes, and the to be allowed to tax the branches.1 There was states were
nothing in all this to which the bank might not well agree.2 The president's message in 1831 spoke of the bank in terms which its dismayed enemies considered indicative of a change the part of the president, or at least a desire to on
avoid the issue, while the secretary's favorable report created But to Biddle's distress McLane had been a sensation.3
unable
1
to fulfilhis promise
not
See the agreement Struggle for the Charter." with Livingston letter from Shippen, of Louisville, wrote Biddle a the president's " The substance letter is, that the Pres'dt does not private secretary : of the a Bill with consider himself pledged against a renewal, and that if Congress passes
proper
modifications of the charter his approval will not be withheld." in each state; (6) bank stock than two branches (a) no more individuals; by government to be sold to now (c) limitation of capacity of owned to loan money on a the institution to hold real estate ; (d) take away power pledge to appoint two officers to sign notes, and all power ; (e) give bank of merchandise
Modifications:
notes
bank; the mother (/) existing provisions in regard to government directors and deposits to remain ; (g) the corporation to be rendered suable in to Biddle, Dec. 6, 1831, B. P. state." Cashier Shippen
to issue from
2
with the administration " in circulation. The Telegraph," respecting " says Niles (Vol. XLI, p. 325, Dec. 31, 1831), with reference to the report of the secretary, ' But what will Mr. Ritchie do with the bank? What asked will he think of " he learns that a bill to re-charter the bank, the this state paper," when admirable
was,
It
of
course,
impossible
to keep
the
agreement
rumors
it were
soon
the sanction of the treasury and of the bank, had already received before the message The Globe to congress?'" the president, transmitted was of hereupon denied the report, saying that it was The National to do so. authorized Gazette did the same for the bank. The Telegraph thereupon that there explained
joint production
had
declared
NILES, ibid., and footnote. The New York Enquirer misapprehension. " from the most unquestionable that Blair, in the Globe, did not authority speak with the authority of the president." Ibid., p. 338, Jan. 7, 1832. 3 " The annual treasury report has caused much speculation and remark
a
"
been
"
The
'
Globe
'
'
. .
. .
dissents
the United
"
to the bank as of the secretary of ' the venerable editor of the Richmond they seem given but the strangely moderated tone of the president's message
from
the
opinions
to have
institution, ought to have prepared him for something." long breath since have not been able to draw a ourselves, we it until we have recovered to say what a we think of and cannot pretend Ibid., p. 281. the shock of surprise which it gave us."
" "
we
ATTEMPTS
TO
SECURE
KE-CHABTEB
213
declare his opinions unchanged. On the contrary, Jackson asserted that he stillentertained "the opinions heretofore
expressed in relation to the Bank as at present organized," but deemed it his duty " to leave it for the present to the
investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives." 1 This to Biddle seemed ominous, but he expected The president's remarks too much. heartene should not have dishim, especially as Jackson repeated his trite "as The arrangement was at present organized." with McLane that there should be modifications, and therefore a bank
organized Moreover,
in
different
manner
from
the
existing
was
one.
it appears
certain
that Jackson
Writing the concessions expected. make this time, he said that his opinions had not changed; that did not differ, as some he and McLane supposed, and then McLane and myself understand each other, added: "Mr. about the prinand have not the slightest disagreement ciples,
which
willing to to Hamilton at
can sentence rechartering only mean that Jackson had agreed that upon certain points being conceded he would assent to a re-charter. The bank might with safety have continued under the agreement made with
non
in my
assent to
bill
McLane.
suspicious and distrustful. Moreover, the comments and of the administration papers dismayed disheartened him.8 There was also a powerful attempt making bank, which he feared would to establish a new receive
But
Biddle
was
Finally his friends among the National Jackson's support. Republicans were only in conjuncassuring him that it was
1 2
3
Messages
and
Papers,
6, 1831.
in that passage about the Bank, with the commentary style of the paragraph I confess shake Enquirer and the Standard, of the Globe, the Richmond tone that a President should It is not in such an ambiguous my much. confidence Biddle to Dickins, Dec. 20, 1831, P. L. B., to speak."" speak, or suffer his dependants The Vol. IV, p. 60.
214
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
a
STATES
that
now
was
secure
The
sides, to act and haled him either way. he made it, and made open conflict with
as a
both
to act, and
was
and
fears
at last
Decision
it wrong.
necessary, and
He
consequence.
CHAPTER
THE
X
THE
STRUGGLE
FOR
CHARTER
is universally regarded as responsible for in 1832. the entrance of the bank into the political arena Clay's influence was, This opinion is mistaken and unjust. directed to this end, but it was only a minor of course,
HENBY
CLAY
in the ultimate decision. Nicholas Biddle was the to be forced into responsible actor, and he was not the man
element
any
had
considered the advisability of bringing the bank In May, 1830, he expressed the opinion that it was to decide "on too soon the question of the renewal of the " In August he had " great doubts of the expecharter diency
of making the application until the next Presidential Contest " was decided, and thought that the bank ought to 2 " In September he conthe two questions." avoid mixing sulted
Biddle
was
on
the
and subject,
now."
advised
"an
should induce an application It was 1831, that Clay not until November, immediate having application to be made,"
changed his mind about the necessity of waiting until after Repubthe election.* The following month the National
1
Clay to Francis
Clay, p. 271.
"
Brook,
May
The
Private
Correspondence
of
Henry
2
next to avoid
possible have a tendency to mix or the two connect which would At this time he suspected it a campaign that Jackson questions." wished to make issue." J. Harper Aug. 20, 1830, B. P. to Biddle, Lexington,
any
measures
has great doubts of the expediency the application of making Presidential Contest is over, and thinks that the Bank ought as far
He
until the
as
3
*
Biddle In
a
to Clay, Nov.
3, 1830, Clay's
Correspondence,
of
p. 287.
John
Tilford, should
Lexington,
two
or
Clay
three
said
that
about
asking
wait
years
before
215
216
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
licans at the Baltimore convention in placed the bank their platform, lauding it as a " great and beneficial institution," to which Jackson had "gone out of his way " denounce immeas a sort of nuisance," diate upon whose
....
....
destruction"
over
he
was
intent.
He
was
"three
times
pledged
....
for re-chartering
to negative any bill that may be passed the bank," and would in all probability
" the extraordinary substitute which attempt to replace it by he has repeatedly proposed," and which would bestow upon the executive almost despotic power, placing in his hands
The of corruption without checks or bounds." National Republicans were son's evidently persuaded that Jackby injecting the position could be seriously shaken "the
means
issue into the campaign ; and Clay, as the leader of the in his advocacy warmer party, became of this maneuver. He declared that Jackson was deep game to a "playing avoid, at this session, the responsibility of any decision on 2 " the Bank or that now the time to never, was question," " the declining to act with any chance of success," and that memorialize"
"as
an
a
was
aid from
thought
the National
re-charter,
"but
to
now
application 1831, B. P.
1
be
made
by
them."
"
immediate, Nov.
11,
NILES,
Vol. XLI,
Brook,
p. 310.
2
3
To Francis
Dec.
Correspondence,
p. 322.
branch that " he had heard on Clay told President Smith of the Washington " Bank Jackson had said Andrew or that Jackson that either the good authority" but Clay thought it was that he would go down," probable sign a bill passed must " his doubt did not before the election ; but after that Clay rejecting it" That now
or
son's Smith the time to act with any was chance of success." said that Jackfriends would consider this as an electioneering step on the part of the bank To this Clay replied that "there was aspect of the subject another against him. in general friends of the Bank, to the President, and under which those opposed
never,
might
especially after the action of the stockconsider the delay to memorialize, holders on the subject, as an electioneering step against them ; that already rumors President S. H. Smith to Biddle, circulated." of a coalition to this effect were Dec. 17, 1831, B. P. Washington,
"
STRUGGLE
unless it was Clay do not
FOB
THE
CHARTER
217
willing to lend mutual assistance.1 Biddle and to have had any interview, however ; and, seem in response to a letter from Clay, Biddle replied: "Nothing is under is yet decided, altho' the serious and
was not in Biddle's secrets, anxious consideration." for he knew nothing of the dealings with the cabinet,8 and on the very day that Biddle wrote the foregoing non-committal letter to him he declared to another correspondent:
a
subject
Clay
"My would
own
individual impression
is that such
an
application
serious
be advisable, and
*
it is at this moment
under
consideration." The month succeeding President Jackson's third annual All message was the most criticalin the bank's existence. chances for and against, expending all his energy and intellect in sifting out the various assurances given him, interviewing those
through
that month
Biddle
was
weighing
the
taking the opinion once more of the leaders his conin the cabinet, and finally sending to Washington fidentia General Thomas Cadwalader, to look
best informed,
coadjutor,
over
the ground carefully before any decision was made. During all this time he never exhibited the faintest trace of on account wavering of the opinion of either Clay or Jackson partisans, unless that opinion appealed to his intellect
as
sound
man
The
Republicans
had
was
a
most
influence in determining
Sergeant, the party's candidate for vice-president, Philadelphian, an intimate friend, and one of the standing counsel of the bank, whose opinion was asked in every
i
'
John
the Charter
on
their support
2 3
for Clay and Webster declared, that if the application the present session, that no reliance should be placed not made at Henry to Biddle, March 13, 1832, ibid. Toland at a future time."
"
"already
rumors
of
shows
note
3, p. 216; a remark
which
were
(sea
*To
Nicholas
Devereux,
of Utica, Dec.
218
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
in
were
and conjuncture
frequently
influence
interview stopped with Biddle had pressed upon him the expediency of applying immediately for a re-charter, in opposition to the wishes he reached the capital he wrote and when of Jackson;
Webster
had
precisely of 1831,
of the politicians there, and that the result was a strong confirmation of the opinion which I expressed at Philadelphia that it is expedient for the Bank to apply for the renewal of its Charter
saying
that he
had
conversed
with
many
"
without
delay."
'
He
was
Cadwalader
very that
much
some
or
footnote, "Webster
Biddle chose to disregard the displeasure of his friends, one aver confidently that the party could not oppose the may bank on principle and would in the end vote for it, however
reluctantly. But the question which What would Jackson do?
assurance
tortured
him
incessantly
have
was:
If Biddle
could
from
for
that Biddle modified But it was would have acted in union with him. precisely this assurance which he could not procure, although Jackson's friends were confident that the president would yield in the
a
would doubt no
that he would not sign a bill now. end, and absolutely sure Senator Samuel Smith warmly counseled delay, and said that by McLane he was to say that it was "authorized" "his
deliberate opinion and advice that a renewal of the Charter ought not to be pressed during the present session The message is as much as you could expect," he continued.
JTo Biddle, Dec. 18, 1831, B. P.
2
FOB
THE
CHARTEB
219
Time would set him that the Chief is wavering." favorably right, and all of the cabinet excepting Taney were to the same disposed.1 Lewis's advice was effect;2 and this indeed, the universal opinion of the Democratic of the bank.3 When, therefore, Cadwalader went to Washington
was,
friends
as
the
bank's agent, his principal was object He had firstof all "a attitude.
with Mr. McLane," who " the Bill ifthe matter is agithat the President" would tated reject this session.'11 The bank must wait.* No one, however,
could speak
assurance
Cadwalader
1 of
course
from
forming
any
I will mention
i
"
exactly my
present
I had last night a long conversation with McLane, and I am authorized by him to say, that it is his deliberate opinion and advice that a renewal of the Charter ought I concur The sincerely" most not to be pressed during the present session, in which
message
is
as
pressed
into
that
or
But we both feel confident of ultimate consequences. 1 to convince himself of the Error into which P the if you
Every
one
is wavering. If for the answer myself will if time be given for success,
the
Chief
Opinion
converts
long
are
formed,
dice (preju-
him. Every day please) had committed the Cabinet except Taney is favorable." of
new
"
Senator
Smith
7, 1831, ibid.
2
"
I told General
the renewal
W.
this winter
that Major Lewis had spoken very freely on the subject of that if the friends of the Bank it pressed it now, him on that the President was a man act of coercion not
"
"
likely to veto the bill before the and would in the one his signing it would as than afterwards, case to be the appear election fear, and in the other, of choice that General Jackson was and not a man result of R. Smith Dec. 14, 1831, private to Biddle, Washington, to be forced in any thing."
more
"
"
be
and
confidential,
3 *
ibid. Years,
BENTON,
"
Thirty
Vol. I, p. 227.
says
I have had this morning He a long and frank conversation with Mr. McLane. is agitated this session. positively that the President will reject the Bill if the matter He before the movement, (the Pres't) and those about him would regard
"
founded or as the idea that his opinions on the election, as an act of hostility induce him to truckle bend to present Mr. and that his fears would views would he would if cerMcL. is sure that under such circumstances even apply his veto, tain The question he says cannot be that he would now thereby lose his election.
"
"
"
as
party
one."
"
Cadwalader
to Biddle,
ton, Washing-
220
THE
SECOND
could
BANK
a
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
reference to the Committee of Ways I would not and Means, and a favorable report of that Committee hesitate to try it,if I could rely on a of one only in each
McDuffie
insure
majority
house.1
" agreed, and said that McDuffie leans in favor but both McDuffie and he thought "it of going it now," best not to decide until after a conference with McLane
Cadwalader
a The question then was to be decided after taking and Smith." McDuffie, Smith, and the opinions of three Democrats for and two against immediate McLane one application.
" "
into the correspondintroduction of McDuffie' s name ence is significant. It was between Biddle and Cadwalader he, and not Clay, who took the principal part in bringing
The
the bank
his advice that was asked As chairman of the Committee of Ways and and followed. Means, as a Calhoun man, and as the leader of the very few
was
representatives from South Carolina in favor of the bank, his support was not less important than that of Webster or that of Clay, and have would
now was
had
he
at any moment
advised
delay, delay
that that
act.
followed.
time.
He
the
On
McDuffie He
was
and
sure
he
were
convinced
must
that the president would "never sign" and that it was advisable to put the question before the people in order that the country might get to the point where a twoMcDuffie and he thirds of Congress might be had.
majority
arguments and thought nothing of The conference between the four men them.3 changed in no the ultimate respect the opinion of the two in whose hands was decision. Biddle was equally certain that the time had
i 3
To
Cadwalader,
"The
though
"
down.
if
a
future time, as at any President would be at least as likely to sign now, I have got leads me to the belief that he will never sign." all the information is the time. If you delay a session you might as well lie McDuffie insists that now McDuffie and I have heard McLane's talk and think nothing of it." He thinks it is desirable of two-thirds
majority
in order that the people may now elect a congressional for the bank bill." To Biddle, Dec. 29, 1831, ibid
STRUGGLE
was
FOB
THE
CHAETEB
221
to forward the bank's ready at any moment He waited, however, until Cadwalto Congress. memorial ader's return to Philadelphia, that they might talk the
arrived, and
matter
over
together.1
firmly with Cadwalader only fixed him more in his resolution, but action was still postponed until McLane delayed, and on This was could send in a communication.2
Conversation
tor the 6th of January, 1832, Biddle notified McDuffie and SenaSmith that the application would be made,3 and forwarded to Senator Dallas.4 He wrote Webster also,5 the memorial
hesitation, no sign There was but sent no word to Clay. no " I have scarcely given to any of being forced into the step. deliberate attention than I have bestowed on question a more this, and
after procuring all the information within our power, and deliberating upon it long and anxiously, I have His reasons made up my mind on the clearest convictions." for it now; that the stockholders were unanimously that delay would put the question off until 1834, a date too the expiration of the charter; that the question was a near
were:
business, not
political one; that postponing on account of the election would in effect be a discrimination against the National Republicans; that the president had three times
a
brought
mated question and therefore distinctly intithat it ought to be settled.6 He laid particular stress upon the argument that to postpone would be to discriminate in favor of Jackson and so make the bank a politicalissue7
the
"
forward
i"I
am
waiting
a
anxiously memorial.
for
some our
it, we
and all my reflections go that in my mind when I found that Mr. M. though was way. almost settled be vexed. In truth I hope he will be friendly." He added that opposed would not he was Stories to that effect had that the president not sign. convinced would him which rendered him sure Dec. 30, 1831, ibid. reached of it. To Cadwalader, will send you The question
"
All
"
and
the moment
you
hoist
2 s 6
To McDuffie,
Ibid., pp.
80, 83.
*Ibid., p. 89.
To J. W.
"
Webb,
pp.
74, 75.
Now
if we
we
the Presidency,
party
to the election,
violate
our
222
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
an
argument which would not have been hazarded six months earlier. On the very day that Biddle wrote this letter McLane diate sent his deferred protest, deprecating immeabsurd
not elected application, arguing that this Congress was to decide the question; that it would inevitably get mixed would be up with the presidential election; that Jackson offended ; and that, since his advice had not been taken, he
could not interpose against a veto.1 That Biddle in giving his reasons had not exhausted the arguments for the bank's action is self-evident. The opinion
was
would defeat Jackson. Pennsylvania ; if he failed to veto, after his past position, he These were votes. would lose many southern and western
the determining
political considerations with the National Republicans,2 and it was the belief in the influence of the former upon Jackson which gave the bank a hope, though but a slender one, that the president would yield. Yet this
very motive
demnatio upon the bank conit inevitably linked political party, to be decided by
a
with that of
question of re-charter one It is inferable, politicalrather than by business considerations. letters that another motive also, from Cadwalader's
making influencing
the
the
was
the hope
that if Jackson
bill
of majority
Congress
re-charter could
was
1
be secured
at the coming
elections.
preposterous.
Jan. 5, 1832, B. P.
"
to told me that he had most earnestly urged Mr. Clay not to attempt bill at this Session, insisting that, if deferred to the next Session, he a pass be bill so framed was as satisfied that he could by that time, and by a Bank would induce Jackson it. But that Clay persisted to approve as useful as was necessary,
McLane
Bank
in the
those
hope
of his party
who
lose the support the bill, he would of approved his opposition to the Bank, and a vast many approved And, on the other hand, if the system. of the State Bank bill, he would lose Pennsylvania J. A. and his election."
had
"
pp.
243, 244.
STRUGGLE
Both
FOB
THE
CHABTEB
223
bitterly offended by the were and McLane bank's action, and felt that they had just to complain. reason Jackson in particular must have been deeply irritated,since
Jackson
persuaded to soften his message on the understanding that the bank would not make application until He did not leave his friends in doubt as after the election.1 to his attitude. When informed that the to force was
he had been
object
never
him
to assent
to the
bill
or
to lose Pennsylvania's
vote, he
retorted:
"I
will prove
when
to
them
that I
flinch; that
me
they
were
mistaken
they expected
to act upon
by
decide for itselfthe time and mode of applying for re-charter, but it selected its own champions. General Samuel Smith, who, as chairman of the
Senate Committee
on
Finance,
would
have
been
the logical
person to present the memorial, was set aside, because it was nation, feared that he would not press the bill with sufficientdetermibank Democrat, and Senator Dallas, a Pennsylvania
Dallas was selected in his stead. gratified, having desired the distinction as the son generally of the man credited with being the creator of the bank, and he assured
was
Cadwalader
that he would
not
yield to Jackson's wishes to the House, McDuffie, chairman the bank's was and Means,
chosen leader. On the 9th of January, to the surprise of the of majority had "calculated both its "friends and foes," few of whom
1 Senator hurt, and would Smith said that McLane the bank." was not support " I understood him to say that the President C. J. Ingersoll to Biddle, Feb. 5, 1832, B. P. the understanding that he should not have the on toned down the last message Feb. 29, 1832, ibid. It is eviSame to same, dent, question up until after the election."
"
movement
compromised
McLane's
position
in Jackson's
J. A. Hamilton
to
friend, Washington,
March
cabinet. p. 243.
It was to Biddle, Dec. 29, 1831, B. P. that no Cadwalader also determined it being considered best to National Republican should be intrusted with this task, This is in direct opposihave a partisan the bill. Ibid. tion present of the president Public Men Sargent says Biddle told him." SAEGENT, to what and Events, Vol.
"
Sargent
is, of
course,
mistaken.
224
that
THE
SECOND
BANK
be
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
memorial
would
which the bank wing of the Jackson party to the present application. He wished it understood that he had discouraged the presentation, because he considered it too early, and because this particular Congress had not been elected for the purpose of deciding the issue.2 did not leave its memorial unsupported. Biddle ton sent Horace Binney, a remarkably able lawyer, to Washingto see the bill through Congress, and at the same time
The
language
bank
busied
himself
state banks
in securing petitions for the re-charter from and merchants throughout the country.3 He also
exerted
lature all his skill to procure a resolution from the legisof Pennsylvania instructing the senators and requesting in Congress to vote for the bilL the representatives
in February
that this attempt had been completely successful, the legislature passing the instructing resolutions by an almost unanimous vote.* At
was
Early
Biddle
informed
the
same
moment
he
was
told by
reverted to his former project charter with the assistance of Jackson. of securing a new How little he felt bound to the National Republicans is apparent by
1 2
*
from
his immediate
completely
and throw himself upon the president, as well as his declaration to Charles J. Ingersoll that he cared
John
C.
-D.,
I, p. 54.
senate
; in the
Unanimously
p. 436.
house
by
vote
of 77 to 7.
"
NILES,
Vol.
XLI,
5
S. E. Burrows
Burrows that
says
three with
days
with
the
president, and
is confident
the bank
Jackson's
consent.
STRUGGLE
"nothing chagrin
moment.
FOR
THE
CHARTER The
did
'
he urged Dallas to take the 6th of February legislature to Jackson, the resolutions of the Pennsylvania
On
the state, and offer in the name of the directors to accept a bill with modifications.2 At the he asked Ingersoll to take similar action. same moment
warn
him
not to anger
delegation press it upon the president ; if you cannot and Livingston started; "Try get McLane The bank could not bring it about without loss of time." withdraw
the
the bill,but
measure, was
it
an
administration
delighted with the plan, and He hastened to Livingston eagerly seized the opportunity. Livingston agreed and presented Biddle's letter to him. the correct one, that the procedure was and said that the
the bill on not oppose would constitutional on the frame grounds, "but had certain notions of his own Let him of the charter which ought to be complied with."
president
frame it to suit himself, replied Ingersoll. Livingston then the success said that he would attempt to secure of the plan ; that McLane could not remain neutral ; and finally outlined
the
modifications insist.5
Livingston
upon
which
he
thought
Jackson
would
him joined
approached the president at once, and McLane in the attempt to secure JackJackson's assent.
president,
iFeb. 13, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, p. 167. 2 In doing this he his own fortune. The Please tell him so. would make too, would be elected." Biddle to Binney, Feb. 6, 1832, ibid., pp. 150, 151.
3
*
Feb. 6, 1832, ibid., p. 152 ; also Feb. 9, 1832, ibid., p. 162. Biddle to Ingersoll, Feb. 13, 1832, ibid., p. 168.
War See Ingersoll's account, Ingersoll to Biddle, Feb. 9, 1832, B. P. of 1812, II, p 268, where, however, he does not mention his own Vol. agency. The modifications mentioned by Livingston to possess as follows : The bank were to tax the only real estate enough" to carry on its business ; states to be permitted
branches
; some
additions
to be made
to
the capital,
so
that
new
subscribers
to the
stock might
be accommodated.
226
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
that the particularly anxious to be a stockholder, and also should cease government desired the modifications already mentioned.1 Biddle was pleased to hear this, and declared that the bank would go
son,
said
Livingston,
was
"Let him nine-tenths of the way to meet the president. take the charter and make any changes he likes, let him hands. I am sure write the whole charter with his own
would agree to his modifications; and then let him He will and his friends pass it. It will then be his work. On the 21st of February then disarm his adversaries."1
that
we
Ingersoll wrote that Livingston had " got most if not all the President's advisers to second our movement and that 3 In another letter of the same he thinks it will succeed."
date he transmitted the intelligence that the entire cabinet, On the 22d he with the exception of Taney, was favorable.
had
decisive interview
appointing
directors
at least
one
in addition to appoint
stock, but was the parent board, and director at each of the
offices; the
states
were
property at the same state banks ; no real estate was These was absolutely needed.
His
several others: a certain proportion of to be open to new the capital stock was subscriptions, the directors were two or three of their number, and to nominate the president of the United States would appoint one of these
friends added
Biddle
Ingersoll to Biddle,
To
3 *
agree
would ascertain from him whether the Bank will to charter, and he proceeded views of the terms for a new fail me in some As my said I, memory particulars, might Very well he rejoined, and accordingly note written of them.
"
I wish
you
STRUGGLE
the last,which
FOB
THE
CHARTER
227
All passed without mention.1 was now pleased that considered settled, and Biddle was finally, after three attempts, the goal would be reached, with What Clay the dismayed the consent of the president. excepting
would say to this he neither asked nor, apparently, The welfare of the bank, and not the election of cared. Henry Clay, was His the consideration which swayed him.
men one
he
fear
now
that the friends of the institution, in conjuncti its enemies, might postpone the bill,2 some with of the plan of securing a charter in agreement case
was
administration
would
fall to
the
ground,
since
and
we
that I would
submit
the enclosed minute with his assistance, read it to him declaration of his desire parted on the footing of his unreserved be." them for your approbation or otherwise, as may
THE INCLOSUBE
"
"
"
at the branches.
"
real
or
"
by states of property i. e. property in bank whether of bank to be liable to same taxation of State as their own personal rule of property. 5. No debts and to be sold in real estate except such as b'ot in to secure
" "
to have
no
interest in Bank.
new
"7.
may
be done
"
for open proportion of capital thrown from present capital. by pro rata deduction 8. Directors to nominate two or three friends of them
one a
Certain
subscription,
which
President
of the United
read
to
States to choose
"
President.
in Mr.
Livingston's
house
and
the
presence,
and
as
C. J. INGERSOLL."
again
wrote out
conditions
revised
"
to appoint
"
States
interest in the Bank. a director at each branch. to tax its property as they tax own.
such
as
to hold no real estate except debt, and to part with in set time. of " These the Pres's terms.
"
"
was
taken
in payment
or
security
any
to new open proportion subscriptions. of capital stock to be thrown President's, but Mr. L. seems "This not to be very tenacious of it. " President to appoint to nominate 6. Directors of whom annually 2 or 3 persons President of the Bank. one
"
5. Certain
nor
reservation."
2
Biddle
"
to them at length the other five points, and assented to Ingersoll, Feb. 25, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, pp. 247-50.
"
the greatest danger now." Vt., Feb. 27, 1832, ibid., p. 189 ; also to J. W.
This
is
Biddle Webb,
to Herman
Allen, of Burlington,
228
the
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
to
president
would
prefer
postponement
any
action
fair prospects were blighted by unexpectedly what appears on the surface to be a remarkable fatality,but may show to have been no chance which fuller knowledge It must be recollected that Congress thus far had medley. decisive step on the so subject, that the president considered himself as yet unfettered in his action. Just at had apparently been reached, the moment when agreement taken
no
the inveterate enemy of the bank, resolved that Congress should act, and in such a way as would preclude for the time being any further consideration of the
Senator Benton,
plan
with knew
now
before Jackson.
Was
he
acting in
conjunction
the
those
what the skilful moves of Biddle Jackson himself playing fast and Livingston ? The latter
of Jackson's advisers who opposed being done, and had determined was
bank,
to checkmate
conjecture
from
C. C. Cambreleng
Clayton of Georgia has a resolution prepared and will in he can I the as offer it as soon -it will cover objects view director who has a confidential shall see the President to-night the spot. You need not fear but what we shall take care of the on Judge
" " "
Mammoth
in
some
way
or
other.1
Certain it is that the opponents of the bank had resolved that the institution should be investigated. The result would be fatal to the bank's hopes. The until after investigation, and did not show it certainly the bank spotless,2 which would not do to Jackson's satisfaction. Benton' s account of
1
MACKENZIE,
"
Lives
of Butler
and
Hoyt,
p. 101.
On
the other hand, should that enquiry not be made successfully and a Bank the President will most certainly veto it. He is open and determined I conferred to a with him yesterday on the subject." J. A. Hamilton
"
friend, Washington,
March
p. 243.
STRUGGLE his
is that he
FOB
THE
CHARTER
to employ
229
this
in
maneuver
wished
means
He order to furnish campaign material against the bank.1 and his friends therefore determined that an investigation of
its affairs should be demanded in the House. This would " If the investigation place the bank party in a dilemma.
denied, it would be guilt shrinking from detection ; if admitted, it was well known that misconduct would be found."2
was
A. S. Clayton, of the House, with a number of charges of misconduct and violation of the charter, and investigation.8 the 23d of February Clayton demanded on an
Benton
provided
fatal to Biddle's well-laid plans. The president " must needs await the issue " of the inquiry, investigation must take place; said Livingston;4 and an if the president was there must be no shirking examination, The
act
was
immediately
to do anything
ston the 6th of March Livingasserted that the president would assuredly have signed it not for the action of Congress ;6 the bill agreed upon were
in "nothing and on the 14th he repeated that there was 7 The president's position, however, the way but the Inquiry." Neither he nor now was completely changed. any knew what other man Clayton's demand
he would do.8 for an investigation
On
by the bank's
for
some
supporters
reason
after
heated
unknown
conditions
1
"
unfavorable
was of action became obvious, which assail at all points, display the evil of the institution, rouse Thirty Years, Vol. I, p. 235. them to sustain the veto."
Our
course
incessantly,
and
prepare
"
2
5
Ibid., p. 236.
1, 1832, B. P.
to to
March
March March
Livingston,
7
6
8
6, 1832, ibid.
Same
March
to the
Had
know
President
satisfactory
9
interview"
"
Vol. VIII, p. 483. His action, said Ingersoll, was a " he is politically either a coward or a said to Ingersoll, capitulation." To Biddle, March 2, it was Ingersoll thought traitor." and coolness. want of nerve that MeDuffie's object was to 6 Ingersoll concluded, however, 1832, B. P. On March
See
ADAMS,
Memoirs,
il
Adams
"
230
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
who
was
an
uncompromising
enemy,
with an anti-bank majority. however, to substantiate a single one of the multifarious ing charges. Indeed, the report showed total ignorance of bank-
incompetence the on operations and an astounding They were bewildered by the heaps part of the majority. of abstruse documents placed before them, they had no
training hearted
kindin monetary affairs, and, worst of all, no bank president volunteered to lead them through The
result
was was an
refuted by the minority, and torn to tatters by a minority of the tive Quincy Adams, whose talents for invecminority, John to better never and scathing denunciation appeared completely Clayton's report was ure, not only admittedly a failadvantage. laughter by but it was greeted with shouts of Homeric " He I almost pity Clayton. every man of understanding.
is quite prostrated," wrote Watmough to Biddle,1 and Niles declared that the report made converts to the cause of the bank.2 Nevertheless,
ones were mistaken, understanding conthe people," who do not need to understand, were vinced that something was wrong with the bank, and they its fate.3 More important to determine still for the was
report, which
the
for
"
were
moment
press
Jackson, who
To
was
convinced
disgusted.
"
"
To C. J. Ingersoll, March
acquiescence
1 2
were
McDuffie's
May
"Some
2, 1832, B. P.
who
had doubts as to the correctness of its [the bank's] proceedings, who its enemies, by the showings that all was of right 1 and others, satisfied the institution, have laughed so much were at the solemn arraignment opponents of
"
....
and
now
of the institution." The fate of the bank and the condemnation are unconsciously of its opponents in these words : " Certainly the great business community, by Benton pronounced for the bank, with few exceptions, comprising wealth, ability and education, went
present
3
against it, as to become quite good-humored, its charter, with a few modifications of the NILES, Vol. XLII, p. 209.
and the
masses
for General
Jackson."
"
Thirty
Years,
Vol. I, p. 228.
STRUGGLE
FOB
THE
CHARTER
231
that the charges had been fairly established.1 So much may be gathered from his veto message, wherein he declares that
" the examination was unwillingly conceded and so restricted it incomplete and unsatisfacin time as necessarily to make tory," to excite suspicion and but yet it disclosed "enough
alarm,
....
....
enough
to induce
a
of majority the
committee
to recommend
suspension of further action upon prosecution of the inquiry," and that "it was
....
would expected that the bank itself, its application for the present, and demanded have withdrawn 2 Jackson, the severest scrutiny into all its transactions."
then, confirmed in his suspicions of the bank's integrity, tors believed that the investigation imposed upon the directheir application. The plan the duty of withdrawing
was
and
was
It remained to do one of two things: either to withdraw the bill,or to press forward in the hope that the president could be persuaded to assent or that the necessary two-thirds
majority
measure
now.3
for the bill could be secured. Rumors that the would be deferred had existed, and they revived But on The inexorable. this point Biddle was
without a tacit confession could not be withdrawn in having presented it. The leaders of the National of error Republicans were also resolved that there should be no
measure
postponement.4
l
"
It
was
this dogged
mated. I anticipated to be precisely such as you have intiaffairs of the Bank When fully disclosed, and the branches looked into, it will be seen that its that could add to its strength corrupting influence has been extended everywhere
The
and
secure
"
Jackson
to
James
A. Hamilton,
March
2
*
Messages
"
McLane
to carry
that they were confident of their ability replied though the bill should re-chartering the bank, even a presidential encounter veto ; but that they could not be responsible for the result if,in the heat of the contest, the bank, abandoning its reliable friends, should strike hands with its foe."" WEED, Vol. I, p. 374. See corroborative stateAutobiography, ments in INGEBSOJLL,
232
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
tution, ward, despite Jackson's opposition, which ruined the instibecoming " the great cause of the conflict which arose
between
the
Livingston's
l and the President," and it explaina assertion that the veto "could not have been
Bank
drew
it on
themselves."*
notwithstanding the opposition of Jackson, Biddle resolved to approach him once On the 20th of May he took more. in to manage the campaign up quarters in Washington person, and
so near
immediately
success
out
McLane him
on
with
to return to the plan attempted before the fatal investigation. He sought and had a "full and frank conversation'* He then saw Livingston. He the
subject.
that the investigation had resulted so favorably argued for the bank that it disarmed, "or ought to disarm some of
Consequently Jackson the hostility hitherto entertained." gation, could revert to the project agreed upon before the investibeing willing to accept "such the bank cations modifiIt would be agreeable to the administration." before Congress, was awkward, he said, to have "the measure to which it belonged had no while the Department zance cognias
of it."
McLane
and
Livingston
probably consulted the president, and sense of the cabinet. But the situation
assured : Jackson irretrievable." withdrawal
1
2 3
unchanged.
was
Livingston
Biddle
that
"the
awkwardness by
would
be
satisfied only
the
of the
measure.
Life of Livingston,
p. 370.
on
my arrival I began with a full and frank conversation with the subject of the Bank Mr. Livingston saw and at his suggestion
"
Mr. McLane
after which
"
Mr. Livingston.
was this. The investigation has of my communication it disarms, or ought to disarm tility some of the hosaffairs hitherto entertained it, and furnishes a new for pressing a towards motive decision. Under these circumstances it would if the Executive be very agreeable in promoting concur the object would which we would gladly attain by accept-
aspect
to
our
"
"
STRUGGLE Having
FOB
THE
CHABTEB
233
failed in this last attempt, nothing remained but to the dent to press the bill,1 making it as unobjectionable presias possible, in the hope that his assent might thus be
As Biddle knew secured. precisely the kind of a charter which the president could be brought to compromise upon, the task was not difficult;and a reading of the bill to continue to the bank will show that some attempt was made
meet
conference with McDuffie determined to take up the bill in the Senate first.3 Accordingly on the 23d of May Dallas, reporting from the Select
had
Committee
which
the petition for re-charter had been committed,* to the original charter outlined the amendments A number the bank party was willing to grant. of
to which
was other amendments suggested, both by the friends and The southerners wanted the by the enemies of the bank. rate of interest lowered,6 and it was proposed that, instead of
demanding
bonus, the rate should be 5 per cent.6 Mangum thought that this concession would tend most materially to " in the South." T Other amendments allay public excitement that no branch should be established offered demanded
a
ing such modifications be agreeable to the administration. I stated moreas would over before Congress while the extreme awkwardness of having such a measure it belonged had no cognizance to which the Department of it and my anxiety to
"
cooperate
detail
in modifying I need not and perfecting the measure. of their situation which makes them passive and all that I could peculiarity learn from Mr. Livingston irretrievable was was that the awkwardness and that it to make the bill as unexceptionable as possible. only remained
with
"
the Executive
"
We
"
have
good
friends."" Biddle
to Cadwalader,
May
"
30, 1832, B. P.
I then betook
seriously to the
passage
of the bill."
Same
to
same,
to the
In these points : Not more than two offices in each bank's business not to be held more than
"
two officers to sign its notes." appoint 3 Biddle May 30, 1832, B. P. to Cadwalader,
*
sary state ; real estate not necesfive years ; the bank might See Ingersoll's remarks, Vol. II, pp. 268, 269.
Note
the absence
of Clay. excepting
Dallas, Webster,
Hayne,
Johnston,
Hayne." 5FOBSYTH,
6
and I, p. 55.
Ewing.
June
BIBB,
June
TMANQUM,
June
5, ibid., p. 1030.
234
in
a
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the state's consent ; that branches should by the states;1 that the president of to be subject taxation the United States should appoint all the presidents and onestate without
half of the directors of the bank and its branches, who need not be stockholders;2 that the bank should be required to take any of its notes at any of its branches in payment of debts from
*
individuals;8 that its monopoly stroyed should be dethat members of Congress and officersof the government
be prohibited from holding stock ;5 that in interest should the public deposits exceeded $1,000,000, case 6 be charged at 3 per cent. ; and that foreigners should not be should permitted to financial stock.7 It is apparent that allthese amendments contemplated no fixed plan of improving the bank as
own
only one which could be so considered that compelling it to receive all its notes from was The remaining amendindividuals in the payment of debts. ments looked to depriving the bank of power and efficiency
a
concern.
The
for the benefit of state rights or of state banks, or else were intended to diminish its profits. They were offered mainly
the bank and assisting with the purpose of embarrassing All new Jackson in the coming amendments campaign.8 bank were with rejected the exception of one compelling the to furnish annually to the secretary of the treasury a list of
foreign stockholders, and to any state treasurer, on demand, list of stockholders resident in his state; and another a allowing Congress at any time to prohibit the issue of all
notes of
a
Even
the bank
i 3 B
than twenty dollara smaller denomination Biddle was warned to pause, and at this juncture Democrats appealed to him to defer the bill.9 He
June
6, C. D., VIII, Part I, p
1043.
2
MAECT, IDEM,
BIBB,
June
ibid., p. 1007.
*BENTON,
6
8
June
WHITE,
Thirty
SBenton
now.""
said INGEESOLL,
late
as
June
2 that Jackson
would
veto the
STRUGGLE On
FOB
THE
CHARTER
235
refused.
sylvania the 9th of June the resolutions of the Pennlegislatureinstructing their senators and asking their
representatives to vote for the bill were presented in the Senate. Two days later the bill passed that body by a vote ' sentatives of 28 to 20, and on the 3d of July the House of Repre-
by
The
is significant of the position of various All the New England the question. on
voted aye ; of the senators from the excepting Hill of New Hampshire middle states only three were opposed, those from New York
one
and Southwest favorable, those from Louisiana and one three were Mississippi. All the western favorable states were
from
New
Jersey.
In
the
South
Illinois,and Missouri, which divided excepting Kentucky, The determined opposition was from the South their votes.
and Southwest.3 The new the original provisions modified and improved act. The bank was given a renewed lease for fifteen years ; have two or more it might officerswhose sole duty should
consist in signing its notes of $100; it was to issue "no branch
a
less denomination
bank drafts, or
than
paper not payable at the place where issued" nation denomination of $50; it was to pay all notes of a less denomiissued; it must at the bank and at the officewhence
offices tendered in payment receive all its notes at whatever of debts due from state banks ; it must not hold for a longer
excess
of what
then
was
neces-
Journal,
Biddle
returned
to Philadelphia.
2 3
House Senate
Journal,
Journal,
Rhode
Island,
mont, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 345, 346, June 11, 1832. For : Maine, Verware, DelaMaryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts,
Ohio,
North Illinois, New Maryland,
Indiana,
Louisiana.
Alabama,
Against:
New
York,
:
Virginia, South
New
Hampshire, for
:
Carolina, Tennessee,
Delaware,
Georgia.
Divided
Senators
Jersey, Missouri,
Mississippi. against:
instructed
House
Pennsylvania,
Louisiana;
New
York."
Journal,
236
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
sary for carrying on its operations; it must not have more than two offices in any state where more than that number to pay an were not already established; it was annuity of
$200,000 to
issue of any notes of less than furnish annually to the secretary of the treasury a list of foreign stockholders, and, on demand, to the treasurer of any state a listof stockholders resident in his state.1
skilfully designed to satisfy the and that powerful opposition of states and state banks aroused by the issue of branch drafts, but they also achieved amendments
were
These
that of amending the commendable purpose currency by modifying the bank's privileges of issue. The attention of Congress was evidently fixed on this question This was almost to the exclusion of any other. natural,
a
much
more
"
were were
the absorbing
of subject important
discussion than
much
more
later,
because
deposits constituted a relatively small part of the bank's currency. The amendments were consequently of Thus importance. to have officers the permission much whose sole duty should be the signing of the bank's bills
would permit the issue of sufficient paper to supply the South It would also render counterfeiting more difficult. and West. The prohibition of the issue of branch drafts would terminate
the
and
use
of
an
might
be dangerous,
to the laws that certainly not amenable applied to the rest of the bank's issues ; the clause compelling the bank to pay all its notes of a less denomination than
which
at the place of issue would make notes payable at these places, as well
$50
it would tend to destroy the slight depreciation which existed, and to place a check upon over-issues, since the notes would
be
more
1 Senate
easily redeemable
Journal,
STRUGGLE
FOB
THE
CHAKTEB
237
all notes from state banks would operate in the same way, but to a much greater extent, since it would have meant virtually the receipt of all notes at all the officesfrom Individuals with distant both the state banks and individuals. accepting branch
notes
would
in state banks
and the state bank in payment they of balances when would would would of necessity be received. The arrangement therefore terminate all depreciation ; it would do much more if the branch refused then offer them
them,
than this, for it would materially reduce the bank's ability to control the issues of the state banks, giving the latter a power to draw specie for notes not issued by the particular
offered. The inevitable diminish its business in must result would order not only to retain control of the state banks, but also to prevent them from securing ruinous control over it. The in turn be compelled to diminish their state banks would
branches
at which
were
effect would certainly not have been a business point of view, since it would place but it the tendency to over-banking; new restrictions on to the bank that Biddle protested would be so annoying accommodations. from injurious
was useless, vigorously against the provision.1 Remonstrance for Senator Ewing, who championed the amendment, declared flatly that unless it were incorporated in the bill
The
members would not vote for the bank.2 the bank's notes would have been as
convertible as the notes of the present national banks. Similarly, the clause permitting Congress to prohibit the issue of all notes less than $20 would, if Congress used the power granted, materially reduce the bank's circulation in All the defects of the bank's the interest of the state banks.
note issues would
have been
new
To H. Binney, Binney
2H.
238
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Stillanother clause which would have had a far-reaching effect in improving the character of the bank's business was
that providing that the corporation should not hold longer than five years real estate acquired for other than its necessary business operations. The result of this clause would have been to diminish the temptation
"
to loan
on
a practice and other real-estate security which in In responsible for the bank's difficulties 1819.
far
as
the clause thus operated, it would have been of vast consequence in the improvement in the of banking everywhere United States. No doubt it would have diminished the capital
and South, thus decreasing the bank's profits while increasing its security.1 The remaining important, but by no were amendments loaned in the West The restricessential as those already mentioned. tion of its officesto two in any one state was a concession to state rights and to state banks; the necessity of supplying the secretary of the treasury with the names holders of foreign stockmeans so
no could serve particular purpose, except that it met a popular demand ; but that of giving to state treasurers the names of resident stockholders might furnish an opportunity
Had
approved,
indirectly by taxing its stock. the bank would have lost none
of its usefulness, and a marked improvement of the currency would have resulted, to such an extent, indeed, that the currency of 1837 would have been easily convertible, elastic, undepreciated, and littleliable to over-issue. What would Jackson do with the bill? Well-informed both sides were on men confident that he would veto it. On May 31 Cadwalader declared that the veto was certain.
BE!" IT WILL "I say the veto" tor VETO Biddle was almost as certain as Cadwalader.3
1
The provision
To Biddle, May
as
first introduced
have
would
2
in all probability
31
fixed the term of holding at two years, which loans on real-estate security. checked completely
P.
3
B [1832],.
To Cadwalader,
STRUGGLE
terson,
FOB
THE
CHARTER
239
friend of Biddle, tried to persuade the president culties that he should affix his signature, and thought that the diffi" But he was insuperable." l were not and
a
objections
mistaken, for on the 10th of July the president returned the bill to the Senate with his
objections.2
The financial and constitutional arguments of this famous may be message have been keenly criticised,and, whatever its economic the validity of its constitutional
objections,
reasoning reasoning
is in
was
the
beneath
the
to
a
from
distinguishing
abstruse, but
to the arguments which appealed completely understood To be told that the charter would present Jackson himself. "a millions to the stockholders," of gratuity of many
the holders of "more than eight millions" were whom foreigners, and that this gratuity " must directly or come " indirectly out of the earnings of the American people ; that the
"be
to
worth
10
or
15
to
that
of
war
with
bank
"almost
would be more of that nation than the naval and military power of the enemy bank's loans in the West involved " a burden
that the
drain
and
"
"
comprehensible
were certainly terrifying, and the masses grateful to learn these things which had been hidden from the wise
and prudent
i 3
Jackson.
Papers,
Messages
and
many wrote who of the president's papers, to do with this. that he had anything necessary Aug. 26, 1832, HUNT, Livingston, was one pp. 370, 371. Taney
to deny
"
TYLER,
Memoir
of R.
B. Taney,
p. 181.
240
THE
The
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
monopoly granting privileges to a favored few, and therefore opposed to the principles of democracy and dangerous to the government It is hard to believe, however, that and country.
there
even was message stronger, and defensible, in its attack upon the charter
certainly
as a
more
much weight in this strain of argumentation, but it was very influential with the people. Of the other little need be said : The president
was
objections
asserted that the bill favored state banks as against too small, the capital too individuals ; that the bonus was large ; that the institution was dangerous to the rights of
the states because they were not permitted to prohibit the placing of branches in their territory, or to tax it; that it
necessary to that it was the government; unconstitutional; and that he could have furnished a better plan had he been called upon
was
virtually
foreign bank;
that it
was
not
to do
so.
The strength of the veto consisted in its appeals to Americans against foreigners ; to the poor against the rich ; to the West against the East; to the democracy against privilege. These
were
powerful
sentiments,
certain to overthrow aroused were ludicrous and The blindness of the bank's supporters was said the bank's life depended almost pathetic. Cadwalader
thoroughly
getting the veto now roused before the autumnal I should feel sanguine as
"on
"
so
that
....
the
nation
may
be
now
new
the message from the point of view the bank's partisans exulted, considering of intelligent men, it as utterly contemptible, and, instead of perceiving the
Congress."
Regarding
and peril which lurked in its appeal to popular prejudices to the democratic passion for equality, they thought it so it, and they conseanarchical that everyone would
reject
31
B [1832],.
P.
STRUGGLE
FOB
THE
CHARTER
241
ment docuquently circulated 30,000 copies of it as a campaign " damn it the administration wherever calculated to * Biddle considered the effect of the veto as all was read." that " the friends of the Bank and of the country could
desire;" "It has all with the message: the fury of a chained panther, biting the bars of his cage. pierre It is really a manifesto of anarchy, such as Marat or RobesSt. might have issued to the mob of the Faubourg 2 The general contempt of the bank's adherents Antoine." he
was
"delighted"
was
will probably be kept in memory and often appealed to as a curious example of the extent to which, at the commencement of the nineteenth century, the elected chief magistrate of a free, civilized and enlightened people dared to
....
by
one
of them:
insult the
common
sense
After
was
no
the veto, and it finally failed by the Senate's vote of 22 to 19.* In the campaign which immediately followed the bank issue, and it was soon was the paramount evident that the veto, instead of providing a congressional of twoover
was the message received, a number made in the Senate to furnish campaign one expected that the bill could be passed
majority
bank,
had
lifted Jackson
to the summit
of
his overwhelming
contained
an
PAETON, for
"
The
accounts
of the bank
item of $558
"
paid them.""
B. P.
Jackson's
veto, 30,000 copies, wrapping and distributing Sess., p. 325. See Watmough to Biddle, Sept. 25, 1832, to send
me
of the Veto
of you It is an
admirable
paper
ample with
1, 1832, Clay's
Correspondence,
Pamphlet
Senate
on
The
Conduct
of the Administration,
57, 58.
* 5
Journal,
Jackson
Writ was more much clear-sighted in this respect than his opponents. Aug. 9, 1832, he said : " With my sincere respects to Kendall " Blair, tell the veto works well, " that the Globe reVolves with all its usual splendor " expected by my enemies, " some instead, as was of my friends, predicted
" "
SDMNEE, destroy me, it has destroyed Jackson the Bank." would in possession the New Ford York 326, quoting now (revised), p. of manuscripts, Vol. IV, No. 9, pp. Library, See Bulletin of New York Public Public Library.
the veto
299,300.
242
THE
SECOND 219
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
electoral votes being cast for him against 49 for Clay.1 As Biddle had clearly foreseen, the victorious general accepted the result as a distinct approval of his
triumph,
veto
and
was
He
a
to complete the work so nobly begun. mandate in so justified regarding it. Biddle had committed
a error
monstrous
a
for
moment
bank
war
which began
at that point.
forth Thence-
acted, not as a business corporation should act, but as a body possessing political functions and created for political purposes; it divided the Democratic party into
bank and anti-bank factions, and drove Jackson to the wall. It is no wonder, therefore, that Jackson was infuriated and
to crush
determined
the bank.
been
Had
not have
been Andrew
Jackson.
100 opposed."
The
new
House
of Representatives
NILES,
Vol. XLV,
p. 228, note.
CHAPTER
THE
XI
THE BANK
CHARGES
AGAINST
in connection with the bank which always arouses most interest is its alleged corrupt connection with has been that there never politics. It may be said at once to show that the bank as a national any evidence produced
THE
subject
bank
was
ever
spent
so
repeated
Yet have
the
asserted, proved what was only vehemently incurable suspicion which has endured to an
this day. It is self-evident that the bank would be affected by politicalconsiderations, since from the beginning to the end to a large extent to the will of its existence it was
subject
frequently attacked by and whim of politicians, and Had the board of directors been composed them. exclusively of canonized saints, stillthe conciliation of politicians
it was
The only and politicalforces would have been necessary. question worthy of discussion is that of the bank's honesty or corruption in this situation. Biddle
in
1829
as rejected
totally inadmissible
any
attempt to create boards on which the politicalparties were fairly balanced, and declared that politicalaffiliations should not be considered in such selections. He was right in this ; but it must not be supposed that the proposition of a political first sugDemocrats balance was novel, or that Jackson gested it, or that there was any moral obliquity in such an directors were When the first government arrangement.
named, his own President
Madison
frankly
the
243
selected them
all from
politicalparty, and
244
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
or certain that the bank must either be a political machine and possess a balance of parties, elected ten Republicans Madison ten Federalists as their members of the board.
and
his capable
and
honest
particular ability or experience disasters consequent upon the primarily chargeable James Dallas.
are
and Alexander The policy of political balance then inaugurated was liam religiously pursued all through the administration of WilJones, and certainly through part of that of Langdon
Madison
Cheves.
him
Writing
to Biddle
in 1820, John
McKim
election of a Republican Baltimore, "as you know that the Republicans are of their number, and the necessity of giving us our
to assist in the
urges director at
one
short
share of the Directors, as we do hold more than the half of the stock, and it having been Policy to divide the two Partys in the direction, since the Bank When this was established."2
equal division ceased it is not possible to say, but it may be reasonably presumed that the disintegration of parties under Monroe caused its cessation.
Biddle
was
opposed
it strenuously when in Kentucky branches and the branch in New Hampshire He then stated that he considered such an arrange1829. ment
against of the
largely responsible for the bank's losses in the West As to his rumored desire in the early years of its career.4
as
i
Jan. 8, 1820, B. P.
The truth is, that every day's experience satisfies me, that the safety of the lies in its complete from politics."" Biddle to R. Smith, Feb. 5, estrangement 1829, ibid. Bank, '"The States, in
a
are
truth is, that almost of the Bank all the misfortunes traceable, directly or indirectly, to politics. In Kentucky
measure
great
incurred
to prominent politicians of all sides whose in such facilities which ended, as frequently happens undue These things have made the Branches. as well as crippling
by loans
CHARGES
to have
AGAINST
THE
BANK
245
anti-Jackson, he repudiated it altogether, why anyone could suppose that a and constantly wondered bank would care which politicalparty was up or which was
the bank
down.
weary of quoting Dean Swift's remark Tory," and in asserting is neither Whig nor that "money that "men of getting back will lend where they are sure He
was never
ing their money with a profit." This was sound sense, and holdthese opinions with deep conviction Biddle was anxious
above all to exclude political considerations. Nevertheless he was not able to carry out his wishes of the altogether. During Adams's administration members less ready to complain no and to party in power were demand the Jackson assistance from the bank than were politicians later. Biddle repulsed them with he repulsed Ingham,1 as yet he was
as
littleceremony
consider political affiliationsin the In January, 1824, there boards all through his presidency. dissatisfaction in Boston with the political complexion was Crowninshield was of the directorate there, and B. W.
substituted for a Federalist on the parent board in order to " feelings which give the other party a chance and to assuage 2 he in 1828 Again may hereafter grow into hostility."
retained the services of C. P. White at New was not expedient to "alienate a member such
a
York
because
it
time
"
to offend personally
before
whom
the
3
Bank
while
on to see that point, and unwilling any lead to a recurrence of similar which might Jan. 10, 1829, confidential, ibid. McLean, 1 inch in what I will not give way an concerns
sensitive
misfortunes." the
"
independence
for them them.
mean
of the Bank,
"
to please all the Administrations past, present or future. " The bigots of the last reproached me with not being that the Bank will not support the present will be annoyed
"
the bigots
of
Be it
so.
both.""
2 8
Biddle
I care nothing for either class of partisans and to Dickins, Sept. 16, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 67.
to disregard
Biddle
to David
To I. Lawrence,
Sears, of Boston, Jan. 5, 1824, ibid., Vol. I, p. 90. Nov, 28, 1828, private, ibid.. Vol. II, pp. 434, 435.
246
THE
SECOND
"to
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
be useful to the
anxious
conciliate gentlemen
who
may
institution."
It will be observed, however, that there was no plan of a Another conclusion political balance in these instances. must also be drawn, that, so far from trying to constitute his
boards all of one political party, as the Jackson politicians asserted, Biddle took unusual pains to appoint members of he could secure those who were the various parties when qualified for the positions. After the correspondence with Ingham and the reiterated charges of doing precisely what he wished to avoid, Biddle introduced additional Jackson
He did this at Baltimore,2 at politicians into the boards. New York,3 at New ville,6 Orleans,4 at Portsmouth,5 at Nashat Lexington,7 and at Utica.8 He allowed Lewis to
In the choice of our Directors it often becomes to conciliate gentlenecessary men who may be useful to the institution and to be very careful not to alienate our friends. At the present moment it is especially desirable to avoid everything which
i
"
"
in a cordial and warm those who are engaged might estrange To M. Robinson, Nov. 30, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, p. 328.
"
support
ser.,
Nov.
Historical
2d
3 "On list of Directors, it struck me that it might be liable to your examining I the reproach of being exclusively composed of one of gentlemen political party. have but a moment Mr. Robinson to ask you to name two or three gentlemen and friendly to the present Administration are who good considered who would make Directors."" Biddle to I. Lawrence, Nov. 27, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 96.
You will not be displeased to know that at the last meeting of the Board, Gordon White two of the four new were and Maunsel members elected as Directors of the office at New Orleans." Biddle to Lewis, Nov. 29, 1829. ibid., p. 97.
*
"
Martin
5 6
"
Biddle Biddle
to Cadwalader,
Aug.
opinion about the Nashville board, Oct. 14, 1828 (P. L. B., asked Vol. Ill, p. 75); and again in April. Same April 27, ibid., p. 229. Lewis sent to same, Lewis list of names for members May 3, 1830. to Biddle, B. P. that board a of To Lewis, May 8, 1830, private, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, Biddle received it with thanks."
" "
Lewis's
pp.
239, 240.
"
On
to
May
same,
of it. Same
24 he sent Nichol's list to Lewis, and asked for Lewis's opinion the nomination private, ibid., p 249. Lewis violently opposed
"
June 11, 1830, confidential, ibid., Carroll's friends. Same to same, of any of Governor for reasons, Lewis 270. When to be appointed the person was p. said that asked Lewis to the friends of the present to Biddle, June 13, administration. obnoxious
"
1830, B. P.
Biddle
June
21, 1830, P.
be respected. that his wishes should assured L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 274. Governor Carroll's nominees Lewis
to Carroll, June
22, 1830, ibid., pp.
"
To
Lewis,
not
were
Biddle
279, 280.
Feb. General
branch
to
was not to be chosen president because Biddle to Porter, Sept. 23, 1829, ibid., p. 70. affiliations."
P. B. Porter
of his anti-Jackson
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
247
the members of the Nashville board,1 took his advice about the Lexington branch, and ceased his complacency to suspect that the wily reason only when he saw
name
most
of
all the western directorates. In August Lewis wrote saying that he was half ashamed to " Our friends at Louisville, ask for further favors, but that
majorwould
soon
be naming
Kentucky,
think they
are
in your Branch at that place," and he forwarded of three gentlemen whose appointment would
"
the
names
probably
give entire satisfaction to the friends of the administration in that part of the state." 2 This further encroachment upon
the province of the bank exhausted the patience of its much" new enduring head, and he politely declined to introduce for the purpose of making any political balance."3 members The refusal is creditable to Biddle; it proves that
....
he would
most
even
at
critical moment
assent to
a
in the bank's attempts to secure son's Jackfixed in his re-charter, and that he was
determination
should
not
degenerate
into
free from
not.
that while the parent board political chicane and bias, the local boards
are arguments undoubtedly the early years of the bank, because in the
1
Such
applicable to
southern
and
Lewis
ought
to be satisfied,
"
are
nominated
by
for out of the whole Board, a very large proportion June 22, 1830, Biddle to Lewis, yourself."
"
almost such great favours I am ones. more of your ask one ashamed still I must if Board of three gentlemen, who, with the names to I have reason Directors for the next year, in your Louisville Branch, appointed in that part believe will give entire satisfaction to the friends of the administration have
to ask
me conferred upon for any additional I have been furnished so
You
many
and
But
of the state.""
3
To Biddle, Washington,
new
Aug. members
18, 1830, B. P.
"To
introduce
On
prevail
p. 370.
not so well qualified as those now in itself and balance, would be wrong any political of making looking to party conto avoid imputation to the very we of sideration wish it better to let the business considI thought the whole therefore erations over politics."" To Lewis, Oct. 31, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, circa
members
"
248
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
western
states campaigns
at times
questions and would involve Every officerand employee of the Bank of the United States must have been on one side during the struggle between the new rences and the old court parties in Kentucky, and such occur-
lead to the conviction that the bank spent would money for the purpose of controlling elections which were vital to its interests. It is also certain that a board of directors composed tain would conof intelligent business men few members a condition of the Jackson Democracy
"
which would incur suspicion of politicalfavoritism.1 As the bank's loans would be made mostly to the same class as that from which the directors were nating selected, a charge of discrimiagainst Democrats would inevitably arise.
Consequently
were
at
the
branches
it was
insinuated
branch, though recogthat the president of the Washington nized incompetent, had retained possession of his office as because of his influence with the Monroe administration.2 In regard to Kentucky frequent charges of political
unjustifiable
own
activity
1
"
were
made.3
knowledge
have not been recommended, is, And Jackson men the only reason why more belong that a large majority of the most that it so happens respectable merchants Shippen, cashier of Louisville branch, to Biddle, Jan. 26, to the other party."" 1829, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 303. has been heard, as I was credibly informed, to drop hints and its being in his power to turn the whole weight and influence of the executhreats, of tive his re-election as president of the mother against Mr. Biddle so as to endanger One thing is notorious here, that the executive influence, in all its ramificabank. tions, decidedly exerted to uphold the election of Mr. Swann was ; I refer here to the
2
"
Mr. Swann
to
the
stockholders
of the
Bank
of
the
"Dear
on
Sir
"
In the
summer
that
the Sunday
he then resided, to appropriate belonging to the bank, $250 of a certain contingent secret service money, fund they had the control, to aid the party called the old court party, of which Mr. further stated that $100 of in carrying the elections in Jefferson county.
of the United
where
fund,
was
put
of himself
opened
put
was
and
another
they went
up
to Shippingsport
voters ; that
that day, on gentleman it, and hired hacks to with of others for like purposes,
AGAINST
THE
BANK
249
men
employed
From reference to Louisiana.2 of of officials the branch engaging actively in politics.3Hill, mouth Hampshire, declared in the Senate that the Portsof New
" in 1828, and that made a party engine office was " " in carrying the state for it was the principal instrument Adams;* while Clayton, of Georgia, asserted that the president
"
of the Norfolk branch had engaged most offensively in politics,publicly declaring that he was "opposed to General
as involved in fisticuffs
result.5
the specific charges of politicalaction which The charge against the president of admit of examination. He did indeed the Washington moment. office is of no
exert
secure
his supposed influence with the administration to his election to the local board, and was severely
; that
in Louisville
to
use
"
his
own
they did employ with that money all the hacks ' did a main business on Sunday.' expression,
this
Not
being authorized to use Mr. Gilly Cuddy to prove facts to which he alludes.
information
on
Mr.
other
authority,
channels,
and
"
Letter furnished
i
"
by Amos
Wo
men
Bank
Bank.""
known horses, and pieces of furniture, presented rifle guns, to certain to talkers, opposed zealous active and neighborhood Extra Globe, Vol. I, p. 177, Sept. 8, 1834.
have
by the
zingham,
3"!
passages:
NILES,
Vol. XLII.
received
over
p
a
315, and
B. P.
....
have
....
recently
presides
pamphlet,
Federal
which
States,
contains
was was seen
the
following
ve,
the president
of the bank
this great
of the United
"
and
the head
with
an
which anxious
institution,
superintending
scrutiny,
of Charleston
* 5
branch,
the polls at the election." Biddle to Joseph Johnson, Sept 27, 1830, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 308.
president
June
"
I, p. 1062.
did in person the polls, at an president of the Norfolk branch attend for the member to the Congress, challenged the voters as they came up of "election he changed, for his conduct, he stated that table, some and, when clerk's reproached indifferent as to the candidates to he was individually, but he stood there opposed General Jackson. This course nated termiof conduct great excitement, produced which in
a
The
fight between
Mm,
immediately
and
"
250
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
censured for doing so by the president of the bank.1 In the New Hampshire case no political acts were adduced, and the which gave color to the assertions were only circumstances
that the president there was The New friend of Webster. by President
an
old-time
Federalist and
were
Orleans charges
admitted
to
Jackson
were
to be baseless;2 those
in regard
South
of a different character. It was asserted had been that the president there, who was an active politician, the polls at the elections "seen "superintending
Carolina
....
tunately, Unformight well be without involving the branch. this officerinsisted on taking an active part in the over heated campaign nullification opposing that heresy
which
"
Biddle wrote him a letter requesting with all his power. that he refrain from such action, as it was calculated to injure fundamental the bank, and added, "no principle is more
3 Johnson's subsethan its total abstinence from politics." quent however, occasioned complaint on the part of activity, The charge Vice-President Calhoun and Senator Hayne.* He was character. against the Norfolk officeris of the same
involved
Jackson,
see.
but how
this
charges himself
as
the parent board was denied them ; while Biddle urged the officersto exercise for such complaints.8 in avoiding all cause
1
2
March
2d Sess., p. 297.
3 *
Sept. 27, 1830, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 308. See also NILES, Mr. Calhoun
him said that
"
the
course
taken
by the
Branch
at
it had done? He said that it had taken an what soured active part in their State politicks, that I ought to apprize you of it," that you might S. Smith those who had been intermeddling." correct, and I think he said, remove to Biddle, Jan. 27, 1831, B. P.
have
[Hayne],
I asked
"
CHABGES
The
AGAINST
THE
BANK
251
actual status of Biddle's policy never showed better than in 1831, when the charges against the Kentucky offices Writing to him in April, the cashier of the were renewed. Lexington officeurges loans to help the anti-Jackson candidate,
because
The
funds
were
needed
"to
win
for
our
men."
nished, president of the branch thought they ought to be fur"so The coming does Mr. Clay. election of and tial is all important in its bearing on the PresidenCongressmen
l To this Biddle instantly and decisively election." principle in the replied: "I believe it to be a fundamental that its officers should abstain administration of the Bank
from
with what are called politics,to abstain any connexion in appearance not and merely, but entirely, candidly Thus at the moment honestly."2 that Blair was charging political corruption in Kentucky, Biddle refused assistance Henry Clay thought should be granted. larly Simiwhich even
in 1832, after the veto, Biddle declared that the bank would take no active part in the campaign, such action being contrary to its principles.3 To this resolution he adhered.
Unquestionably
the
bank
York
lobbied
in its
own
interests.
and March, 1831, to hinder the adoption of resolutions hostile to sylvania time it strove to get through the Pennit.* At the same
legislature in February
legislature acting
as
resolution in its favor, C. J. Ingersoll its champion. Again, during the struggle for
a
ton, at Washingre-charter, Horace Binney acted as its manager while in 1834 the bank used its influence with its
friends to elect John
1 2 3
Sergeant
senator from
Pennsylvania.
J. Harper
Biddle to James
"
Harper,
of Lexington,
Ky., May
own
But political concerns their must be left to those who are at liberty to pursue G. I am must chained and views. obey the laws of my station."" To William July York, July 17, 1832, ibid., Vol. IV, p. 261. Also same to same, Buckner, of New
13, 1832, ibid., p. 260; to J. W.
Webb,
p. 261.
"S. E. Burrows
to Biddle, New
252
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
The
failed, but prevented Richard Rush's election.1 however, there is no reason to suspect the cases, ; while the suspicion that it used such of corrupt means to secure re-charter in 1832 is absolutely baseless so evidence goes.2 did not do directly, it
far
was
frequently
charged
emphatic and
with
Its enemies declared, with repetition, that it secured the favor of congressmen
doing
indirectly.
tions politicians by granting them unusual accommodainsufficientsecurity and extending to them favors on It must be admitted that not granted to other individuals. to give drafts for the salaries of the bank was accustomed congressmen,
without
payable
Washington,
Biddle said he knew charging exchange. of no but if they occurred they were defensible on such cases, had a right to their pay wherthe ground that congressmen ever
"the
answer
Treasury
satisfatory, and the frequently made that not only did congressmen assertion was it, thus they chose to demand receive their pay wherever could benefit of the exchange, but that in other instances they were accommodated without being charged Such a practice was certainly open to the objecexchange.4 tion being in the nature of granting favors to those from of
it to them."3
This
getting
the
Rush
had
"provocation
from
the
bank
party,
Senate of the United States by the Legislature Vol. IX, p. 40. Memoirs,
2
If there had
papers,
been
any
everything written, saved absolutely quite his future fame. But there is positively no trace of regardless of its bearing upon to be found there. such attempts
3
Biddle
for
Nicholas
evidence, Biddle
some
trace
of it might
be expected
among
the
H.
formerly furnished to Members not draughts of Congress without for premium, by the United States Branch Bank in this city, in exchange charge as well as for their lawful money paid into Bank, pay?
*"
Were
for
that
"
To this the
the
Intelligencer
such
was
fact.
Drafts
or
were
founded
on
knowledge
whether
not,
on
charged
from
% to 1 per cent.""
of Congress without charge, every part of the Union, while private citizens were Globe, Vol. I, p. 143, Aug. 23, 1834. Extra
CHARGES
favors
AGAINST
THE
BANK
253
whom
must
were
to be expected.
The
same
condemnation
fall upon
government
and practice of paying congressmen before their salaries became due by the officials
the
a warm passage of the general appropriations act. Adams, that in a single session the champion of the bank, showed thus advanced was was amount almost $400,000, "which
equivalent to a loan without interest," and that the amount over $3,000. He was of interest thus lost to the bank was
1 without doubts of the propriety of this indulgence." That congressmen were not to borrow money, or that the bank was not to lend them money, could hardly be argued,
"not
unwarrantable discrimination against That the officers of the bank as congressmen. congressmen is loans on easy terms to congressmen were willing to make likely, and is illustrated in the case of General Stevens, to
since this would
be
an
whom he was
Biddle granted
a
loan
on
his
own
1829, Biddle
of Robert Lenox, partly on the ground against the objections that it was expedient for the institution to stand well with those who held its future existence in their hands, especially
as
loan
he permitted John Forsyth at a long date on the security of a mortgage, though such loans were A similar accomagainst the declared policy of the bank.4
1
2 s
was
In 1831
H.
Testimony
of Diddle
and
Cowperthwaite,
ibid., p. 190.
Verplanck
for instance I think it was case you well to lend to Mr. mention he for what because use the money the loan was perfectly safe, no matter to apply it. After all you know the existence of this institution must depend meant on the opinion entertained of it by those who will before long be asked to continue its Charter and altho I would sacrifice nothing of right or of duty to please them or
"In
the
to please anybody, occasion still if a proper the usefulness the interior proving of the
presents
itself of rendering
as
Bank,
so
[to] convert
enemies
service to into
"
friends, Biddle
not to omit and to the stockholders 4, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 48.
that occasion."
*To
J. Forsyth,
May
Same
to
same,
June
Vol. IV, p. 3.
254
THE
SECOND
BANK
to
OP
THE
UNITED McDuffie
on
STATES
in 1833,
modation
to
was
granted
George
being
for
to loan
the note
to
indefinitely.1 David
about Joseph
by Biddle perbe protested, and was renewed sonally favor was accorded to protect Crockett,2 and the same Vance.3 In 1826 the board released Senator Samuel
his debt consequent upon the Baltimore frauds Dickins, first clerk in the treasury Asbury of 1817-19.* and a valuable friend, was released in 1830, the bank saving
Smith
from
about half the debt.5 Colonel R. M. Johnson 6 treated with like kindness in 1824. were favors to
men
might be politicallyuseful. Moreover, during the years when the bank was attempting to secure a lease of life,the loans to congressmen large, and were new
who
been customary at earlier periods.7 It must be remembered, however, that all the loans of the bank were more extensive than usual at this time, and much
much
beyond
what
had
those of congressmen might fairly be expected to be so. Similarly, in settling the debts due when the debtor could were not pay, congressmen not the sole recipients of such hence favor, but shared
i
it with
"
hundreds
of others.
Therefore
no
to pay. be renewed till the parties were prepared might in practice with less inconvenience be arranged than renewals might first be supposed, by leaving the bills, or any authority to sign them with might at the Cashier."" Biddle to McDuffie, Aug. 29, 1833, P. L. B., Vol. V, pp. 2, 3.
....
Biddle
The
2
3
Biddle to Poindexter,
Biddle
to Joseph to John
Vance,
Donnell,
see
* 5 "
7
Biddle
On Dickins's loan
Biddle
of Baltimore, Sept. 21, 1826, ibid., Vol. II, p. 187. R. Smith to Biddle, Sept. 22, 1828, B. P. Ky., June
:
to J. Harper,
of Lexington,
Loans
made
to members
Years
of Congress
Amounts
of Members
$237,436
221,026 218,830 212,346 192,161 322,199 478,069 374,766 238,586
"
82 25 38 34 52 59 44 58 52
CHARGES
censure
AGAINST
THE
BANK
255
is implied
and the evidence that in all the cases Smith's debts had
not unduly granted, where the favor was of the president's letter books is conclusive
full payment could not be made. named been contracted in 1817-19 through the
he could not discharge been incurred at
debt
he
was
time and he was entirely bankrupt ; while Dickins's had been contracted with the Bank of Columbia, and in a situation to pay it. never
the other hand, in the matter loans to congressmen, the bank seems
On
Yet much of this must be mitigated in 1834 reported if the loans were safe. Tyler's committee this head that of loans made by the Philadelphia office on
fairly open
to
censure.
only $400 had been carried debt" and one note for $500 to the account of "suspended protested. These it considered debts which would ultimately Some cases be paid. existed at the branches, but all these " " loans seem to have been made as upon as good security
to individuals then
in Congress
customary in other cases.1 Other charges of indirect bribery were those of paying excessive fees to lawyers and making donations of the bank's
was
money
for political effect. Nothing of the kind was The fees to lawyers were not excessive.2 No
were
discovered.
cases
known
by
the
committee
of
was subject
whole
1817
$4,620.* The
made for the
contributions
most
to 1831
part to fire companies, or to turnpikes, with the object increasing the value of real estate held of by the bank or of protecting its property.
1
"
2 *
n"id., p. 42.
256
THE The
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
effectiveof all the indictments against the bank was that it "subsidized the press." This was a vague phrase, but it was pretty clearly understood by everybody and meant
most
publishers by granting on them accommodations easy terms, with the expectation of Of course, editors occasionally receiving their assistance in return. bank accommodations, yet, as professed needed
that the bank
first to take sides molders of public opinion, they were either for or against the bank when the subject re-charter of In this situation, a loan to an editor favorable to came up.
editor large
Duff Green, of the Washington Telegraph, Webb Courier and Enquirer, Gales and Noah, of the New York Seaton, of the Intelligencer, Robert Walsh, of the and Gazette and the American National Quarterly Review,
Thomas
Enquirer,
Jesper Harding,
of the Pennsylvania Enquirer, and F. P. Blair, of the Globe, though before he established that paper.1 All were nent promifavorable to the bank, some and able editors, some Suspicion was also aroused by the conversion to opposed. the bank's cause of several editors who had been unfriendly. Duff Green ceased to oppose ; while Webb and Noah became
active supporters instead of bitter opponents. Numerous cases of attempts to buy up editors were alleged. Parton intimated that such an attempt was
also
made Blair himself makes charges of this character in on Post and the New York reference to the New York Evening Standard,3 and presents the affidavit of a country editor
Blair.2
Harding,
$36,916.71 Walsh, ;
see
Seaton, For
Blair's
2
"
108-10.
known
ton.
"
PARTON, and
the bank
3
failed to pay,
Blair a loan of $200, says Paroffered to make it is recollected that Blair had borrowed from loses its verisimilitude.
....
"Silas
espouse
E. Burrows
the
cause
would
pecuniary considerations offered valuable Extra Globe, Vol. I, p. 125, Aug. of the Bank.""
if they
15, 1834.
CHARGES
declaring
that
"
AGAINST
THE
BANK
257
date of the Whig, or Bank candi" at offered him $100 and banking facilities the Bank of the United States if he would use his influence for the It is apparent that all this evidence is of Whig candidate.
a
supporter
does not establish in a single instance any In one connection of the bank with the alleged attempts. "a known friend of the bank" case offers a loan, in another
the flimsiest,and
erations," promises "valuable pecuniary consid" " and in the third it is a supporter of the Whig That there were to not averse candidate. editors who were Gordon receiving favors scarcely needs to be said. James
"
Silas E. Burrows
"
Bennett, who always displayed in public the most rancorous antipathy for the bank, nevertheless kept up a friendly corresponde
with its president, gave good advice, and on I am one course occasion defined his position thus: "Of but I suppose you to the Bank and must be so opposed J Three that." weeks later he hints that he understand
"
like to hear from Biddle.2 The and would needs money bank had nothing for him, however. " " Biddle' s own the attitude in relation to subsidizing press has been incidently left on record by himself, and does honor
the
to his integrity.
In 1828
of granting order to sustain their newspaper, which might be useful to To this Biddle responded warmly that he could the bank. expediency
not and The
Webster
would
on
ance advantage of its continuare considerations entirely foreign to us and the very that but for the Bank of the United States any circumstance
value of
and
"
had gone be discontinued, or that the Bank newspaper would out of its way in order to sustain any newspaper either in administr in opposition be a or would subjectof reproach
and
1 2
what
Bennett
Same
alone makes
to Biddle,
same,
reproach
York,
uncomfortable
of
just reproach.*
New
Nov. 9, 1832, B. P.
to
Dec.
1, 1832, ibid.
"Biddle
to Webster,
258 As
THE
SECOND
was
BANK
OF
THE
STATES
this letter
never
intended
is the best possible testimony And yet it was time it was written. the man who wrote it, and who in so
fate of
accommodations
as
wholesale briber
of editors and publishers. Of all the loans to editors, those to Webb and Noah, of York Courier and Enquirer, the New gained the widest notoriety and created the most intense feeling. This journal
had been pronouncedly anti-bank from November, 1829, to its attitude and advocated a April, 1831. It then changed new charter with modifications, though still professing to support Jackson. James Gordon
in 1831, and that Noah, seeing "the breeches pocket of Mr. Biddle open, entered it 1 It is not necessary to credit Bennett with immediately."
paper
was
financially embarrassed
extraordinary veracity, but he was probably not far wrong. Certain it is that in the spring of 1831 the proprietors of the funds, and one of them decided to sell paper needed more
out.
At
this
M. juncture
M.
Noah,
who
was
buying
up the retiring proprietor's shares, met Burrows, and Burrows, Webb, and Noah planned to raise " to change the tone of the Courier the necessary means, and
and Enquirer of the bank.
"
"
in other words, to bring it out in support Burrows was the pivot upon which all the succeeding He was a vain, loquacious, intruding, events turned. scheming merchant, who wished to be regarded as one who
His letters his shoulders the burden of empires. are rious stillextant, and are filledwith hints of mystesecrets ; chatter of grandiose plans ; fulsome laudation
of a Journalist,
p. 150.
Memoirs
CHARGES
at
one
AGAINST
THE
BANK
259
and causeless reproaches at the next; abject petitions for loans to be used in airy ventures ; denunciations of the officials the New York branch ; tales of intimacies of
moment
ence with presidents and ex-presidents ; boasts of imaginary influover the course tions of politics; and again with exclamaof fear and violent assertions that he is a persecuted
and
hunted
man.
They
operations for securing complete Webb possession of the Courier and Enquirer, mentioned "was to Burrows that he prepared to advocate a modified Burrows urged him to come recharter of the bank." an "unconditional recharter,"1 and promised Noah
out for
an
vidual indi-
that he
would raise the funds for the purchase of the half interest in the Courier and Enquirer by securing a loan from his father.2 This proposition was accepted, and Burrows hurried off to Philadelphia
to
share in a newspaper," and offered the notes of Noah, indorsed by Webb, The Exchange Committee as security. ized of the bank authorBiddle then the loan at one year and eighteen months.
to purchase
"a
Biddle, with the of object securing the instead of from his father. He told Biddle
see
$15,000 for
Noah
furnished
out of his own with the money pocket, the sum, without even seeing the notes to secure and consenting that Burrows should not indorse them, thus leaving
Burrows
The the responsibility of payment with Noah and Webb.3 did not then have the notes, for he truth is that Burrows took the
a
$15,000to
New
loan from his father, gave Noah took Noah's notes,4 and then sent them to of the money, Biddle, who held them in his own nine possession for over
1
Examination Noah's
of J. W. Webb, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 81. affidavit, April 8, 1832, ibid., p. 95. testimony,
ibid., pp.
sBiddle's
*
85, 86.
Noah's
testimony,
ibid., p. 82.
260
THE
SECOND
instead Here,
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
months
bank.1
them
receipt of any security at the time on the notes of one ner partindorsed by the other an act in contravention of the rules of the bank ; not indorsed by the borrower ; and for a
"
for
one
1832, Biddle at last decided to transfer the to the books, and then the notes, instead of being transformed into year and for eighteen months, were
paper 1836;
paid at intervals of six months until October, to almost five years.2 that is, for from six months In February discussed in the investigation of the bank was
to be
Congress, and on the 2d of March Burrows took up the notes, securing a loan at the bank for the purpose,3 so that the loan
made to Webb Burrows. The and Noah
was
paid by making
new
one
to
had
rows precise relations existing between Biddle and BurIn the spring of 1831 Burrows cannot be determined. Biddle that he was a person of vast though persuaded
York politics, and as at that undefined influence in New the legislature of New York was discussing a resolumoment tion denunciatory of the bank, Burrows to Albany to went
attempt
was
to prevent
made
not keep
bruited in the public at once silent, the matter was Biddle wrote, asking Burrows to send him press, whereupon "received any authority a letter saying that he had never from any one connected with the Bank to influence
....
the
course
Burrows
1 2 *
Biddlc's
testimony,
H.
Ibid., p. 553.
"
Biddle's
testimony,
ibid., p. 87.
And
it occurs
to
me are
that
be
be well if you to write to me were stating indifferent to the allegations of this writer, yet, into an in his statements, you construed acquiescence
yourself
it would
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
261
tificate good character ; but, on the contrary, denominated of himself " your agent, confidential agent," l and later, in a letter of passionate, childish, and desperate reproach, angrily
"whilst the asserted that he was refused accommodations Bank has stifled the press here by rewards of fortunes," and transmitted a bill for services which shows that Biddle
had paid him $16,000and still owed him $1,100.2 One week later he forwarded another long letter of reproaches, and hinted that he held secrets which would bring a fortune to himself and ruin to the bank;3 in March, 1832, on the other hand, he wrote Biddle: "All discounts made at your bank to have been for my accommodation, me, and individual benefit.
Beyond
'
to you, and
is left for
me
to explain."
investigating committee, and I will not be called on, and then exclaims: "The moment knew you had made an ment entry of those documents, that moI knew a fortune was at my disposal if I would accept by the world, of it, and made without censure 5 me justify for testifying to all."
as
appear however,
before
the
they would
It is difficultto assert anything with confidence in the face of such declarations from a man rows of this character. Burmay really have thought that Biddle had agreed with
him
think
any
one
to bribe
it right to say
connected
newspaper
the New
that
you
York
never
press; the
sums
which
Biddle
have
of any
1
with in New
received any authority or any request from by pecuniary or other means the course April 14, 1831, B. P. Biddle to Burrows, elsewhere.""
to influence
Burrows
to Biddle,
The
United
To
States Bank
by the directions expended various times Cr by Cash received of the President Esq. Due S. E. Burrows cash
"
of the
President
at
$17,100
16,000 1,100
same,
Same
to
New
York,
Same
to to
to
same,
same,
Dec. New
2, 1831, ibid.
*Same
5
York,
March
Same
same,
March
262
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
that he
was
STATES
actually acting for the bank in some capacity ; his remarks about the money loaned to him prove that Biddle did not know what
show
had done with it, and the testimony of Noah and Webb Biddle' s friends shows that he did not transfer it to them. he evidently regarded writes of him as
Burrows
"
as
bad and
troublesome
and later
as
"a
time expressing a same confidence can " wish that arrangements could be speedily made to get W. and N.'s paper out of his possession."2
were with other loans. accommodated and Noah In August, 1831, they received $20,000, payable 10 per cent, They declared that they could not secure every six months.
no
Webb
because they had supported the bank.3 On this occasion Noah said that their paper would, if it took part in the agitation for re-charter, "go as far in favor of the bank " as it had done in April.4 In December
loans from York back once more, this time for $15,000, the partners were claiming that the bank was morally bound to support them, because their course had cut them off from assistance from by the granted Exchange Committee, though at the time the board was in Philadelto good customers phia.6 refusing to lend small sums In both cases drawn by one the notes were partner the
New
was
the New
banks
York
banks.5
The
loan
and
July, 1832,
Biddle
brusquely
refused
further accommodations
M. L. Bevan
to Biddle, July 20, 1833, private, ibid. H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 76; and
Webb's
testimony,
Webb,
Aug.
8, 1831,
ibid., p. 98.
^
M. M. Noah
to W.
Bowne,
Aug.
See Webb's
share
in securing
to J. W.
Webb,
Aug.
5, 1831, ibid.
J. W. Webb
A.
1bid., p. 550.
CHARGES Webb,
AGAINST
THE
BANK
263
that gentleman threatened that unless whereupon son.1 something was done for him the paper would support Jack-
Biddle then consented to see if the loan could not be raised by one of his friends,2 for which kindness he received Whether anything was done or not is the thanks of Webb.8
but Noah unknown, Webb the removed
retired from the Courier and Enquirer. Buren from names of Jackson and Van the head of the editorial columns of the paper and came out Let it in a long article for Clay, Sergeant, and the bank.* be added that Webb's notes for $18,600 went to protest in February, 1833,5 and that in 1835 he offered to settlefor ten
cents
the dollar.6 It does appear as if Biddle had become and could not sadly involved with the Courier and Enquirer The loans granted to the editors of this extricate himself.
on
paper would
to others
unless
appealed to Biddle in this matter. He had openly announced his belief knowledge in the policy of disseminating of the bank
arguments
which
through
press, and of the justice of paying for such publications. In this policy he was supported by men of the irreproachable character,7 and it may be added that most
the
1
"
If you think proper to act in the meantime I handed yon, do the paper npon if not the paper then support the measures the President, but I will never of will in his favour."" Webb to Biddle, no date, private and conagain write a paragraph fidential,
so,
ibid.
and your friends do not enable me to take the stand called for by every consideration of justice and principle, I will turn the political part of the paper over " Same to same, July 13, 1832, ibid. A similar letter was to Noah ! written July 16.
If you
"
"
Aug.
to R. L. Colt, of Baltimore. sent the proposition 4, 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, pp. 278, 279.
He
"
To
Webb,
Aug.
3 and
s
6
Webb
to Biddle, Aug.
5, 1832, B. P.
PARTON, To
of the bank, that, assailed as unfaithful to its trust, both to the in its power means and to the public, had it not resorted to every proper stockholders to defend its conduct, and, among others, the free circulation of able and judicious publications."" Jan. 13, 1834, C. D., Vol. X, Part I, pp. 212, 213. 7Calhoun
say,
it
was
by the
have
to be " explanatory publications were bank. Confined to that object exclusively."" S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 322.
The
Biddle
of the of the operations and conduct Tilford, Sept. 26, 1832, to John
264
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
after the beginning of the campaign of shameless slander inaugurated by Blair, he was and calumny certainly not than an without justification, and would have been more
ordinary mortal had he done otherwise than he did. But it was only one step from this legitimate policy to that of making loans as a sort of payment for publications, and perhaps He might regard such this subtle logic appealed to Biddle.
loans,
if it could be pointed out that they were not by business considerations, as justifiedthe resoby justified lution If he had been of the bank to pay for publications.
even
willing to pay the Courier and Enquirer dollars for the publication of a few columns what possible could there be to
loan of $52,000 every issue of the paper for the bank's which would secure As a matter of economy the second method cause? might be preferable to the first,since there was even a chance of
objection
securing the repayment of the capital with interest, besides having the support of the paper.
Payments documents, made
to
printers
by
the bank
for publishing
articles,and speeches favorable to re-charter were open to the criticism of being political; outside the out of the money of the stockprovince of a bank ; made holders,
United
the largest of whom the government was of the States itself;and, finally,virtual bribes to the fortunate
printers and editors who received the jobs.While the in making directors felt justified these expenditures, yet all these were valid, even supposing that the prices
objections
Everyone knows not excessive. paid for the work done were that the securing of printing which yields a fair profit is a moment matter of much with publishers, and that those
who furnish such business are naturally treated as patrons. In reference to compensation, the Senate committee of 1834 declared that the bank had given no gratuities to printers or
publishers, and
to
judgewhether
or
CHARGES
the
1
AGAINST
THE
BANK
265
not
institution had
The
evidence
"extra allowed them tion." compensaproves that the rate of payment was
moderate.2 Another
objection the
that the presiexpenditure was dent permitted to dispose of the funds at Jackson bitterly complained of this in
on
to
18, 1833, declaring his paper of September directors that the sums of the government for printing 000." 3 about $80, funds of the bank
bank
"
the years 1831 and 1832 were The directors, said Jackson, put "the at the disposition of the president for
during
the whole press of the country in the purpose of employing the service of the bank, to hire writers and newspapers, and to pay out such sums as he pleases to what person and for
pleases without the responsibility of rendering 4 The criticism was just. The any specific account." expenditures for extra printing from 1829 to 1834, inclusive,
what
services he
103.25, and to these were added expenditures aggregated $65, by President Biddle, without vouchers, and without designation The total of the purposes for which they were made. of these
items
was
these
totally indefensible. may be viewed, the second was Senate committee The of 1834, though favorable to the bank, condemned the practice and virtually censured the directors for allowing the president to exercise such 11, 1831.6 under the resolution of March It is to Biddle's credit that he of his policy in regard to paying
1
powers
never
3 Messages
of the Presidents,
*Ibid., p. 15.
Report
6" Committee
D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 329. See for the bank's statement of Directors in 1833, p. 40. They admit the expenditure
of the
of $58,265.04 in
four years.
have grown to the resolution they say : " But expenditures up under defined purpose." it, resting on or the orders of the president, without vouchers " be " set forth."" Ibid., p. 46. They hold that " the object of expenditure should
6
Referring
266
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
newspapers, and willingly gave his reasons that most of the opposition to the bank and
that explanatory
due to ignorance,
articles would dispel this ignorance Thoroughly and so put an end to the opposition. convinced that this was true, he continued publishing.1 He was assuredly Ingersoll in 1831 gave it as his opinion that mistaken. legislature had ever not three members of the Pennsylvania read or will ever read McDuffie's report, Gallatin's article zette or the views in the North American and the National GaCarey declared that the sys;"2 while in 1834 Mathew tem
"
of issuing pamphlets questions at great length would read them, or, This them.8
abstruse banking was utterly mistaken, that nobody if anybody did, that he would not understand with
dealing
judgmentseems
sound,
as
anyone
will
agree who has read the pamphlets. The amount of published matter paid for by the bank in April, 1830, with Senator was very great. It began for about five years. The but distributed those bank not only published articles itself, to publish reports. As a of others, and paid newspapers banking on wrote who consequence, everyone
Smith's
report, and
continued
subjects
case, wanted was at least,a pamphlet published without the privity of the demanded. Newspapers, of bank, and then recompense was
the bank
In
one
course,
i
"
would
On
the bank
simple.
"
without
nine tenths
the great the irresistible power, of truth. I in the Legislature of my state the twenty ago I opposed years recollect well when taken to prostrate the former Bank, how much measures of the opposition to the Bank ignorance was the result of downright and its operations of its meaning be wanting. I know what was then wanting and I am resolved that it shall not now
this whole theory of publication, my theory is very of men arise from their ignorance of the errors
institutions is in the
power,
and
"
....
"
saw
"
the and
the
same
in which the small demagogues the commuof that day deceived nity to try to prevent the small demagogues of this day from repeating 2, 1831, P. L, B., Vol. To Joseph Gales, of Washington, March delusion."
manner
mean
"
m,
p. 482.
"
3, 1831, B. P.
3M.
the directors
of the
Bank
of the United
States, Philadelphia,
March
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
267
A congressman rarely made a friendly speech without expecting its dissemination at the expense of the bank. The most amusing case is that of John Tyler. Tyler compensation. of 1834, of the Senate investigating committee and, voicing the austere public morality characteristic of Virginia Republicanism since the days of Jefferson, criticised for disseminating pamphlets the bank and congressional
was
chairman
friend," wrote Webster, "seemed to reserve for these heads."2 Biddle, therefore, felt
nated. quite safe in asking Tyler if he wished his report dissemiThe surprise and disgust of the bank's president he discovered that Tyler did may easily be guessed when wish it to the extent of a thousand copies.3 Whatever credit is due Tyler for his politicalmorality, a sense was of humor evidently not his prominent characteristics. That the matter of printing was carried entirely too far will easily be gathered from what has been said, and even the bank's most eager partisans were that this convinced who arranged for much of the printing, He thought they should cut down the at last protested. he number of congressional speeches published, though added, with bitter pleasantry, "It is a great assistance to
was so.
Watmough,
Green, to be
a sujet,nd
him."
"
sure.
He
is at best however
but
alike The charge of jobbing public stocks touched the honor in of the president and corporation, and, if proved, established
a
scarcely worth what has already been The printers, in his opinion, were "pretty much all let them handle the money, au diable, the rest."4
cor-
To
in its defence "after documents blaming for circulating the Bank it, ends by making the the task of vindicating of leaving to its enemies in publication Bank incur an expense which it did not desire and takes a thousand ' ' copies of these very unpolitic publications, such being the phrase I believe in his Feb. 9, 1835, P. L. B., Vol. V, pp. 318, 319. Biddle to Watmough, report.""
Tyler
instead
"
To
Biddle, Washington,
Feb. 7, 1834, B. P.
268
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
poration should not "purchase any public debt whatsoever,"1 "more than $2,000,000 thereof in anyone or sell year."2 The specific charge was in that the bank jobbed the 3 per
cent, stock, and that in doing
so
it had
the payment
of the national
debt
creditors not to present the certificatesof the stock came. when the day of payment The facts were as follows: On the 24th of March, 1832, Dickins, acting secretary of the treasury, informed Biddle to that one-half of the 3 per cents., amounting the 1st on $6,500,000,ould be paid off by the government w
Asbury
of July.3 The bank would have to furnish the funds from deposits held. Unfortunately, the discharge the government
of the debt in this year had been so the bank's business so expanded, that it was
enormous,
and
to
impossible
raise the sum required by the date specified. Biddle, long before the notice from Dickins, had attempted to reduce the bank's business and so get possession of sufficient specie to
demands. had failed in this He government's He accordingly looked about him for some attempt.4 other the threatened means embarrassment, of evading which would be fatal if it occurred in the midst of the campaign
meet
the
for
renewed
as
a
charter.
Hurrying
to Washington,
he
requested
the
of the payrelief a postponement ment from July 1 to October 1, and offered, on behalf of bank, to pay the interest on the stock for the three
was
temporary
granted on this condition.5 Later to discharge two-thirds of each certificate of the debt
I.
on
January
article.
See Appendix
2
3
Sees. 5 and
"
6.
See Appendix
I.
that the means of the Treasury will be sufficient to discharge to give notice the 3 per cents, on the 1st of July next, and it is proposed one-half of the 1st of April."" H. B. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 531. on accordingly
*
It is believed
See pp. 146-50. Testimony of Dickins, H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 89, 90.
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK for
269
1, 1833,1 thus calling upon the bank 000 within three months' time.
The
sum
of
$13,000,-
bank's
difficulties under
these
vividly portrayed in the correspondence and in a letter of Biddle's to Cadwalader, outlining his plan Biddle thought that local to secure the means of payment. ings discounts must be diminished wherever possible ; that dealshould be materially reduced ; that count as could be spared should be used to dismoney much paper secured by a deposit of 3 per cent, stock
in internal exchange
as
tions and to purchase bills of foreign exchange ; and that negotiashould be begun with the holders of the 3 per cents.2 doubtful as to the adequacy of this plan, Cadwalader was be in a evident that the principal reliance must and it was
negotiation with the holders of the stock, in which the bank the interest on the stock in a loan by paying would secure the holders accepting its the place of the government,
from all responsibility and thus relieving the government hardly liability. Any other form of loan at this time was feasible, since no one wished to lend.
already authorized the president to defer "a committee part of the and the exchange 3 Proceeding in accordance with this authority, payments." The certificates of foreign the following plan was adopted:
1 2
The
board
of directors had
Secretary
"
McLane
diminish
to Biddle,
local discounts ; I would we can our wherever avoid as domestic bills any where except on the northern Atlantic as possible purchasing much 90 days frontier and those at very short dates, certainly within and I would put in discounts dollar we can on the 3s at 5 per cent, and the purchase spare every of I would
"
those we [add] negociations must with the large holders To Cadwalader, Washington, June threes, especially the agents of foreigners." 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, p. 255. foreign exchange.
"
To
of 30,
"Resolved,
That
by the President, just made behalf of the to make, on of exchange, with authority with the holders of the three per cent stock of the in their opinion, best promote the convenience of the public and
the
the interests
of
the
of March
and
of the Bank
See
Means,
270
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
holders of the stock were to be surrendered to the bank and by it passed over to the government as evidence of the payment however, would not pay of the debt. The bank itself, the principal, but borrow it from the original holders of the debt, continuing
the loan for another year in place of the the interest during the continuand paying ance. thus of $5,000,000 of the stock was this plan there could not be the least
government The
either objection,
a
would
procuring
its
own
moral, since the government be discharged of all obligation, the bank simply loan to the extent of the $5,000,000 on new
or
legal
responsibility. The operation would be the same if it had paid the debt outright and then immediately as it back from borrowed its own the original holders on
account.
On
the day that the directors authorized the postponement of the stock, Biddle opened negotiations with T. W.
Ludlow,
of New
little chance
of service.2 to make England arrangements with the Barings to defer the payment ceeded. of $5,000,000of the stock.3 This mission sucThe Barings agreed to invite the foreign holders of
the 3 per cents, to retain their stock until October, 1833, to continue the while the Bank of the United States was of the interest quarterly and to pay the principal payment Since this would probably not sufficeto at the date named.
perceived that there was of getting the transaction settled in time to be He therefore dispatched General Cadwalader to
soon
York,1 but
defer
as $5,000,000,
bought
1
to be much of the stock as possible was up by the Barings for the bank, at the best terms,
The
Biddle and
2
is given entire in H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 93 ff. correspondence before this. had talked the matter over Ludlow
to to
come
I am e., before Oct. 1] be in my power afraid that it will not before [i. definite arrangement to any on the subject." Ludlow with the bank Biddle, July 14, 1832, ibid., p. 95 ; and same July 21, 1832, ibid., pp. 96, 97. to same, "But
"
Cadwalader
was
had
mission
to be undertaken.
been notified between the 1st and 10th of the month Cadwalader's testimony, ibid., p. 50.
"
that
the
CHABGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
271
to remain with certificateswere the Barings, or with the holders of them.1 It will be noticed that this arrangement differed considerably from the firstplan of the bank, inasmuch as the Barings
not
over
$91
on
$100.
The
were
The
hold authorized to buy stock for the bank, and also to withthe certificates, which would leave the debt stillunpaid. bank would be culpable in both particulars, for it was
prohibited by its charter from purchasing any public debt, for deferring the delivery of the cerand the arrangement tificate
interference with the government's Cadwalader's agreement plan to discharge the debt. therefore, both morally wrong and illegal. But this
was
an
unjustifiable
was,
would
was: answer
not necessarily involve the bank, for the vital question he authority to make Had In such an agreement? to this question
was
Cadwalader
distinctly averred
that
he
alone
responsible, his instructions not having contemplate the purchase of the stock.2 In support of his
the declarations of the directors that contemplated, and Biddle's disavowal
was
no
admission
are
such of that
that the patently illegal on the ground forbidden by its charter " to purchase any institution was Unless there was infinite an public debt whatsoever."5
amount
of shabby
was
not
lying, and that, too, under oath, the corporation The presumption that everybody guilty.
4 Suspicious had forwarded the substance that Cadwalader were circumstances for the bank to purchase the agreement the Barings, stating that they were of with Aug. 22 (ibid.,. 99); that he had forwarded itself on the 25th (ibid., the agreement p had not disavowed the illegal clause until Oct. 15, after the p. 100); but Biddle
had appeared in a New York paper (ibid.,pp. 87, 117). Biddle always however, he had not received the agreement that asserted, until Oct. 12, and that disavowed he had straightway it. (To John Sergeant, Feb. 1, 1833, P. L. B., Vol. IV,
agreement
p. 407; also in all
had
had
walader and reports on the affair.) Again, Cadpublished examinations in manuscript, instead of in print, in the agreement circulated
272
THE The
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
disavowal of Cadwalader's contract gave rise to new Biddle insisted that the certificates of the complications.
stock must
might Barings
be sent to the United States in order that he to the secretary of the treasury.1 The turn them over had already
$1,428,974.54 and
now
concluded
would not consent to the bank's to the effect that new certificates revised terms,2 which were be given for the old ones surrendered, the bank to. should continue paying the interest.3 Many of the foreign holders latter also if the
agreed to these terms, and the Barings secured their certificates and forwarded them to the United States.4
The
affair made a great noise, and kept the bank's advocates Biddle was busy explaining for many months. particularl sensitive about the charge of violating the charter.
should encourage the holders of the debt not to present the certificatesfor payment, he apparently considered littleimportance to anyone but no concern and of of
That
the bank
the bank.
Writing
on
the
he subject
the keenness
With
of his feeling:
to the return of the certificatesthe Government cannot oblige any body to present his certificate the Government but cannot compel a stockholder to take his prinstops the interest cipal
regard
"
"
"
But
supposing
delayed for a that the certificates are does that do to any body ? The interest has
in the
Treasury;
so
that instead of
not become public (H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 100). The order that it might it would Sept. 21, which done bank presumably not have curtailments ceased Indeed, the letter of Aug. 22 knowing the agreement (ibid.,. 169). p about without
had the
enough
to justify explicit enough said this was Sergeant, loc. cit.). But it was (to curtailment also explicit to justify disavowal a of the contract.
by
this time;
Biddle
To
Biddle, Nov.
Biddle
to Barings,
Oct. 19 and
p. 112.
Returns
29, p. Ill ; Dec. 6, p. 112; Dec. 14, pp. 113-15; Dec. 19, pp.
CHABGES
depriving the Government
is true, for the Government
AGAINST
THE
BANK
273
of the
that the bank, the agent of the government, should urge the holders to delay presentation of the certificates, when its business was to procure them for the government at once,
But
by such proposition, and one not to be justified Moreover, the assertions that " the money remains arguments. in the Treasury," Government "the retains the
was
another
strictly true, unless the bank and the identical, for the bank retained the funds and treasury were had no further use of them. the government Suspicious souls will consequently to believe continue
were
funds,"
not
that Biddle's explanations were not veracious, but in morals in law it is well to give the accused the benefit of the as doubt. The evidence of the bank's integrity was sufficient
for J.
Thomas
Q. Adams,
Gulian
C. Verplanck,
legal position, if it had ever postponement of the 3 per cents, did not take place. The the point of view of most serious charges from those which imputed proper and safe business were tion usurpaof the authority and power of the board of directors, by the president and the exchange committee, and the use of such power to loan funds to favored individuals on unusual
terms.
The
was
by
charge of loaning large sums of money to favorites The bank replied made in the case of T. Biddle " Co. asserting that the firm acted as its brokers, which is
and
undoubted,
iTo
2
that the
loans
were
made
to them
to loan
"To
the reasoning
my
view
of it, show
of Gen'l
agency
does the evidence, in is sufficient; nor of Verplanck infraction of the charter by the bank through the any voluntary S. C., July 16, 1833, Cadwalader."" T. Cooper Columbia, to Biddle
B. P.
Verplanck
it "the
making 2d Sess., p. 1.
the arrangement, that in and declared nevertheless condemned institution exceeded H. R. 121, 22d Cong., its legitimate authority.""
274
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
assertion 8 is that precisely such loans led later to the ruin of the bank not apropos, because the later loans were made deliberately
to close up the bank's business, and were of an entirely different nature.8 The president of a bank, if he is a real and active executive, a man of energy, of autocratic temper, of tact and skill,
at
a
moment
when
it was
intended
power In the
over case
States this
was
Under
dent. rendered easier by the position of the presithe by-laws he was a ex member of
officio
This power in committee increased was every committee.* by his right under the rules of 1833 to name them all with In addition it must be recollected that his one exception.5
tenure
was was
of office was continuous, while that of the directors intermittent. Again, most of the voting for directors done by proxy,6 and out of 4,533 proxies in 1832, Biddle
holder in the case in person held 1,436, and was joint 1,684 others.7 While he thus held a controlling number
of
of Philadelthe votes of distant stockholders, those resident in phia rarely attended elections,8and consequently the holders of proxies had power to elect the directors if they chose. Nicholas Biddle was a man of intense energy, autocratic in temper, and possessing supreme confidence in his own
judgment. It
1 2
*
was
rule and
not
Adams's
Andrew
Jackson
(revised) p. 311.
,
See p. 365.
States, Rule
Rules
See Appendix
""
of
the
Bank
of
the
United
XVI,
par.
2.
Ibid., Rule XIII, and The the State of the Bank. 2d Sess., pp. 53, 54, 56, 65.
6 8
3, Rule
XXV.
The
were
exception
was
"
the Committee
on
effective.
^
Ibid.
to the inconvenience
on
resident in Philadelphia, will not put themselves The consefor the purpose to the Bank quence of coming of voting. is, that the responsibility of voting at elections devolves, in a great degree, Biddle, ibid., p. 283. the representatives of the distant stockholders." the stockholders
....
"
But
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
275
reign, and the proofs that he did rule are observable He appointed the committees of the bank after everywhere. 1828, though the rules giving him this power were not
merely the bank's books until 1833 ;' he does not want directors, and he gives orders by the government examined that the books must not be examined by them,2 though only the adopted directors at could rightfully do this ; he desires new the central board and writes, "General Cadwalader and myself have thought it was for the interest of the Bank to make the board
8
change,"
though
it would
directors. authority to appoint new Though such power might not in itself be objectionable it was certainly liable to abuse, and under Biddle something like abuse can be detected. The most serious charge was
that of R. M. Whitney, who asserted in 1832 of the bank (1) made discounts on his that the president
own
authority ; that in doing so he favored his relatives,T. Biddle " Co. ; (2) that he made such loans without charging interest; (4) (3) that a custom had obtained of permitting brokers to receive
money from the teller's drawer
as
temporary
loans, leaving
that these transactions were stock certificatesas security ; (5) the books of the bank, and consequently not entered on to the knowledge never came tiate of the directors. To substanhis charges, Whitney told a very circumstantial story to the effect that the cashier and assistant cashier had reported to him specific transactions of this character in May, drawer
1824;
that he
with
them
went
and found security for two temporary loans of large to the discount clerk's desk and sums ; that they then went found two notes for large sums which had been discounted by the president alone, and not entered on the books. He
1
Memorial
To
of the Government
Directors,
Ex.
Doc.
2 s
Jaudon,
Newport,
276
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
said that he instructed the officers"to enter on the books the money that had been loaned from the Teller's Drawer,"
done under the head of "bills receivable;" and that this was to President Biddle and "desired that he then went at once of a similar nature should occur while" he director. The president "colored up a good a remained deal" and said that there should not.1 Whitney had taken it in a memorandum at the time and produced of the sums that nothing corroboration of his assertions.2 the transactions.
He
gave
exact
dates for
at every
In of the essential points most needing corroboration. discounts on regard to the charge that the president made his own said to have authority, ex-Cashier Wilson, who was
to support Whitney, given the information and was summoned counted swore positivelythat the notes referred to had been dis-
by the board and not by the president.3 Both the to him the officerswho, Whitney asserted, had communicated facts about the loan swore that they had no recollection of
The firstteller and the discount clerk such an interview.4 declared that they had no knowledge of the alleged visit to that no single director their desks.5 The officers also swore had
case
authority to order
entries made
on
the
such an order was given no clerk would furnished evidence in the books to show that the Andrews sum actually entered on the day the loan of $45,000 was
was
made, and consequently could not have been ordered In regard to the charge of favoritism entered by Whitney.7 to the Biddies, the evidence adduced was conclusive that the
i
ibid., p. 118.
3"
With
respect
to the note
discounted
as
by
for $20,000for T. Biddle, referred to by Mr. Whitney, I am the Board. equally positive as to the note this
as
positive about
about
5 t
the other.""
Ibid., p. 120.
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
277
That
granted all accommodations established by the testimony, by the books of the bank, and ney's by those of the firm of T. Biddle " Co.2 Finally, to Whit-
proved that President complete discomfiture, it was Biddle was in Washington when the particular loans referred to were made in Philadelphia, and so could not have made
in could he have been interviewed then by Whitney so overwhelmingly regard to the loans.3 The entire case was to admit that the that he was compelled against Whitney
them,
nor
view president; that the interwith him so confidently alleged did not take place at the the loans; and time stated; that interest had been paid on that he had directed the entries to be that he was not sure
two
loans
were
not
made
by the
made.*
a
The
committee,
resolution majority
were
though
charges
1
"without
foundation."5
Biddle;
Ibid., pp. 112, 114, Wilson's testimony ; p. 129, Beck's testimony ; pp. 135. 136, T. 139, Andrews; ; pp. 154, 155, Cadwalader p. 153, Cowperthwaite p. ; pp.155, 156, Mcllvaine ; p. 156, Eyre.
2
Ibid., pp.
141 ff.
President,
to have been made appear and charged, while Mr. Biddle, the I think it may be fairly inferred that ; and at Washington absent by the officers, in consequence they were of the precedent allowed established of been made, similar loans having and they, not feeling willing to refuse to do, while he had authorized was the President absent, what and done while present, which
*
was
was
the
put
reason
been being
upon
informed
that I directed
paid, it certainly appears at the same paid off, interest was Ibid., p. 149. borrowed.""
$
been made, and that they had should be. In relation to interest by the books loans were that, at the time the two had time paid, for the period been the money
that they they
had
must
have
Ibid., p. 433. In regard to Whitney's He charges several facts deserve notice. been informed loans to T. Biddle, despite the failure of the officers to of the
remember he had no
he could not have his memorandum, for ; otherwise made have given the inforto the bank's books after 1825. Wilson mation, access must the act questionable (ibid., 126). Being informed p. and considered of these
at the
the interview
time, and
" This bills receivable." of account loans charged this time were such
probably is made
necessarily in company with the transferring the loans to the advised more probable by the fact that only at
Whitney
believed
the
absent
to bills receivable (ibid.,pp. 134, 506). That is proved by his having menmatter worthy of reprobation tioned The fact that the president was to a Mr. Hunt (ibid.,. 141). p
were
made
does not
prove
that
the
practice
did
not
exist ;
278
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Yet before the very committee which heard these charges question and admitted their disproof, it was proved beyond that the president of the bank had on his own responsibility billsof exchange;1 that he had granted interest to T. loans by them Biddle " Co. on to the bank, without the consent of anyone and against the protests of the cashier;2 that on March 23, 1832, he had discounted a note for $3,500 bought for General
Stevens,
without consulting board,3 and this in spite of the fact that the board met the day.4 In May, 1831, Biddle also granted a loan to the same
War
Department,
though
he
had
"
had
no
opportunity
5
of
consulting the Board of Directors on the These cases however, the only ones are,
search has revealed.
subject."
which
a
thorough
many
but
cases
Nor would it be rational to expect that so autocratic that his existed, since Biddle was
besides the president employed it. This someone was probably himself, an assumption the cashier made of T. almost a certainty by the testimony Biddle, who declared he believed " that the transaction that was altogether with Mr. Wilson" transactions (ibid., 136). See also p. 135: "My -p. with the Bank, in done with the Cashiers ; when are a rule is once ordinary cases, established, or in for 1 do not know it becomes a rule, we usage, when apply to the Cashiers ; and, in that
someone
is begun transaction cases out of ten, the whole and concluded with them ;" from the entries in T. Biddle's books that the money came and p. 137, where show The probability is that Wilson objected,not to the practice, but to the the cashier. he had made himself. Troubled over them size of these particular loans, although he then consulted it, stating as a grievance Whitney the matter, that the about nine
loans. Whitney then of such extensive president had distinctly approved would tion advise their being put on the books instead of leaving only a record of the transacin the teller's drawer. At Biddle's return he probably the pracargued against tice, is the only that he was agree and Biddle would right. This, it would seem, possible explanation
1
2
of the matter.
R. 460, 22d Cong.,
Wilson's
"
testimony."/?.
by me as a loan to the Bank tillthe interest account was not regarded by the President, nor was it known to the the explanation was given rendered, and Idem, loc. cit., p. 114; see also pp. 128, 135, 436. Directors."
It
was
"
"
on own
Exchange, been
was
because, from
to leave town
my
this occasion, without waiting for the Committee of knowledge it would have sure of the party, I was
to
I am by the committee, of which myself a member, and as the applicant I thought it right to give that reasonable about accommodation Biddle, ibid., p. 190; also Cowperthwaite's testimony, ibid. stranger.""
done
*
Memorial
of Reuben
M.
Whitney,
pp.
49, 50.
"
Biddle to Secretary
Eaton,
May
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
279
This be pretty certain to obtain at the board. was particularly likely because the directors rarely attended board in any number. On one a session of the occasion
will would
Mcllvaine
and
on
that
"
we
devoted With a directorate so little of eight this morning." duties of their positions, it was inevitable to the irksome that power should fall into the hands of a few, and it is not surprising to find an acquaintance appealing to Biddle for
the ground 2 the Board."
a
on
loan
that
"
with
Fven
if Biddle
had
not
of exchange, which was easily control the committee which he presided. small and appointed by himself, and over The essential charge was that this committee supplanted the might
That the committee itself had no reason board completely. counting for existing could not be urged, since the purchase and dismight frequently need to be of bills of exchange made between discount days, and the board met only twice
a
week.
Horace
consequently upheld the exchange indispensable "to the due management of the
8
Binney
The
Did
it act
as
the
at first
Aug. 4, 1826, B. P.
"
B. Patterson
is known by all who Sir, the power of exchange exercised by the committee it is now in our as anything of practical banking, cities, to be not conducted indispensible ; and, to the due management of the parent only usual, but almost C. Z"., Vol. X, Part II, p. 2355, Jan. 7, 1834. bank, entirely so.""
3
know
July 18, 1817." Tyler's report, 8. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 3. " A Committee of Exchange consisting of three members shall be appointed have special charge of all matters who shall relating to the operations of the
and
"
its offices,in Foreign Exchange and Domestic and Bullion and who for the purchase daily committee Exchange at the Bank." of Domestic shall act as a Regulations Rules and of the Bank of the United States, Rule XIII, par. 2. Bank
"
See Appendix
III.
280
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
was very limited, the committee of littleweight; but with the stupendous growth of such dealings under Biddle's system it became very important.1 It was now appointed quarterly
down to 1828 it had been president, though might sit upon it.2 selected by rotation, so that all members In the early days, too, the functions of the committee consisted in the management of only exchange operations,
by the
officerof the bank could say that "the " Committee was of principal object having the Exchange to discount notes on days that the board of directors did not,
while
in 1832
an
sit.3 At
this time
the
committee
purchased
"bills both
"
and, in the absence of the Board," bills on any part of the United It also discounted promissory notes.5 In brief, to represent the board be said, in some measure,
"
even
in the ordinary
business
In acting, however, it was authorized by votes of the bank. to perform specific duties, as of the directorate, sometimes to operate generin the case of the 3 per cents., sometimes ally, 9th of July, 1830, which by the resolutions of the as authorized the committee
' '
to loan
on
of money, at a rate of public stock, large sums of approved 7 The discount not lower than five per cent." government discounts by the to directors in 1833 objected the making of
1
From
the government
directors,
April
Doc.
2, 23d
Cong., 1st
John
*M.
5
L. Bevan,
Lewis,
8. D. 17,, 23d
Cong.,
2d
Sess., p.
51; Sullivan,
Ibid., p. 505, and resolution of Sept. 17, 1831, ibid. ; resolution of March 6, 1835, NILES, Vol. LX, p. 139. These resolutions, be it noted, gave the committee authority to loan money on stock security. In other words, on July 9, 1830, it ceased to be only
i a
committee
of exchange.
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
281
committee,
moving to restrict it to exchange purchases; but, nevertheless, the board as a whole approved.1 Such authority and such powers might not be provided
transactions
kept the
entered
into by
But not generally when necessary. " laid before the directors for their approval or rejection," 2 " definitely by the committee," but were the acted upon
them directors not members meancommittee of the exchange while " knowing no more of the nature of the operations 3 Such discounts were, however, entered than other persons." upon
with
never
"
checked
the books and submitted to the board after being made,4 "bills receivable," which the exception of loans on before it at all.5 In 1831, moreover, came the loans on
bills receivable," that is, loans secured by stock,6 began to increase notably.7 This was ominous, when it is recollected that Biddle early in his administration had condemned such
loans
as
bad
banking.8
But
acted
under the board's authority. A committee of five, including the president and cashier " a committee expressly invested with an authority which, it "from many of the ordifrom its very nature, exempted" nary
"
rules of discounting,"
Ex. PP, 8, 9.
2
3 5
which
23-5; and
discounted
promissory
Doc.
2, 23d Cong.,
"
Investigating
Committee
of Stockholders,
Vol. LX,
6"
p. 107.
'Bills receivable' are those secured by stock, and on which the full amount To this is advanced to the borrower the loan is due. with interest, payable when is also carried bills growing out of compromises account of debts, and more recently, if. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.,. of bills received on account of India arrangements.""
p. 120.
7 8 "
For
Ibid., $1,121,107.51."
pp.
506, 507.
Biddle
Isaac
Lawrence,
bound
in the
by
no
public good,
would
those
and
282
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
mous and controlled the enorexchange operations of the bank, was likely to absorb power, likely to abuse its authority. There can, indeed, be
no
doubt
that this
was
certain of the destroyed the institution, the specific charges being that a resolution of March 6, 1835, gave the complete control of the bank into the hands of the president and the exchange committee,
bank,
the result. After the downfall of the directors accused Biddle of having
exercised its authority to loan on the pledge of the stock of incorporated companies, money like or their were no what matter what the companies and that these loans ruined the bank.1 operations were,
that this committee
Biddle's
omitted the extremely important qualification that such powers had been primarily granted to five years earlier,and Biddle answered their the committee dealt in regular discounts by charge that the committee
accusers,
however,
proving
long been
the custom,
and
had
been
authorized by the board,2 as is apparent enough from what has already been said. This, however, was only to push back the charges to a date five years earlier. The directors
had
were
no
answer,
because
Biddle's
been
proved rejoinder
that they
members
members of the board at for the obnoxious resolutions, that of examining committees
however,
They had partly forestalled this sound.3 by declaring that the committee the on
never
loans
"to make This resolution gave the president and exchange committee power on the security of the stock of this bank, or other approved security, and if necessary, at a lower rate than six, bnt not less than five per cent per annum." Committee Report of the Investigating of Stockholders, April 3, 1841, NILES, Vol.
"
"
LX,
p. 106.
2 3
Biddle to John
Idem,
Votes
Eyre
on
and
Lippincott
the proposition to reduce the powers of the exchange tee, commit2, 1833. Committees in the negative, April 19, 1833 ; May always
including
Lippincott
on
four of them,
from
1836-38."
CHARGES
AGAINST
THE
BANK
283
accepted statements made by the president, while many of the transactions were concealed under the item of "bills 1 The conclusion is irresistiblethat abuses did receivable." participated in by both accused and accusers. Biddle could not controvert the charge ; the directors could not carry it to its logical conclusion because it inculpated
exist, and
were
them.2 abuses existed after 1830 must be admitted, and this But admitting this is the principal point. admitting that That
"
the president and the exchange business of the bank, in regard domestic
exchange, to loans on counts between discount days, while the president even made disabsolutely on his own authority admitting all this,
"
to be held responsible yet it does not follow that they were The board gave this authority in for the losses accruing. many cases, and, where it did not, it might have checked the
were committee practice, for the dealings of the exchange later before the entire board, and the transor placed sooner
The mode in which the committee transacted their business, shows of exchange the officers,and that the funds of upon that there really existed no check whatever They exercised the power the bank were almost entirely at their disposition loans and settlements, to full as great an extent as the board itself of making to have been, for the first teller to pay on seems The established course of business
i
"
at the counter, all checks, notes, or due bills having indorsed the order presentation or the initials of one of the cashiers, and to place these as vouchers in his drawer, for so much they remained until just before the regular periodical cash, where of the cash, by the counting These were bank. vouchers
on the state of the of the board ' bills receivable,' in a entered as It can be said, book, under the charge of one of the clerks small memorandum in this way, does with entire certainty, that the very large business transacted books, was to the examithe face of the discount never upon nation submitted not appear is it anywhere nor of the board, at its regular meetings, of the members
....
entered
or
been reported to that body, for their information the minutes, as having on April 3, Report of the Investigating Committee of Stockholders, approbation." Biddle to Clayton, April 14, 1841, ibid., 1841, NILES, Vol. LX, p. 107. See, in answer,
"
report
of the Investigating
Committee,
May
directors finished by saying that the "board of directors and its standing This was form. had become" their thesis." Ibid., p. 203. The a mere committees form, the conclusion that the president and the committee was board being a mere its functions. had usurped The
284
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
All the business of at any time.1 actions might be known to be investigated by a committee the bank was appointed by
was year,2 and if this committee efficient, all errors and all transactions should have been known to it, and through it to the board. If, therefore, bad done, the board, and not the president or the business was
a
The censure was must exchange committee, responsible. lie here, and it must be heavy, for of all the charges examined this is the only one thoroughly substantiated, and the only
one
1 "They report, on the books, all their doings daily. The aggregate is always bills are entered in the general account of the bank, which inspection of every director, so that the board can time what see at any doing, by an examination are committee of the debit and credit on
....
open
payer,
domestic bills are indorser, and the drawer, entered daily in detail due, are all entered, with the discount and all the amount, when and where Bevan, Feb. 14, 1833, H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 73, 74. particulars.""
The
"
Rules
See Appendix
of
the
Bank
of
the
United
States, Rule
XIII, par.
3.
CHAPTER
THE
XII
ON THE BANK
WAR
supporters of the bank that it would take no active part in the campaign, since ever, contrary to its principles.1 It aided, howsuch action was while by the dissemination of publications in its favor. Meanannounced
to
IN July, 1832,
Biddle
it devoted
own
affairs,though
upon its final policy, which could yet determined known.2 If the was settled until the issue of the campaign was two-thirds secured, it would continue as before ;
not not be
majority
if it
was
not
a was
change known
should
re-elected, the directory concluded, nevertheless, " that no change in the general system of operations" take place. The bank would not " commence any
systematic reduction of its loans with a view to winding up " to give its affairs." The only change was contemplated gently and gradually the loans of the Bank the direction of domestic bills, would "give But funds."
its
new concerns."3
being payable at maturity" which the Institution a greater command its over intention of beginning "to close no there was Evidently the directors still hoped that a
....
A materially diminished. of the struggle had been to embitter necessary consequence both parties and to increase the suspicion of base motives
on
both
sides.
The
Globe
"
that
members
1
2
prompting
the
'
minions
See p. 251. Biddle directors, Nov., 1832, P. L. B., Vol. IV, pp. 311-15.
of New York,
Biddle to John
Rathbone,
Nov.
285
286
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
' " to assassinate the president,1 and the tone of of the bank became absolutely ferocious. Jackson the party newspapers not content to rest satisfied shared in this spirit and was
" with his signal victory. He longed, he said, for retirement, But until I can strangle this and repose on the Hermitage. hydra of corruption, the Bank, I will not shrink from my
entered the fray, he would be appeased with nothing less than the total annihilation of the bank, thoroughly convinced that the monster was unconstitutional
or
duty,
my
part."2
Having
once
dangerous
subversive
of
liberty,
In the message of 1832 he complained at length of the bank's behavior and recommended the sale of the government stock therein and it was determine whether
its control.3
an
investigation by
Congress
to
Biddle
was
safe to leave the public funds in ing well aware of the president's feel-
and for the firsttime was not surprised by the contents He indeed suspected that the executive of the message.4 would attempt the discredit of the bank by planning a run
office. "I have to-night directed a to protect the Branch reinforcement of specie to Washington Is not that a monstrous against the Officersof the Executive.
upon
the Washington
state of affairs?
more was
"
What
had
that McLane
hurt
of the bank's insolvency, declaring that its action in relation to the 3 per cents, and other matters had "tended to disturb the public confidence in the management of the
institution,
"
of the bank
1
" an inquiry into the and had suggested security The the depository of the public funds."6 as
PAETON,
VoL
to
Jackson
April
7, 1833, The
American
Historical
Magazine,
3
Messages
and
Ibid.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
287
and report shook the credit which is the very life of such an institution and depressed the price of the stock.1 The bank might be broken as a consequence of the loss of confidence in its solvency, and Biddle bitterly denounced message
master
and
man
as
deserving impeachment.2
to dread impeachment, president, however, had no reason determined but pressed constantly forward. He was to deprive the bank of the deposits, basing his determination
The
upon and
two opinions
were
secondly, that if they were custody, they would be employed Congress to pass a re-charter over
wrote:
[ofClay and Calhoun] wields the U. States combination Bank, " with its corrupting influence they calculate to carry every its recharter by two thirds of Congress, against the veto thing, even
This
of the Executive, if they can do this, they calculate with certainty to put Clay or Calhoun in the Presidency and I have no hesitation to say, if they can recharter the bank, with this hydra of corruption
"
they will rule the nation, and its charter will be perpetual, and its I When corrupting influence destroy the liberty of our country. into the administration it was came said, " believed, that I had a
of majority
over
it was
believed it has bought since then, it is now seventy-five by loans, discounts, "c., "c., until at the close of last session, said, there was two thirds for rechartering it.3
"
In
was
most
it
the
upon
United
The
War
on
the Bank
of
NILES
Vol. XLIII,
2
p. 240.
in thus I think of the conduct when of the President and the Secretary both here and in to prostrate the credit of the Bank the country endeavoring and Europe, I come To Watto the conclusion impeachment." that they both deserve
"But
"
mough,
3
Jackson
to Rev.
H.
M.
Cryer,
Washington,
April
7, 1833, American
cal Histori-
Magazine,
*
"
the public money, that can there is no power it will have it if it has to buy up all Congress, a charter prevent obtaining it to do so."" B. Lewis, Lewis's Jackson to W. and the public funds will enable Vol. Ill, p. 506. See for Blair's opinion ibid., pp. 503-5. narrative, PAETON it from
If the bank
288
THE
SECOND
informed
BANK by
or
THE
UNITED
Hamilton
STATES
that
"a
moreover,
James
A.
knowledge whose of the views of the is only second to that of its President" had States Bank told him that the bank counted upon securing a re-charter in spite of the president.1 Even if it did not succeed now,
tleman genUnited
he believed that it would attain its purpose after his retirement, and consequently it was necessary to precipitate another The idea of withholding conflict and thus force the bank's hand.2 the deposits
was
not
new
one.
Secretary Ingham
with Biddle in 1829 had pointed out such a possibility,3and it had been suggested during the Moreover, investigation of 1819.* at a partial attempts in his acrid correspondence several times, withdrawal of the deposits had been made The authority to remove the pubthough without success.5 lic been confided by the charter to tion. the secretary of the treasury, to be exercised at his discrefor the act to He must, however, give his reasons had
possible after the removal.6 The advisability of depriving the bank of the public mates deposits was apparently discussed by the president's intias
soon
Congress
as
the campaign of 1832, for the bank was warned of the likelihood of such action in August of that year.7 After thick the campaign, rumors of the president's resolution came informed " that the determination and fast, and Biddle was to take the deposits away is final."* Other correspondents
1
2
during
p. 251.
Taney's
Secretary
to say, if it should
that
the
bank
to the satisfaction of th" ever appear for purposes power used its pecuniary of faithless to his trust if he hesitated to lessen
from its vaults the public Biddle, Oct. 5, 1829, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 460.
deposites."
"
resolution,
Feb.
1, 1819, A.
I. for that
He
may
take
"vent.""
8
Senator
the responsibility and [I]think it well to be prepared to Biddle, Aug. 2, 1832, B. P. J. S.Johnston
"
K. L. Colt; Cowperthwaite
to Biddle, Dec.
7, 1832, ibid.
THE
assurance gave the same informed that there was
WAR
ON
THE
BANK 1833. He
289
in January,
a
was
project
to create
another
also bank to
take the place of that already existing.1 A third plan was for the president of the United States to issue " a scire facias
to ascertain if the charter had not been
forfeited."2
While
these
were projects
being discussed
had taken
hostile
measures
Jackson partisan, formerly a director of the bank into its affairs, and engaged in western business, to examine comfitur especially into the condition of the western debts. To the disagent,
a
his report declared that these debts in his opinion were safe and that the deposits might with ration.3 confidence be allowed to remain in the custody of the corpo-
of its enemies,
report was strengthened through the rejection in February, 1833, of a motion to sell the by the House stock,* by a report of the Committee of Ways government by the emphatic effect,5 and stillmore and Means to the same declaration of the representatives, by a vote of 109 to 46, that in their opinion the deposits were perfectly safe in the
The
keeping
of the bank.6 Though these acts certainly staggered Jackson's supporters, they did not affect his purpose in the least. On the
contrary, he was all the more convinced that it was necessary to act in order to hinder the bank's securing a re-charter by The effect upon Biddle and his friends was bribery. cheering. The hope of securing a new charter had not perished. In
January
Jaudon
the sale of the government's opposed because "it would weaken our chance of
Biddle to J. G. Watmough,
report, Dec.
SToland's
*
5H.
"
2, 1833.
290
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
l On the day that the House declared its belief re-charter." in the safety of the deposits in the bank's custody, Sergeant to hope for a reason said that he thought there was
new
Biddle could
that at the next session or the session present.3 He hoped after, the charter" would be renewed,* while Biddle expressed his conviction " that the chances of a renewal have increased
Jackson's conflict with the Nullifiers encouraged Biddle to believe that support could be secured in the South, while the momentary affiliation of Webster and
and
are
increasing."
Jackson
against the Nullifiers gave hopes of influencing the The firstexpectati president through the bank's great champion. 6 was justified second was not. In April Biddle ; the
wrote to Webster
asking him to attempt a reconciliation with the administration, saying that "whatever is done in the way for if the deposits are of pacification should be done soon,
withdrawn,
7
it will be
declaration
of
war
which
war
recalled ;"
matter
"the
he could, but
Jackson
Washington,
took
advice
as
to
the probable
to Watmough,
Jaudon
to Biddle,
Also Biddle
To
Biddle,
March
2, 1833, B. P.
*To
Biddle,
March
4, ibid.
Leigh,
new one
of Virginia,
had written against the bank, now came Carolina, who S. C., April 27, 1833, B. P. Columbia, Cooper between that the issue was the old bank took the ground
to Biddle,
out
and
or
Biddle constantly after Jackson's pattern. To Cooper and to J. S. Barbour, the case."
to Webster,
that the southerners assured July 11, 1833, P. L. B., Vol. IV,
Biddle
April 8, 1833, B. P.
I be in New York. to you to say that Mr. L. [Livingston?] would wrote The whole quesbe well to see him. to you again to say that I think it would tion write it is If they are withdrawn, lies in the matter of the deposites. or war of peace before any It is wiser therefore to begin the work of peace war. a declaration of 8"! irrevocable
step is taken.""
Biddle
to Webster,
THE
WAB
ON
THE
BANK
291
A. Hamilton of the deposits. James a convoked meeting of bankers in New York city and obtained decidedly averse. It was Mr. Galtheir opinion.
effect of
a
removal
latin
was
most
determined
in opposition.1
Isaac
Bronson
He said that the of queries at length. answered a number bank would not be placed in the power of the state banks by the removal of the deposits; that it would be compelled reduce its discounts by an amount equal to the average from it," since it could sum of public deposits withdrawn not otherwise pay them without reducing its specie, which it "could not do safely;" that if it reduced, the state banks
to
"
would have to do likewise ; that a contest between the bank comand the state banks would necessarily result; that no bination of state banks could be formed to take its place ; and that the withdrawal of the deposits would probably aid in
to guide him, securing a re-charter.2 With these assurances that a panic Jackson persisted in his course, and knowing must in all probability result, according to the opinion of a a friend to him competent banker who was and an enemy to
the bank, he must be held accountable, as the supporters of sides the bank asserted, for having precipitated the panic.3 Besecuring these opinions, the president on April 14, and
again
on
make an bank.*
directors to 3, instructed the government into the situation and conduct of the examination In their reports to him they detailed a number of
August
acts which
inhe considered conclusive proof of the corrupt terfere ity of the corporation in politicsand its settled hostil-
to the government.5
i 3
Reminiscences,
p. 253.
"
Moreover,
measures
by its
Bank
believed
from
that
Kendall's
determined
to Secretary them," he wrote not to remove its wonted course, of the United States will resume and Sept. 4, 1833, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 16. community.""
*
to distress the
Jackson
Paper
to
the
directors, April
14 and
Aug.
3, 1833, Ex.
Doc.
and
Papers,
13-16.
292
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
that the deposits would be removed in spite of the action of Congress continued to reach the Yet, at the same bank's president. time, he was informed Meanwhile,
warnings
that
"
of the cabinet
own
were
about removing the deposits is as ever" and that the leading members unalterably opposed to the policy.1 His
remove
that the administration " would not dare to On the 15th of April he was informed that
changes would be made in the cabinet; that McLane would be secretary of state, a Pennsylvanian ury, secretary of the treasMcLane and that "the deposits will not be removed" having " taken a decided stand " and won the day.3 The changes This information was in partially correct. the cabinet made
were
made
in accordance
they
were
pliable secretary
William
J. Duane,
He
informed was early as this. Duane Whitney, who claimed to be acting for the president, that to be removed.5 Soon after this he was the deposits were the same information,6 gave him visited by Kendall, who
while on the 3d of June Jackson in person communicated On this occasion the president discovered to his intentions. his dismay that Duane was unwilling to order the removal.
1
Webster
to Biddle,
New
York,
April
8, 1833, B.
P. ; R. W.
Gibbes
to Biddle,
Baltimore,
2
3 *
Biddle Cashier
R. Smith
Letter of Duane,
Vol. XLV,
the New
Orleans
ibid., p. 236.
DUANE'
Narrative,
Kendall
of Jackson."
second
time
at the request
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
293
his question, he expostulated, he begged secretary to be reasonable ; but the stubborn subaltern would not yield. On the contrary, he argued the point against the
He
argued
the
ending by promising to president with equal strenuousness, resign if he could not see his way clear to giving the required
order. Hereupon banks
on
Kendall
was
sent
on
mission
to the state
to
see
terms
if they could be persuaded to take the deposits In Duane's to the administration.1 advantageous
failure, and Jackson's plan was a the mission was " the " fiscal concerns certain, if carried out, to plunge of 2 " Kendall himself is said to into chaos." the country opinion have
that the "project removing of admitted to Jackson Jackson agreed neither the deposits must be given up.'" His purpose was not with the secretary nor with his agent. in the slightest degree. On his return from the shaken
eastern
of 1833 he told Duane that be removed the deposits must and that he would take the mous he read his faresponsibility. On the 18th of September trip taken in the
summer
cabinet, in which he gave his reasons for the removal and assured the cabinet, as he had assured Duane, that he would take the responsibility. Duane, however, ated refused to budge from his position. He then exasper"paper"
to the
stillfurther by recalling his promise to resign. This decision was taken after the publication of the president's Duane act which paper, an considered personally Jackson
insulting.
tember, the 20th of Sepon publication was made a long, querusent Jackson and on the 21st Duane lous letter,giving twelve reasons why he would not remove
The
"
1 Kendall Sept. 9, 1833, to Jackson, received his instructions July 23. Duane NIL.ES, Vol. XLV, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 9. His was semi-public." mission Aug. from 1. The the Pennsylvanian p. 26, note, Sept. 7, 1833, quoting of about
announcement
2 3
was
made
in the Globe
on
DDANE'S SUMMER,
Rives
See also
Benton's
that "local
shy of receiving
them
"
294
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the deposits, refusing to resign, and rather inconsequently himself "your Jackson obedient servant."1 subscribing
Duane wrote a second, returned the letter forthwith, whereupon Jackson third, and then a fourth in quick succession. returned the third and fourth as "inadmissible," and then
gave
dismissal, concluding a curt, "I feel myself constrained cutting letter to him with these words: to notify you that your further services as secretary of the treasury are no longer required."2
Duane
an
ignominious
Biddle between
was
thoroughly
informed
the president and that the determination of the president was the 30th of July he wrote to Robert Lenox
are
of the relations existing the secretary, and knew at last unalterable. On that "the gamblers
doing everything in their power to bend Mr. Duane to their purposes," but the secretary "will not yield an 3 days later he described the situation so corTwo inch." rectly
that there information:
can
be
no
doubt
been
that he
"Duane
has
required
This mission [i. Kendall's] is deposits and has refused. e., now got up to prove that he can do without the Bank of the United States and then he will be again asked and he will
"
will either leave the Treasury, or Cabinet the Kitchen in either case the have conquered * Biddle was therefore triumph of the Bank will be signal." of the president's purpose and took sufficiently forewarned
again refuse.
Then
he
"
dismissal, Roger
B. Taney,
foe of the bank, who had all along urged upon the deposits,6 was the president the necessity of removing
i " *
Duane's
Exposition,
to Lenox,
NILES,
Vol. XLV,
p. 237.
Biddlo Biddle
to John
of Princeton,
Aug.
to T. Cooper,
Warning
of the removal
Vol. XLV,
6
in September. Mr. Duane, it given by the papers Taney or Kendall be appointed NILES, secretary." either
was
Taney
to Jackson,
Aug.
5, 1833, TYLEB,
Memoir
of R.
B. Taney,
p. 195.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
295
the president's design. appointed secretary and executed The bank's stock immediately declined 1^ per cent.1 The deposits were On the contrary, the not actually removed.
funds held by administration did not touch the government the bank, hoping thus to deprive the directors of an excuse for contracting their business.2 It was but a shrewd move, had littleeffect. The mere withholding of further deposits, in while those still in the bank were gradually withdrawn the regular course of the government's use of the funds, was in to force a contraction. sufficient, the opinion of most men, Besides, the phrase "removal of the deposits" gained instant currency, and the assertion that they were not removed passed almost unheeded. Besides Taney, the other thick-and-thin supporters of " " Kendall and Blair, Barry, removal about Jackson were and Reuben M.
Whitney.
The
excepting Barry and Taney, were Cass allowed himself to be overruled ; lukewarm in support. Woodbury though said he was with the president now, close friends of the president supopposed earlier.3 Many
Vol. XLV, p. 65. It revived by Nov. 5." Ibid., p. 166. It is contemplated, the whole of the we not to remove, at once, understand, deposite in the bank States, but to suffer it to now on the United of public money, by the usual operations there until it shall be gradually remain of tho withdrawn, And this plan is adopted in order to prevent the part on any necessity, government.
1
NILE3,
"
the commercial ; and of the bank of the United States, for pressing upon community to enable it to afford, if it think proper, It is the usual facilities to the merchants. to the believed, that by this means inconvenience the change any need not produce community, commercial and that circumstances and heavy will not require a sudden call
on or
"
the bank
of the United States so as to occasion the public."" Ibid., p. 51, Sept. 21, 1833, quoting
sudden
transfer their by
a
banks would
to extend
be followed
would certainly enable the state the money easy ; but it accommodations, market and make disastrous reaction. The United States bank being thus suddenly
of
a an
large specie
fund
weakened, would have not only her debtors with the greatest urgency
rigor than ever, " We must
pressure,
excuse,
but
justificationin calling
would
return
upon
more
The be thrown
pressure upon
with
and
the blame
would
not expose
the government. If the bank shall produce attack. her debtors) the blame calls upon
would
upon
for casting it a pretence now attach to herself, and she will not have even Letter of A. Kendall, Oct. 18, 1833, ibid., p. 299. tho government."" 3 PAETON, Vol. Ill, p. 508. DUANE'S Narrative this plainly. Van Buren shows to McLane's
p. 378.
to the president's side during the trip to tho Hip-Raps, much changed Reminiscenses, Autobiography, disgust." HAMILTON, p. 258; KENDALL,
296
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
of ported the opinion of the majority the cabinet, considering the act and tion unjust, above all impolitic. A large proporDemocrats in the position of Duane, who were of the
had
always been
"
opposed
to
the United
....
but aristocratic monopolies; considered the removal of the deposites, unnecessary, unwise, vindictive, These opinions were arbitrary, and sound,
to all such
unjust."1
though
secure
for
his act of overbearing mastery almost as many supporters as belief that the policy was he would lose. His own one of justice self-defense would in the long run be that of and for Jackson's mental processes were masses, the Democratic
As he thought, those of the average honest, ignorant man. differently different men How think. so they would would
feel is evidenced
by
the
that the wish of Robert Lenox the deposits in order that the bank the admiration
of Benton
when
In his paper read before the cabinet on the 18th of September, and prepared for him by Taney,4 Jackson gave for the removal: The bank had increased a variety of reasons its loans in 1832 in order to compel a re-charter; it was settled by the campaign of that year that the charter should not be renewed, and therefore the president thought ests that the removal could not, "with due attention to the interCongress could of the people, be longer postponed;" not act with regard to the deposits until the secretary had
first acted; the public funds were probably unsafe in the bank's custody ; it had interfered to hinder payment by the
1
p. 178.
2
"
New
York,
friendly
29, 1833, B. P.
The
desired
the
Bank.""
I. Bronson
"
I felt
an
emotion
Years,
heroism.""
"
Thirty Taney,
at beholding
such
an
instance
of civic
TTLEB,
p. 204.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
297
treasury of the 3 per cent, stocks ; had mistreated the government in the matter of the French indemnity bill; had refused to allow the government had conducted business
seven
for publications sums spent immense for political effect, and thus corrupted the press. Finally "as he declared that the responsibility had been assumed directors; had necessary to preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of the press, and the purity of the elective franchise."1 One would search the constitution in vain to find the clauses
giving the president of the United States the guardianship " the morals of the people, the freedom of the press, and of the purity of the elective franchise," but it is certain that believed himself endowed Jackson thoroughly with such for his action. authority, and considered this a sufficientreason Jackson's act precipitated a panic in a market already tions stringent on account of the reductions in bank accommodadue to the hostile relations between the administration The withdrawal of the deposits necessarily and the bank. interests in a had this result, because it left all moneyed condition of suspense and doubt, put monetary affairs on a new and uncertain basis, and gave a tremendous shock to dealings cannot public confidence, without which commercial
continue.2
i
The
and
commercial
facilities of
to
situation
was
further aggravated
have, exchanges the transactions,
the cities and
Messages
Papers,
"The
increased
within
even
contracts
an multiplied the several cities, and responsibilities, between remote parts of the country.
between
with
which
over
the
the
enormous
mass
those
together,
whole
country,
the ordinary sales, payments, remittances which business in all its various branches
utmost must
limits.
Whatever produce
on an continuance uninterrupted of by and credits. The whole machinery, is carried on, is credit extended to its lessens the general confidence, on which is founded, credit
depends
entirely
necessarily business.
"
fatal derangement
and
interruption
in every
branch
of
It is with this state of things, that, without to interfere."" Report the executive thought proper
York, March,
1834, NILES,
298
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
tariff law, duties, the
as
at this moment
and not,
was
heretofore, that
an
The after six months' time. for credit was increased demand
moment
consequence
occasioned, the
at the
very
The
by increasing
was
The justified.2
was
of the president In this it contraction already begun. tion only question was how far the contracmove
to go.
The
bank
would
certainly not
was
be
justified
point
was
Where this assured. one no could say excepting the directors. The of statisticsto prove that the bank went too far, or safety
is of littlevalue, if taken alone, since the amount of contraction must be determined at each moment by the peculiar circumstances of that moment, and what
reserve
But
the point of safety, they would certainly be severely legally bound or not, they were censurable, since, whether
of the country from It may be concluded, therefore, that though the president of the United States was responsible for the firstcontractions of the bank and for the sufferings resulting
therefrom, the question of responsibility for later contraction and later sufferings remains open. In attempting
was
to determine
in how
policy, the reader must remember that the unceasing hostility of the administration placed the bank in a very precarious position. The withdrawal of the
1
in justifiedits
Jaudon,
writing
9, 1834, says : " We know that a great part of in the system of duties and other causes arises from the change Hill, of New Hampshire, March 4, 1834, pointed out that B. P.
to Biddle
March
new system entailed a double payment into effect." C. D., Vol. X, Part I, p. 797.
of duties for
one
year
Bronson's
opinion, already
quoted,
is conclusive
on
this head.
THE deposits
power
WAB
to
ON
THE
BANK
299
it and put it in the weaken If the executive had shown willof the state banks.1 ingness henceforth to let the bank alone, it would have been
was
intended
morally confined to more restricted limits in its contraction. But every fresh act of hostility necessitated a further reduction, As in order to make the institution perfectly secure.
such acts continued, the task of dividing the responsibility difficult. for the panic of 1833-34 becomes more and more It is of importance, therefore, to determine justhat further w
taken by the administration, and what of other events affected the judgment the directors. In the autumn had been made on the of 1832 a run aggressive steps
were
Lexington
branch, incited without doubt by political opponents.2 In the autumn for $350,000 in of 1833 a demand
at Savannah, suddenly made upon the branch which could be met only because, the suspicions of the board having been aroused by the failure of the bank to receive
specie
was
branch, it had sent large supplies the notes of the Savannah tion of specie there. Biddle had no doubt that the administrawas
The
the
behind
situation.
The
United
Indemnity
of that claim, had on the 7th of February, 1833, sold to the bank a bill of exchange drawn upon the The amount French government.* was $903,565.89. The
first instalment
1
"
This
boasting
he
can
treasury,
next
Oct. 9, 1833, NILES, Vol. XL.V, p. 297. " You mention from the branch ; this will bank drew $60,000 that the Merchants' be followed by other draughts, until the U. States bank will find it difficult to sustain there that institution must keep means the branch in your city. As things now are, to meet almost all its entire circulation, and it will have to become a great collector
Standard,
the feet of the secretary of the a reptile beneath It exists by his forbearance, crush at will. and will, for the forbearance it require to save it from destruction." great will
giant
is
now
but
"
York
for the ultimate use quarter of your bank, and of the union, it at New York."" Letter of A. Kendall, Oct. 18, 1833, ibid., p. 299. others who may want 2H. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 127-43; also Biddle to H. Binney, Dec. 3, 1833, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 35,
of specie from
every
3 It was due largely to the Ibid. Washington.""
"
Deposit
Banks
at New
York
that is the
Treasury
at
*MeLane
to Biddle,
300
bank
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
presented the billin Paris, where payment was refused, and the bill went to protest.1 The bank would have been dishonored if the firm of Hottinguer et Cie,its continental agent, had
not
taken
up
the
The
bill
was
returned and the bank sent it to the secretary of the treasury, with a claim for the principal, interest, cost of at 15 per cent.2 The protest, re-exchange, and damages based upon a statute was claim of the bank to the damages law in the District of Columbia.3 of Maryland, which was Secretary McLane at once paid the principal, but not the In other items.* Secretary Duane
answer
to
letter from
Biddle
in
June,
the validity of all the other admitted to which Attorneyclaims excepting that for damages, General Taney declared that the bank had no claim either
"
in law
was
Not only so, but attorney-general he refused to give them.6 nored secretary of the treasury he completely igafter becoming Woodbury the bank's claim. when secretary followed Thus Taney's example. 16, 1833, affairs stood from May
date which until July 2, 1834, on finallydeclined to pay the damages.7 notified the secretary that the from the government's deducted
sum
Secretary
The
Woodbury
thereupon
bank
be claimed would part of the semi-annual On the 16th of July this was bank dividend.8 done, the amount plus interest to that date being retained.9 The sum
1 2
Jaudon
Same
to
to McLane,
same,
May
3H.
*
McLane
Duane
to Biddle, June
The
opinion
Taney,
May
Duane
Aug.
to Taney,
Aug.
Cong.,
2d
Duane,
Aug.
Biddle
Ibid.
to Woodbury,
Jaudon
to Woodbury,
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
301
left the only one to it, since the administration refused either to pay or to submit decision,1 and could not be the question to a judicial
was
was
$170,041.18. The
bank's action
Consequently the corporation was bound to retain sued. to be The if the claim was ever the money adjudicated. for the damages by the " unidirectors justified demand the versal
department," and inflexible rule of the Treasury in of the damages which had always compelled the payment Their action was cases of this character.2 good business, but bad politics,for it gave the administration a chance to charge the corporation with seizing public funds, and thus increased its unpopularity. The sired the deretention of the dividend, however, brought Secretary Woodresponse from the administration. censured the act of the corporation in an acrimonious
bury
Butler drew up reasons letter,3while Attorney-General in " no support of Taney's assertion that the bank's claim had * The government foundation in law or in equity." then
instituted suit to recover the dividend withheld, and in the its case tinction on won the fine discircuit court for Pennsylvania
that the bank
was
was an
indorser reversed
in 1844,6 which expressed the opinion that the United States bound, both by law and equity, to pay the damages.7 was The case was retried in the lower court in 1847, but came
again
before
the
Supreme
Court
as a
on
writ
of
error,
the
government
subject
1
Woodbury
See
20 per
258-61.
3
* 5
the law of Pennsylvania the government lected colwhere under for a protest of two of Girard's bills on Paris." Ibid., pp. See also other cases, ibid., pp. 261-3.
cent, damages to Biddle,
Qirard's
Woodbury
Dec.
11, 1834, ibid., p. 284. 28, 1834, 8. D. 2, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp.
Nov.
57 ff.
733, review
of the
case 7
by Justice
2 HOWARD,
McLean.
734 ff. January term,
1844.
302
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
This ended and judgment was entered against the bank.1 It is only necessary to add that the nation's the matter. honor was forfeitby the refusal to pay the damages. On precisely
the
same
plea it might
cipal prin-
and interest. At the time of the withholding of the deposits, members of the administration naturally feared retaliatory measures. likely to accrue To avert any injury to the state banks, Taney
resolved to protect them by intrusting to certain of the deposit banks drafts for large amounts on the public funds left in the Bank of the United States. These sums
were
to be drawn
banks
for if the institution called upon the state for payments of balances due in coin, or refused to
notes
receive branch
at places where
given in payment
were
made Maryland of received three drafts for the 000 each ;3 the Girard Bank of Philadelphia,
they
not
Bank
of $100,draft for
$500,000; and
Bank, of America, the Mechanics Company Bank and the Manhattan of New York city, each it draft for $500,000.* Thus fortified, was one calculated
the Bank
that any "superfluity of naughtiness" of which the Bank of the United States might be guilty in trying to draw specie from banks which owed specie but had no specie, could be
met
on
and turned to the discomfiture of the aggressor. The Union Bank of Maryland received its three drafts the 3d and 4th of October ; on the 5th it concluded that
the time
one
1
for action had come, and presented two of them, The preat Baltimore and the other at Philadelphia.
394 ff. Taney
5 HOWARD, sat.
and Woodbury
were
both
on
the bench
at the time.
Neither
2 was. course
The cashing of these drafts constitutes all the removal there ever of deposits in the ordinary The rest of the government funds in the bank were withdrawn debts. of paying government
Taney
to the Senate, April 3, 1834, 8. D.
Taney was in this bank." a stockholder 238, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 18, 19.
3
*
Taney
to deposit
banks,
321,322,329,337,338.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
303
of the United States had demanded coin from the Baltimore banks.1 in straits.2 Its The truth was that the Union Bank was
action
was
president admitted that he had departed from the secretary's instructions, having swelled his discount list enormously,
necessity of helping the interests.3 His action embarrassed Taney, but commercial he did not hesitate to repeat it, and had the third draft the Bank of cashed at Baltimore on the 4th of November,
justification of the
the United
States having
drawn
on
the Union
Bank
for
$125,000owed
and bank
to it by that institution.*
the 3d of October, with this security against calls for specie boldly proceeded to expand its business. By the 10th of October the received its check
on
this to such a degree that it had " made " 5 very sensible impression on the moneyed market such "sensible impression," indeed, that it had placed itself in
"
had
done
a a
position where the use of the draft was almost necessary for its own sion safety. In this state of affairs it besought permisto have the draft cashed if it thought circumstances
demanded, without waiting for any decided attack on the ' " The president of the bank believed part of the monster." that it ought to continue to extend its operations and, if the
1 "
Ellicott to Taney,
Kendall thus
draft" transaction at Baltimore: The explains the "transfer had a chance before Taney to receive an explanation. Ellicott, were cashed to Washington. Kendall was at Taney's request, came at the interview. present Taney to know "Mr. the drafts had been cashed. Ellicott made a wanted why incoherent statement in connection stammering, about transactions with a bank in drafts Tennessee,
Ellicott, you
his conclusion Mr. Kendall Mr. you, and upon said, 'If I understand have used those government funds to sustain a stock speculation.' To Ellicott virtually assented." this statement Taney was of the case, much annoyed,
Ellicott being his special adviser on financial subjects. KENDALL, Bank Conspiracy, by ELLICOTT, "p. 389. See pamphlet of Maryland the affair, pp. 68-75. of
"
Autobiography,
for
an
tion explana-
3
* 5
Oct. 8, 1833, 8. D. 16, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 328. Nov. 4, 1833, ibid. Bank
to Taney,
to Taney,
Schott
of the Girard
of the United States called for specie, present the 2 the Girard Bank owed the Bank On November check. of the United States $149,000,and the time for action had Biddle was come. given his choice: either to permit the calling for the of the balances in coin, or to pay the $500,000.* payment feared that by He He insisted that the draft be cashed.2 chance or design these large sums might be called for at a
to continue
Bank
Girard Bank
its
course,
by
not
time
or
The
place where they could not be paid. three banks in New York acted in concert.
at
a
On
the
16th of November they concluded that it was necessary to present one of the drafts for $500,000,the bank having at
that date drawn The
on
the banks
Manhattan
and
Bank,
of the city for over $100,000.3 therefore, presented its draft on the
Taney had now come beprompt payment.* anxious about the remaining drafts, and desirous of On the 21st of November, having them returned to him.5
received
18th
remitted to Washington,8 and no further use was made of this means of protection or offense. The to particular atrocity of this mode of granting therefore,
one
of them
was
heavily upon the Bank of drawing of the United States lay in the fact that no notice was given that institution that these drafts were out ; and a sudden call for sums ranging from $100,000 to $1,500,000might
the
means
deposit banks
not all. The bank had always ruined it. Yet this was been furnished with a weekly list of treasury drafts issued 7 and also from 1829 with a daily listof all warrants out.8 It
have
1 2 3 *
5
Schott to Taney,
Same
to
same,
Nov.
Newbold
White Taney Newbold Jaudon
to
to Taney,
White
to Taney,
to Taney,
to Newbold,
ibid.
Nov. 16 and
Nov.
Nov.
341, 342.
" i
to Taney, to Campbell,
same,
Nov.
*Same
Nov.
THE had
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
305
right to expect that this would continue to be the case As a was until notice annulling the arrangements given. the daily business of the institution was matter of course,
a
the lists of warrants and drafts always in thus prepared view, and with the certainty that the bank was for all calls from the government. Now in these lists no
conducted
with
been given of the drafts issued by Taney.1 The treasurer, in answer to Jaudon's remonstrances, acknowledged furnished to the bank, but defended that listswere information the action of Taney drafts. If they had would
account,
on
had
the ground that these were special been included in the lists,the sums
once
have
been
at
deducted
from
the
treasurer's
hoped all along that no necessity would and it was 2 " They were To a arise for their use. contingent drafts." further communication of Jaudon's the treasurer answered that the
drawn,
to give daily notice of warrants was agreement but not of "transfer drafts."3 To this subterfuge
Jaudon
sense
were
not
Admitting,
were
in any however,
the treasurer's
that they
not warrants,
and
therefore not placed on the daily lists, yet all drafts appeared the weekly lists.4 To this the treasurer had no on reply,
and
none.
the
step. Congress, 1817, had transferred to the bank the functions of the commissioners loans, including the duty of paying all pensions of in states where it had branches. Where it had no branches
it was
to designate the state banks
which
agents.5
1 2 3 *
An
Nov.
attempt
Nov.
was
now
Same
to
same,
Campbell
Same Jaudon
to
to Jaudon,
same,
Nov.
to Campbell, at Large,
Dec.
t"Statutes
Charter,
sec.
15.
See Appendix
I.
306
bank
THE
SECOND the
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
exercise of its functions in respect to certain not the first time that somepension laws. This was thing of the sort had been tried. In 1829 the transfer
of
had at Portsmouth of the pension funds from the branch been attempted, but the effort failed.1 In 1831 a similar to remove the pension agency at New attempt was made York to Albany. The bank again remonstrated,2 and in March,
that in his opinion " Department in appointing a was the War not warranted pension agent, in any State or Territory, where the United States Bank has established one of its branches." 3 In 1834
admitted
the action
was
based
on
new
contended
were
plea. The administration 15, 1828, and June 7, 1832, that they
were
not pension
laws allowing pay to the old Revolutionary Of veterans. for the sake of convenience, these sums course, were treated
as
ments, pensions ; and the pension officehad control of the payBut all and the pension agencies disbursed them.
was
this
they
were
like pensions, not because simply because they were pensions.4 Accordingly, on January 2, 1834, the
commissioner
of pensions ordered the bank to give up the books, accounts, and funds relating to pensions disbursed The bank bluntly refused under the act of June 7, 1832.5 in a towering rage, and President Jackson was to do so.6
on
to Congress his comthe 4th of February communicated plaint.7 Senate decided that the As a matter of course, the
was
bank
1
the
Aug.
House
3, 1829, and
declared
that
to
the
same,
Secretary
Mason,
J. L. Edwards
Aug.
25, 1829, H.
2
Biddle
to the acting
of
war,
3
*
Butler, Feb. 3,1834, H. of Attorney-General Generals. See also Opinions of the Attorney
Ex.
Doc.
6
i
Biddle
to secretary
of
war,
Jan. 23, 1834, H. R. 263, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 22. II, p. 2615.
THE bank
no
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
307
was
means
demands
In this state of affairs there was the corporation to accede to the of compelling of the administration, and it did not yield.
in the wrong.1
was
odium upon The commissioner the bank. of pensions had not only ordered the institution to deliver the books and papers, but
also to pay no more The secretary of
were
This issue
skilfully made
so
as
to bring
pensions under
war
paid
veterans
under of the
7, 1832.2 pensions
that many
poor
draw
The them. they needed allowances when deprivation fell entirely upon the bank, though the fault was It is easy to imagine that many with the government.3 people
were
sive oppresto the aged soldiers, while the enemies of the bank " made effective political capital out of the situation. It will not spare the holy remnant of the officers and sires of the
much
moved
over
an
act which
seemed
revolution," declared Senator Wilkins, with maudlin pathos. to make "So sweeping and unsparing are they determined a the distress, that even solitary soldier of the revolution
cannot
4 tone of injured The indignation same escape." by all the Democrats. was employed Webster accordingly urged Biddle to surrender the funds. " he wrote, " is a weak The Attorney General's argument,"
one;
it is easy to demolish it, as an argument. The to all, it is a bad subject dispute about.
1
But, after
pensioners
Report
2 3
Ex.
"
Doc.
If any inconvenience should be felt by any of those veterans of the revolution, believe it will be by all by the delay which the committee will take place in due to them, it is to be attributed to the unjustithe payment of the next annuity fiable in withto thwart the views of Government, conduct of the Bank in interposing holding
as
from the officers of Government the public money and public property, The committee to have they do not pretend any claim. cannot condemn which Folk's report, H. the conduct terms too strong of the bank in this transaction."" 263, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 7.
to
in
R.
I, p. 489.
308
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
' Old Soldier ' is the cause ing will not believe that the of keepback their money," therefore it would be "better to give ] In this opinion he was up the fund and the papers."
heartily supported by Representative fell upon deaf ears. The bank had
and
it would not yield. 12, 1834, remarks
Woodbury,
that the
Gorham.2
The
to pay pensions, " under an impression a right to perform these duties, until relinquished by its own He is careful to consent, or until the acts were repealed." add that the two acts in dispute are not regarded in this
light,3and the administration persisted in paying these pensions, difficulties.4 though under almost insurmountable
Another found in the acts of the govof strife was ernment believed that these directors directors. Jackson
cause
by the charter to keep a watchful eye upon the acts of the bank in the interest of the public,5 and, since he was the representative and the custodian of the public's
were
designed
if they had
Wager,
sharing his opinion, forwarded respecting those transactions they did not of the bank of which Moreover, they systematically opposed the other approve.6
directors in regard to the powers of the exchange committee, the authority of the president, the curtailments in the
1
Webster
Webster
to Biddle, to
J. G. Watmough,
Gorham
added
note
to
Webster's
3 * 5
letter.
Biddle This
finds support
A.
WEIGHT'S
of
C., 14th
See the bank was when chartered. Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. I, p. 1118, and FOESTTH'B,
6 Papers Aug. 19, 1833, S. D. 2, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., A and B, April 22, 1833, and 22 ff. See also their memorial to Congress, Dec. 9, 1833, Ex. Doc. 12, 23d Cong., 1st pp. Sess., pp. 1 ff.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
309
measures
were
taken
not
taken
and
his
coadjutors,
into the complete confidence of Biddle nor tees appointed to the important commit-
government immediately in
as
Jackson
long letters to all the senators friendly to him, urgently pressing the of rejectionthe " They are e., people unfit to be there [i. in nominations.* the directorate] unfit to associate with the other members
arms,
"
"
or that their colleagues will not confer with them 5 The board " having no confidence act with them on committees." 6 in them, they were not allowed to know anything."
so
"
He
also wanted
Taney's
nomination
to the Treasury
rejected.7
advising Again his good
as
Webster
remonstrated
against these
as
littleopposition
to persons
possible.8
The strong-willed advice went unheeded. president of the bank had his way, and the Senate finally Taney's nomination, and refused by a vote of 20 to rejected for government in the nominations directors.9 25 to concur The
to president, inflexible as always, returned the names the Senate,10 and again it refused by a vote of 11 to 30 to
1 2
3
ibid.
of Paper A, report
Jackson
to the Senate,
Dec.
*To
N. Silsbee, T. Ewing,
D. Webster,
George
Poindexter,
H. Clay, Dec.
23, 1833,
Biddle
to Webster,
Binney
in the
House
in January,
1834, intimated
be difficult to get gentlemen that it might directors." C. D., Vol. X, Part II, p. 2357.
to Watmough,
to sit beside
the government
Biddle Biddle
Webster
Jan. 6, 1834, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 81. Dec. 20, 1833, ibid., p. 60. Dec. 13, 1833, B. P.
7
8
to Webster,
to Biddle,
Jbid., p. 4, March
11.
"
1.
310
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
of the disqualified Two
therefore refused seats stockholders, and were declined appointThree at the board.1 ments, other gentlemen and accordingly for the year 1834 the government
not
being
only two directors.2 On the 14th of October Jackson notified them that he wanted certain information regarding They at once the expenses and profits of the bank.3 made a
had mation call for the necessary books, adding that they sought inforfor the use of the president of the United States.4 incontestable, yet the Their right to examine the books was
bank
tion informapermit these to be used to secure the which would be employed to injure institution, and Biddle wrote Jaudon that they must not be permitted " to could
not
Hence look at any thing."5 the cashier refused their request.6 They immediately sent in a complaint to Jackson.7 This again placed the bank in a bad light before the people.
If there
was
refusal ? directors. To these arguments the rights of the government the bank had no adequate defense. fresh difficulties Then there were created in reference to the branch had by
notes
nothing to conceal, nothing to fear, why this Besides, the refusal itselfwas infringement of an
and drafts.
Benton
conspired
to embarrass
It is true
at New
York,
2
Mobile,
and
D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 35, 291-6. Doc. 45, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 1.
my
ibid., p. 35
3 Ex.
5
"
Letter
If during
wish
seen
should be
to look
at any
without
the Government
either singly or together "c, they should be told that it cannot If they apply to the Board, refuse it
to
Directory
the consequences.""
Biddle
Jaudon,
Newport,
July
16,
The
proceeding.
THE
WAR
ON
THE
BANK
311
had shown an inclination not to receive notes of other But they had never branches from the state banks.1 received all branch notes at par from these banks, and their
more
But a to continue the usual custom.2 only intention was " " face was new put upon the matter since the pet banks was now and most of the revenue paid received the revenue 3 " " in notes uncurrent of the Bank of the United States.*
When
the bank
revenue
it necessarily took
at par, since they were all its notes in payment of revenue Now, however, if the offered on behalf of the government. old plan of not accepting such notes at par from the state
institutions
revenues
Again,
receive its notes depreciate to a considerable extent, since all the notes to it from the revenues to it now came used to come
establishment for if the bank should refuse to at par, from the state banks, they would
"
bank's
which from
Was
not
the bank
banks
in the government concurred it On the other hand, if it did receive them opinion.6 threw down all restrictions on the receipt of the issues of its
so,5
coming thought
bound
branches,
criminat by which it could dismethod notes received by the state banks in payment of duties from those received in the ordinary course of business.
was
no
1
for there
Ibid., and
2
3 *
Letters of Oct. 1, 2, and 5, 1833, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 120, 123.
Notes
of other offices not taken to Taney,
see
at par
from
state banks
or
individuals.
Fleming
Oct. 2, and White to Taney, Oct. 5, 1833, S. D. 16, 23d Cong., D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 124. alsoS. Oct. 2, 1833, ibid., p. 344 ; cashier of Union Bank of Maryland the United States, ibid., p. 325. See also S. D. 24, of
Newbold
to Taney,
Taney
to banks
in Philadelphia
and
Baltimore,
312
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Consequently
it would
have to redeem all notes offered by finally This was the position which it was
was
to give to its actually compelled before, receiving branch notes a greater currency than- ever them from everybody at their face value at all the Atlantic
It
offices.1 It did this because it feared by doing otherwise to create a demand upon distant, unprotected branches.2 In regard to the branch drafts, the president repeatedly that he would prohibit their receipt in payment dues.3 A rumor that such action would be of government tory taken was current as early as February 8, 1833.* The directhreatened that orders to be issued in January, 1834, and
reason
fully expected
cease
for further contraction.5 The supporters of Jackson further justified bank in contracting its business by the " loudly calling upon those who " took " part with them to
collect and present the notes of the bank of the United States, for payment in coin. " The foregoing acts of the administration must be kept
in reviewing the action of the bank in clearly in mind These measures 1833-34. show the temper of Jackson and his allies,and they palliate,to some extent, whatever retaliaare given, we wish you to receive all the issues of be offered to you, from whatever the tender quarter and be made."" Cashier of the Bank of the United States to the cashier of the New may York office,Oct. 5, 1833, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 123; see also NILES, Vol. XLV, p. 97.
"
And
until such
instructions
the bank
determined that no refusal to of the grounds upon which the committee branch notes ought to be made that the issues of the offices ought to be was, receive the means, and that their provision paid at the points where the offices had provided having been made the Atlantic cities principally, it was their not right to throw at
*
"
One
notes
back
timore them."" Cashier of the Bank of the United States to cashier of BalOct. 8, 1833, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 123, 124. office,
upon
Jackson
to Baltimore
Philadelphia
*
committee,
Feb. 6, 1834, NILES, committee, Feb., 1834, ibid., p. 9. C. D., Vol. X, Part
p. 393; Webster,
I, p. 542.
of the branches,
NILES,
Vol. XLV,
p. 393, Feb.
8, 1834.
THE tory
WAR
ON
THE
BANK They
furnished
313
plenty of for taking steps to protect its interests. Indeed, reason there could be but one policy to follow in any case, for the institution expected to go out of existence in March, 1836. adopted.
measures
the bank
its operations.
CHAPTER
THE
XIII
AND
CONTRACTION
PANIC
OF
1833-34
on
THE
August,
bank's
operations
to curtail began
ceased effectually on It will be 1834,1 and entirely on the 16th of September. noticed that the curtailments began before the deposits were
1833, and
one of the bitterest charges of the removed, and this was if Justification, justification needed, bank's enemies.2 were found in the bank's knowledge that the deposits would was
probably
Biddle
:
was
not
do not feel anxious as to the movements ington at Washit touching the Bank, still is thought prudent to prepare for have this day given instructions any adverse event and accordingly we to keep their discounts at their present to the Branches amount change. and to shorten the time for which they buy billsof exAlthough
"
movement be ready.3
This will make the institution strong and if any sudden is attempted by the cabinet, proper or improper, we shall
The money
directions
the
amount
in
contraction, but
up on the East would transfer the bank's capital discounts, being to that part of the country,* while the
Tyler's report, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 16-18.
C. D., Vol. X, Part
Aug.
would not only result would also render assistance in the the bank's affairs, for the bills of
measures
2BENTON,
3
*
I, p. 106.
To Webster,
Report
of Committee
Sess., p. 98.
314
CONTRACTION
AND
PANIC
OP
1833-34
315
kept stationary, would aid in putting an end to the local As discounts would not, in the business of the branches. of business, go higher until the late autumn normal course
months,1 there was littlehardship in this part of the policy. The question of real reduction was involved in the orders Bills were to be purchased at relating to bills of exchange.
The western offices might, it of only ninety days. is true, draw at four months for the purpose of paying a debt Such bills might be already existing, but not otherwise. drawn to pay the money on could secure whatever branch
a
term
to be payable at the Atlantic all others were offices.2 This order evidently looked toward a reduction in the bank's loans,3 for it put an end to the drawing of the
them,
but
offices on each other, and materially shortened the term of bills. The whole movement was justifiable, and was intended only for the protection of the bank.
western
more
followed by This first effort to lessen business was soon dent On the 24th of September, Presistringent measures. Jackson's
"
paper" having been made public meanwhile, directors was a committee of seven appointed to "take into " " in consemeasures were necessary consideration what quence
of the
1
recent
intimations
be recollected that the bank's business always fell off in the summer in the autumn it is rose and always months, and winter months, and therefore, when found falling in these latter months, that the course one may conclude either of business is unusual, or that the bank's curtailments are very effective. It must That for the present, and until the further order of the board, the bills discounted amount of shall not be increased at the bank and the several offices. "2. Resolved, That the bills of exchange at the bank, and all the purchased have more the five western than ninety days to run. offices,except offices,shall not "3. Resolved, That the five western bills of no offices be instructed to purchase in the Atlantic cities, not having than ninety more exchange, except those payable debts to the bank days to run, be received in payment or those which may of existing to run." Ibid., p. 73. than four months and the offices, and those not having more
"
"1. Resolved,
porary." e., the of restriction they [i, orders] contain, will, I trust, be temCircular, Aug. 13, 1833, addressed to all the offices with the exception of branches. the five western
3
"Whatever
"
"
It is
a
on
to impose
any
restraint
a
on
yonr
business, value."
especially
"Letter
addressed
attach branches,
particular
316
THE
SECOND
are
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
The
STATES
government
was
to be removed."
committee's report 1. At this crisis the bank had many to anticipate that the public funds still
in its vaults would be removed ; that a demand upon it for would be collected specie would be created, since the revenue
by the selected banks largely in its paper ; and that its tration, circulation would be forced in by the action of the adminisits note-holders. panic among It was therefore, in taking further steps to restrict justified, its business.
which
might
create
to counts; adopted had three objects: reduce disto extend the restrictions on the drawing of bills to ; all the offices and to collect the balances against state banks, Even now while restricting the receipt of state-bank notes.2
The
plan
now
were
not intended
to produce
an
were
On
the day
all satisfied that the best thing to be done is to do as little possible. The exchange operations are placed by the resoas lutions structi to-day on a proper footing. We do not give any inpassed
as ours
to reducing
we
shall reduce
gradually diminish yours without it would be very good our customers exciting uneasiness among policy. Our wish is not to give an order to that effect lest it might create alarm, but to do it quietly and imperceptibly.*
and if you
at the Bank,
The
of discounts
was
to aggregate In New land Engof the curtailment is instructive. to be only $237,000; in the souththe amount was eastern states, $938,900; in the valley of the Mississippi and
to be made
in its tributaries, $2,204,200; the middle states, $2,445,000. to contract to the extent of The five western offices were
.
2
*
Documents Biddle
5 and
J.
e.,
York.
to Lenox,
Oct. 1, 1833.
"
Ibid., p. 94.
CONTRACTION
AND
PANIC
OP
1833-34
317
in proportion at these offices.1 The heaviest proportional reductions to be at Natchez and Nashville.2
In respect to bills of exchange, six more branches were placed under the restrictions imposed upon the five western in August, while the others were to purchase bills only ones and at business was Exchange necessarily limited by ninety days.3 this short period and by the limitation of time and place in bills. The main in October, drawing restriction imposed rearrangement of the rates of 1 per cent, from the western exchange. made officesupon all others except those on the Atlantic, on which bills could be drawn at ^ per cent. ; 1^ per cent, on the West from the eastern offices or from those at New Orleans and
was
on
the Atlantic
cities, New
Orleans, and
Mobile,
however,
by
Mobile.
These
measures
were
intended
the capital of the of bills on the East, thus bringing home bank and restricting the bill business very materially.4
1
These
reductions
ensue
necessarily Hence
on
reductions which would the observance ness. busiof the restrictions placed upon exchange intended to be more was the curtailment than appeared considerable
upon
are
severe,
yet
they
do
not
include
the surface.
2
was
given the privilege of renewing old bills at six months Nashville was the center of the bad banking of the
last, relative to the purResolved, That the resolution of the 13th August chase bills of exchange be extended the five western to the offices at of at offices, Burlington, Utica, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Natchez, and New Orleans. "2. Resolved, That all the other offices be instructed in like manner, not to purchase
not having *"3.
the Atlantic to
run."
"
New
Orleans
and
Mobile,
the bank
1
One
That the rates of collection and purchase of bills of exchange, the several offices,be increased, so that they shall be as follows : and a half per cent, from the Atlantic offices to the western offices.
per
at
'Half
'
'
'
'
'
the western offices to the Atlantic offices. from the Atlantic offices to the New Orleans and Mobile offices. cent, One per cent, from the New Orleans and Mobile offices to the Atlantic offices. One per cent, from one western office. western office to another One per cent, from the western Orleans offices. and Mobile offices to the New One and a half per cent, from the New Orleans and Mobile offices to the western
cent, from
One
per
offices.
318
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
state banks
dealings with
branch
was
stituted No taken.
con-
the city in which it was established. The to be collected in specie these banks were
or
the Atlantic cities, and balances were not to be permitted henceforth to accumulate.1 This action would create intense hard to obtain, pressure on the state banks, since specie was
and drafts on the East meant precisely the same Whatever Biddle might say, these orders were All the measures harsh. were create pressure.
in discounts
was
thing.
certain to
immense,
were
and
was
The
If it
successful, much
suffering
was
dealings
more
occasion
even
state banks
would compel them to contract, and thus increase the pressure. On the whole, nothing but peril to the bank these measures. could excuse
On the 17th of attempt to curtail did not end here. October a second circular was issued to the branches in the West
of and
a
" the course perseverance in already prescribed," while the contraction was by two additions. Drafts on the northern Atlantic
The
measures
aggravated
"
officeswere
One One
to be avoided, and
an
an
extra attempt
to to
an
was
to be
ington. of Washington. of Wash-
of Washington
"
per
cent, from
per
an
of Washington
an
to each other. cent, from the offices north of Washington to each other. cent, from the offices south of Washington " Subject to such modifications at the respective offices as the Committee S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 74. Exchange of this bank may deem expedient.""
"
Quarter
Half
"
per
of
be received on deposite, except notes of State banks in the same place with the office receiving them, but they of such as are established discretion of the office in payment be received at the may of a pre-existing debt. State banks as by arrangement keep a balance at Provided, that the notes of such
i
"
4. Resolved,
That
no
be received as heretofore. their credit, for the redemption of their notes may "5. Resolved, That due by distant State banks be collected all the balances either in specie, or in drafts on the Atlantic cities, and that such balances be not
permitted
to accumulate.""
Ibid., p. 75.
CONTRACTION
made to keep down further contraction
AND
PANIC
OP
1833-34
319
circulation.1 Not satisfied with this, a in discounts was ordered on January 23,
to of $3,320,000, be completed by the first days of March and April.2 As before, the largest reduction to take place at the western was and southwestern offices.3
1834, to the
sum
New
ness. also imposed upon the exchange busiregulations were The localities on which bills could be drawn were to stillfurther limited. Henceforth the western officeswere
draw
only
on
New
Orleans, Baltimore,
and
the
Atlantic
be for only officesnorth of Baltimore, and such bills must ninety days.* These instructions thus prohibited the western
officesfrom drawing office Was forbidden
8 the Mississippi."
another, while the New Orleans to purchase bills " payable at places in These measures harsher were rendered still
on
one
by another increase in the rate of exchange, which was again regulated so as to discriminate sharply against the western The rate went up 1 per cent, for all bills drawn branches.
on
these
1
offices,no
matter
from
what
Circular of Oct. 17, ibid., p. 77. Biddle feared some To R. Lenox, circulation on the part of the government. 1833, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 16.
"
2
3
Letters
$1,600,000
-
200,000
$1,020,000
-
500,000
"
the having
Atlantic
of
it not
having
"
run
than
days
to
run
to maturity
Second.
Orleans,
not
more
"
offices and
office at Natchez,
p. 77.
5 6
Biddle
to Montgomery,
Increase
in rate of exchange
In October, 1833
In January, 1834
Atlantic offices to five western Western offices to Atlantic Atlantic to New Orleans and Mobile West to West New Orleans and Mobile to West North to south of Washington of Washington South of Washington to north of Washington West to New Orleans and Mobile North to north of Washington of Washington South of Washington to south of Washington
.... ...
-
114 Yt
1 1
2Yt 1A
2
1""
1 1 1
forbidden forbidden
1
1 2, to N. O. alone
" %
"
Ji 1A and
Ibid., pp.
320
These
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
for it was here that be severely felt, easily produced, since by breaking
up the system
western of bill purchases in the western and southcities pressure would immediately be exercised upon
bills
was
frequently
means
an
entirely in this species of too, that the purchase of the planter operation by which
secured the
means were
resources.
of growing his crop, and that when these immediately at the end of his refused he was Not only so, but individuals who were accommodated
heavily charged that it became more profitable to pay for the carriage of specie than to buy drafts. In short, the breaking up of the exchange system bank created immediate distress. and widespread of the
system
were so
who bank's
had to pay very heavily for the favor. Finally, those had been accustomed to transfer funds by means of the
various measures remained in full force until the llth of July, 1834, when it was determined that the bank's tion,1 business in discounted notes should suffer no further diminu-
These
but,
The
on
the other
hand, it
was
not
to be
increased.2
New
and southwestern officesat four months, and to any amount. But the rate of exchange was not diminished; and, indeed, for bills drawn to be at over ninety days the rate was per
cent,
higher.8
Trade
in
western
bills
was
-|
In the month
at last removed.
of September
all restrictions
Resolved, That the instructions hitherto given for a reduction of the amount bills discounted at the bank of and the several offices, are hereby revoked ; and that the line of bills discounted the several offices shall, until the further order of this at S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 84. board, remain at its present amount.""
2 Even before this, special exceptions liouisville." Ibid., pp. Ill, 112.
3 *
"
had
been
made
in favor of New
York
and
Eyre Eyre
to Lawrence, to Pittsburg
"
CONTRACTION
Taking
AND
PANIC
OP
1833-34
321
together, and from the 1st of all the measures counts August, 1833, to the 1st of April, 1834, a reduction in dishad been contemplated to the amount of $13,300,000
"
To this must be added the preposterously large sum. restriction occasioned by the breaking up of the exchange This could be calculated at not less dealings of the bank.
a
$5,000,000. The whole contraction, then, would be at least $18,300,000 out of $62,000,000. What was the actual
than
of directors alleged that the entire reduction 12.1 They to the 1st of April, 1834, was only $5,047,527. traction counted from the 1st of October, however, while the conin August, and counting from had actually begun
that month,
$4,000,000 must be added to their estimate. in discounts, Of this total of $9,000,000,$7,000,000 was By July 1 the entire $2,000,000 in bills of exchange. $13,000,000 nearly $9,000,000in discounts, reduction was
"
the
never
rest in exchange.2
Such
an
enormous
reduction
had
It was oneundertaken. equal to over fifth ot the bank's entire dealings.3 The distribution of this reduction is interesting. Of the
before been
firstcurtailment ordered, the South succeeded in diminishing its discounts to less than one-half the amount demanded.
1 2
"
Ibid., p. 99.
By
September
the total
reduction,
reckoning
from
August,
1833,
was
$1.7,000,000
in $8,800,000 exchange.
LOANS AND DISCOUNTS
Total Loans
$64,100,000
60,000,000 54,900,000 54,800,000 51,000,000 47,000,000
REDUCTIONS
Aug.
....
$ 4,100,000
9,200,000
9,300,000
13,100,000
To Sept.
17,100,000
322
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
In the section comprising the Southwest and the West the better, reducing to about the extent of branches did much Here the five western two-thirds of what was required.
officeswere
out
more
the chief delinquents, reducing only $789,000 little By April they were a of $1,705,000 expected.1 successful.2 Up to this time, however, the increase in
business of the West and Southwest well-nigh in the item of billsdiscounted. offset all reductions made By the end of February it was over $4,000,000in excess of
the exchange
and did not diminish until after April, the total business done in the valley aggregating in that month just about what it had been in the beginning Final orders to cease of October, 1833. curtailing in the
what
it had
been
in October,
West,
however,
were
not issued
until September,
by that time the contraction had accomplished In discounts the business possibly be desired. by
diminished
$3,300,000, and
in exchange
by
offices was reduction at the five western only Louisville and Natchez had failed to meet the demand.4 The collection of state-bank balances had been the third
part of the bank's plan to strengthen its position. When taken in October, 1833, the state banks were this action was
1
In the
against
from Oct. 1 to Jan. 1, the reduction was as $802,000, counting in the West $1,973,000ordered ; $2,968,000 and Southwest, $1,954,000, against
South,
ordered. 2 By April the in the South, $2,673,000; the in reductions should have aggregated Mississippi valley and the West, $4,568,000; the five western in cities, $2,705,000.They The South was were, $3,125,000, $1,800,000. most at fault, then respectively, $1,200,000,
the
five western
3
was
nothing
shown
in
1832-33.
Offices of New
Nashville,
Total
Mobile,
St.
Louis,
Cincinnati,
Louisville, and
Lexington 1
-
Loans
Bills of Exchange
1833, Aug.
$24,158,000
-
$15,296,000
14,217,000 12,106,000
11,579,000
$ 8,852,000
7,208,000 9,919,000 11,412,000 10,315,000 6,290,000 3,877,000
21,425,000
-
22,025,000
22,991,000 21,407,000 17,052,000
July 1
Sept. 1
-
14,864,000
CONTRACTION
AND
PANIC
OF
1833-34
323
CHART
IV
CONTRACTION
OP
1833-34
324
THE
SECOND
to the Bank
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
in debt
of the United States to the extent of $2,200,000. By January, 1834, the debt had been reduced to $1,500,000,nd by the 1st of April it was $500,000. The a clearly evident from the strenuous opposition offered to it by the banks of New York city in March, 1834.1
measure
created distress, as
was
severity of the contraction of 1833-34 however, entirely determined, until its effect upon the circulation, the deposits, and the supply of On the issues the effect is marked, the specie is considered. question is not circulation being reduced $3,200,000from the 1st of August, 1833, to the 1st of October, 1834, the lowest point it had Individual deposits in the 1830. reached since August,
the bank's stock period fell off $3,300,000. Meanwhile ing of specie, representing a further diminution in the circulatThe sum medium of the country, increased enormously.
same
The
of the
It was $10,023,000at the beginning of August, 1833. $15,500,000at the end of September, 1834. It had never During the before reached within $4,000,000 that sum. of
was
in excess were never period of the contraction cash liabilities of $30,000,000,a fact which proves that the bank never crease inThe greater part of this immense in any danger. was
must
United
have been extracted from the circulation in the States, largely by means ances. of collecting state-bank balIf Taney was correct in his views of the effect of
such
an
culation operation by the Bank of the United States, the cirof the country must have been diminished by $20,this hoarding of specie.2
000,000 through
i
"
In March
York
agree
of New would
e., 1834] a committee of that year [i. of the merchants and bankers informed his course, him [i. e,, Mr. Biddle] that unless he changed and to their terms, which were to that the United States Bank should cease
for thirty the other banks for its balances of the exchange." at the adjourned meeting p. 60.
days,
"
his
course
APPLETON,
would Currency
be
and
from the circulation that for every dollar in specie withdrawn argued Ex. Doc. 2, in from four to five dollars of their paper." the state banks had to call 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 9.
Taney
CONTRACTION Though
the
AND
PANIC
OP
1833-34
325
carried reached a lower level than it had touched since 1827,1 while the total reduction from August 1, 1833, to August 1, 1834,
first order to contract could not be completely out, the bank's business in April, 1834,
counting
the hoarding
of specie, would
community
in
one
to the reduction of accommodations year to an incalculable amount, probably over $25,000,000. Since the state banks
proportionate degree, the suffering occasioned by the decrease of banking facilities must have been
a
extreme.
placed the bank in a position that of great strength, a result evident in the circumstance its notes were not only undepreciated, but in some parts of Its means, too, were the country at a premium.2 situated so The
as
contraction of 1833-34
to
be
much
began, having
the West thus
the movement accessible than when been transferred to a considerable extent from
more
to the
East.
be
made
with
The
The
1
amount
Had
also
com-
completely successful in the time given, have been $47,000,000. They had
table gives the of the United
The following they were $42,700,000. since 1824, when in discounts, exchange, debt aggregate and funded of investments States, in millions, for April :
been
so
1825 1826
....
$54.8
-
$54.0
59.2 70.4
52.3
-
...
64.5
-
----
53.7
months
done in the months A comparison of contraction of the business in 1832-33 and 1835 will give a very just idea of the reduction:
DISCOUNTS
AND DOMESTIC EXCHANGE 1833
1834
with
the
same
1832
1835
Jan. 1
April 1 Julyl Sept. 1
-....
$61.6
....
$54.9
54.8 51.0
47.0
$51.8
61.9
....
65.1
$65.5
-
Oct. 1
2
G3.6
One
to two
per
for coin." NILES, cent, in exchange 10; ibid., p. 188, quoting the Richmond
5, 1834 ;
of May
9.
326
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
now
STATES
demanded
considerable control its offices. Few of these failed to do all that was in the West and Southwest only Louisville and
"
had
not only Charleston.2 These were matters of any great importance, while the failure at the Atlantic offices was of no importance whatever.3
Natchez,1
in the
South
While
the bank
an
impregnable
September
no
though
he knows
reason
scarcity.4 In October he virtually repeats this observation,5 later he speaks of "a A month severe most pressure for " and the probability of a paralysis in business.6 In the money
month state-bank notes began to depreciate,7 and loans In December the pressure were at 18 per cent, per annum.8 being discharged because had increased, and laborers were
same
ures their employers could not procure credit.9 In January failof business houses and banks began at Philadelphia,
New
York, and Washington. At the end of the same month loans in New York and Baltimore could be had only at from mercial 1^ to 3 per cent, discount a month.10 The New York ComAdvertiser
of January 25, 1834, declared that it had "never deep a cloud of gloom hanging over seen so the exchange,"11 while the Boston Courier of the 20th said that " 'change that day on Saturday was the most tempestuous
we
have
1
yet had.
The
gloom
Ordered
was
Oct., 1833
12
Attained
July, 1831
Failure
$682,743
562,081
paper.
$555,223
486,230
$127,519
75,850
Jan. 30, 1834, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 78. 3 Yet branches had was out on paper capital at the western which considerable President to Biddle, Feb. 4, 1834, to be renewed." of Louisville branch constantly
Biddle
to Johnson,
ibid., p. 110.
* 7
NILES,
Vol. XLV,
notes
p. 17.
Ibid., p. 81.
*Ibid., p. 97.
2 per
5 per cent, discount in Baltimore York safety fund ; New Georgia 6 to 8 per cent." Ibid., p. 194, Nov. 23, 1833.
9
21, 1833.
the New
York
12
Advertiser.
For
Baltimore,
Ibid., p. 389.
AND
PANIC
OF
1833-34
327
in this month continued unintermittently until June.1 Wages went down ; notes of specie-paying depreciated at from 1^ per cent, on New state banks were
England money
on
Alabama
only at from 12 to 18 per cent, were ; state loans could not be raised ; workmen per annum discharged in large numbers; real estate declined in value.2
could be borrowed In April money that due billshad to be given so scarce was by many persons, while loans were in payment at the made rate of 5 per cent, a month.3 " We The height of the distress was reached in May. felt anything like the present pressure," have never or seen
declared
*
Niles,
worse,"
there
was
every day worse and and it is becoming Even the Globe, which had hitherto asserted that distress, or very little, no was at last forced to
"
admit the situation. "A blasting mildew," it complained, brought "is suddenly of the upon the business concerns country, and a prostration of trade and credit, to an extent supposed
to have been
5
effected." to diminish.
is by
some
means
Benton early as May, exultantly that recited a catalogue of facts supporting the presumption In July the Bank broken.6 the force of the panic was of
1
4; p. 375, Jan. 25; p. 390, Feb. 1; pp. 393, 396, Feb. 8; ibid., 24; p. 96, April 13; p. 113, April 19; p. 117, May
For details
see
p. 331,
25; p. 390, Feb. 1 ; p. 396, Feb. 8; p. 415, Feb. 15; p. 434, Feb.
sibid., Vol. XL VI, pp. 86, 87.
the Globe
of May
24.
higher, than
now
South,
this time
now as high, in general, in of produce, and of labor, were The great staple in the they have usually been heretofore. in the pound, Orleans, than it was a cent higher at at New
The
domestic
and
in the New York price are quoted notes, at from three other Southern Louisiana the notes at five per cent. ; and these are and Mississippi in those happy rates at which they have stood in that market and prosperous
good a condition as in this city to be ten per cent, discount, at three per cent. ; North Carolina and
for a while had been deranged exchanges, which States, were now of the United recovering, and The notes of the Virginia banks, though proever. claimed
328
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the United
States ceased to contract to a very considerable extent, and on the 19th of that month money was noted to
"
be
more
ended.
was
was."
a
The
on
stringency
a
was
sluggish and
drug
"
which the
usual consequents of a panic. The president and his adherents angrily censured the bank for the distress. At first, indeed, the administration
was
no
distress. they
When
that
hazarded,
bank
of the evidence of distress was true to the extent that the its partisans.3 This was or
bank's advocates made as much noise as possible, and urged of government others to do likewise.* Several volumes filled with distress petitions and memorials.5 reports are The bank in answer to the charges retorted wrathfully that the administration alone was responsible for the distress,and
to add to contraction by it solemnly prefaced every movement Thus on the calling attention to the sins of the president. 17th of October, 1833, the " movements of the executive " is the reason alleged for further curtailment officersat Washington
and in January
are
understood
Biddle declares that further reduction measures necessitated by "the new of hostility to be in contemplation" by the administration.7
paint in such glowing
p. 346.
2
colors."
"
II, p. 1796,
NILES,
Thirty
Vol. XLVI,
Years,
p. 113,
3 *
Vol. I, p. 421.
....
"What
has
What
Brooke,
in your Legislature [Virginia] about the deposits? has been of immense Clay to Francis service to us." 377. "Our is full of distress Correspondence, Jan. 14, 1834, CLAY'S p. city been done
there
"
is doing
The
more
the
better."
"
Same
to
same,
Feb.
Clay
to
P., suggests a meeting the deposits. of memorialize $Ex. Doc., Vols. Ill, IV, V, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., passim.
21, 1833, confidential, Congress for the return
6 '
B.
at Philadelphia
to
Biddle
to presidents
Ibid., pp.
branch
of branches, Oct. 17, 1833, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 77. to the apprehension The reference was that the receipt of Biddle to president of Charleston branch, Jan. 30, be stopped."
CONTRACTION
AND
PANIC
OF
1833-34
329
The wicked administraIn brief, the old fable still applied. tion persisted in his wolf had troubled the waters, and now Who sinful purpose of dining upon the innocent bank lamb.
was
by the bank were certainly made in excess continued of any possible danger, and were The president and long after any such danger threatened. in fact, not company of the Bank of the United States were, reductions only frightened by Jackson's attacks, but angry ; not merely angry, but vindictive, and vindictive with calculation. They hoped to force a re or at least a restoration of the -charter, deposits, by exercising a monetary pressure upon the country.
of reduction only does the degree and manner argue this, but the language of Biddle and his friends leads " This discipline, it appears to me," to the same conclusion.
Not
wrote
Webster,
"must
have very great effects on the general l Jaudon, who re-chartering of the Bank."
to look after the bank's interests there,
relief should be given which could be do you think of the proposition to extend avoided: "What for entries ? Would Bonds it not give too the credit on much relief?" he queried.2
anxious
that
no
determined Biddle, for his part, was that no misguided leniency should be exercised, no "On relief granted:
to sufgeneral principles, I believe that if the Bank were fer itself to be misled into the measure of making money plenty, it will only give to its enemies the triumph of having
mies robbed it with impunity, and only confirm what those enehave said that their act of violence would be attended 3 It is deducible from to the public." with no inconvenience
these remarks that the bank could, if it chose, make " money to plenty," but that it did not intend to allow the enemy
1
2 3
Webster Jaudon
[Major Jack
Downing],
of
New
York,
Jan.
21, 1834,
330
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
" inconvenience to the public." carry out his schemes without for A temper of this sort was viciously unjust, it struck at the guilty by inflicting penalties upon the innocent; and
these innocent
to a considerwho were able friends and partisans of the bank. Continued number but contraction, consequently, was not only unjust, impolitic Nevertheless Biddle was determined to the last degree. to
were
men
and
women
abide by it.
The
week
later he wrote:
ties of party allegiance can only be broken by the actual Nothing but the conviction, of existing distressin the community. evidence of suffering abroad will produce any effect in Congress.
remains
save
and
strong and quiet, the force of events will all the institutions of the country which are
save now
a sensitiveness the desire of conciliating,the Bank permits the itselfto be frightened or coaxed into any relaxation of its present the relief will itself be cited as the evidence that the measures,
"
if,from
too great
from
or of the Govt are not injurious oppressive, and the Bank will inevitably be prostrated. Our only safety is in pursuing a of firm restriction and I have no doubt that such a steady course measures
"
will ultimately lead to a restoration of the currency and the How soon this will take place, it is of course recharter of the Bank.
course
difficultto
conjecture but
"
I have
littleapprehension
as
to the
ultimate result.1
satisfiedthat in the end the upon his course, bank would win, Biddle could not be swayed from his purpose. He was encouraged in it by hundreds of friends and correspondents, and above all by speculators in bank stock Determined who
harvest from the commercial disasters of the time and therefore urged a continuance of the If you want a charter, "you must persevere. pressure.
were
anxious
to reap
There
must
be
no
let-up," wrote
was
men
York
Webb,
measures.
Webster
Appleton,
urged
ought to
of Boston,
to Biddle, New
CONTRACTION
AND
PANIC
OF
1833-34
331
reduce
to
as
ease
and occasionslowly and moderately as they can ally where it is requisite to prevent extreme sufoff fering." " He thought that the administration was setting
" "
into action
strong sentiment of opposition to the Bank, on ' Biddle appeared irritated by account of the reductions." The Webster's opinions, and bluntly disregarded them.
a
community
My
own
must
course
take
care
of itself:
....
all the other Banks and all the merchants may break, but the Bank of the United States shall I have asked Com* Biddle what is the least sail under not break. of war can lie to in a gale of wind, and he says a close which a man reefed main topsail. So
our
is decided
squadron will all be put under close ride out the gale for the next two years. sea room and breakers under their lee,
or
Providence
a
Amos
Kendall.2
He
won
re-charter would result. It might be by securing a temporary act, extending the present charter for three years. At the end of that time the president
was
that
" and his advisers will all be dispersed among would be out, able, the penitentiaries." His successor would either be favorVan Buren, too timid to veto a bill.3 if it were or,
I think very favorable. are, prospects of the Bank The state of the country is so bad, and goes on daily worse hold on in this way much that I do not see how things can "The
longer.
is uneasy and anxious and Congress * be obliged to act." will soon It seems plain, therefore, that Biddle and the board of directors had determined to exert all the power of the bank
Everybody
to
secure
new
charter, and
succeed by causing panic there for such expectations? was must answer. session of 1833-34
1
2
that they believed it possible to justificati and distress. What The story of the panic
H. Binney,
Biddle
at the instance
of Webster,
to Biddle, Washington,
to Watmough,
Feb. 8, 1834, P. L. B.t Vol. V, p. 120. Fob. 10, 1834, ibid., p. 123.
Chauncey,
*To
CHAPTER
THE
XIV
OF
THE
DEFEAT
BANK
WHEN
immediately
Congress
came
met
in December, it.
before
The
supposed that all the advantages lay with them, and leveled their assault against Jackson along three lines : that he had functions not granted to the president by the usurped
constitution, had inflicted suffering upon the country, and had violated the contract between the bank and the government by seizing the public treasury in contravention of the charter.
The
to be
made
was
that the
Congress, and over supremacy president wished to secure hence the struggle was The one of liberty against a despot. Democrats, though for the moment thrown on the defensive,
supported
the president's dismissal of his secretary as constitutio and the removal of the deposits as legal. In these points they were ping undoubtedly in the right. Not stopthe offensive and they boldly assumed pressed forward to an attack upon the bank, insisting, with endless repetition, that the real struggle was not between the legislative and executive departments, but between the president
here, however,
the president of the United States; not the restoration of the deposits, but a re-charter ; that the bank operated a gigantic and needless contraction, and therefore that it and not the president was
and
responsible for the suffering caused. fearful, the opposition justly The Democrats were justly So hostile was popular confident, when the struggle began.
in Washington
332
itselfthat the
con-
DEFEAT
OP
THE
BANK
"
was
followed
immense
thronged
the
had the galleries cleared.1 In January Calhoun wrote " doubt that the administration will no that he entertained It has already received its death blow," 2 be overthrown.
and he was equally confident in February .3 King, of Georgia, approved declared that the great of majority Jackson's friends dishis act as inexpedient,4 and Preston, of South
Carolina,
more
was
convinced
toward
securing
that the president's action had done re-charter than anything the bank
greatly encouraged by receiving the assistance of the Nullifiers and the State Rights party.8 Calhoun spoke strongly for the bank ;
the National
Republicans
were
Dr.
Cooper
wrote
in its interests;
Clayton,
of
Georgia,
apologized publicly for his past attacks on it;7 and McDuffie Yet constitutional scruples stood a staunch was supporter. in the way of a permanent them union between and the National
with his wellknown subtlety of constitutional interpretation, attempted to demonstrate that the bank was constitutional, if Congress indeed, had the right to regulate the paper currency, and that the continuance constitutional, though its estabof the bank was
1 2
Republicans.
Calhoun,
Calhoun
to Christopher
Correspondence,
so on
Report
of
the American
Historical
the 30th to
John
3
*
E. Calhoun,
Calhoun
to James
Feb. 8, ibid.
5
I, p. 847.
ibid., p. 563.
find sustaining the cause of the bank those who believe a protecting tariff believe it unconstitutional; those who believe a those who and constitutional, internal improvements by the General Government of system constitutional, and
6
We
those
a
who
Bank
believe it unconstitutional ; and, most astounding States constitutional, and those who of the United Alabama, ibid., Part III, p. 3143. I ""CLAY, of
6, in the House, ibid., p. 2903.
March
334
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
lishment
was
not.1
McDuffie
intent upon
more
chartering
one
much
objectionable
to
clared constitutional scruples; other State Rights politicians dethat the constitutionality of the question depended " A bank was upon the necessity of the moment. necessary
now, and proper" These arguments
though
are
it might not be so next week. only too evidently the product of the
temper
be against the bank in the therefore, that the party would long run, and that dependence upon it was vain. There was were also a number of congressmen who willing to restore the deposits, but declared themselves
against a re-charter.3 These were generally counted upon but illogically, as is evident from the vote by the bank, the resolution of the Committee on of Ways and Means that the
bank
This vote not to be re-chartered. ought to 82, while that against the restoration of the
only 118
to 103.
was
has the right to receive anything 11. If Congress but specie in payment, it has the right to regulate its value. 2. Hence, if bank it has the right to regulate are notes received in payment, their value. is necessary 3. So the banking power and proper under the constitution if notes are received ; hence constitutional.
upon
the right to incorporate a bank, but constitutional question is not upon the right to receive anything but specie in payment of dues. be constitutional in the beginning. 5. An act done so was may not which Act of madness to take up constitutional Louisiana quespurchase, for example. tion. Same reasoning applies to the bank.
4. The
6. Principle applied to compromise to apply here. That act was tariff ought but it was judged better to pass it than to upset everything at unconstitutional, So paper State Rights party ought to vote for his bill under these once. currency. In Senate, March 21, 1834, C. D., Vol. X, Part I, pp. 1070, 1071. circumstances."
2
3
Ibid., Partni,
p. 3469.
Clayton, of Georgia, ibid., p. 2903; Bibb, of Kentucky, ibid., Part I, p. 533; PinckSouth Carolina, ibid., Part III, pp. 3087, 3088; Clowney, ibid., p. 2788; Leigh, ney, of ibid., Part I, p. 996 ; Archer, of Virginia, ibid., Part II, p. 2629; Gholson, of Virginia,
ibid., Part
III, p. 2941.
Almost
were
in this category.
DEFEAT
OF
THE
BANK but
335
about
score
opposed
to re-charter.1
1833, the bank sent a memorial of the violation of its charter by the removal of the deposits, and praying for justice at On the last days of December the hands of Congress.2 Clay opened the campaign against Jackson in a three-days'
the 18th of December, to both houses, complaining
On
the
Resolutions proposed no effective remedy for the situation. passed by the Senate alone, censuring the president and the illegal and an secretary of the treasury for committing the deposits, might irritate and act in removing
unjustifiable
enrage Jackson, the real
but could
was object
edly other effect.3 Undoubtto give time to let the panic work,
have
no
since panics are powerful engines in party warfare. Clay's speech and resolutions opened the flood-gates of debate in the Senate, while the bank's partisans buried
Congress
Such
came
praying for relief. under huge piles of memorials Thousands the strategy of Clay. was of memorials for the bank, Forsyth for the adin, while Webster ministr seventy times, and Clay over sixty spoke over Other
incitements
to debate
were
times.
Every
memorial produced a speech, and nished fur5 a new February source while on of discussion was Committee, by Webster's report from the Finance
declaring Taney's
reasons
for removing cient, the deposits insuffithe adoption of Clay's second resolution
iThe legislature of Virginia expressed this policy in its resolutions against to Jackson's removal of the deposits, though time refusing its sanction at the same States on constitutional Bank the United Ibid., Part III, p. 2840, the of grounds." March 3, 1834. resolutions presented
2 3
*
Ibid., Part
II, p. 2207.
criticism, Thirty Years,
See BENTON'S
I, p. 467.
336
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
by no means was of campaign, however, The to the bank. satisfactory to those who wished success true policy, so far as it was concerned, would have been to its, introduce a joint resolution for the restoration of the deposplan which should have been thoroughly discussed and quickly Biddle himself urged that the Senate should pass passed.
Clay's
soon
as
possible, "then
send
to the House, and the resolutions down 1 But as in 1832 pressure to do the rest."
trust to external
"nothing littleor
exhibited discontent with Clay's away from his leadership, and supported measures involving effective Webster wished to re-charter the bank for six action. for twelve, and the two could not comproyears, Calhoun mise
their differences.2 bank's representatives were as While Biddle approved the senators.
The
and Binney supported Calhoun's, to wished him to "take the direction in chief," objected " for a short continuance of the charter," and compromising urged Biddle to help to "alter the feelings of our friend W.,
* Webster himself was course." and reconcile him to a new "If Mr. C. and confident that his scheme might succeed. Mr. C. would go along with us," he wrote, "we could carry Bill through Senate by a strong twothe the compromise
thirds
majority.
?"
H. Binney, who
Can
b
you write through any body to talk He had assurances from friends of the
to
To
was
to Webster,
Vol. V, p. 85.
South Carolina statesman that, if it really objected to Webster's scheme too short ; if it was re-charter, the time was simply intended to give the bank It would inject the bank issue too long. time to wind up its affairs, the period was into two more C. D., Vol. X, Part presidential campaigns, and it settled nothing."
meant
a
The
I, p. 1057, March
3
21.
Biddle
to Webster,
Feb.
same
to
same,
March
*
Sergeant
Webster
to Biddle
(undated) ibid.
,
DEFEAT
OF
THE
BANK
337
" if all the president that they would support his measure ' King, of Georgia, anfriends of the Bank nounced stood firm." in the Senate a willingness to support him, though Jaudon ster's he was thought that Webunfriendly to the bank.2
the better and would be easier to carry, and plan was that Clay would give his support to either bill. " But Mr. Webster and Mr. Calhoun are each to obstinately wedded
his
own
plan!"3
Two
days
later he discovered
that Clay
wished all action deferred until May, and would not vote for Webster's bill,though he would support a long-term bill.4
Calhoun
the support of Wright, Benton, attempted to secure He but without success.5 and their friends for his measure, was not confident that his bill could be carried, but declared that if anything his suggestions.6
"
was
done
it would
be
in accordance
with
Biddle
thought
we can
ought to
charter, make it
hereafter." 7 Calhoun's plan would be "the basis permanent the friends of the of the final settlement," but meanwhile bank ought to act in unison, and he hoped that they would.8 His hopes
were
doomed
to disappointment,
however,
for the
leaders could not agree, and complete lack of harmony was necessarily fatal.9 On the 18th of March Webster outlined
his bill;10 on
i
to objected
2
it and
presented
Thirty
Years,
Jaudon
to
to Biddle,
same,
*Same
6
March
11, ibid.
Thirty
Years,
Vol. I, p. 435.
"It is very uncertain, what will be done; but if anything should be, it will be, I feel confident, in conformity the suggestions, I made on Mr. Webster's motion, with have been well received on all sides." To Anna M. Calhoun, April 3, 1834, Calhoun which
"
Correspondence,
7
p. 334.
Biddle Biddle
Benton
was
to Jaudon,
to Thomas
expresses
March Cooper,
surprise which
" 9
declares
Thirty
that
Webster's Vol. I,
plan
pp.
10
the
only
one
stood
chance
of
success."
Years,
433, 435.
I, p. 995.
was
Webster's
"
on
pp.
1004, 1005.
"What
"
of the present
charter, with
addition
of its exclusive
338
his
THE
SECOND
measure.1
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Clay remained silent,but he refused to support either plan, and was so incensed with Webster's that in private he demanded that the Massachusetts senator to lay it on the table, threatening that if he did should move
own
not
he himself would make the motion, whatever the consequences.2 It is plain that Clay had determined that none lated, capituing, the table, declar-
but he should lead. On the 25th of March making the motion to lay the bill on
however,
Webster
that he would call it up again " about the first 3 This was virtually the end of it,though Webster of May." gravely and emphatically declared on the 21st of May that his plan was Abandoned or not, there was not abandoned.4
no
and project,
Calhoun's
scheme
was
steadily losing friends. Biddle had been warned by in February his correspondents that this result was The would
right
; so
of
able. prob-
populace,
urged
a
this keen-sighted
understand
only
clear, easy
another,
that, while this bank Congress, at its leisure, might continued, provide if it chose, and bring it into existence to take the place of this, at the end of
a restoration of the deposits ; and a provision for enlarging the the hard money specie circulation, so as to increase in fact to a great extent of the is the substance "This country and to discontinue the circulation of small notes. of the measure."
" " the Bank will have the country and will be relieved C. D., Vol. X, Part II, p. 1763. time to collect its debts and wind up its concerns.""
Thus,
said
Webster,
"
the banks ; i. e., the big plan : (1) Must use a bank to unbank to control the small ones. (2) The bank to be a new continued for twelve years; to be chartered not to engrafted on the old. (3) This bank bank under the denomination notes smaller than $10; no notes of any of $5 or the bank to ; at the end of six years bank received either by the government
1
Calhoun's
be
bank
one
must
issue
to be
issue
no
notes
size. bank.
and
bank
not
to receive
subside, and
fix upon
notes
Ibid., Part
later, but rate of interest to be 5 per cent." to be arranged 21, 1834. 1067, 1068, March he will move J. W. Webb
to lay it
on
If Webster abide
zards and
1834, B. P.
3
at
to Biddle,
*Ibid., Part
II, p. 1791.
OF
THE
BANK
339
removal
hension; always involved and hard of compreindeed be exercised after the pressure should of the deposits to show that the administration had
were
far as to ruin merchants, caused it, but if pressure went so it would alienate that class and convince the people that the ures bank was at fault ; if it was continued while all around faildaily occurring, the people would be persuaded too powerful and therefore dangerous, that the bank was
were
The time had come and would insist upon its destruction. ruary for a change of policy.1 The St. Louis Republican of Febfriendship for the 10, while asserting its continued
Even Niles institution, criticised its action severely.2 admitted that the bank's ability to protect itself proved too great,3 and a littlelater held that that its power was
it was
evidence of the bank's excessive power, " I would to continue" 4 not agree power, which Nevertheless the directors could not be convinced and would
"
"
conclusive
.
not yield.
"The
relief," doggedly
useful or Congress
come
"
will do
feels no if not, the Bank wrongs inflicted by these miserable people. This worthy President thinks that because Indians
and imprisoned Judges, he is to have his way with He is mistaken." 5 the Bank. Later in the month, however, came a crushing reminder of of the fallibility bank presidents and of the transitoriness
Wolf of Pennsylvania Governor of the power of banks. denounced the corporation in his message, thus severely crip1
S. M. Stilwell to Biddle,
"
New
19, 1834, B. P.
have been, and still are, the fast friends of this institution. But, when it adopting fraught with distress and ruin to our community, a course we hesitate to condemn it." St. Louis Republican, Feb. 10, 1834, C. ""., Vol. shall not X, Part III, p. 3157.
we see
"
We
3 5
NILES,
Vol. XLV,
p. 363, Jan.
25, 1834.
p. 20,
March
8, 1834.
To Joseph
Hopkinson,
340
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
pling it by influencing public opinion against it.1 Since Wolf had hitherto been a bank supporter, his attitude was fatal. faced about whole Democratic party in Pennsylvania The senate of that state passed resolutions immediately. had senators, who against the bank;2 both Pennsylvania
The supported
soll, who
the re-charter, now opposed the institution ; Ingerhad toiled energetically for the bank in 1832,
Sutherland,
House all were
an
had led the Pennsylvania forces in the who on that occasion, Rush, who was an old supporter in opposition, and the bank scarcely numbered now
"
the Pennsylvania
own
delegation in Congress.3
was
state, its
cause
doomed.
one Every-
by the only emphasized recognized this,4 and it was that the governor's opposition was assurance not to a bank, but to the bank, being caused by the recent operations of the corporation.5
1 2
The
lead of Pennsylvania's
bank of the United which States ought have
governor
was
Message,
"
Resolved,
deposites to be
bank
States ought not of the United 21, 1834. 18-14." Ibid., p. 85, March
3
restored."
See
on
Essay
*
a very good r6sum6 of the situation the Spirit of Jacksonism, pp. 128-34.
in
ABISTIDES
(T. L. McEenney),
"Mr. President, when the Governor's unexpected message arrived here, it was his great weight into the scale of the Presifelt by all parties that he had thrown dent. It was blazoned forth by the administration ernor party and prints, that the Govhad come out in favor of the removal of the deposites, and against the bank._ from it, as a damper." It was felt here, as the Senator Georgia expressed CLAY,
"
On
'
burg
as
viewed ' ' Waterloo to be was of the continent, and that the battle of Everj effort was fought at the seat of Government. an expresexerted to procure sion favorable to the renewal of the charter, and a restoration of the deposites ; but had marked the directory of that institution for somo the course of policy which Legislature, and a vast time previous, had sealed its condemnation with the Executive, WILKINS, April 29, 1834, ibid., pp. 1543, 1544. portion of the people of Pennsylvania.""
the
II, p. 1546. last, all eyes were 26th of February the memorable turned towards It was Pennsylvania was evident, that in this political warfare
'
Harris-
Belgium
5"
He
is
stated, as in favor
cannot
matter
a
of
that Governor
think,
Wolf
concerns
was
then,
of the recent
developments
create
doubts
get along without in relation to the management of that institution, McKEAN, the public morals." as to its influence upon
"
however,
are
that
DEFEAT
OP
THE
BANK
341
one
month later followed in New York by Governor Marcy, to break the force of the financial pressure who did much by advising the issue of four or five million dollars
of state stock to be loaned to the state banks,1 whereupon the legislature passed a bill creating $6,000,000 of 5 per
cent, stock for this purpose.2
tives afterward the House of Representaput the quietus to the bank's hope of securing either a restoration of the deposits or a re-charter. The debate there
Almost immediately discussed in the questions as were centered about the same The tactics of Polk, who led the Democrats, Senate. were to secure a and memorials reference of the various documents to the Committee of Ways and Means, of which he was chairman. the bank In this he succeeded,3 and when he had done so, beaten. On April 4 the committee was reported,
It was adopted its findings. resolved that and the House " the bank of the United States ought not to be re-chartered," 134 to 82; " that the public deposites ought not to be restored," 118 to 103; "that the state banks ought to be continued as the places of deposite," 117 to 105; and that a to examine the bank's should be named select committee
for the commercial crisis, affairsand investigate the reasons " furious; The history 175 to 42.' The friends of the bank were of this day," wrote from the annals of the
" of them, should be blotted Republic; for the heart of every
one
Patriot must sicken, at the recital of the events which it will The Chief Magistrate of the United States seized record.
1
Message By
a
of March
vote
This
April 2, ibid., pp. Ill, of 89 to 12 in the house, 17 to 4 in the senate. loan was known HAMMOND, as the Marcy History mortgage." of New
Dec. 10, 1833, C. "".,
11, p. 2170;
Vol. X, Part
motion to to reconsider to Ways carried, Dec. 17, p. 2207, vote, 124 to 102; motion commit and by Polk, ibid. ; Folk's motion carried, Feb. 18, 131 to 98." Ibid., pp. Committee Means 2739, 2740. *Ibid., Part
342
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the Public Treasure, in violation of the law of the land ; and the Representatives of the People have confirmed the deed !!!
What
American
"
ever
expected
to
have the
lived to
see
such
turpitude ?
In House
accordance
with
appointed a It was to pry into the accounts of individuals extensive powers.2 into the private correspondwith the bank, and even ence
with it;3 and would, as of congressmen return a hostile and damaging report.
a
April 4, the
matter
course,
The
of bank's
exhausted; the president had done his worst; patience was the institution had everything to lose and nothing to gain by permitting such an exhaustive and vexatious investigation
; above
all, Biddle
was
of private accounts, The bank, therefore, put as many obstacles congressmen.4 as possible in the way of the committee, ending by refusing to allow the examination tions of its books, except under condito
The the committee not assent.5 would which thereupon reported warmly to the House, concluding majority Biddle and his fellow-directors that with the demand
should be arrested and brought to the bar.6 The matter committees suffered to end here, however, and no more appointed by the representatives.
i
was were
John
Connell
to Biddle,
Washington,
April
4, 1834, B. P.
A week
later
Niles
despondingly out the real secret of the defeat. wrote of the situation, and pointed " It is a great misfortune that the question as to a restoration of the public deposits into that concerning a was of the charter of the present renewal suffered to run bank
It was States. bank not the will of the friends of a national of the United it should have been so ; but the other party, in pursuit of its original design to destroy the present bank, forced the connexion, and the removal of the deposit into action against ites, by the president rallied this party, and pushed the currency that
....
a
3
NILES, Vol. XL VI, p. 98, editorial of April 12, 1834. of the country."" C. D., Vol. X, Part III, p. 3476, resolution 4. " directors be requested Resolved, That the president and of the bank
the
to
between the president committee of with copies of all correspondence letters the bank or any of its officers,with members of Congress ; or of unanswered received from one of them since the 1st day of July, 1832, touching the renewal of the charter of the bank, the removal or restoration of the public deposites, or touching
the business
*
5
furnish
transactions
To John
Bell, May
"
NILES,
75^.,
p. 13.
DEFEAT Meanwhile
OF
THE
BANK
343
movement
out-of-doors had ended in the sure of the bank's restrictive policy. Presbrought to bear upon the bank for the
exerted of securing a change in its operations, and was friends of the who were particularly by business men
saw
ruin approaching, solicited accommodations began to assert that the directors were and soon
incessantly,
acting
flagitiously in their restriction. The pressure was especially York, and in February the banks and merintense in New chants which should of that city selected a union committee
interview
the management
a
and The
embarrassed
and attempted to avoid acceding Biddle declared that the bank would have granted relief had it not been for Governor Wolf's attack.1 Put bluntly, this
meant
that New
York
was
to suffer because
Pennsylvania
not
The
union
of did
became
evident
that the
bank New
"the
York
reasons
its reap a ruinous unpopularity among James G. King assured Biddle that supporters.
yield
or
assigned"
our
sufficient by
not
be
deemed
not granted New and that if relief were Bank.2 Gallatin and other members establish a Regency believed that the bank was of the union committee
strong enough
"
that it ought
to do
a
so
opinions which they were report to the merchants the Bank "Hence
determined
to express in
lic pub-
they represented. and bankers whom for the had to do something, would have been enormous."
'
warning
seemed
about
to take
to J. G. King,
of the committee,
11, 1834, B. P.
2
3
to Biddle,
March
to Watmough,
March
344
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Marcy the loan to the banks. recommended shape, when ther The directors therefore agreed that there should be no furin its business "up to the first of May diminution
next."1
When
this decision
was
made
the bank's
cause
was
It
was
or
could have rendered assistance earlier or it Struggle as they might against could not render it now. this charge, the managers return could neither refute it nor
to the original policy with any chance of The was certain to be permanent.
success.
of the 4th of April, enraged by the act of the House petulantly but vainly warned the nation that it had no right Previous to the 1st of October, to expect further favors. 1833, the bank responsible for the general condition It had underof the currency and the exchanges." gone "years of effort and sacrifice" to bring "the currency been had
"
to a condition superior to that which and the exchanges" It had also had upon its existed in any other country. Right shoulders "the duty of averting every calamity."
nobly had it fulfilled this obligation: witness the panic of 1825; witness the extension of loans in 1831; witness the defraying of the cost of the postponement of the payment of
the 3 per cents, in 1832; witness its self-sacrificing action in the presence of the cholera. But now this obligation had The bank would hereafter attend to its own forever ceased.
business, and
it
was
not
to blame
if disaster overtook
the
concessions
Webb
i
Biddle
Report
of the Union
2d Sess., p. 100.
DEFEAT
to persist, and not to
OP
THE
BANK
345
waver
in his policy, with the assurance He a charter. certain to secure to let him know the moment any
The motives underlying change in policy was contemplated. apparent in his letter. He had been all this zeal became When the news of speculating in the stock of the bank. the concessions to the committee reached him, he uttered a "The truth is,that wail of mingled reproach and despair. friend Biddle, by loaning himself most unadvisedly to our Committee the Union of N Y, has ruined most of us
in New
Hamilton * and dispirited the others and Joseph and myself $11,and myself lose about $3,000, This takes my all, except my interest in the paper, 500! but I do not complain of Biddle." 2 York
Some
were was
by the spring elections against the administration;8 shed favorable to the Whigs;4
5
anti-administration ; opponents carried the Virginia legislature by a large and Louisiana followed Virginia's example.7 majority,6 These elections, however, lacked the significance which the
and its friends persisted in seeing in them. rebuked Jackson, but would not support a bank. bank York
were
Virginia
The
New
the utterance of voters who hardly knew elections were what to do in circumstances of great distress and aimed a blow at the only head that could be struck. Louisiana had Island had certainly always been a tariff state, and Rhode
not been
a
Jackson
won
stronghold.
a
having
Presumably SENATOR
Alexander BOBBINS,
Hamilton,
Webb
to
March
23, 1834, B, P.
II, p. 1462.
NILES,
Vol. XL.VI,
29.
3.
1
8
March
346
But
THE
SECOND
a
BANE
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
such
victory
ests effectivestep in the interof the bank ought to be taken. He therefore introduced were joint resolutions, declaring that the secretary's reasons
to of the Pyrrhic order, injurious His triumph once to the bank. secured,
was
that
some
insufficient and directing the restoration of the deposits after The resolutions passed the Senate June 4 July 1, 1834.1
and June 5.2 But it was too late,the action of the House on that agreethe 4th of April having long since determined ment The bank had impossible. between the houses was lost its chance because Clay
saw
however,
desire to
secure
the
return
or charter were renewed prolonged," I believe the pecuniary difficulties the country of
If only the deposits were restored and the executive would show itself friendly, the bank would make an effort to relieve the country ; but if be immediately healed." continued its efforts to destroy the Bank," the return of the deposits alone would produce no change.4 done by Congress, the bank would continue If nothing were its contraction see and autumn and the summer would
"
the Executive
threat; every unusual distress.5 But this was an unmeaning day the resolution of the bank managers weakened, and in June they would gladly have capitulated if only a vote of
Congress could
1
2 3
be secured
of the
May
Vote
The
bank,
a
said King,
in making
*
party
of Georgia, lost its chance by the action of its supporters March 10, 1834, ibid., Part I, p. 847. question oat of the removal.
"
Biddle
to General
John
S. Smith,
of Baltimore,
May
p. 192.
"
a summer
"
Of
one
May
as
that if nothing is done this session, we shall have certain Biddle to Webster, have not often been experienced.""
"
DEFEAT deposits.1
find
some
OP
THE
BANK
In
truth, they
were
now
defeat.
The
rising in revolt against their action. threatened to denounce the bank;2 the
asserted that further pressure would result in the loss of the autumn elections in that state, everybody there being convinced that the bank could relax and Mr.
New
Whigs
Gallatin
on
the
subject."3
to
see
began
light
save
judicious action also, and advised beloved country from the curse our
thereby When
save
"
....
and
the Bank."
at last Congress
without adjourned
taking action,
left to continue its course without present and the bank was hope of re-charter or the restoration of the deposits, the conviction had was irresistible. A committee that all was over been appointed in June to determine what should be done,
and
the result
Jackson's triumphant only possible one. gress assertion that after the close of the session of Conits ability and in June, "the bank announced
was
the
....
readiness to abandon
....
"
was
the system of unparallelled curtailment to the comand to extend its accommodations munity In justified.6the resolutions of June 27 the
bank
"
distinctly states that the step is advisable in consequence of the approaching of gress adjournment Conwithout having taken any steps to restore the violated management
e., [i.
rights
the
report of July
1
Congress"
is put
Biddle Biddle
to A. Porter, June to W.
2 3
" 5
Appleton,
R. M. Blatchford
Mathew L. Bevan
to Biddle, to Biddle,
President's
message,
Dec.
1, 1834, Messages
348
THE
SECOND
as
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
forward
the
reason
for modifying
It is plain that a great part of what been planned with an eye to its effect on The
Congress.
relaxation of July was virtually final. The bank did not intend to remove all restrictions and did not do so, but the state banks, no longer fearful of the monster, had begun
a
rapid expansion;
some
begun extensive of them had even The bank might therefore as well it was constantly embarrassed by
its half-hearted policy. On July 18 Jaudon wrote Biddle, tailed saying that the papers charged the bank with having curfor political effect,and that it was now expanding with the purpose of engineering tumn. another contraction in the auOur friends, he mournfully concludes, say "they do 2 how to answer On the 24th he writes them." not know
that the western friends of the bank want accommodations, too, "and I suppose that we shall be obliged to let the western officesextend their purchases of Bills on New Orleans without reference to the amount of their receipts from collections for other offices." The accommodations demanded were granted, the bank putting an end to all restrictions in September, and thus ending the last faint efforts to force
'
completely changed in public favor. It had now become the position of the bank extremely unpopular, and for the first time parties clearly bank. The strife had divided on the issue of bank or no been
most
transformed,
too, from
fair and
savage and implacable struggle. gress; thoroughly developed on both sides by the contest in Conby the suffering resulting from the panic; by the cumulation of irritating circumstances: the pension
ques-
Jaudon
to Biddle,
Ibid.
DEFEAT
tion ; the
OF
THE
BANK
349
Taney
matory of the president ; the protest ; the inflamthe of memorials; rejection the appointments of directors ; the refusal of the bank and the government
censure
to permit investigation by the House the votes committee; The feeling generated by these events of the two houses.
difficult," says Benton, "for people in after times to realize the degree of excitement, of by this was agitation and of commotion which produced organized attempt to make panic and distress. The great
was
tremendous.
"It
will be
were
the
scene
of commotions
opponents of Jackson, convinced that he was Congress, soon lost their over at absolute dominion be counted Neither Clay nor Webster, however, can number, though Calhoun, intense in his convictions,
much bitterness.
The
aiming temper.
of this
of the government exclaimed: "Directors! did I say? No ! spies is their proper 2 designation !" and after the protest he spoke with indignation
Speaking
showed directors, he
" " Infatuated man ! he cried, "blinded of the president. by ambition intoxicated by flattery and vanity ! Who, that is in the least acquainted with the human heart who, that
"
"
is conversant
with the page of history, does not see, under all this, the workings of a dark, lawless and insatiable ambition!" McDuffie, in the House, more was passionate,
incoherent in his and more Burgess, of Rhode Island, shrieked wrathful outpourings.4 that the "miscreants of our times and of our country " should the Marats, the Dantons, the Robespierres of "remember
more more
intense,
Thrasonic,
other times and other countries," and declared that the outraged " American flaming ruins of the people would quench by the immolation of those traitors who their country had lighted up the conflagration."5 The venerable Senator
....
1
3
Thirty
Years,
Vol. I, p. 421.
6, 1834.
2
"
III, p. 3459.
Ibid., p. 3166.
350
THE
SECOND
of Rhode
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Bobbins,
momentous
"
Island, asserted that " the fearful and " liberty and despotism had between struggle
and that unless checked "blood must already commenced," flow." * Ewing, of Ohio, commenting Jackson's assertion on his " person enduring in his protest that he bore upon liberty was of that contest in which American memorials
achieved," queried:
lad, he got hurt any where, or any how, at any time, or by any accident, during the revolutionary war, what effect ought it to have, or should it have had, if urged in time, in their construction of the the grave judgment of the Senate, upon If it be true that, boy
or
The Senate say to the President, You had no right constitution? to seize the public purse; the constitution intrusts its custody to Congress; pray restore it. Hear the reply: You are mistaken in construction of the constitution; I got hurt when in the time of the Revolution, and I have the scar on
your
I
me
was
boy,
yet.2
Poindexter
was
furious
declared, "is wholly one, sir, spurn this foul effort to cast a stigma and patriotism of this honorable body,
....
....
protest, he I, for
on
": of its reckless, infatuated author. his opponents, was a tyrant, a usurper, a
Cromwell,
George
III., an
infatuated old
man,
in Congress supporters that of his opponents, and the depths of the matched frequently reached in the search to attain ridiculous were the moral sublime, as when Peyton, of Tennessee, concluded
a
glowing
peroration by shouting:
Yes, sir,he had trod the paths of glory which Washington had The historian had but to complete his office, trod before him. and his name his task, and he to perform immortal; the sculptor was
stood beside the father of his country, with the finger which penned
1 2
jftfd.,Part
DEFEAT
the Declaration
OF
THE
BANK
351
pointing him out as the noblest of Independence And, sir,this is the man, Roman stances, of his day. under these circumYes, sir,even against whom all these shafts are hurled! the kitchen knife of Kentucky, which has been cast aside for years,
is hunted be sawed
up and thrown
across
gaps, to
the bosom
of
patriot.1
The
bank, in the vocabulary of the Democrats, was a monster, hydra, a dark, subtle, demoniac a power, striving to the constitution and hurl free institutions into overthrow
ruin.
sought to extend the nation; to the sway of a moneyed aristocracy over "old Nick," equipped in imagination another wing he was with horns, hoofs, and tail.
But
no
To
appeared
as
peror Em-
one
was
so
thoroughly
at home
in this tempestuous
warfare as the aged president of the United States. As his opponents continued to call down anathemas upon his gray head, his temper higher and higher, until it rose
finallyreached the bursting point. With paroxysms of rage he drove popular deputations from his presence. In response to the request of the Baltimore delegation for relief,
he burst out
:
"
Relief , sir !
"
....
Come
not to
me,
sir !
"
Go
to the monster!
Jackson The
"
The
It is folly, sir, to talk to Andrew government will not bow to the monster."
....
chairman
meekly
something injecting
the exasperated old man exclaimed: Andrew The people, sir, Jackson, sir, about the people! I have undergone are with me. much peril for the liberties
Jackson yet lives, to put his of this people, and Andrew foot upon the head of the monster, and crush him to the dust." The chairman that Jackson's experiremonstrated ment was "The sir," ruining the merchants. mammoth,
shouted undergo
1
the president, " has bled you !....! would rather the tortures of ten Spanish inquisitions than that
II, p. 2659, Feb. 6, 1834.
Ibid., Part
352
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
be recharthe deposites should be restored, or the monster And tered." thus he continued until his rage had grown too great to permit further discussion.1 To the Philadelphia
Jackson Andrew
"
never
would
restore
never
Jackson
....
sooner recharter that monster of corruption than live in a country where such a power prevailed, he in the wilds of Arabia." As for would seek an asylum " brokers and stock speculators, and all who were doing
would that
business upon borrowed capital, such people ought to break," and he threatened repeatedly to put an end to the circulation of branch drafts by forbidding their receipt
....
in payment revenues.2 of the government ers Such being the temper of the leaders, that of the followThe grand jury Davidcertainly did not lag behind. of son
Carolina, solemnly presented Andrew county, North for "his arbitrary, despotic and unconstitutional Jackson his "reckless obsticonduct, in seizing the public money," nacy,"
his
number
"haughty
and
kingly
deportment,"
besides The
mond Rich-
without adjourned
doing
anything to end the distress, "the clangor of arms and " " " the voice of battle would resound in the land within six The Commercial Herald cally months.4 of Philadelphia theatrisay in the face of the world, and with a solemn reliance on the God of the free, that this people are not excusable for remaining an hour longer quiet under exclaimed
:
"
We
in,
2NILES,
borrowers
the
8, 1834; C. D., ibid., p. 3074. On Jackson's sentiments in his letter to J. A. Hamilton, same expression
3, 1834, quoting
the New
York
Courier
and
CLAT,
quoting
the Whig,
March
III,
p. 3144.
DEFEAT
OP
THE
BANK
353
Let the crisis be met!" l A Washington and individual ruin. letter published in the Richmond Compiler voiced the "My writer's "sincere belief" that violence was certain. that, in their opinion, cities tell me pistols will be flashed and dirks drawn in their streets before There must be a the expiration of another month
For
one,
though
my letters threatening assasand Biddle received anonymous sination, and Jackson having had the bad taste to allow some
ready to whet
to be published, the Globe overflowed with rage against the inciting murder at the hands of " bank opposition which was
minions."
Biddle, meanwhile, attained immense fame. His in Wall street was a signal for the gathering " " to gaze upon the man had crowds who
by the unrelenting hostility of conspicuous Jackson," while the merchants cheered him at the
was
savagely assailed
the
executive
as
an
to
overthrow Pennsylvanian
power
intimated
thought
if they refused to pass the appropriation "put in circulation." Rumor reports" were
asserted that the president was about to issue a proclamation not received, "and that against the Senate, if his protest was
a
gathering"
him,
l
was
"already
making
at Washington
to support
in certain
ulterior
measures."1
2
At
Baltimore
letter of Feb. 16.
IDEM,
ibid., quoting
the Herald.
IDEM,
ibid., quoting
3 Diary
*
of Philip
democrats
Hone,
never
15, 1834.
"The
sanctioned
it, and
now,
having
the
power,
or get rid should amend of it once "Let them, if they dare, and
forever."
the bursting
yet
hasten
have
of the
to what
storm
an
lowering
may
to learn
3, 1834.
354
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
McDuffie
cheered the soldiers into the senate chamber, to send the senators home, that 200,000 volunteers would be in Washington." ' Meanwhile
tumultuously referred to these reports and was he said "that ten days after the entrance of when
memorials and resolutions poured in, for and against the action of the president in removing the deposits, filledwith denunciations and intemperate language. ers, Paintcarpenters, coopers, tanners, watchmakers, cab-drivers, curriers, blacksmiths, and all the other comshoemakers, ponent cordant in parts of the "sovereign people" joined the disclamor. The
inhabitants of Bucks
resolved,
the deliberate opinion and the decided conviction of this Jackson, President of the United States, meeting, That if Andrew is sustained by the people in his reckless usurpations, and the As
monstrous
in
the
by him and his kitchen cabinet, to be enforced by prostituted centrate collared partisans, tending to conin judicial,
himself,
to liberty in this country, and the last refuge of freedom, the world's last hope, will cease to be a republic ;2
there is
an
end
in the
same
state
we
able pursued by our venerChief Magistrate, with regard to the United States Bank, that view it as a corporation dangerous to the permanency of our free
approve
course
highly of the
institutions; subversive of
sentiment, corrupt and that would draw the last drop of blood from the veins of vampyre the honest yeomanry of the country, and revel in the glorious exhibition the effects of its secret implements of destruction.3 of
free and unbiassed expression of public in its desperation, a corrupting, and now,
a
personal enmities and animosities engendered by the by the social ostracism which was struggle may be measured visited upon Philadelphians like C. J. Ingersoll who deserted
1
The
NILES,
Ex.
Doc.
Doc.
DEFEAT
the bank's in 1833,
OF
THE
BANK
355
treatment
cause
and
by
Adams's
Rush, who had warmly supported the bank had requested the presidency of the Washington 1831,1 and in 1834 urged his supporters to "go Richard
their "patriotic work With righteous sorrow
of in 1828, office in
on
with"
Knox Rush
would
was a
call a
moral
"
pariah.3
These
of old-time
charges and countercharges; these insinuations and insults, criminations tions, and recriminaferocity in the congressional campaign bred a vehement
by all odds the for many years. It was of 1834 unknown It was in which the bank was hottest campaign involved. a charter the last desperate effort of the institution to secure against the will of the president, and the last occasion on
identified themselves with the big bank. which the Whigs The political passions generated during the struggle over the deposits had reached an excessive point, where no one
listened to arguments, where everyone wished to declaim at the same moment, and where partisans on both sides were quick to proceed from words to blows and from threats to Each party to the contest felt that the struggle outrage. So important did would be decisive of the bank's hopes.
the crisis that he began in June the publication out of the Extra Globe, to be issued at brief intervals through"one the campaign, of contributing with the object feeble ray to aid in disclosing the machinations of the great
Blair deem
Tempter
and
i
3
"
seeks to pollute and destroy the purest which now happiest Government The known upon earth." 4 ever
2
Extra
letter from
Richard
Rush,
and
between
him
stillfriendly in terms, but it closes all forever. I can me never conrepose fidence
that
minority * Announcement
There is a moral course which obliquity in his present his principles sit light upon him, and that he cannot stand fire in a long."" ADAMS, Memoirs, Vol. IX, p. 40, Nov. 29, 1833.
of
reasons
28, 1834.
356
bank,
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
the other hand, relaxed its now evidently impolitic contraction, and covered the Union with swarms of articles disseminated for it in scores of instances under the franking
on
tee privilege of its supporters in Congress ; the Senate CommitFinance, with John Tyler as reporter, investigated the on
bank prepared a points ; and the Whigs and elections and prepare e., "when that \_i.the
to discuss the renewal
all essential to work with zeal to secure the went for a re-charter. Biddle hoped still:
is over election]
or
report supporting
it
on
elections were especially at Philadelphia, where a number of houses were burned by the mob ; and when the decisive day came, Biddle
The
for himself as for his family took precautions, not so much Wife and children were sent out of the city ; and the bank. his house literally his "castle," filling it with he made
armed
" while he stationed a force provided with muskets " in the bank on the night of the election and bayonets to provide for its safety.2 The precautions were unnecessary. No physical assault was made, but when morning
men,
dawned
upon Biddle standing to his defenses in house and disaster than any mere bank, it brought the news of a worse defeated, were everywhere mob could inflict. The Whigs numbered. and the bank's days were
another important effect. The Whigs at last were convinced that their alliance with the bank was a blunder, and henceforth the party silently dissociated itself
The
campaign
had
The advisability of doing so from the moribund monster. had been pointed out much earlier by that subtile politician Thurlow Weed,3 and immediately upon the close of the dimittis in the Evening nunc election he uttered a joyful
Journal
1
2
Autobiography,
DEFEAT
There
is one
OP
THE
BANK
357
of congratulation connected with the results minated we can of the recent election in which even participate. It has terAfter staggering along the United States Bank war
cause
from year to year with a doomed bank upon our shoulders, both The burden, the bank and our party are finally overwhelmed. however, is now removed, and we hope to see the efforts of a great to the and patriotic party directed, with better chances of success, ultimate restoration of the rights of tLe people and the honor of the country.1
Four
published every
which
reason
staid Whig organ, for the defeat, in which review of the reasons back to the connection came with the bank,
a
of Commerce,
gave the party a hateful aristocratic character: the support institution, right or wrong, the panic fomented by of the
"the tools of party for politicaleffect,"the unmeasured attacks upon the president in connection with the removal of the deposits, the these curtailments of 1833"34
unjustifiable
"
of the party's defeat ;2 while Blair exulted " because the party had ruined the bank. Had the task been of conduct assigned to us to delineate for the opposition a course
were
the
causes
which should utterly destroy the present Bank, and forever prevent the establishment of another, we could not have devised one so effectual as that which they have pursued." At the same time he admitted that had the Whigs the bank in 1832 "and come out in favor of a renounced institution, with a charter much modified, it would have new been difficult, not impossible, to prevent their success."1 if To these judgments Few unqualified assent may be yielded.
causes
have
ever
the bank
from
been
more
it had to see its friends, unwilling and now in its overthrow, silently desert it. Even Webster, its great1
2
than
Ibid., quoting
Extra
the Albany
Evening
Journal,
of Nov.
15, 1834.
the Journal
of
Commerce
of
24, 1834.
358
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
influential champion, coldly gave up its advocacy, declaring that "the people had decided against" the Biddle bank, "public opinion had decided against it!"1
est and
most
upbraided him sorrowfully and reproachfully for his aposhearty co-operation tacy,2 but from this time Webster's
ceased. Jackson's message of 1834 as usual expressed hostilityto The president censured it for withholding the the bank. the government's shares in order to force of the bank's charges for the protested French bill, payment the sale of the government's and closed by recommending
dividend
due
on
stock, the cessation of the reception of its notes in payment dend, revenues of government until the bank had paid the divi" ment and the repeal of all laws connecting the Governor
its officerswith
or
indirectly.
";
Finance on offered its set-off,the Senate Committee The message and report were report favorable to the bank. heart in the support supported and attacked, but there was little
As
more
in the attack.
The
affair was
virtually
In Senate, Biddle
Messages
Works
of Daniel
Webster,
to Webster, and
Papers,
CHAPTER
THE
XV
OF
THE
LAST
DAYS
BANK
results of the election of 1834 having decided that the doomed, it had now to prepare for the end, and it bank was Accordingly one would expect began immediately to do so. THE But this that its business would diminish all through 1835. was not the case, for the monthly returns furnish proof that the bank carried a larger active debt through the last months of its existence than at almost any other period of its history. A review of its transactions will show how extensive they By February, 1835, the total debt was $55,000,000; were.
by July it
at
$65,000,000; and by January, 1836, it stood $59,000,000. The remaining items were, as a matter of
was
course,
of the bank's over $23,000,000. All and at the close of the year it was through 1835 the amount of specie held was also unusually held was large. At the beginning of February the amount
over
Thus the note circulaextensive. tion level in 1835 than in any other year history. On July 1 it stood at $25,000,000,
on $16,000,000, October 1 it was $12,545,000, and in it was December $8,749,000. The total showed no considerable diminution it was $5,595,000. until March, when
This result was due to the increase of the bank's transactions Pennsylvania because of its new In like manner, charter. deposits kept up until August and then fell away rapidly. The
1
whole
movement
Discounts
on
p. 361.1
Specie Deposits of Individuals
Domestic
Exchange
other Security
Total
Circulation
Feb. 1 31,354,000 3,962,000 20,208,000 55,524,000 April 32,161,000 5,013,000 22,926,000 60,100,000 Aug 24,198,000 64,314,000 33,638,000 6,478,000 Nov 9,176,000 30,499,000 17,854,000 57,529,000 Jan., 1836... 25,775,000 14,206,000 19,251,000 59,232,000 8. D. 128, 25th Cong., 2d Sess., and 8.
"
19,733,000 16,369,000 8,755,000 20,544,000 16,448,000 9,372,000 24,329,000 12,883,000 8,508,000 23,031,000 10,224,000 5,406,000 23,075,000 8,417,000 4,369,000 D. 312, 24th Cong., 1st Sess.
359
360
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
that the would be misled, however, if lie supposed business of the bank was increased because the managers did
not
was
One
"
of the increase torate explicable enough, resulting from the policy of the direcin making long loans in settling up the bank's affairs loans which appeared as discounted paper in the monthly
to close up
intend
its
concerns.
Most
getting control of the capital without exerting pressure upon the business community. The enormous amount of specie secured and retained
returns.
This
policy contemplated
so
long
as
the bank
proves Biddle
how
adhered to its design of closing up, Writing in June, successful the effort was.
pointed out the policy under which he was acting, to concentrate that the attempt was the capital in showing the East, " while the diminution is going rapidly on in the distant and unmanageable points. This is in fact the I am to work the insensible endeavoring great problem. in large masses of concentration of the funds of the Bank
more
on
this statement plain of policy, it is easy to exThus it will be found that most of the business done. the dealings in exchange were particularly large.2 Not only
Remembering
so,
but the
and New Thus out of $16,614,000in billsof to the vanishing point. inland exchange, falling due about March 3, 1836, $14,970,000 were payable at the offices of Philadelphia, New York,
drawn on the East of the bills were Orleans, while those on the West diminished almost
majorpart
Orleans, while at all the western officesthe fact will also be sum only $95,000.3 Another payable was ley, revealed: the exchange transactions in the Mississippi valBoston, and New
infinitely less extended than usual, are much being payable larger than usual at New Orleans, $7,000,000
though
1 2
Biddle
to C. A. Davis
See Appendices
VI
and
LAST
DAYS
OF
THE
BANK
361
CHAKT
MOVEMENT
OP
PRINCIPAL
ITEMS
WHEN
CLOSING
UP
THE
BANK
362
THE
SECOND
on
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the 3d of March, 1836.1 In brief,the loans at the small and distant offices fell off rapidly, while they increased rapidly at the large eastern branches.
at this office alone
The conclusion and only one: bank was getting its capital from the distant branches to the Much Atlantic officesby dealings in exchange. credit is due
one
These
facts lead to
business^ this to it in this respect, for, if it intended to cease in which it Must operate. was precisely the manner of "discounts on other security" the increase was largely due to the closing up of the bank's being made concerns, with the idea, first of keeping its
being settled,and secondly as a result of granting stock loans in the process of This is the noticeable item in the selling the branches.
funds employed
bank's
was
returns
in
1835, and
how
few figures will show. loaned "on a amount other security" was only $3,900,000, before exceeded, while by March 3, figure which it had never 1836, it had reached the enormous sum of $17,300,000,
a
according be added
to the monthly
reports.
But
there
were
stillto
accrustock and other amounts, ing from the sale of distant branches and not yet known at the aggregate $28,600,000.2 the central office,which made
loans
on
bank
York, at Philadelphia, New made of these loans were Since this state of affairs was Baltimore, and Charleston.3 due to the settlement of the bank's business, in what appeared Most the best and most feasible method, it is not to be condemned. It was nevertheless decidedly unfortunate, for it constitutes
of
Ex. Doc.
"
the long paper years arising from these sales, loans for one or more both at the bank and its offices,principally with a view to the employment made The total amount up of long of winding of the funds during the process loans is, therefore, $28,624,289.31, the other offices there are some others at of and Commissioners ment of the bank to the governwhich it would take time to ascertain."" 3 Ibid. Oct. 19, 1836, ibid., p. 42. commissioners,
Besides
were
LAST
bank.
DAYS
OP
THE
BANK
363
Nor is it necessary to suppose that there was anything before this to explain the bank's final overwrong whelming The errors ruin. which led to that disaster began
on sums the security of bonds of immense depreciated rapidly during the critical and stocks, which years of 1836 to 1841, and brought the bank into difficulties
in this loaning
from which it could not be extricated. From the moment when it made its firstgreat loans on stock to its fall,one can
trace the steps by which
it
was
hurried headlong
to
counts for consideration only the regular disAt the distant branches these mercantile paper.
remains
a
felloff to
considerable extent, being transformed into bills of exchange payable in the East; but at Philadelphia, New York, New Orleans, and some of the other large offices they The demand remained at the old figures or exceeded them. for loanable capital was indeed very great. An immense expansion in all lines of trade and industry had been gathering
in full swing. The price now since 1830, and was of cotton in 1835 reached a very high figure, and its cultivation led to an almost unparalleled inflation in the Mississippi
head
borrowed valley. Everyone money, quite regardless of his future ability to pay, and invested it in slaves or land, with the of increasing the culture of cotton.2
object
was
was
west
everyone
See the chart, p. 361, for the movement in other securities." 2 " The high began to rise in 1833, having made the price of cotton, which for the to borrow tempted were money of it a most gainful pursuit, many culture lands, and of purchasing purpose of buying slaves, as well as for the ordinary
....
interior
s
traffic."" TUCKEB,
1833 1834 1835
On
:
Money
and
Banks,
p. 373.
$ 3,900,000
4,800,000 14,700,000
1836 1837
$24,800,000
6,700,000
* The Reflectionsupon the Present State of the Currency writer of the pamphlet in the United States, published in 1837, declares that $30,000,000were invested in land
364
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
a
STATES
improvements
sums
were
were
also
on projected
mous enor-
building of railways and built in 1835 than in canals. More miles of railway were any other year in that decade.1 All this led to a very active for meeting the demand, for capital. The facilities demand
expended
in the
created by the chartering of numerous new state banks and a tremendous expansion of their loans. From 1830 to 1836 the state banks in the United States however,
had
been
increased their paper issues from $60,000,000to $140,000,000, their loans from $200,000,000to $457,000,000.' In
1830
there
were
330
state banks;3
in 1834, 506.*
Under
the supply of capital in 1835 was such circumstances adequate Consequently the Bank of the United to the demand.5 States for the most part steadfastly resisted the temptation
to make
loans, though
not
York
unjustifiable
in December
similar
New
York
however,
be
admitted, for in
in 1835, which " within a 5" 7 or 8, and rarely over in; "Towns
were
"
before attracted over of time had never lands in Massachusetts were speculated
"
Timber, lands, stone-quarries water-power and sold that could be twisted to a possibility of future use." and coal-mines, everything York was Pp. 22, 23. Sumner says that the real estate of New assessed at $309,000,000 high a figure until 1851. History in 1836, and that it was as not again assessed at of plotted
"
"
American
1
Currency,
p. 119.
1830
1831
1836
1837
"
"
1832
1833
"
"
"
1834
" "
"
"
1835
2 3 * 5
POOH,
Manual
of Railroads,
1874-75, p. xxvii.
States, p. 15.
Reflectionspon u
ADAMS,
State
of
the Currency
of
the United
GallatMs
report,
"a
Wilde's It
was
on
and deposit
per
In January appeared lowing the folgolden age for money-borrowers. like advertisements Money be had at 5 per cent, per annum :....' may to $15,000, loan on bank stock at 5 per of bank stock as security
....
"
cent,
annum.'
"
JOSEPH
G. MARTIN,
Twenty
-one
Tears
in
the
Boston
Stock
Market,
6
"
p. 7.
It is probably
manner we
well and
are
very
here in the
making
stop
on
LAST
DAYS
OP
THE
BANK
365
that month the city suffered severely from a disastrous fire, and for the benefit of the insurance companies, and at the the bank a opened request of the merchants, credit of $2,000,000.1A further increase of business was occasioned
by the demand
on
in its circulation.
the whole, the directors managed their affairs in a laudable manner 1835, and were all through clearly busy in order for the purpose setting their concerns of final In addition to the transfer of funds to the East settlement.
On
of exchange operations, preparations for closing up the bank's capital at long dates while
means
The sale of the branches included selling out the branches. the disposal of the active debt,3 the suspended debt, and the in fact,everything real estate, including the banking houses
"
owned
in these branches
"
of settlement attempt to collect all its debts itself. Moreover, since those who much easier for the community,
continue
expeditious
mode
this being
be the
bought
debt would
and bank.*
the business of the office, diate whose immehave occasioned distress closing would in many cases considerable loss both to the community and to the The
property
banks
for the most part sold to local towns where the branches were established.5 the active debt went to one, the suspended
was
debt to another, and the other items to a third.6 Money was very plentiful early in 1835, and the bank took the opportunity
1
"
Biddle Biddle
to Albert
to C. A. Davis
3
*
This is frequently
what
B [1835],.
NILES,
Vol. XLIX,
p. 181.
366
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
way described.1 It began the sale of its offices as early as issued to the branches the month of March, when orders were Utica, and at Fayetteville, Cincinnati, Savannah, Richmond, loans.2 Washington Lexington to cease making new received similar orders in April,3 and Louisville and St. Louis in May.4 In June the Hartford, Utica, and Portsmouth offices were
on the point actually closed, Buffalo and Burlington were were of closing, while the nine other officesabove mentioned
month the rapidly reducing their loans.5 Late in the same officeat Nashville ceased active dealings, though it is worthy of note that a long term was granted it in which to put its
It was discounting; its old debts to cease affairs in order. to be settled by the 4th of March, 1836 ; its more were recent debts, founded bills to New Orleans, were to be settled on 1835 ; and the office was to within six months of November, be closed on the 1st of May, 1836.6 The western business to was evidently to be settled through this office, which was The Lexington branch collect and remit to New Orleans. had arranged to close up its affairs in August,7 while the New Orleans officewas instructed in October to cease taking bills
marks
on
Baltimore,8 and this order probably the end of the bank's active business in the western
or
on
the West
the bank By
had 3d
disposed
of nine
branches.9
the
NILES,
Biddle Biddle Biddle
"
Buffalo and Burlington Portsmouth are and Hartford closed; and Utica folk, Cincinnati, St. Louis, Louisville, Fayetteville, Norwill be ; while Lexington, Washington, Richmond are a process of reduction." and Charleston under
"
Biddle
6
to C. A. Davis,
June
5, ibid., p. 373.
p. 310, July
NILES,
Vol. XLVin,
4, 1835, quoting
Nashville
paper.
15, 1835.
p. 138,
Portsmouth,
Orleans Buffalo,
Union.
New
Orleans,
Natchez,
p. 109.
St. Louis,
Cincinnati, and
LAST
the number
DAYS
OF
THE
BANK
367
eighteen.1 Moreover, three officeshad been closed without the sale of their assets.2 There remained, therefore, only Boston, New York, Savannah, Nashville, and the mother officeunsold, and these were rapidly getting their
was
of Philadelphia, affairssettled. The intention in the case New York, and Boston was not to sell the debts, but to collect be done more for the them, as this could advantageously The suspended debt in the South would be collected at Savannah and that in the West at Nashville. Meanwhile to be diminished, Biddle instructing the eastern discounts were
bank.8 the New
cease
York
office in August
the collection and purchase of bills on the western and southwestern offices,to stop discounts on bank stock excepting
for long dates, and to increase its supply of specie.4 A In week later he forwarded like instructions to Baltimore.5 change, the stockholders being their stock at 5 per cent, encouraged to take long loans on interest, in order to keep the stock together "to await the
came
a
October, however,
contingency of an incorporation from any other quarter."6 This is the firstintimation in Biddle's correspondence of a new policy in connection with the of securing a state
project
charter.
Up
to this moment
the bank
had
conducted
its
intent but that of closing up. affairs apparently with no "The bank," wrote Biddle late in August, "is winding up its affairs,quietly and certainly. The nature of its operations
which consist mainly in selling out its debts on credits, is calculated to ease the debtors, and our great
1
long
object
Richmond,
Portland, Louisville.
"
Lexington,
Ibid.
Providence,
Mobile,
Norfolk,
Burlington,
Pittsburg, and
2
Hartford,
the National
Gazette.
3
Miles says
Case of New
same
York, Biddle
Appleton, Aug.
to C. A. Davis,
Nov.
Boston,
* 5 6
to Win.
Nov.
Biddle Same
to Jaudon, to John
McKim,
Hughlett,
Jr., Aug.
Biddle to W.
368
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
a
STATES
as
that the idea of a new charter was seriously adopted, the institution varied its policy but little. Discounts ceased in New York city on the 23d of January,
at any of the other made virtually no loans were being colbranches, and in April the debts at Boston were lected distress.8 to cause so rapidly as much
in such
manner
to avoid
all
1836;*
The
with they
collected, the facility with which the debts were sold, and the terms at which which the offices were were sold furnish conclusive evidence of the bank's
ease
The sum realized by the sale of active debts up condition. 4 to the 3d of April, 1836, was $15,716,726.53. There was difficultyin making the sales at good prices to responno sible
sold "at their par value, without any actual deduction for the risk and expense of collection."5 Biddle considered "the arrangements ' The branch which brought the highest very advantageous."
.
parties, the
debts
being
sum
was
New
Orleans ; next
Baltimore, in order were As a rule, cash was not paid for these debts, but instead given, secured by collateral. The promissory notes were
terms
were
in four years, with interest usually payment until paid at from 4 to 6 per cent., the larger part of the debt bearing 5 per cent, interest.8 The security given was
generally
1 2 3
in
stocks and
bonds,
frequently
the
stocks
or
President
Appleton
7, 1836, B. P.
*Ex.
5
Report
1836, government
6
To John
3, of the United States on March effects of the Bank to Secretary Woodbury, Jan. 25, 1837, ibid., p. 19. commissioners McKim, Jr., Aug. 15, 1835, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 392. It must be remembered
the debts
and
were
or
for
"
active debts
"
arrangements,
collected, while
debt would
were
The
prices paid
were
cent."
Ex.
Doc.
2d
LAST bonds
DAYS
or
THE
BANK
869
the debt.1 In sixteen of the corporation which bought the sale was cases made to banks, and the securities of the notes of individuals were taken; in one case these were
the purchase case was received, and in one money paid The misfortune which followed this disposal of the down.2 bank's business was that much thus tied of its capital was
to twenty years, while it accumulated tions, quantities of the stock of various instituone
which it would have been better off without. Further settlement of the bank's business was made in the debt," "real estate," and "banking items of "suspended
houses."
real estate, houses, valued at $1,110,924. By apart from its banking October 19, 1836, the corporation had sold of this lands and
owned
to the value of
In
December,
buildings
$356,258.3 In these
transactions
houses is not included. These the sale of banking the institution parted with at a slight loss. By October, 1836, it had sold all but seven, receiving from the purchasers $640,100 for property which had cost $666,077.*A loss of $89,621 calculated to result at the sale of the remaining houses.5 The suspended debt amounted to $3,481,000 on the 3d of March, It was 1836. increased by the operations much
was
the settling of the bank's affairs. For consequent upon instance, at one officealone $405,280 had been added to it,8
p. 104. In 000 at 4 per
States." $1,761,100on stock of the Bank of the United on the credit given -was for four, five, six, and seven years twenty on $1,000,000 at 5 per cent." Ibid., cent. ; in another, years This last was the sale of the Cincinnati branch to the Ohio Life and Trust Co." pp. 78, 106.
Ibid., p.
one
101.
Ibid.,
case
2/fetd.,p. 109.
was $1,532,000
to net an actual gain to the bank ; expected real estate was to bring in profits amounting Ibid., p. 115. to $111,900." estimated * Ibid., 5 ibid., 112. pp. 112, 113. p. 6 This sum in domestic exchange. P. 48. It is worthy of note that the items was debt " were the " suspended composing and not bills of mostly bills discounted, On the 3d of Mapch, 1836, the account as follows : was exchange. Bills discounted on $2,672,693.97 personal security Bills discounted 498,851.98 on other security Domestic bills of exchange 244,333.23 Foreign bills protested 114,285.41 Total $3,530,164.59
"
Ibid., p. 117.
The
...
-----
"
Ibid., p. 92.
370
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
far from being
and
at another
was
complete loss.
the
For example, at Lexington the Bank of Kentucky agreed to manage and collect it without charge,2 while bank calculated that out of the whole it would lose
debt of $1,297,979.3 Even so, however, the suspended debt $3,481,285 would be worth $2,183,306. Suspended calculated at $6,822,000 in and real estate together were July, 1834, while by July, 1836, in spite of many additions to the items, the bank had diminished the whole to $4,427,-
000.
time,
In other words,
over
$2,355,000 had
of the whole
one-third
been
showing is an excellent one. It has already been several times said that the most questionable result of these methods of closing out consisted in the creating of long loans on stock securities. Many of the
billsof exchange were also taken for doubtful debts and at long terms.5 When the bank ceased doing business on the
3d of March,
1835,
the
$16,413,144.26, and
to
28,
1836, only one-half of this sum was paid.6 The loans on bank stock and other security, moreover, amounting to over had all been renewed $5,300,000, with slight exceptions.7 The for the bank estimated that by October commissioners 28, 1836, only $22,727,000had been collected out of a debt
in March
due
of
$54,890,000.8 Of
course,
it must
be remembere
on that most of the sales of the branches were notes due only in one, two, three, and four years. Unhappily, the
i
Natchez."
Ex.
Doc.
2Biddle p. 386.
3
to John
Huske,
of
Fayetteville,
N. C., Aug.
Ex.
Doc.
be worth while to remark 118, 24th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 114, 115. It may debt does not appear in the bank reports before March, of suspended On the sale therefore be entered under the caption of bills discounted. debt at Cincinnati the bank lost $140,846. Ibid., p. 53.
"
*Ibid., pp.
118-25.
and
are
At other offices, bills at long dates were taken Letter of the Committee not yet at maturity.""
1
Ibid.
Ibid.
LAST
DAYS
or
THE
BANK
371
actual state of the bank is considerably obscured by the fact that the corporation continued business under a state charter, it impossible a new set of books,1 thus making without opening
to disentangle
the accounts
from
reasonably be drawn: in good order; though the bank's affairs were many of its debts might have to be renewed, the vast of majority them by business firms as reputable as any then were secured may
2 existing in the United States ; and it had a surplus in excess it ceased to be a national of all losses of $6,155,177when bank.3 With the capital stock and the funds due stockholders,
showed
total of
The
and
i
specie
more
on
hand
circulation.
was
Ibid., p. 42.
Ibid., p. 129.
State
of bank,
March
ASSETS
LIABILITIES
Notes Real
discounted
-
and
-
bills
-
Capital
$57,368,019
2,212,390
$35,000,000
-
of exchange
estate houses
Circulation
Due Barings
21,109,352 371,777
and
Dividends Discount,
Due
unclaimed
exchange,
-
253,938
Mortgages, State
etc.
...
and
terest in1,105,647
banks:
due
balances
....
notes Specie
to bank
and
-
offices
1,548,869 120,622
Public debt
Due depositors
Deficiencies Expenses
....
....
149,797 166,803
3,594,048
-
account houses
Contingent
chargeable Totals
$70,526,713
$70,526,713
"Ibid.,
p. 100.
The
The
houses,
was
$114,635.83.
to contingent
administration
The losses p. 112. Ibid., p. 88. Most of this was $4,304,000." Jones." H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.,
Ibid., $989,587.26." Doc.
217.
The
suspended
debt
amounted
Ex. to $3,415,000."
118, 24th
Cong.,
2d Sess., p. 87.
372 been
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
large, its losses small during the administrations of Langdon Cheves and Nicholas Biddle, for even at closing
the larger part of the losses were of William Jones.
chargeable
to the administration
to be in the way of final settlement, seemed but unfortunately the bank did not go out of existence at this time ; unfortunately the complete settlement of its affairs
Everything
did not take place. The of project was started, and the bank immediately for closing.1 This February the bank
was was
Pennsylvania
charter
ceased itspreparations In the end of the whole movement. vania, chartered by the state of Pennsyl-
under the style of the Bank of the United States of The new Pennsylvania. institution went on under the old the trustee of the defunct corporation, president, became
Mathew Bevan, reissued the notes was whose president now of the old books, of the old bank, and continued the use difficulties thus involving in immense any attempt to reach a settlement.2 The consequence
one serious, for there was holder stockmands dea settlement, and whose which urgently demanded bank went on withhad to be satisfied, since the new out
was
the government of the United of 1834 Jackson referred to the as "the scourge of the people," and urged a settlement Congress, to be reached by selling the government
was
wrote stock.3 On September 18, 1835, Secretary Woodbury Biddle, asking him for information as to the bank's inten1
2
Biddle to J. W. Webb,
"The
have been increased by the difficulties in making a satisfactory estimate its concerns last, at on by the bank, in not closing the 3d of March course adopted least, in not requiring manner the expiration ; or, at of its charter, in the customary by its trustee, and in not retaining or cancelbooks and accounts to be opened new ling of the circulation, instead of re-issuing it after the transactions Ex. Doc. 118, 24th Cong., 2d Sess., Woodbury, bank chartered by Congress had ceased." p. 3. Congress specifically repealed the 14th section of the charter in June, 1836, in to put an end to any responsibility of the government to take the old notes. order Statutes at Large, Vol. V, p. 48, c. xcvii.
its redeemed
"
"
Messages
and
Papers,
LAST
DAYS
OF
THE
BANK
373
for its shares tions in regard to reimbursing the government in the capital stock.1 Biddle replied that nothing had yet The president in his annual message been decided upon.2 for 1835 urged Congress to begin proceedings to bring about a settlement with the bank,3 and Congress responded by an 23, 1836, appointing Secretary Woodbury the act of June agent of the nation with full powers to make terms.4 Woodbury then addressed a letter to President Bevan of the old Bank of the United States, asking for information and the
intentions of the directors.5 The secretary was In September to the new bank.6 an answer
appointed by the bank saying that a commission had arranged the matter, and offering to submit the materials The commission had on which it had based its conclusions.7 been appointed government
on
Woodbury,
word
to the
was
the
the government
was
the
calculation reached
that the
which was revised so Commissioners appointed by Secretary Woodbury believed The bank finallyoffered that the correct value was $115.58.10
to pay at a valuation of $113.44 a share." This was refused, The whole amount and here negotiations obstinately stuck.
by the United States at the time was of stock owned 68,752 shares, and the difference involved in the diverse was at least estimates of the government and the bank
$242,000."
i
The
to get
Ibid.
3 Messages
7, 1835.
^Statutes
"Ex.
*
at Large,
cxvi.
25, 1836.
a
Doc.
Bevan
to Woodbury,
resolution
of the Bank
of
the United
7 "
Ibid., p. 20.
12
Woodbury's
report
to Congress,
ibid., p. 2.
374
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
from the bank in 1836.1 The bank, on about $4,000,000 in that year, the other hand, declined to pay anything in 1838.2 Woodbury disappointe was wishing to begin payments and, in sending the report of the commissioners to the House, censured the bank, particularly for its failure to post up the old books and for its reissuing of the old
notes.3
bank
Jackson, who had not once failed to strike at the in his annual messages, did not neglect this new tunity, opporbut denounced institution for its delaying to the
" settle with the government and for its reissue of the notes " an act of the expired corporation" sanctioned by no law * and warranted by no necessity."
"
had offered to accept commissioners government payment for the stock at an evaluation of $115.58 a share, interest at 6 per cent, until the bank to pay the government the shares were paid off. Woodbury's report of the failure
to arrange
The
30, 1837.
year the president and directors of the Bank of the United States presented a to the government memorial petitioning to have the debt
same
been
made
on
January
due
by the bank
to the United
reason
States liquidated.5
Biddle
due
for the bank's delay in settling was to the stipulation that the funds retained on
indemnity affair should be surrendered of the French He asserted that the bank was to the government. and
anxious to settle, and
would gladly accede to everything that the secretary of the treasury had demanded Board of Directors," he concluded, in his report. "The " to those terms, and are ready to carry them agree, at once,
ready
into execution."
'
Woodbury
corrections,
to rejoined the
bitter
1
sarcasm,
and
an
with
own.7
Ex.
ibid., p. 18.
"
ibid., p. 3.
"*Messages
6
Ibid., p. 3.
LAST
DAYS
OP
THE
BANK
375 the
to
Congress
on
the
3d
directed
was
of 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 taken as security for the debt
"
done.
the
two
as
a
sum
bonds
bank
the first
In 1838,
panic, the secretary of consequence of the commercial the treasury was in urgent need of funds, and sold the third It was bond, the bank being the purchaser. the irony of
fate which so disposed events that Van Buren's secretary of forced to admit that the purchase of the bond by war was by which a failure to the bank furnished "the only means
of the United States, or the alternative of another call of Congress by the President, 3 The fourth bond in was could be avoided." redeemed
meet
the pecuniary
engagements
1840, and
interest in
course
1 2
3
thus
the
under
its Pennsylvania
No. 5, March
charter.
at Large,
By Joint Resolution
3, 1837, Statutes
Vol. V, p. 200.
Woodbury's
Poinsett
to Van
Buren,
CHAPTER
THE
XVI
THEIR
BRANCHES
AND
ADMINISTRATION
THE
and
the most characteristic possession of branches was the most essential feature in the plan of the firstand
them they of the United States. Without would have been virtually useless to the government ; unable pable to exercise an efficient control over the state banks ; incasecond
Banks
in discounts and exchange of furnishing accommodations the country; throughout with a note unprovided
circulation of uniform value, or with any extended currency. tile On the other hand, they would have been relieved from hoscontact with states and state banks, and freed from the
charge of unconstitutionality. The charter authorized the corporation to establish offices in the United States and to appoint annually the anywhere
directors, who were to number thirteen not over less than seven, nor and who must be citizens of the United States resident in the state in which the branch was located. branch They
to appoint one presiempowered of their number dent to retire each of the branch ; one-fourth of them were excepting the president could be appointed year, and none tory The central direcfor more than three years in succession.
were
best for the government whatever regulations it deemed not of the branches, providing that they were "contrary to law" or to "the constitution of the Bank,"1 made while the treasury must deposit its funds in the branches, if the funds were collected.2 such existed in the states where
1 2
Charter,
Ibid.,
sec.
sec.
I.
16.
must,
But
the secretary
[treasury might
he
saw
fit. He
little moment
made
however,
to Congress.
District of Columbia
376
THK
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
were
377
si
almost wh
the bank, t
dty of its polic ? branch official
generous
to be di*
Certain restriction
)tes
were
,a
overdrafts
made
on
forbidden
personal securit
the map
THE
req
i
LOCATION
and Ret
OF
THE
BBANCHES
AND
AGENCIES
X.
Kulet
"
Ibid.,Art. 14.
3/6id.,Art.l6.
"/6id.,Art.I7.
"
iftid..Art. 4.
an
ap
ess
empowered
'"
Vr
"i
-
Ba ion of rttiel
lCaarMr.Me.il,
he
Art. 14.
DM
*|
Otlier stipulations of 'on^tress. in the to establish a branch poration in any state whero kgr Congress, and
howc' fit. Hemust, saw it obligator littlemoment made District of Columbia when requ
376
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
377
The
similar to those for qualifications for directors were The general control of the directors of the central board. however, almost wholly in the power of the branches was,
central directorate through its authority to appoint the local directors and to create by-laws for the branches, the election
important privilege left to the of president being the one uncontrolled will of the branch directorates.
essential to the safety of the bank, to the security of its operations, and to the unity of its policy the branch officials that the control of the central board over
It
was,
of
course,
and directors should be real and effective. The making of a body of rules and regulations for the government of the therefore one of the first tasks of the first board officeswas generous in of directors. These rules and regulations were the extent of the power imposed; however, were
Certain restrictions, they granted. for instance, notes were counted to be disl only at short dates, not longer than sixty days ; all to be laid before the board,2 of which three-fourths notes were forbidden;4 to the discount;3 overdrafts were consent must
on not to be made personal security and discounts were 5 "without two responsible names." larger measure To secure a of control the central board hands the power of appointing the retained in its own
these being the most important officials cashiers of the offices,6 the only ones thoroughly versed in and sometimes
correct
over
Consequently the power to apmethods. point by which effectivecontrol them was the principal means If the board at Philadelphia the officescould be exercised.
banking used
undoubtedly
firm hold
to it, who
cashiers known
appointments, it could upon the branches by selecting had the interests of the corCongress
by law
it and held, if the state legislature requested 2,000 shares were I. article, Appendix required it." Ibid., sec. 11, 14th fundamental
i
Rules
and
Regulations
3
for
the Government
X.
2/6id.,Art.l4.
6/6"d., Art. 4.
378
THE
SECOND
at heart
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
poration bankers.
and
were
competent
and
conservative
To increase its hold upon defined his duties. He was the subordinate
"
the settlement officials, examine cash account of the office; take charge of the cash," attend all board meetings, keep the minutes, report to his board all his subordinates, and of neglect or incapacity among hold himself at the disposal of the board for consultation, the furnishing of information, and what other services were
cases
* Moreover, required of him." instructions came through which
"
all of the
he
was
from
the
Consequently determining
he
might
exercise
utmost
the character and amount acted. of business transThe branch cashiers, in short, were treated as executive of the central board, as well as of the branch, and officers constituted the efficientlinks in the system of branch banks.
The other local officerswere appointed by the local board.2 To exercise efficientand intelligent control, the central director the branches, but needed not only authority over
complete information about them. statements of the affairsof each" were "made sixty day
"
"
weekly
returns"
"
"made
"
returns"
"
were
monthly "made
"made were and in addition to quarterly examinations" all these an inspection not anticipated, at uncertain times by officers immediately "made notice," was and with no deputed from the Bank;"3 while every quarter a committee
"
of each of the branches investigated its affairs,scrutinizing The listsfurnished by the debts and reporting upon them. detailed enough to show whether they enthe branches were gaged in discounting paper which took the form of perma1 2
Rules
and
Regulations
for
the Government
5. See Appendix
X.
March
See also H. R.
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
379
the constant drawing and redrawing of bills.1 The officers sent out from the parent office to tecting the branch accounts were experts, capable of deexamine
nent
loans,
or
allowed
errors
and
and might the branch discounts at any time by declining to furnish any phia further supply of notes. All in all the board at Philadelcould exercise the branches.
a
frauds at once. The parent board also prepared furnished all the notes issued by the branches, therefore limit the branch issues and diminish
or
over
Did it exercise such control? Under the administration The extensive establishment of William Jones it certainly did not. in itself an of branches under his presidency was Eighteen offices were sign of loose management. a number cases, erected in 1817 much too large.2 In some badly selected and in defiance of correct too, the locations were
ominous
"
banking
western
populous New
no
thinly settled,and poor as many officesas the whole of rich and England or the middle states. There could be
new,
Thus
the
for so a supply of branches possible justification numerous in most parts of which in these agricultural communities, transactions were hardly possible to any genuine banking
borrowers constantly demanded, where not bank quently credits, but long loans, and where the security offered frehad to take the form of real estate. Many of the
extent,
these may not skilfully placed. Among other branches were those at Fayetteville, N. C., Portsmouth, be named N. H., and
Middletown, The
Conn.
were
directors in the early years of the bank fault, not only in locating offices,but in managing
1
at
them.
J. Lippincott's Secretary
one
testimony,
says
Crawford
that twenty offices were established by April, 1818, and Ga., which would probably be abandoned on account of the it with notes." To Senate Finance April 7, 1818, Committee,
380 The
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
not thoroughly of government noted above was worked out until the administration of Nicholas Biddle, and under Jones but littleefficientcontrol was exercised. The too incompetent executive officersat Philadelphia were and
plan
require strict obedience from the branches; the officersof the branches were incapable, or with little no knowledge of banking methods ; while the business which they were permitted to transact inevitably took loans made to agriculof semi-permanent tural interests. Finally, Jones's conception of branch management
the
too
anxious
to make
fortunes
to
form
that specificcapitals ought because it was the intention of not to be assigned to offices, the central board " to extend or control their operations, as
was
faulty.
He
thought
....
"
This, Jones
"
thought,
was
managing
....
actually meant
complete
disintegration, since strict and competent loss. The result was enormous wanting.
looting of the Baltimore officeand of the piling up of suspended debt at the southern and western branches is eloquent to the inefficiency and impotency testimony of the Jones administration both at the central office and at the
branches.
As
soon
as
Cheves
became
of the disorder by recovering the capital and then apportioning fixed capitals to the offices. To accomplish these ends he
in check with an iron grasp. The issue reduced, and in of southern and western branch paper was instances totally suppressed, while the other transactions some
materially reduced;
the Cincin-
branch,
branch,
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
381
nati branch
was
discontinued;
the boards
many officialsdismissed, committees central board investigated the affairs of the branches, while formulated by which the capitals of the branches a plan was and
were were
were
Cheves
scarcely
uniform
existence,
almost currency were placed upon the issues. Cheves defect of the bank's organization
pointed
as
out
the essential
existing in the character of the local directories, and he advised the strict execution of good of the orders of the parent board,2 the payment reduction of the salaries to the presidents, the permanent
bank's active capital,'and the diminution of the number of He was the only safe the branches. positive that these were
measures
to pursue.4
It is these early years which furnish evidence that the or were at least subwestern branches political machines, ject directors,6 to the influence of politicians who as acted
1
Bank keep steadily in view of the Parent ments through orders all the various departabsolute necessity of enforcing be expected in its can the institution; without which, neither harmony of Report of Comto the interests of its stockholders." mittee nor security administration,
2
the
its
own
"
of Stockholders,
3
p. 10, and
NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
p. 89.
CHEVES,
p. 30.
*"I
never
it can am of the Bank perfectly satisfied that with the present organization have branches, too many be managed quently well. We and the directors are freby individual For a time we and local interests and feelings. governed
with the branches, but I hope they will be reduced, and I hope the presidents in no other to devote be made time to the business, engage their whole them business, and receive a very liberal salary, which would make value their
must
bear
may
of losing
of each
them.
A different and
have
saved
five thousand
calculating
has sustained by the want of Cheves to Crawford, at the head of the branches." competent and confidential men Oct. 1, May 27, 1819, Exposition, p. 73 ; and Report of the Committee of Stockholders, 1822, ibid., p. 11. the actual
"
dollars per year to each president loss and the loss of gain the Bank
management of several offices have paid more than would gained Nay, there is no of the branches.
5"!
am as
disposed
it
partisans, recovered.""
it is placed in the hands of political losses sustained there will be was once of the much Tilford to Biddle, Lexington, Jan. 30, 1829, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess.,
to think,
that, unless
before, that
382
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
large loans to politicalfriends. This was particularly In this matter it was Cheves's in Kentucky.1 case
fluence wish and endeavor to withdraw the branches from such inthough apparently he did not entirely succeed. to diminish the number Cheves's recommendations of the
sequence officesand to retain the bank's stock forfeited to it in conof the frauds at Baltimore and other offices, in spaired order to decrease the size of the capital, proved that he decontrol over the branches, of establishing any efficient since, relatively to the capital of the bank, no one could have too numerous. All the evils incident argued that they were
to their management
Cheves could not The affairs of the western branches were infinitely amounts confused by the enormous of real estate thrown upon them in discharge of bad debts, and by the attempt to in real estate. collect from hundreds who refused to pay even
probably Continuous
or no
were
not
litigation was
carried on;
the branches
did little
business, and the conflict with the states absorbed The time and energy. cashier at much president and in other repreSavannah hensible allowed overdrafts and engaged of the local board.2 practices without the knowledge entire business of the Georgia office had finally to be
with the state and until the difficulties the state
"
The
suspended
p. 306.
His name to the bank in former times, having and character were well known to politics, that served several years as a director previous to 1822. So devoted directed to the policy of the Government as were all his views as a director, Always connected with the bank, and not to the interests of the stockholders. factions he produced in the board, and of being a leader of a party, ambitious
....
from feeling alone Many were party of advocated and opposed be attributed to him." Shippen, regardthe difficulties and losses of this office may ing Pope, to Biddle, Jan. 24, 1829, ibid., p. 301. Warden
measures
"
In your section of the country we have surely had a melancholy experience of the hazard of lending to politicians." Biddle to J. Harper, Jan. 9, 1829, 8. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 298. " had suffered deeply from the influence of politiThat the offices in Kentucky cians
1
"
"
; that we
reach
had for some to withdraw the bank out of the time been endeavoring in giving a business charof that influence ; that we had, at length, succeeded acter Biddle to Shippen, Feb. 12, 1829, ibid., p. 304. to its transactions."
"
2S. Nicholas
to Biddle, Savannah,
THE banks
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
383
which did not occur accommodated,1 until the Court in the case of the Bank of the decision of the Supreme United States vs. the Planters' Bank of Georgia and the consequent
were
repeal in 1824 of the Georgia law hostile to the influenced the choice of directors, cashiers bank.2 Politics still were not selected judiciously, frauds frequently resulted and The offices were to a as a consequence.3 stillunmanageable considerable extent, while them was accounts between"
"a
sufficient knowledge
of
the
stillwanting.* Nicholas Biddle became president of the bank, the When by Cheves inaugurated conwere safe business methods tinued,
but of
measures
more
effective
were
business
consisted in
sion of control and an expanbrief, Biddle's also desired. In the transactions of the extending
means
large
eastern offices; prohibiting the issue of state-bank notes; forbidding loans on long-term paper and mortgages, renewals, and the making of loans by small committees;
It was not everywhere. die put the finishing touches to his schemes for expansion, by the invention of branch drafts and a larger participation
in inland
extended at all the offices, freely circulated and redeemed until 1827, however, that Bidwere
safe and
1
"
Not a single deposit is made in it nor do any business. dollar but in renewal as no one there from of paper offers any paper into it." The branch had done nothing the entire inability to make for a payments Jan. 14, 1822, ibid. S. Nicholas to Biddle, Savannah, year." they discount
a
to the the way repeal and the decision of the court having opened the office and the investment a the capital of the of re-establishment of portion of " in Georgia Biddle Gumming, to John Bank president of the Savannah
2
"The
"
branch,
3
The cashier Orleans defrauded in 1825. He was the bank an at New old The cashier at Middletown, Conn., plundered the branch there in 1820. appointee. The cashier at Richmond The was also delinquent. president of the Portsmouth funds in 1824. The bookkeeper branch appropriated the pension at Charleston was
guilty of peculation
*
in the
same
year.
Biddle to John
McKim,
of Baltimore,
March
384 bank
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
localized,and it was
one
which
pride and satisfaction. His plan of stricter control consisted in securing the appointme of the presidents of the branches by designating
the central directory wished whom Biddle declaring that unless the boards elected to that office, did appoint as directed, the central board would find a remedy
men
by leaving off the local directorates presidents chosen in opposition to its will;1 directors of the parent board living authorized to sit at the board outside of Philadelphia were
of the branches which
advisers were of the branches trained at Philadelphia, made responsible to the central board, and required to furnish information to that board and
to the other
located in their cities; official ; chosen at the different offices the cashiers were carefully selected from the employees might
be
branches;
large borrowers
were
excluded
from
the
directorates;
and, finally, assistant cashiers were appointed at Philadelphia, whose duties were exclusively confined debt and to the management of the bank's suspended
to the business
gratifying.
There
is no
cashiers appointed during Biddle' s presidency; the control fined of the officeswas fairly efficient,and their business was conto safer channels,
even
while it
was
largely expanded.
Biddle' s
new
success
branches
not
led to the establishment of a number of From during his presidency. 1817 to 1826
there had
been
at Chillicothe had
branch created, while that single new From 1826 to 1831 been discontinued.
a
branches were established: two in the Southwest,8 eight new two in the West,* two in New England,5 and two in the middle These localities were states.6 carefully selected. The
1
2
Biddle
to S. Wharton,
"
of Providence,
Sep. 19, 1826, P. L. B., Vol. I, pp. 183-6. His Policy, 1823-28."
* 6
v,
Nicholas
Biddle
1821.
and
3 "
1826 ; Natchez,
Nashville,
Portland,
Me., 1828
Buffalo, 1829
Utica, 1830.
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIB
ADMINISTRATION
385
beginning in offices secured the business southwestern the new established for cotton-growing country, and were the phenomenal that purpose, while in the West growth of cisms the wealth and population justified additional offices. Critibecause may be directed against their establishment the loans in these sections would necessarily be made to persons in agriculture and consequently apt to become engaged
In both instances the wishes of the semi-permanent. treasury were considered, the secretary having urged the In the cases opening of offices at Mobile and at St. Louis.1 of Buffalo and Utica the increased trade due to the navigation of the Great Lakes and the opening of the Erie Canal was sufficient warrant for the selection ; the trade with Canada the justifiedchoice
land while the office at Portof Burlington; fore was at the solicitation of the treasury.2 Beopened establishing these various branches, the central board sent special agents to make careful examination of the sites in relation to their convenience to the government and the
amount
of trade which centered about them.3 Notwithstanding the improved methods introduced, there
stilloccasions when the control of the central board was not effective. Necessarily much power had to be given to the For instance, the president executive officersof the branches.
were
and cashier of an office were given complete authority in the purchase of foreign bills,and a veto upon the purchase of Indeed, in the early years of Biddle's inland exchange.4 given entire Either this control of all questions relating to exchange. discretion had to be confided to them, or a certain amount of capital for investment in bills put at their disposal, or the
administration
1
the
branch
directorates
were
Ibid.
see
of such examinations
ibid., additional
have the exclusive and the President confided to you purchase of domestic bills," and bills." Biddle an on to Cashier absolute negative of New Orleans, May 17, 1823, P. L. "., Vol. I, p. 28.
"
386
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
central board must give minute instructions in regard to It was found inexpedient to give a general credit purchases. on which to trade,1 while the central board could not give the necessary instructions with regard to purchases without intimate acquaintance with the state of business a more much in the neighborhood than could be possessed of the offices
by
it.
Later
the
plan
was
adopted
offices as to the rates to be charged bills to be taken, and an officerof the central board to supervise exchange dealings. Even so
pointed aplate as
1829, however,
was
the claim of
branch
admitted, and the flatopposition to the wishes of the parent board, upon management of its inland exchange business.2
the
Similarly, in the making of discounts a large discretion had to be granted. The bank fixed the capital of each branch, but, having done that, could not dictate the precise
loans which and those It prohibited long loans tions on real-estate security, but within these limitaloans. the offices were supposed to control their own should be made by it.
" The question of general credits by the Bank to the Southern offices has often discussed, and after some it was found best not to continue them. experience The general theory on that subject is to leave the office as far as possible perfectly free, to give it the command of the Bill market, and let it judge of the time and
been
its bills. Where and rate of purchasing credits were given, the office was less obliged to buy the bills,and even or the office did not, the knowledge more where lodged with the office enabled pose the party to disof the fact that the credit was of his bills out of doors at a higher rate than the office would be willing to have disadvantage." to its own Biddle to B. thus using the credit of the Bank given Baltimore, Dec. 19, 1823, P. L. X., Vol. II, p. 82. Gilmor,
manner
" "
The
on
branch,
the
despite
instructions
from
Philadelphia,
of state-bank
course on
checks
mings
"
North
to Biddle,
Savannah,
at par, Dec.
was
The
to trust myself
change
"
of the Board, and have been so it,that this is the very first time, with any observations Board. [alluded?]to it, except to the members attended of the Parent it made in the policy of the office with regard to exchange, was which surprised
"
obvious
the surrender of the whole question, which it involved was yet, painful do, the right of the Board, to fix its rates of exchange, it was as we recognizing for the present, but to watch better not to interpose thought the progress of the Biddle B. Cummings, to George Savannah, the Board system adopted."" of which Feb. 6, 1829, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 3, 4.
THE This
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
387
excuse unavoidable, and indeed there could be little for separate branch directorates on any other basis,1 and though the central board appointed all the branch directors,
was
even
he could get it, the qualifications of candidates, whenever board had finally to depend mostly upon the opinion of the executive officersof the branches.3
consequently of vast importance that the executive While these qualities should be honest and capable. officers were usually assured in branch cashiers by the methods
was
It
already explained, there was always a doubt in the case of be well known branch presidents, who could not in all cases Moreover, though to the managers the at Philadelphia. presidents
were
extreme meager to secure losses might and did occur, as a result of the inefficiency dishonesty of these officers. Thus the president of the or
cases
too
secured complete control there, used his power to defraud the government of $20,000, and remained undisturbed until his death in 1824 revealed the
here to say to a Distant I do not think it judicious nor safe for the Board Proceed liberally as if the failure of Mr. A. and Mr. B. had to Discount as It is our business to direct the general state of the operations not occurred.' of an the persons Office, but as we cannot estimate the effect which failures may have over
1
"
Portsmouth
branch
Board
'
The discretion be hazardous to give directions. connected with the office it would Biddle to P. P. F. Degrand, of Boston, June 22, must be left to the local Directors."
"
Biddle,
Washington,
to
slightest acquaintance.""
3
"
of the candidates there is no one all these gentlemen, Dec. 21, 1823, ibid., Vol. I, p. 85.
James
Lloyd
whom
In the Branches we naturally look to the confidential officers of the Bank by the Parent Board, and the President of the Branch) Cashier who is appointed (the by rotation to nominate to fillthe vacancies they occur as suitable persons and if, inquiry from other independent to distrust their no reason we see sources, after This is the safest general pracjudgment, we generally lean to their nomination. tice,
"
because their
if we
at
distance
place
we
in the Direction
may situation, who already precise pecuniary too much, who wish to borrow too much, borrowed or who have needy friends whose they might urge when successfully while sitting at the Board, claims they may be resisted."" Biddle to John McLean, Jan. 11, 1829, B. P. otherwise
introduce
gentlemen individuals
without
have
knowing
388
THE
SECOND
His
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
peculation.1
granted 2 loans unjustifiable which resulted in a loss of $112,000. At Hartford, in 1826, the branch by neglecting management,
from
successor
was
inefficient, and
judicious advice
the president of the bank, incurred a loss sufficient to sweep away all the profits for the firstsix the cashier at Pittsburg months of that year.3 In 1827 flatlydisobeyed orders, not only by neglecting to carry out
Philadelphia, but by
branch
failing to notify the central board of his delinquency until the branch months at Louisville afterward.4 In 1834
In 1832 the refused to obey the orders for reduction.5 board at Lexington, in spite of strict instructions to refuse Henry the Hon. all discounts, loaned $5,000 "to secure
Clay
"
was
tion and the university at that place, though the derelicimmediately reported by the cashier.3 An investigation of the Portland office in the same year revealed a
As early as 1829 surprising state of affairs at that branch. the president there was reported as in control of the office its and as having jeopardized discounts, while two directors
appointed
1
"
on
his
recommendation
Cutts, President
the delinquency
had
failed.7 He
was
After Shapley
the
"
'death of Mr.
James
was elected and in 1822 " forwarded here, charges against Parker to the Board clerk na,med him of applying to his own Mr. Cutts, accusing the monies held by him as Loan use, deemed Officer ; but these charges were malicious or frivolous, and disregarded." " Mr. Cutts had chosen the directors of the branch, for the most part [i. they e.,
Mr.
known." his been much Biddle on chosen recommendation] who have never Boston, Lloyd, Oct. 4, 1824, P. L. B., Vol. I, p. 174; see also Biddle to to James
were
"
Ingham,
2
* a
Ibid.
Biddle to President
Parsons,
Cashier
resolution
5
"
to
The
the the
recent
friends
so
measure
obey of the directors of the Branch Bank of this city to disbank, has been very generally approved, even order of the parent it, because they can approve perceive no necessity for a of the bank harsh and oppressive." Louisville Public Advertiser, C. D., Vol. X,
"
Part
6 1
III, p. 3157.
J. Towler
to Biddle,
Biddle to Cowperthwaite,
March
THE "utterly
coarse
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
389
place;
....
ignorant, inefficient,
in
to the and in allrespects an incumbrance The board, called at 11 o'clock, seldom met or never and then seldom organized official
"
letters, when
or perhaps received, rarely communicated, thrown carelessly on the table, to be read by such as chose to no minutes kept and official papers the most read them
" "
in the officeand some irregularly scattered some at his private dwelling."1 This case shows neglect in the officialsat headquarters,
important
"
of the president's three years before the investigation took place. to no however, might have been amenable cases,
since
was
Biddle
informed
incapacity The
other
oversight. The essential difficultylay in the characters of the branch directorates and the branch officers,who were not expert
too, the central board took immediate Thus when made charges were cognizance of complaints. in 1824, the Philadelphia against the cashier at Washington
bankers.
Usually,
board
was
at
once
directors and by made The president of this office,who those at Philadelphia.2 directors, had been forced upon the bank by the branch for inefficiency and failure to give proper attention to the affairs of the office.3 Further about the cashier, however, were not noticed.* complaints Charges made in respect to the Norfolk office were taken up
was
thorough
investigation
also
removed
in
1827
Cadwalader
report
on
to
Biddle,
Philadelphia,
May
24, 1832, B.
P.,
quoting
Cowper-
thwaite's
2
the office.
pp.
a
SMITH'S cleared
Defense,
Smith by
to President
board
3
vote
VII, and pp. 29, 30. The Washington board unanimously. of 5 to 1, the Philadelphia Swann,
of Washington, Dec.
10, 1827, P. L. B., Vol.
Biddle
Thomas
II, p. 322.
"
on
Edward
board
longer
"
Washington,
to the cashier.
culprits who
cashier's Jones
$500,000 now
robbery on the bank for three years past ; to the the robbery is chiefly to be attributed." unpardonable negligence June 21, 1826, of business done. The branch lose also complained would B. P. under protest."
have
390
as
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
soon
as
made
and thoroughly
board.1
serious than these minor acts of disobedience, the failure to control the inefficiency, and dishonesty was
Much
more
western
and
southern
introduction
of
Biddle's plan of exchange operations to support the circulation As the dealings in exchange were of branch notes. almost
wholly
in the hands
of the
branch
executives, the
opportunities for evading the strict regulations of the bank increased under these new were circumstances, and it much
was
inevitable that with directorates composed rant ignoof men of sound banking these opportunities would not be neglected. Furthermore, the enormous expansion of the bank's
business after 1829 made proportionally difficultthe task of investigation, supervision, and control, while the distance of the branches from the central offices,added to the wretched infinitelyaggravated the difficulty. of communication, Finally, as these considerations pressed, the distant offices were occasionally permitted to suspend the rules which had governed
means
their operations in the past,2and thus a further opportunity was afforded for the transaction of reprehensible business. The history of the bank in its later years proves conclusivel south and west loaned large sums on paper, and frequently renewed the loans ; accommodation that they employed much too large a proportion of the bank's that the branches
1
Biddle
to H. Binney,
H.
R.
460, 22d
The
their discounts
of January,
for the government of the offices, restricting than sixty days to run, was passed on the 3d
bank,
It has not yet been formally repealed; but, being found impracticable, and not calculated for the business of the country, or the convenience of the have, from I believe, without time to time, been, exception, all the branches
1817,
from
its operation.
so
It is, therefore,
6 for exchange
modifications,
operations by instructions
are
in force, except
far
as
they may
out
to particular
to their respective the exchange operations adapted of 1832, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 542.
of
.the
committee
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
391
attempts
were
made
The
became
Cincinnati office furnishes excellent evidence to substantiate When the policy of expansion these assertions. accorded this office effective in 1827, permission was
to former
who had not cleared Early in 1832 Biddle was notified themselves with the bank.1 fluence that some exercising an undue inof the old debtors were
to grant discounts
debtors
the officers,securing loans to which they were not entitled, and speculating in the bank's real estate.2 No taken of these warnings,3 but later notice, apparently, was
over
in the year the Cincinnati counsel of the bank assured Biddle that too many large loans were made, that the directors had
per cent, of the loans every ninety days,4 that the "crisis is full of difficulty,"and that the
decided
to call in 10
branch
to secure doubtful paper on taking mortgages Evidently constant renewal was its renewal.8 the rule at Cincinnati, and the calling in of 10 per cent, every ninety days was considered a drastic measure.
was
The " racesimilar conditions prevailed. horse " bills invented during the administration of William Jones were again extensively employed, and the complaint of the president of the branch
1
At
Nashville
shows
local
Biddle
"
to Cashier
Benson,
May
The best of my and judgement is, that for several years past, an in the Branch influence has gradually gained the ascendency composed of the old Messrs. Cope and Benson have with great ingenuity managers of 1817-1820, and that
2
information
been
involved
to
a
"
great
extent
or the Bank of the community at large, has been past almost all the business paper months rejected loans have been made, have been applied in relief of speculators in and whatever few persons has carried them beyond property, and of some zeal to engross, whose Henry Avery to Biddle, March 24,1832, confidential, B. P. their depth."" Same to
in favor
than
"
same,
3
Feb. Same
* ^
Bellamy
"
In all cases as their legal where the debt is the least doubtful, I recommend, This request on the paper. condition of renewing adviser, that we ask a mortgage, is always granted, and by this means I have saved thousands to the institution."
"
Same
to
same,
392
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
appointee, and probably the only cashier of that character in the bank's western aged offices, had secured control and manto suit himself. The matters aggrieved president
wrote
to Biddle:
often hinted to you, in my former letters that Our Cashier Was entirely too fond of Bills of exchange and often on the refusal of billsby, me that he wished to take; I have gotten the
"
I have
"
known to ill-will of my neighbors, as he never of late years was This season refuse a bill of exchange let it be as it would he does Vote against some but not with his Consent it would me ease of a good deal of responsibility if you would drop a hint to
" "
....
"
him
on
this
subject
"
....
he is
"
"
one
to the Establishment
make
Money
Here
is revealed
an
essential defect of western management: ignorant cashier2 bent on making money at all
the
odds, and willing to take any kind of paper, and a president " tions Instrucill-will his neighbors." who does not wish the of were given to stop the bill business, only to elicitthe The cashier at impossible. response that such action was Nashville was the one instance of the appointment of a cashier from the vicinage of an officeafter the beginning of Biddle's The had been made, Biddle appointment administration.
said, largely on the recommendation of the officer by Andrew It was the irony of fate that precisely there Jackson in 1818.
1
2
following
"
extract
The
course
has always commanded to the doors of every section of the country, and thus affording the strongest practical of the operations of the Bank of the United proofs of the incalculable importance in the improvement its unrivalled machinery ness, States through of the wealth, happiand
letters will indicate his qualione of Sommerville's fications by the board, in its general diffusion of discounts, pursued benefits my approbation, as thereby it extends its immense from
welfare of the country, in every particular ; passing through every in grade of society, from the wealthiest, in regular gradation, to the poorest man benefitted than the poorest and in this none or more so are the country ; and much general middling classes of our country, and, above all, the agriculturists of every rank and time, with such important denomination at the same ; combining, results, that of for the debts of the institution in the way before described ; and the greater security board had set here, they would, under all I feel fully persuaded that, if the parent in the same have operated that the board has." Nov. way precisely circumstances, H. B. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 158. 26, 1832,
"
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
393
have
reprehensible
banking
should
Cashier
Jaudon
of the New
Orleans office,an
intimate
friend of the bank's president, an old and trusted employee of the central office,later to be its cashier, appears to have been responsible for much of the unsafe bill business in the
West.
"
wrote
him
surprized and Orleans extension in of the accounts of the New appearance inland bills of exchange, and instructed him to give up the
much
rarely been
purchase of widely scattered bills and direct his attention to Jaudon returned a long defense, foreign exchange.1 In answer declaring that the office could liquidate billsof exchange drawn bills upon it by the western branches only by drawing more upon them; in other words, by creating "race-horse bills."
Protests from the bank did
not
cease,
Cashier
Mcllvaine
purchases writing Biddle that a large part of the exchange New Orleans " must come by the roots." 2 But up made at they were so deeply planted that getting them up was not an easy matter. It is significant,in regard to the business done became later by the bank, that Jaudon phia cashier at Philadelin July, 1832.
Other
demands
i
"
inability to answer the offices showed equal In 1834 Charleston could not diminof the bank.
rarely been so much surprized and startled as at the appearance of last weekly statements representing such an extension of of discounts bills widely scattered domestic and of circulation which in the present state of the immediately. My surprize has been increased by the cirus upon presses country cumstance in your Mr. Mcllvaine to have that you correspondence seemed with
your
I have
two
understood
preparing
are
completely,
as
you
to act in concert
with
give up Jaudon,
2
do, our always and were whole plan of operations, but these increases of every branch of your business us, Instructs him to to reduce at once, with that plan." to Biddle to buy foreign exchange, and exchange.
"
"The
loans
[of
the
on
New
Orleans
office]appears
more
the 30th day of April, but point at which bills purchased are the domestic the Northern at 60 days upon of ' " To Biddle come them must up by the roots.' at portion of 1832, B.P.
the
same
they stood
almost than
exactly at two-thirds
"
394
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
while it had
the
on
called "stationary debts," only $648,000 out of what was being payable at maturity.2 The of a total of $2,348,000 offices reveals the same of other western correspondence conditions. In the East the bank authority.
At the New
was
also lax in the assertion of its York office in 1828 Robert Lenox
complained
loaned;3 in 1832 he was money asserted that, in spite of instructions to contract, the board loans to itself expanded its discounts, and in addition made and to brokers.* In 1834 he declared that the cashier would
that too
much
his duty ; that discounts were made after the board charged to the account of bills separated; that loans were mittee permitted; that the comreceivable; that overdrafts were
not
do
exchange was an evil; that its members made loans to themselves; and that the president and his from the bank, half of it being family had large sums
on
domestic
charged
branch to bills receivable.5 In 1828 the Portsmouth by suffering $148,000 proved that it had been badly managed Out to go to protest. out of $460,000 of notes discounted
of this
1
3
sum
$112,000was
to Biddle, March
were
ibid., p. 110.
Lenox
5, 1828, B. P.
Same
to
same,
" the convince cashier is going to be in Philadelphia, and Biddle must It will occupy to do his duty. time than I more that he is bound of your cashier Suffice for the moment that chose to claim ; to state all that requires amendment. None should be made and the board seperate. discounts should not be made after
The
charged
account
'
good
more
be allowed to overdraw their if not discounted they will make promise It need not be stated what In short it is no the result is it is now intended it was to be, than any other and what should
not
" "
'
extremes."
"remind the board to that they are acting contrary and Mr. Eathbone Some directors help themselves. for none these things." but they care of orders, Exchange is a great Evil is done that was Domestic on Committee "Our much Patronage in fact it is a species of Executive intended, and never very much I do not point out the instances." B. Lenox to a day when abused, and seldom
"
"
Biddle to Ingham,
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
395
common
every one The real peril, however, was branches, with the western from the opportunities granted them in dealings and arose
in inland
here, the rule being the collection of 10 per cent, hundred and twenty days.1
exchange,
as
Biddle
he gave utterance when business of the West.2 He knew well that bills were bought. were renewed, and that too many
certain
was
as
denied all knowledge of such operations, that the paper discounted was sound.3
so
Such ignorance
them
far from
being
an
excuse
that it condemned
inefficient and
Even
negligent
honorable
have
trust.
been
thoroughly
of
seem
an
to
In October,
York cashier at New prove he did not even that understand the custom of that office in respect to the receiving of branch notes.5 On the whole, however, loose methods, wilful disobedience,
1833, Jaudon's
letters to the
dishonesty, and reprehensible transactions were by no in the later years of Biddle' s so common even means administration as they had been in the early years of the
bank. capital was kept localized,though too much of it in the West was and Southwest,6 and though the employed business led to losses,they were not excessive. The total losses The
1 2
Extra
"
Globe, Vol. I, p. 256. in the crop these bills are mainly little afraid of reviving them."" Biddle
Unfortunately
I feel
a
cities,and
16, 1834, ibid. 3J7. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 58, 77, 89.
*"
which
I should be glad to receive from you an explanation of the business upon bills drawn St. Louis, Natchez, Nashville, Lexington, burgh, Cincinnati, Pittsupon founded, and how far the purchase are and Wheeling of such bills could be
restricted Pittsburg,
"
Jaudon
to the
cashier
at
New
York,
$2,900,000
21,650,000
The
at Philadelphia
$2,500,000
Southwest
-
5,950,000
been
largely nominal.
396
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
were
$3,005,000, while
more
in 1836 they
were
not
than
one-third
of the whole
lost in Biddle's presidency, which covered twoIn the long run thirds of the term of the bank's existence. beyond the figures given, because part of the losses were
had
been
the
debt was The calculation in never suspended paid. furnish an additional loss of 1836 that this would was but the greater part of this would also be due $1,389,000, of the firstfew years. That the so-called " the discounts on personal security was active debt" good, is proved by the fact that the bank sold the "active debt" at par for $15,716,726.' Of this sum of eighteen branches
to the operations
"
"
$8,990,000were
paid
for the
"
active debt
out of of seven offices, while for that at the paid.3 These figures do not
or
"
insolvency,
even
unusual
Henry Carey calculated that from 1820 to 1836, inclusive, the loss on the not over security was one-fifth of 1 per cent, per capital loaned on personal "whole in the United States, etc., p. 29. The considerable losses took Credit System annum."
2
Ibid.
and
West.
LOSSES
BUSINESS
Norfolk
Fayetteville
-
$ 38,000
....
...
$ 12,000
-
91,000 105,000
Nashville
2,000 257,000
Lexington
....
81,000
see
H.
R.
Ex.
Doc.
118, 24th
March,
cent,
of the
same
whole
debt.
"
this statement was year, made, and July of the same $405,280 the active debt went to protest, or 10 per of Ibid., p. 43. A considerable be lost. part of this would
have existed at some state of affairs must of the other offices. The same That of the office at Cincinnati netted holds as to the suspended debt. conclusion a loss of $140,846 ibid.,. 58); at Pittsburg ( p of $38,050." Ibid., p. 59. The
3
Moreover,
by
administration to $5,943,000, that in 1836 it amounted, so than sufficient to cover more enormously, losses might losses charged to all the heads under which the books of the come on fund bank. Besides this there was a Ibid., over $3,700,000." of surplus profits of losses on banking 83. There was houses. t a similar fund of $1,104,223,o cover p. also established
"
were
by
contingent
fund
which increased
this
Ibid.
a
This would, of course, than more the surplus which was part of put
cover
any
under
indeed, such losses. The fund was, this head in 1831, with the purpose
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR be
ADMINISTRATION
397
mistake to argue that because the loans were cordanc actually safe, therefore they were made in acing. with the principles of sound and conservative bankThis is not true, and if the bank had been forced to
Nevertheless
it would
a a crisis,such as that of 1819 or commercial pass through that of 1837, no one conversant with its situation can doubt that the losses would have been well-nigh ruinous.
The
West
other
cause the most important, befor all the trade of the accumulations of funds from
state banks
inevitably took
of produce from place there, as the result of shipments western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee,
and Mississippi.1 New Orleans was consequently the center of exchange dealings for the entire western and southwestern country, while its loans on personal security were always
extensive.
As
it
was
the most
distant office,it
independent
of control, and unusual care was selecting its officers and its board.2 Next in importance Both of these officesat times transacted stood New York.
a
almost in employed
was
that of the bank at Philadelphia, and from the beginning of 1831 to the end of 1834 this was the rule at New Orleans.3 The third branch in importance was
" I shall propose this because the size of the surplus from Congress. fund of to increase the surplus fund of $1,750,000 nor the contingent if too ostensible might increase the cupidity of those with whom $2,100,000, which
"
may
1
hereafter
have
to deal."
"
Biddle
to Cadwalader,
Dec.
30, 1831, B. P.
The
being in 1829 34V" per cent, on the capital emcommensurate, ployed." profits were 30, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 209, 210. Biddle to C. J. Ingersoll, March
from
"We regard the office at New Orleans from its distance from the parent Bank, its intrinsic importance, and from its being the key of the Western offices,as manding decidedly superior to any other office, and dethe first on the whole establishment, in his fidelity indeed for the Cashier the qualities of perfect confidence
2 even
in
higher
degree
Biddle
3
to R. Gilmor,
in any situation be required would of Baltimore, Jan. 4, 1826, ibid., Vol. II, p. 90. than
TOTALS Jan. 30
"
in the Bank."
"
DISCOUNTS
July 30
AND
EXCHANGE
1831
1827
Jan. 30
-
July
30
$3,568,000 $3,517,000
3,432,000 4,367,000
Philadelphia
New
$5,678,000$8,789,000
3,273,000 4,370,000
York
Orleans
2,822,000
3,011,000
New
Orleans
7,500,000
10,282,000
398
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the center of exchange operathat at Charleston, which was tions for the South, though in the later years the officesat
Nashville
on
more
extended
The
centers
of the bank's operations would, therefore, be: Philadelphia and New York for the East, Charleston for the South, New Orleans for the Southwest, the West. In all twenty-six branches were established, though not The first than twenty-five existed at any one time. more located in the firstyear of the bank's existence, eighteen were
and re-established in 1825,1 the Chillicothe branch being discontinued in the latter
the other eight under President branch was discontinued in 1820
and Nashville
Biddle.
The
nati Cincin-
ferred office in Connecticut was transyear; while the Middletown 2 to Hartford in the same Benton state in 1824. and
others boldly asserted that the Biddle administration setected the locations of the new officesfrom political tions, considerabut there is not a grain of evidence to support these
charges.
Had
certainly have established many in the applications made by the most tempting inducements state secretary of the treasury, the governors of territories,
Compiled
1 2
from
the monthly
p. 176.
reports
of the bank.
NILES,
Vol. XXVIII,
business was to be secured On the ground that more Parsons, April 7, 1824, P. L. B., Vol. I, pp. 143, 144. Enoch
at Hartford.
"
Biddle
to
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIB
ADMINISTRATION
399
hesitation that if political motives had controlled, the bank would have established an office at Albany in response to
the petition of Martin Van Buren and the members of the Albany regency in 1826,1 for certainly the establishment at that place, and under such circumstances, would have saved
the bank from
new
for
The
in fact made with the purpose selection of the officeswas business interests and the interests of the of combining than Of offices located rather for government government.
business
more
purposes three may be designated,3 while of those directly beneficial to the bank than to the government
were
of the total of twenty-six offices were established virtually on the seaboard, to New Orleans.5 beginning at Portland, Me., and running located so as to be easily accesIn addition five offices were sible
there
not
more
than six.*
Twelve
out
to the coast;6
one
on
was
Lake
placed on Champlain
Lake
;9
on one
Erie;7
at the
one source
on
of the Ohio;10 two on the Ohio;11 three and two on tributaries of the Ohio.13 the officesmay be divided Atlantic seaboard and seven with New Orleans as connecting systems.
i
the Mississippi;12
speaking, into nineteen connected with the taries, on the Mississippi and its tribulink between the two
Roughly
2/6id.
*
Portland,
Me.,
Norfolk,
Va.,
and
St. Louis.
Lexington,
Natchez,
Cincinnati.
New New
Providence,
York,
Philadelphia,
Baltimore,
6
8
Charleston,
Richmond, Vt.
New
Mobile, Natchez.
"
Orleans.
7
Hartford, Utica.
Washington,
9
Fayetteville, lOPittsburg.
Buffalo. Louisville.
the seaboard
Burlington,
and
Cincinnati
and
!2
Orleans.
The
last is counted
also among
13
Nashville
and
Lexington.
400
In
THE
SECOND
to
BANK
the
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
regular offices, there were several located at Chillicothe Two were agencies of various kinds. business was to secure the whole and Cincinnati, whose
addition the early years of the bank and superintend sales of real estate. Agents appointed by the central board managed these agencies, and Biddle directed much time and attention to them, evolving a plan of operations for
In 1823 the suspended debt the liquidation of the debts. $2,528,350. When at Cincinnati was any part of this was regularly paid, the secured by mortgage, and interest was debtor
was
not
disturbed;
cient, insuffithe security was where foreclosed and the property sold, by the bank, which then improved
it in whatever way possible. The finaloperation was the sale of the improved property in small parcels at a profit.1 The branch at Cincinnati was re-established as an aid to carrying
result of efficient management of these affairs, the sale of real estate in the West in the end not all the losses of the only secured returns sufficient to cover
out
this policy.
As
closed in Another 1836. agency, consisting of a single individual board, was established at Macon, appointed by the Savannah
were
early years, but yielded an excess.2 The agencies at Cincinnati and Chillicothe
It
was
closed in 1834. The particular advantages of the branch system, evident from the experience of the Bank of the United States, were briefly as follows: The funds of the treasury were collected,
loss, I have been working to avert such a tremendous I determined at it for the great satisfaction of thinking, that every nearly eight years, and I have now Biddle to S. Smith, Nov. 5, 1830, P. L. B., VoL dollar of it will probably be saved."" III, pp. 385, 386. For plan see H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 323.
1
"
*Ez. 3H.
*
480, 481.
Biddle
Gumming,
June
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIR
ADMINISTRATION
401
transferred, and disbursed only by means of the branches. In the dealings in exchange, both foreign and domestic, the bank's advantage was derived altogether from its system of holds good for the circulaThe same branches. statement tion
Without the branches it would have been of the bank. insignificant in quantity, and could not have been either the system furnished the general or uniform; as it was, country a currency better and cheaper than any other paper
currency branches
more
which
not
had yet existed in the United States. The this paper more convertible, but only made
issued in response to business elastic, since it was in the various localities, and withdrawn demands as the Another consequence of the possession demands died away. of branches to the West them. the supplying of loans at a cheaper rate out and South than would have been possible withA further result of this ability to supply cheap
was
loans
was
an
otherwise
impossible
development
and southern
might be.
Again, the
possible only through control of the state-bank issues was the branches, so that the system not only gave the people a from the ravages of a better currency, but protected them It may be added that the branches were much poorer one.
than merely local banks, capable management of more phia at Philadelsince they received the attention of able men as well as that of the local directors; that the branches
sure
facilitatedthe distribution of loanable capital owned but not in one part of the Union and needed in another; employed of the bank much and that the system gave to the managers
valuable information about greater opportunities to secure than any other system could furnish. business and about men nished These various advantages, it is safe to assert, cannot be furin these by any bank without branches, and it was that the Bank of the United States exhibited its superiority
402
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
ever
STATES
in
over
banking
system
established
the
defects of the system were, however, great and perilous. In the last analysis all resolved themselves into a failure to exercise an adequate control over the offices. To
do this demanded
first-class branch
officials,omplete c
intelligence,
eternal watchfulness, and constant checking of the The conditions rendered operations of the distant branches. The denial of accommodaall this well-nigh impossible. tions
at the branches
made
the bank
there
was
an
and southern business. Loans in a new country are almost certain to be made on real-estate security and at long dates. This is not good Yet the Bank of the United States indulged in it, banking.
"
long loans, and finally of and the practice of renewing even that they would such loans with the understanding making be renewed, inevitably grew up. Stillmore serious was the
character of the branch On the whole they were in sound in determining
officersand the branch directorates. not men of knowledge and experience The president, who had most inbanking. fluence loans, had selected from these be taken from the state in which tion conditions which made the selecto be
in turn must
established
"
of competent officialsat times impossible. Moreover, had to deal with their neighbors, sometimes their these men holders relatives,and in the handling of the funds of distant stockinclined to care for their friends than for were more
Then, too, the presidents were insufficiently paid, talent could not be secured for meager salaries. and first-class it was In such cases ing almost vain to attempt the checkthe bank.
not until the cashiers were of the boards, and it was local carefully selected that any considerable check upon
THE
BRANCHES
AND
THEIB
ADMINISTRATION
403
banking
necessary and the requisite for a proper control of the offices were excessively difficult to secure because of the remoteness of the offices from the mother bank and the lack of first-ratemeans of
communication.
reprehensible
loans
possible. investigations
was
It
took
weeks
to
New
Orleans and
do to attempt Philadelphia,
of the branches from complete government had that been possible. The needs of even had to be consulted, and only men the local community of these. the place could justly measure The only adequate means these defects of remedying
the erection of a board at Philadelphia entirely separate from the local board, whose whole time of the branches. should have been given to the management
would
have
been
Biddle
made,1 and yet adopted it to the extent of having assistant cashiers appointed at the business was solely with the general parent office whose
when affairs of the bank.
objectedthe suggestion
to
relieved of the necessity of attending to local business at Philadelphia, the results would no doubt have been highly beneficial. Had the central board been confined to general questions of management
tution the instiand supervision, the danger of managing from the point of view of local Philadelphia interests have been avoided, and the opportunities for correcting
Had
he
himself
been
would bad
have
prohibiting increased.
unjustifiable
The
would have been solved in time by the extension of railroads and the introduction of the telegraph, while the lack of adequate banking knowledge in the local boards would have been remedied
i
by further experience.
The
cashier,
was
business separate, with a separate of keeping the Philadelphia suggestion to Biddle, Wilmington, January 30, 1826, li. P. made by E. J. Dupont
CHAPTER
THE
XVII
OF THE BANK
ISSUES
THE
note
charter of the Bank of the United States limited the circulation of that corporation to thirty-five million
should be paid in specie on demand/ imposing a penalty of 12 per cent, per annum in case of all notes not so paid;3 prohibited the issue of * than five dollars ; and gave the notes of a less denomination
notes
them These
receivable
sions provi-
a evidently intended to render difficult suspension the part of the bank, to hinder it on of specie payments from making excessive issues, to restrict the circulation of and to establish a uniform circulatpaper for small sums, ing
were
for the use of the government. medium Under the various administrations there
was
difference in the management of the bank's presidency of William Jones the use of the notes for many period. The
a
policy of expansion
issue and
criminate secured through the indiswhich was indiscriminate redemption of its notes
As the course always against of exchange was everywhere. the West and frequently against the South, this permitted the western and southern officesto issue their notes without The consequence was that the whatever. capital of the bank was drawn away to the South and West. tors To put an end to this perilous situation, the board of direcin August, 1818, prohibited the offices from redeeming any limitation
"
"
Charter,
Ibid.,
sec.
sec.
11, Art. 8.
*
See Appendix
Ibid.,
sec.
I.
2 6
ibid., ibid.,
sec.
17.
sec.
404
ISSUES
OF
THE
BANK
405
notes
were
not
issued
by
to which the particular branch they this order the usefulness and currency
were
seriously impaired.
Once
more
medium and thus the of exchange, firstattempt to give the country a better currency through the agency of the Bank of the United States ended io failure.
policy of refusing to receive the notes except where by an attempt to they were supplemented made payable was a million from restrict the issues, and these fell off by over April to July, 1818, and by over Jones 1819.1 In this month March ary, three millions up to Januforced to retire, and in was
The
Langdon
Cheves
came
into control.
Cheves's policy led to a continuation of the contraction. It is true that the five-dollar notes of the bank were once
more
were
received at all the officesat par,2 but the western offices not permitted to issue any notes,3 and the circulation
lower and lower. In April, 1819, its volume was less than half that of April, 1818, and by December of 1819 it
went
Indeed, only a littleover one-third that of April, 1818. during Cheves's entire administration the issues were so 4 hardly possible to speak of a carefully restricted that it was circulation of the Bank of the United States in many parts
was
In so far, however, as of the country, notably in the West. there was a currency, it was sound and fairly uniform. In January, 1823, Cheves retired and Nicholas Biddle became Biddle was president of the bank. particularly
anxious that the circulation should in the South and West, where be less restricted, especially the advantages of a uniform had not been circulating medium since the enjoyed restrictions were placed upon the bank's issues. To supply
18oo chart,
2
*
*
p. 427.
Committee,
sec.
U. 1819 to 1823 the average circulation was in $8,400,000 1818. See Appendix
Thus
from
and
$5,300,000 against as
406
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Biddle's anxious care, and to a great so, extent justly since the bank's profit and the country's equally involved in the restriction of the multiwelfare were farious
From this time the interissues of the state banks. est in the currency of the Bank of the United States centers in which the problem was solved. The around the manner difficulty twofold: the perils incurred by the course was of
exchange namely, the danger of having the capital of the had to be overinstitution shifted to the West and South come had to be found means ; and, in the second place, some It was impossible to to supply the corporation with notes.
" "
furnish notes sufficientfor the supply of the West and South under the provision in the charter that all notes must be signed
Under
the president and cashier of the parent office.1 impossible materially this check to the issues it was
by
to expand
the currency, and it reached a lower average in ties 1823 than in any other year.2 Biddle solved these difficulby his plan of dealing largely in inland exchange while issuing freely the bank's notes. By the buying of billswhen
notes
were were
issued,
fund
was
provided
out
they were presented paid when offices. In this way the danger of having the bank's capital shifted to the West and South was avoided.
notes
this plan the note circulation of the bank was The expansion in issues is very easily materially increased. In 1827 the increase was the chart. on Been slight, but in
Under
a the volume of the currency was million and a half dollars larger than in 1826; in 1829 the increase had become
1828
$3,500,000, and
of 1826.3
1
2
in 1831
By thus doubling
H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 53. In 1824 the average results brought
"
was
before
retired.
3
This supply
was,
higher slightly higher, and in 1825 it was by the reissue of some old notes which about however, Ibid., p. 54. soon exhausted.
"
than
ever
had
been
See Appendix
V and
Appendix
XII.
ISSUES
OP
THE
BANK
407
the currency of the Bank of the United States at last became truly national and fulfilled the purposes for which it was
established. The notes were in excellent repute, and circulated from Montreal to the City of Mexico, the issues of the state banks were restrained, carried on with more and the business of the country was facilitythan at any other time between 1811 and 1860. intended
when
the bank
was
asserted during the bank's existence Yet, if they are compared that its issues were excessive. to which they might have attained under the with the sum excessnever restriction imposed by the charter, they were ive.
It
was
frequently
circulation of notes to the ever out was extent of $35,000,000, and the highest sum The highest an$25,000,000,nd this only for one month. a nual less than two-thirds of the $22,340,000, average was
charter permitted
a
The
three-fourths of the capital stock. Not until 1831, when bank's existence had passed, did the issues average over or $15,000,000, less than one-half the amount of the capital.1
looks, then, to the legislative restriction, and to be admitted that the note issues were this alone, it must though the incitements to note issues never excessive, even If
one
But, much greater at that time than they are now. taking the issues after 1830, it is only if one looks at nothing be said to be but the legislative restriction that they can
were so
limited.
here, indeed, only an illustration of the truth that there is no definite proportion between a bank's has
One
tion capital and its note circulation. The attempt to fix a proporbetween them is absurd. The distribution of the circulation is of interest as showing what parts of the by the bank.
Union
The
currency
were
of the bank's notes were actually what amount circulating in had been the regions considered, but only what amounts issued by the branches in these sections.
1
See Appendix
V and
Appendix
XII.
408
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
fl
STATES
,"
S-C CO -^55
^ """
i-l
jll
CD
"w
CO
to
J)
.S
O
01
"11 -a
o
.ag
"*
-3
o
""
01
ft*
S sg
01
hj"" "
r-t
a
t^
S
*"*
eO
"O
C-
iO
t-
^"S
t*
si
CC
I
I
"
^J
|| t!
S2S3S?
1
u
ft
-"
m
en
.
.
oi
"
"O
5
as
"
:
;
:S
; as
: ;
"
hw
T3
s
:S"M
to-"-M
"sisgl a
*
^rt^
F.,
ngs,
Ws^JS
^W=1
,1 "
SUSP
-S-S"" fe^-Sg
"t*
-| "
"iH
ISSUES
The New
OP
THE
BANK
409
supplied with any Bank large part of their currency by the of the United States. In September, 1818, the amount of the bank's notes
not
England
states
were
was
entire note
amount
to the whole
issued, and
it
was
itself, the
sum
being
$518,415. One
less, but relatively to the entire circulation it was In January, excess of one-ninth of the whole. proportion year it was increased
was
littlein
appreciable extent, either relatively or By September, 1830, the total had absolutely, since 1818. materially increased, but not to anything like the extent that any
At that time it amounted circulation had. By to only one-twentieth of the sum of the bank's issues. issues were England January, 1832, the New about what twenty-ninth part they had been in 1830, and were only one the entire note
to
It is evident, therefore, that New England of the whole. largely outside the sphere of the bank's circulation. It was tion, a favorite field for the operations of the institunever was
Undoubtedly this and it grew less so as time passed. largely due to the excellent system of state banks in was England. There was littleneed operation throughout New
of
a
national bank in these states. In the middle states the issues were
more
extensive.
Yet
even
here they In
were
not
so
large
as
1818, not A year later the proportion issued in this part of the Union. favorable, being about one in three, a result due more was to the contraction of 1818"19 which materially limited the
September,
After this time the offices in southern and western issues. issued so large a proportion of the the middle states never from one-fourth to onenote circulation. In 1823 it was
410
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
In 1830 it was fifth of the whole. still the same, and in 1832 it had not increased to any marked degree. ered Considin themselves, the sums show an increase from about a in 1830, million in the early years to three times that sum and
to five times
that
sum
in 1832.
On
considering how
in both the middle the issues in these sections was surprisingly smalL1 The truth is that the sphere of the bank's operations was always considered to be rather in the South and West than in the East and North, and the figures show that this the case in respect to its issues. In September, 1818,
was over
extended commercial operations were and New England states, the amount of
by "the half of them were made in the South, meaning " South the branches of the bank located in the states, of the and Dixon's line. A year original thirteen, south of Mason later, after the contraction of 1818-19, the proportion here was a littleless than one-third of the whole, and the total, considered absolutely, had fallen off in a remarkable manner. In January, 1823, the issues
were
culatio again over half the totalcirbut did not reach nearly so high a figure as in 1818. In 1830 the proportion exceeded one-fourth, but the absolute
before. greater than ever of the issues was There is a further large increase in 1832, but the proportion These facts show that the about the same. remained
amount
South
the principal field of the bank's tant operations, and that it remained until the end a very imporfor its smaller relative importance at The reason one.
was
in the beginning
in the
of the
early years of the institution only by the great officeat New Orleans. Its issues were very extended and usually exceeded
i
at various
periods, p. 408.
ISSUES
the
OF
THE
BANK
411
But it was not of all those made in New England. an especially until after 1827 that the Southwest became In September, territory for the bank's issues. important
sum
total of the note issues was only a little over a half million less than that of the southern offices. In 1832 leans, the same continued to be the case, the officesof New Or-
1830, the
issuing
see, strictly speaking, at the Kentucky, Tennesthe issues followed about the same and Ohio branches In September, 1818, they agas in the Southwest. course gregate In the West
"
"
about one-eighth of the whole, being almost equal to the sum of the issues in the middle states. In proportion interests of these new to the population and commercial
states this circulation
was enormous.
It
was
in respect to
the
West,
therefore, that the most energetic efforts were to restrict the circulation. In September, 1819, the
not one-third that of the year previous, and in proportion less than oneto the entire note circulation was
By January, 1823, the active westfifteenth of the whole. ern and in December of the same officesissued only $45,820, insignificant sums which hardly permit year only $16,785
"
of western issues. After 1827, however, as a plan of result of the invention of branch drafts and the new extensive operations in exchange, the change is remarkable. In September, 1830, the issues were over $3,600,000 an
one
to speak
"
of that issued in the middle states and of those of the middle and New almost equal to the sum The proportion is a little England states taken together.
amount
in
excess
less than one-fourth of the whole, and this proportion is retained in 1832, which year shows a great increase in the being over issues of the West, the amount $5,000,000.
From this analysis it is
seen
was
for
one-
half the
bank's
existence
412
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
issues.
Taking equal importance. their total issues equal about one-half of the whole. Taking South, Southwest, and West together, in comparison with
the New
and the middle states, these sections in September, 1818, had almost four times as great a note circulation littleover in September, 1819, it was a that of the East and from North ; in 1823 it was 1830, it was three times
more
England
$3,400,000in 1823
was
the increase since 1830 great, though larger than during any other two years of the bank's was history.
not
so
for this of course, many excellent reasons be given in can state of affairs,but the principal reasons Banking transactions in these regions were one sentence:
There
were,
for note profitable than elsewhere and the demand issues was greater. But at the bottom of these facts lay a
more
serious danger
to the bank.
It will not
at the periods of great expansion, which were also periods to the Bank of the United States, the of embarrassment
of the currency in these sections was especially The two periods of greatest expansion are noteworthy. marked by the years 1818 and 1832, and both these years
expansion hard pressed to get command of its means. In 1818-19, as clearly shown in the second chapter, the note issues of the South and West ran steadily in enormous
saw
the bank
streams
to the
The
southern
means
furnish poured
an
there. and were redeemed branches could not and did not and western for their redemption. On the contrary, they
East
and
North
incessant
demand
for
more
that the southern and western borrowers invested the loans improvements, by the bank in permanent made and conse-
ISSUES
OF
THE
BANK
413
these became due.1 quently could not pay their debts when Biddle's Under A similar state of affairs existed in 1832. became thoroughly system, which effective in 1827, the
and
was
Southwest
had
been
increased
naturally an immense stimulus to loans which were the note issues. Again virtually permanent mass were made ; again the immense of notes running to the eastern offices embarrassed the bank, which could
only
to with great difficulty find the means with which redeem them ; again the West was called upon to settle,and again immediate settlement was found impossible.
Nashville the cashier of the branch writes that all The situation at bills offered for collection are renewed.2 New Orleans was precisely similar,3while at Louisville the
From
cashier admitted that the embarrassments of the branch were caused by a too great extension of its credit,*and that bills not collected but sent to Louisville for collection were
So, too, the cashier at Cincinnati remarks that bills of exchange as good are offered to be applied 5 to discounted notes they are purchased."
renewed. "as fast
yet, while the West could not discharge its debts, of any sum and while the circulation there was far in excess before attained, the cry was stillfor more it had ever currency.
And
cashier at Nashville declares that "the scarcity is "unexampled," in Alabama and Tennessee portion of the Union contains a more suffering
than does population, for lack of circulating medium, 6 Yet in April the portion of which this office is the focus." the circulation credited to the Nashville office was $1,609,000 a note circulation greater than that of any other office except those of Philadelphia and New Orleans. The cashier
"
i On April 1, 1819, the debt due 27, and MILES., Vol. XXIII, p. 94.
in Kentucky
and
Ohio
was
CHEVES, $6,351,000."
p.
24, 1832.
ibid., p. 148.
414
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
at
Cincinnati
utters
in
excess
of
$1,100,-
mass of this enormous of notes ? To this question the response was that it had passed to the East. in the West was It is plain, then, that the demand not
000.
What
had become
for
for
circulating medium,
means
permanent
new
but for capital. It was a demand to make what, in the nature of the case, would be investments, for means to assist in developing a
Had the issues fulfilled the real duties of a country. for "a circulatin currency there would have been no such demand The truth was frankly and innocently medium." expressed by Senator Ewing,
of
our
when
"
he said: "In
country, capital accumulated not, and, in the very nature of things, cannot, exist; and there, of all places else, is there need of capital to sustain
"
the enterprise and aid the industry of the people." Two important questions about any paper of the most Is it elastic? currency are these: Is it truly convertible? The
provisions of the charter show that the paper issues of in specie on demand. legally redeemable were the bank This is convertibility, but there are many degrees of convertibil be redeemable at a distant paper may may be such point ; or the business habits of the community individuals who wish to convert paper into as to embarrass
The
which will hinder from any attempt to get specie for the paper which most men In any of these cases they hold. convertibility is only specie ;
or
means
may
be used by
bank
partial,and in any of them depreciation is likely to result. the conditions under which One must, therefore, examine the paper of the Bank of the United States was redeemable with these considerations in mind.
i"T. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 149, Nov.
2
21, 1832.
ISSUES
OF
THE
BANK
415
issues of the bank were at their best in the firstyear of its existence. As the bank could not suspend specie payments, and as its notes were receivable in all payments due the
The
government, beginning.
complete. excellent. As all the other officesat par. The results were today everyone accepts a national-bank note without caring to ascertain where it was issued, so at that time everyone of the United States, willingly accepted a note of the Bank because wherever there was at its face value.
a
the credit of these notes was excellent from the A third circumstance made convertibility fairly Each office of the bank received the notes of
branch
be redeemed
even
Indeed,
superior to specie for the purpose of remittance. these circumstances there could be no depreciation.
Under
conditions existing in the United States were such that this excellent condition of the currency could not continue, and, as already pointed out, the decided in August, 1818, that the universal management the
Unfortunately
business
Henceforth cease. the receivability of the notes should to be redeemed only where issued.1 There were notes were now nineteen distinct currencies of the Bank of the United considerable extent the country lost one of the principal benefits sought in the establishment of the The bank. was not completely currency convertible, and itself in this want of complete convertibility manifested
States, and to
This began with the order condepreciation of the notes. cluding in August, their universal receivability, namely, 1818, and lasted until the bank went out of existence. The depreciation In 1819, for the same. always instance, the bank restored the quality of universal redeemability in respect to its five-dollar notes,2 and this, of course,
was
not
diminished
1
or on
deposit, any
2
not to pay,
or
receive in payment
of debts,
Order of October
Vol. XVII, p. 115 ; F., Vol. Ill, pp. 906, 909, sec. 15.
416
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Immediately of each
were
branch
after the order to cease receiving the notes indiscriminately at every branch, the notes
Exact figures are available only quoted at a discount. On September 7, 1818, all in the case of Philadelphia. branch notes were at a discount of 1 per cent, in that city, and they remained at this rate of depreciation until March 1,
1819, when they were quoted July the quotation was even
cent.
at
more
"
On
In per cent, discount. favorable, being " per for the next four years.
at Philadelphia
was
" per per cent., and on the 2d of June in that year it was At this rate it remained cent.1 until July, 1824, when all depreciation on small notes ceased so far as Philadelphia
large notes expired concerned, and the depreciation on due to the policy now with the year. This result was adopted of receiving all notes at par in Philadelphia.2
was
figures given for depreciation during this period are for the branch-bank The issues of Boston, notes generally. count. Middletown, were at an even and Portsmouth greater disThe
In
September,
1820, these
were
depreciated
2 per cent, all through equal until June, 1822.3 On the 4th of that month they were Why in value to other branch notes. the paper of these branches should have suffered greater depreciation than that
of the others it is not possible to say. The recovery of the complete credit of branch notes at Philadelphia after six years of depreciation was confined to that city. In the other towns and cities where the bank had branches value. Thus the branches
1 "
"
stillworth less than their face though he asserted that the notes of " indiscriminately," everywhere paid
were
See Appendix
"
1823.
The
GOUGE
3
See Appendix
ISSUES
OF
THE
BANK
417
a sometimes admitted in his report of 1830 that there was discount, though it was never ing equal to the cost of transportit was specie.1 In 1833 proved conclusively that at
the office had not received the paper of other branches at par from state banks, and the notes had consequently always been at a discount.2 This ceased with Baltimore from
1820
October, 1833, when the bank adopted the policy of receiving all its notes at par from state banks along the Atlantic The condition of affairs in New York was the same. coast.
office refused branch notes from state banks and the For fifteen depreciated ^ per cent. notes were commonly years brokers had bought these notes from state banks at a The discount of from J to ^ per cent., and had then sold them at having duty bonds to pay. a smaller discount to merchants The latter parted with them to the Bank of the United States This was true in respect to all but five-dollarnotes, at par.
which
were
taken
were
Notes
because uncurrent," not called Nevertheless so were taken by the such notes received. state banks from individuals at par on deposit, or in payment the same of debt.8 At Mobile in Alabama conditions Nor was this all. It applied to the notes of the branches.4 branches sometimes is certain that some refused to receive the notes of other branches even at a discount, a fact which would tually make such paper, if far from its place of issue, virPresident Biddle's testimony corroboirredeemable. rated
the testimony
nominat de-
He declared that all notes of of others. five dollars were received indiscriminately at all the branches were not necessarily, of the bank; notes of a larger denomination
but
usually, received
account
at their
were
offered
i
on
of government
received at
Ibid., pp. 9-12.
II, p. 1877, and H. R. 358, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 14, 15.
3
Letter
from
branch
of Bank
of the State
of Alabama,
November
418
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
mand issuing the notes paid all of them on deat par, as also did the parent office at Philadelphia.1 The conclusions which one is justified in deducing from
follows: There was the above facts may be summarized as This depreciation, however, always depreciation after 1818. varied, being greater from 1818 to 1825 than it was later.
Moreover, the paper was depreciated because it wandered far from its place of issue and redemption, not because it was The amount conside irredeemable. of depreciation, however, was in-
^ and ^
moreover,
ranging from 1 per cent, in the early years to per cent, in the later years of the bank.2 All notes, were redeemable at Philadelphia as well as at their
receivable at par place of issue; all notes of five dollars were frequently all notes of all denominations were everywhere; received at all the officesfrom individuals, but not from banks;
all were
receivable in payment
of government
were,
dues.
Finally,
uniform enough ; but a enough ; it was not circulate at its face value except in the immediate borhood neighthe facts when of its place of issue. However,
are
justly weighed,
was
bank's existence
were
the matter in the later years of the insignificant. All the five-dollar notes
at par, and these constituted one-sixth of the entire currency equal in value to two-thirds of of the bank, and were
Fives and tens comprised by all odds the greater part of the bank's circulation,so far as the usual transactions between individuals were concerned, and the its ten-dollar notes.3
notes in the hands
1 2
Except
in the
case
of the New
England
offices.
GALLATIN, Considerations the Currency Banking System on and States, p. 57. See also ADAMS, Gallatin's Writings, Vol. III. This was to suppose 1829. There is no reason that the proportion ever decreased.
3
of the United
for the year
ISSUES
OP
THE
BANK
419
but the state banks took them from their at par; so did the Bank customers of the United States, received all of them at their face value. and the government value.
so,
Not only
Consequently, in ordinary circumstances, depreciation could It might be individuals. hardly have existed as between
then that, though not comconvertibility was plete, concluded five dollars were below par when though notes of over they circulated outside of the immediate vicinity of the branch
as
which
issued them,
This possible under in asserted, saying that the paper of the Bank of England like circumstances suffered an equal depreciation.1 Yet this conclusion is not quite borne out by the facts, for after October, 1833, the bank received its paper from many state its character. banks at par, and this immediately improved The
was
as
convertible Gallatin
currency, therefore, admitted of improvement.2 Moreover, there is another important point to be noted in reference to the convertibility of the bank's issues. The
hostile to payments of specie business habits of the day were for bank notes, and it was very unusual for specie to be drawn Raguet complains from banks in exchange for their notes. of this fact in 1820, and declares that while it exists there is no real safeguard against an inconvertible paper currency.3 Crawford also lays stress upon this condition of affairs.*
of the bank and lasted all through Nor would public opinion support demanded the payment of obligations in
to
men
of this class,
Considerations
on
the Currency,
p. 341.
that of their not being receivprincipal objection to the bank's notes was able The charter in 1832 had a clause compelling the bank to the state banks. IV, sec. 4 of debts." See Appendix receive all its notes from state banks in payment the bill. of
from
3
The
RAGUET,
On
Banking,
p. 297, report
to Pennsylvania
senate,
Crawford
to Senate
Committee
on
Finance,
Dec.
and
report
to House
of Representatives,
420
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
to stand
and
very few
a
were
bold enough
or
out against
forces of pressure so powerful public opinion and the refusal of bank accommodations.1 bankers themselves. The same conditions existed among
Consequently
upon
there
was
no
"
immediate,
a
automatic
check
check which is absolutely where a paper currency is almost entirely used. there is nothing to hinder inflation except the
for specie abroad. This was the case with the currency of the United States during the entire existence of The result was that the currency was the bank. apt to be expanded
at
one
time, and, when the foreign check little came, unduly contracted.2 As deposits were used, the suffered severely at whole business of the country commonly
unduly
every contraction and was unhealthily stimulated at every The currency, moreover, was not composed ciently suffiexpansion. of of specie to make it in any degree stable,the amount from about one-sixth to one-eighth of the specie ranging
whole, most of it held by the banks as a reserve.3 It was the opinion of the Senate Committee in 1830, however, that the currency had " for
on
Finance
some
years
past
....
been
improving
of a medium solvent banks in lieu of those of of the paper of more inferior credit ;" and that the inconveniences stillremaining
1
by the infusion into the circulating larger portion of coin, and the substitution
RAQUET, "There
On
Banking,
p. 102.
is no example in history of a currency similar It is banknotes issued without restraint, unless when prevails
to that
a
high
into coin, is specious banknotes existence of a legal right to convert imposing, inviting the judgment to conclude that it must be an effective restraint and to demand possess upon coin is essentially over-issues : but the authority which we in its effects from an indispensable necessity constantly and daily to require different coin."" C. P. White, report 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 24.
3
on
See Triennial
Report
of
the Bank
"
of the
United
Vol. XLI,
"
p.
115.
"
Here
metals
lying
ISSUES
"
OP
THE
BANK
"
421
in
would
be
certainly sounder in that year been since the war of 1812, but no remarkable it became improvement took place, and when certain that period.1 than it had
was
insensibly remedied
brief
of the United States would not be re-chartered the increased instead of licentious issues of the state banks
the Bank
diminishing
quoted bank:
Our
rency. of the curcondition of the mass The whole situation is tersely expressed in an oftextract from a speech of Webster's in favor of the the unsound
system, dispenses too far, in my judgment, It is true that our circulating with the use of gold and silver is all redeemable in gold and silver. Legally speaking, paper
system,
as a
it is all convertible into specie at the will of the holder. But a legal convertibilityis not sufficient. There must be an actual, mere practical, never-ceasing convertibility. This, I think, is not, at present, sufficiently secured.2
The process of of that term. too difficult to be persisted in was getting specie on demand depreciated to a slight by most men, and the notes were the extent because payable only where issued. Consequently ment, paper currency of the day admitted of considerable improveand the efforts of men who wished a better currency
"
The
was,
being
men
of whom But
Benton
was
type
"
were
to
considerable
extent
conditions. it must never be forgotten that, while the paper of the Bank of the United States was not in as good a state have been, it was stillfar preferable to the paper as it might of the state banks, and that the choice at the time lay between In such circumstances the issues of the two systems. The state a sensible man could not hesitate which to choose. banks poured out streams of paper of a smaller denomination than
1 8.
by justifiedthe
$5, even
as
low
as
$1
2
"
paper that
was
redeemable
25, 1832.
422
THE
SECOND
BANE
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
elsewhere ; paper which was even where issued; paper of all degrees of credit. On a done and all that had to be faced, just review of all that was States is not censurable for the of the United fact that its paper was The not completely redeemable. currency was infinitelybetter than that supplied before the better than any much establishment of the bank; it was the Bank
other paper after that event ; and it was gladly taken everywhere One may justly throughout the country. conclude with Gallatin that the bank was, in the circumstances of that
means
to insure
"a
sound
currency"
and
"a
just performance
banking
elasticity one of far greater import because the important element of the circulation now consists of the deposits; then it consisted of the note issues of This fact is the significant one in every comparison of banks. banking
more
but in no consideration is it operations then and now, important than in this of the elasticity of the currency. The bank's advocates always claimed for it the particular
One of the greatest virtue of furnishing an elastic currency. on advantages of its paper, said the Senate Committee Finance in 1830, is "that it bears a proper relation to the
increasing real business and exchanges of the country ; with the wants of the active operations of society, and inactivity."2 diminishing as these subside, into comparative
. .
.
bank's organization its issues much more elastic than those of the made Only present national banks, or than those of state banks. The claim
was
The
through
of the system of branches, such as the Bank United States possessed, can a bank currency be completely
a
1 Gallatin to Robert Vol. II, p. 426.
Walsh,
Jr., April
Gallatiri's Writings,
ISSUES
OF
THE
BANK
423
diately elastic,for it is only so that the currency needed can immeMoreover, it is be supplied where it is wanted. apparent that a great bank with a large capital under its more much easily and safely control can meet local demands Particularly would such a bank meet small bank. for a currency of small towns and villages a the demands be met. On demand which in many instances cannot now
than
a
"
the other hand, the bank's connection with the government elasticity of its at times seriously affected the complete issues-. Thus, whenever a portion of the national debt was
discharged,
the
bank
was
called upon
for large
sums
specie. At such times a contraction of the issues was seriously interfered with. and the property of elasticitywas Again, when the government revenues yielded a surplus, the bank had on its hands an enormous amount of capital for
of likely,
had to be found. Acting under the stimulus use which some of the necessity, an expansion in the business of the bank then took place, and there were over-issues of its paper. long It may be argued that over-issues could not occur so in specie, or, if was as the currency redeemable on demand corthey could occur, and immediately only a temporary rected The opinion expressed by expansion would ensue.
President
Biddle demand,
was can
that
never
specie
on
in
an
to a foreign to redundancy will lead at once approach for the precious metals ; to an exportation of specie ; demand to a rise in its price; to an immediate redemption of notes in order to obtain silver and gold, and hence to an effective
Meanwhile, however, the currency check upon over-issues.1 had been redundant ; a considerable time had been necessary
to correct the exist.
error, were
There
and therefore complete elasticitydid not for this state of affairs: the two reasons
was
Gazette
GOUGE
(Cobbett's edition),pp.
of Philadelphia, 150-55.
424
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
drawing
specie from the bank, and the rule which allowed specie to be paid out only at the bank and the issuing officesinterfered In these with the frequent presentation of the notes.
circumstances,
unhealthy expansions in the currency were not only probable, but inevitable. Consequently, if the mass to be of the bank's paper was had to be other effective means completely elastic, some found
for returning the note circulation upon the bank when One the transactions upon which it was issued had ceased. to the governwas means provided in the payments made ment.
mous collected at all the seaports ; enorin through sums came the land offices and also were through the post-offices.1 All these payments made into the Bank United States, and most of them in of the
were
Tariff dues
Here
was
efficientmeans of retiring its issues. the course of trade in the United States.
a
flow of the bank's circulation from the West the Atlantic cities of the North and East, a consequence of the commercial relations of these sections to one another, which
was
the West and South debtors to the East and North. made J The amount of notes received in a single year at the Atlanfrom houses; 42 land 343 customs government receives its revenues 8,004 post offices ; 134 receivers of internal revenue 37 marshals 33 clerks of ; ; offices; Report of the Finance Committee 29. 1830, S. D. 50, courts."" of the Senate, March
i"The
22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 21. According to this report the government in the ten years preceding Jan. 1, 1830, $230,068,000. these sources
2
received New
from
Amounts and
of branch Baltimore
notes
:
received
at
York, Philadelphia,
For
1828 to 1831
see
H,
R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 534; for 1832, S. D. 82, 22d Cong.,
2d Sess., p. 3.
OP
THE
BANK
425
of the exchanges, was very large. In addition a great deal of paper was received by the inland offices. In these ways millions of dollars in the notes of the bank were retired every month.
as
a
result of the
course
paper taken up in 1832 by offices which had not issued to about forty million dollars.1 What it amounted amount individual issues the offices received is not of their own The
stated.
It must,
however,
note circulation in 1832 it is evident that at least twice its volume was redeemed It is probable that this rule would hold good in that year.
As the have been considerable. lars, averaged about twenty million dol-
for most
a
years.
Thus
there
was
constant
constant
Speaking
were
elastic,and a by the accompanying as revealed chart, will add something The firstevidence, conclusive specific to this general conclusion. in itself as to the elasticity of the note circulation, between the loans of the bank is the close correspondence and its issues. The chart shows that as the loans increased the issues the issues increased, as the loans diminished
be
diminished.
is elasticity. Carrying the analysis a littlefarther, it will be evident that the loans and issues fluctuate generally in a systematic and not in an irregular
This
greater at In the at others. certain periods of the year than it was the demand summer was usually less than during the rest of This was due to the fact that between two crops the year.
credits
manner.
The
demand
for banking
was
diminished. As a the necessity for banking accommodations by the need of credit to a rule determined general rule the crop the circulation increased from grow and to move
" "
426
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
or
rose
That there are exceptions several millions in a few months. to this general rule goes without saying. Where there are be explained either on the exceptions, however, they can of something ground unusual in the transactions of the bank, or something unusual in the commercial condition of Thus the rule for fluctuation will not apply the country.
at all during the entire period in which
Cheves
The explanation the affairs of the bank. Cheves almost put an end to that part of the bank's business based upon the southern and western trade, in which was
Necessarily, the fluctuations in other words upon the crop. by demands having the currency could not be determined reference to the crop.
the periods of fluctuation are is only additional evidence of the elasticityof the Again in 1831 the issues did not decrease through months.
That
changed issues.
the
was summer a
The
reason
was
contraction where regularly there should be an expansion. This is explained by the fact that the bank had to secure a
a stock of specie in order to redeem debt. in 1833"34 Again there was
similar contraction, because the bank was operating to create distress. In the nature of the case, deposits are elastic. The line in the chart resulting from shows
a
wonderful
deposits and issues correspondence with the line for "total The circulation of the bank, using the
combining
was
certainly elastic in
high
degree.2
1
2 The importance today largely because the very question of elasticity possesses inelastic currency the United States has been productive injury of considerable of It is admitted by most that the evils incito the business interests of the country.
ISSUES
OP
THE
BANK
427
CHART
VI
j-PO
"4dy "mf
3-inr
\'V"0
Widy "1=O
^5 i i
VdyS
ISSUES
AND
DEPOSITS
of each
(Computed
at end
month)
428
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
That, in considering only the note issues of the bank, all the elements of the circulation have not been touched upon
It is necessary to add to these the goes without saying. bills of bank drafts in circulation, the deposits, and even transferred by indorsement. exchange in so far as these were All these elements were of of importance, but in the case billsof exchange and bank drafts it is impossible to determine
the amounts, and therefore they cannot be considered. Gallatin,indeed, is authority for the statement that the drafts in 1829 were equal to a million dollars in the circulation.1
But while this gives information which is of value for 1829, it does not help in the least toward determining the amount
for other years. It is only that in the early years of a varying sum, certain that it was to very little, the bank it amounted while after 1829 it continually For increased and was of considerable importance.
in instance, while in 1829 the amount was $24,384,000, the fiscalyear from July 1, 1830, to June 30, 1831, it was $33,-
of these elements almost or quite as large a part of the circulation as the note issues. But the really striking matter in regard to them, to
one
familiar with the importance of deposits today, is that insignificant. It would be difficult to find so now they were
many banks whose deposits do not greatly exceed their note issues, while from 1817 to 1836 the one great bank of the
largely composed to a currency of a fixed amount of greenbacks and the The principal question, inelastic issues of the national banks should be removed. is certainly ground There is as to the remedy to be used. for thinking however, banks with numerous branches be by all odds the that a system of great would
dent
most
1
successful
"
measure.
The
dollars, and
paid within therefore, be estimated amount always in circulation may, Gallatin's Writings, Vol. Ill, p. 296.
2
amount
an
of those
drafts
average
twenty-four
after being at
one
million.""
OP
THE
429
country that
only
circulation
circumstance
part
of
them
consisted
of
government
deposits.1
conclusion it will not be amiss to point out the one great defect in the paper currency of the second Bank of the The prime defect United States, and to suggest remedies. In
its want of strict convertibility. This in the currency was led to depreciation and to redundant issues, and interfered The remedy for this state with the elasticityof the paper.
certainly not to destroy of affairs was stage of banking then existing that was
the
an
bank.
excess
In the
of folly.
A re-charter should have been granted and the bank should have been compelled to receive all its notes at all its offices. In this respect the bill to re-charter insured great improvement,2 for it compelled the bank to take all its notes in payment due to it from state banks. This would have of debts
is proved by the as met the difficulty, completely result of the bank's adoption of this plan in New York and depreciation in those cities Baltimore in 1833, whereupon
almost
ceased
next
first time
in fifteen years.
In the
place, the state banks as well as the national bank should have been prohibited from issuing notes of a smaller denomination
than
a
larger amount of specie, which would have the tendency to undue fluctuations so common These measures in the currency of that time. would have given the country an excellent paper currency, undoubtedly completely convertible and sufficientlyelastic. Had these things been done, the nation would in all probability have escaped the worst disasters of wild-cat banking, the
mistake
of the greenback
issues, and
perhaps
the free-silver
agitation.
1
For tables of deposits see Appendix V and IV, sec. 4 of the bill. See Appendix
Appendix
XIII.
CHAPTER
THE BANK, THE
XVIII
BANKS,
AND THE
STATE
CURRENCY
the bank relations between and the state banks necessarily fall under consideration in any history of either This is true because the two the bank or the state banks. THE
systems by ties
were
more
intimately associated, not indeed by law, but far-reaching, and less easily evaded. strict,more
In brief,what Bagehot has said of the Bank of England will apply to the Bank of the United States, though not to the It was the center of a " single banking reserve same extent. In the case of the bank this was not the result of system."
in its vaults, but of the fact depositing state-bank reserves no that the state banks made particular efforts to keep an Instead of doin'g so, they trusted to the adequate reserve.
of the United States to protect them in case of an unusual call for the precious metals. Consequently all large for specie finallyfellupon it; all hope of payments demands
Bank
in time
of monetary stringency rested ultimately upon In other words, the Bank of the United States alone
it.
was
capable
of preserving the soundness of the currency; it responsible for the continuance of specie payments. for the establishment of the most potent argument found
in the confident expectation
bank
was
the resumption of specie payments, compel banks in leash, and supply " a sound and uniform currency." in the country ascribed such And everyone yet, though
any conception of the precise method by which it attained these desirable ends, and fewer had the faintest notion of the actual relations between the still bank and the state banks, while probably Biddle alone had powers
430
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
431
grasped the idea that the bank held the final specie reserve In an interesting letter to Gallatin in July, of the country.
The exist1830, his appreciation of this fact is apparent. ence of a specie currency, he asserts, depends wholly upon the Bank of the United States, and sixty days after it ceases
to exist. The will likewise cease " strained to state banks almost always have their resources the utmost," and under these circumstances a slight pressure of the United States would bring on a panic, if the Bank
to exist specie payments
did not
It becomes thereSuch is the inevitable tendency of the Banks. fore to have amongst them something to which of great importance they can be anchored in these squalls. When arises such a demand and private Capitalistscannot supply the Bank of its accumulations of Bills and its of the United States by means is enabled to weaken the pressure, to extended credits in Europe at rates which ward off from the State Banks supply the demands
as
for coin to allow them time to diminish their too great a demand issues without ruin to their customers, and by the gradual reduction of their business cure the existing disorder.
"
At such moments the bank is the only safeguard.1 In other sibility words, the local banks traded without any feeling of responthe largest postheir part, anxious only to make sible profits and leaving to the Bank of the United States the problem of keeping up specie payments.
on
in That Biddle's opinions were sound, that the bank was the only guarantor of specie payments, the circumstances that it was expected to take care of the state banks and the
number
always much The proportion circulation than that of any other bank. large, being fixed deliberately at one-third of its circulawas tion,2 though in fact it was far in excess of this for much of
1
Biddle
to Gallatin, July
Triennial Report
2
of 1831, NILES,
29, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 308, 309. Vol. XLI, p. 115.
Webster,
432
THE
SECOND The
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Thus such proportion. in 1833, while the Bank of the United States had a circulation and held specie to the extent of $9,000,of $17,000,000 000, the state banks had a circulation of $68,000,000 and
the time.
state banks
held
no
only
$10,000,000or $11,000,000 in
of loans to its capital which as shows just clearly that its responsibilitieswere
even
if only dimly.
The
largest
sum
had
amount
of its capital
unsafe, while the man of the bank, sober men suggested that a repetition of delphia the offense should be legally prevented,2 and a famous Philabanker, friendly to the bank, in discussing the acts have acted like madmen, of the directors declared: "They them."3 appointed over and deserve to have conservators
Yet
at
this proportion excessive, unwise, and cretion the street raved against the indison
the
two
one
very
and
same
a
moment
the New
York
banks
had
loaned
and
no
half times
them
censured
of their capital,
This simply meant that everyone looked upon the bank, as and justly, the holder of the ultimate banking reserve,
haps Perthat every state bank acted on that assumption. the most surprising illustration of the extent of this furnished by Girard's Bank. belief was Girard was universally esteemed as a wise and conservative banker, and yet he and
tly
allowed his bank to run along without the slightest to pay its obligations. In 1828 Biddle preparation records his sensation of overwhelming Girard's cashier enter the Bank and had
i
coolly deliver the astounding information that his bank not enough specie in its vaults to meet a sight draft for
Verplanck,
H. R. 121, 22d Cong.,
2d Sess., p. 5.
York, quoting
in the House,
II, p. 2589.
Selden,
loc. cit.
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
433
$57,000. Biddle
loaned the Girard
at
once
Bank
did what
Girard died, Biddle made the stillmore astounding discovery dollars in coin to that his bank held only a few thousand
for large sums. The Bank specie liabilities forward, this time with a of the United States again came loan of $100,000,to protect the Girard Bank.2 The situation was made more much perilous because of
meet
immediate
the complete lack of unity between the bank and the state banks, and because the actual elements in the situation were The lack of unity, and the general failure not plainly admitted.
any common policy or any concerted action on the part of the bank and the This was probably the most serious state banks impossible. defect in the banking system of that day, yet it was unavoidable.
States made overtures for united action, it would have been to the state banks repelled, for such a proposal would immediately have aroused the suspicion that it was an attempting to secure advantage.
Therefore well as it could without such agreement. So long as all was fair and debts were promptly to the last dollar allowed by paid, the state banks expanded the law and by the Bank of the United States; but as soon
as
Even
of the United
it had to do
panic threatened, cover each and to throw the burden on the others. "The action of the Banks among themselves," " has been compared to that of so many drunken said Gouge,
as
a or
demand
commercial
passing along the street together, occasionally supporting one one another, and occasionally knocking another 3 down." "If the Banks here," wrote Lenox in 1825, "were
men
not
are
Memorandum
of Biddle
in B. P.
2 "
Biddle to Cadwalader,
Lenox
434
been
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
to believe strange, indeed, if there had been reason anything else. In December, 1827, he again wrote that, as a consequence of unusual demands for specie, the New York
exercising "great caution and a city banks were trial of skill to keep from being debtor Banks, and every the on and abroad to get demands engine used at home
....
doing its best the branch was which of course to evade.1 In February, 1828, Biddle noted that the Philadelphia banks in the presence of a distressing stringency den were reducing and declining to bear their share of the burBranch," of relief.2 The inevitable result at such times was stillfurther to tress, diminish confidence, increase the force of commercial disand throw the burden finally on the Bank of the
United States, which had no means of evading it. Thus in 1825 the bank had kept off the panic so disastrous in that year to England, and in 1828 everyone looked to it for
similar services, and complained bitterly because it did not discount freely and relieve the pressure. Biddle in answer published a long articleexplaining that it was the duty of the bank to take care of itself, and that the state banks were at fault in overtrading.3 That he felt compelled to defend
the bank is significantof the position ascribed to it in popular
opinion.
Granted
that
the bank
might
be justly
looked to
for
assistance in time of pressure, it follows, as a matter of in attempting to that it would be perfectly justified course, interests,as well as in the restrain the state banks in its own For its own interests of the country. sake it was still further bound to do so, because in case of suspension it must on all its pay interest at the rate of 12 per cent, per annum
1 2
Same
to
same,
Dec. 20, 1827, ibid. Feb. 12, 1828, P. L. B., Vol. II, p. 344.
Gazette.
Biddle to Lenox,
For extracts
see
GOCGE
(Cob-
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
435
immediately
redeemed
in specie
on
demand.1
of control over the state banks did it possess ? How could it restrain their discounts ? How could it put an end to the depreciation of their paper ? The process was simplicity itself The bank merely presented the notes of the :
means
What
state banks
for payment
when
As
Biddle succinctly and clearly expressed it: "A branch bank is near a local bank the branch notes are more valuable
"
for the local notes the local notes are exchanged branch notes at the branch bank, which thus becomes the creditor of the local bank, and makes it pay itsdebts, and thus
than
"
Almost
and briefly, the process consisted " in latin put it even more ing receiving the notes of all those which are solvent and requirfrom time to time, without suffering the balance payment due by any to become this
that
measure we
too large."
The
importance
Gallatin emphasized
say that
on
by adding:
"We
of think
this operation, which requires particular attention and vigilance and must be carried on with sively great firmness and due forbearance, depends almost exclu' ing Accordthe stabilityof the currency of the country." may
to these explanations
the bank
became
forced them
Was
the bank
actually always
could it become so and remain so? was the creditor of the state banks
of its existence, as is clearly proved ances show that it habitually held large balThese
enormous
more
state-bank
of its
Biddle pointed this out to Gallatin July 23, 1830." P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 299. 2ff. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 363.
3
ADAMS,
GallatMs
Writings,
*See Appendix
V.
436
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
debts than the state banks received of its paper, so that after debted an remain inexchange of notes the state banks would still
and be compelled
What
amount
of
impossible to say, but in 1832 it received $20,047,815.30 of the such notes in places where it had no office.1 Whatever Niles calculated in 1829 that as a consequence of its sum, branch banks
able to present to the state system the bank was for redemption their notes to five times the amount
that they could present of the bank's in return.2 Whether or this calculation was was not correct, it is certain that the bank received more of the paper of state banks than they received of its paper, and was consequently almost always the creditor. It only remains, therefore, to explain how
it became
the of obtaining this result was dealings. It follows exercise of proper restraint in its own that if the bank discounted less and as a matter of course issued fewer notes than the state banks, it would probably of debts due to it receive more of their notes in payment This result than the state banks would receive of its notes.
certain- by its collecting all the revenues of the to it in state-bank paper. government, much of which came
was
The
it remained
so.
made
Thus
it secured
an
immediate
and a means of keeping down the principal sources of the bank's power, and either of them alone would have sufficed.
of exercising control besides that other means ments of presenting the state-bank notes for specie. In all paythe state banks had to satisfy the to the government There
were
equivalent of the United States that their notes were to specie,before the government would receive them,4 and if Bank
1 S. 3
*
p. 210.
Isaac Bronson
Rules and
Regulations
for
the Government
X.
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
437
the government refused them, a source tion of extensive circulaimmediately closed.1 Further, the bank would not was the receipt of notes by the government, but it would not itselfreceive them, and when neither the government nor the bank took the notes of a state bank, they would only stop
not
be received by
individuals.
Hence
the
Bank
of the
United States could keep the state banks on a specie-paying basis and restrict their business, or destroy the credit of their
notes.2
able to keep its immediate demands for specie from the state banks in excess of those of the state banks upon it,by refusing the receipt of its branch paper in settlement of balances.3 The notes of the state
The
bank,
moreover,
was
banks
circulated for the most part in the neighborhood their issues, while branch notes circulated everywhere the United
of in
consequently easy for the bank to collect and present for redemption the paper of the state it was banks; impossible for a state bank to sometimes
was
States.
It
present the notes of the branch in its vicinage, and seldom even when it had a possible to do this for a large amount hand, for there considerable quantity of branch notes on probably be but few of the notes of the neighboring Moreover, to make them. certain that the office among branches should keep the state banks in debt, it was customary
would
to receive from
1
Extensive
circulation in the
took only because the government internal land payments, office receipts,
2
banks was posof most southern and western sible tariff dues, posttheir notes in payment of
revenue,
etc.
"
are excluded at Louisville in 1832 writes that "all other notes" " from circulation " because the branch refuses to receive the notes cept of any bank exH. R. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess., the Bank of the United States and its branches."
The
cashier
"
p. 146.
The banks,
measures as
however, desired by state refusal to receive their notes was, sometimes it left them absolutely free from all control. "Among the great variety of to a up which we have been obliged to resort to to keep the State Banks
standard, it has generally been found that not to take their Notes, is what desired, since in this way is often most they escape control."" Biddle to Gallatin, July 23, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 297.
proper
3
This
was
not
infrequently done." 8. D. 24, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 2-4, 9-12.
438
on
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES In
case
deposit and pay the deposit in branch drawn branch notes were not at once
notes.1
the
out,
no
immediate
demand
at
once
while, even if they were created upon the office, withdrawn, no equivalent demand would be created,
was
because
in the natural course of trade most of these notes Meanwhile would be carried to Philadelphia for payment. the state-bank notes became an immediate demand for specie
upon
At times the bank even furnished its the state banks. own notes to a branch with instructions to issue them for a result would be attained. state-bank notes, when the same bank's control was immediately its action was for specie did not mean of paper for the payment The efficacious,and rendered more and keenly felt,because a call simply the retirement of a dollar of
a
the specie, the state banks were their debtors, and these, whenever possible, paid in state-bank Consequently, Taney calculated notes instead of in coin. in specie the circulation would that to collect $1,000,000 have
to be
secure
diminished
state bank
four
was
against the
balance
mendous of tre-
potency in compelling these banks to restrict their dealings. So potent, indeed, that one is safe in accepting few banks Biddle's assertion that there were "very
which
might not have been destroyed by an exertion of the * power of the bank." On the other hand, the Bank of the United States was
itself constantly restrained by the state banks. This was the inevitable outcome, for otherwise it would fall into debt
tinning
The president of the Fayetteville branch speaks of the impossibility of con" to receive Local Bank Notes in deposit, repayable in notes of this office." To Biddle, July 29, 1826, B, P. See Biddle, H. R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 363.
1
"
Feb. 20, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, p. 183. In both cases Biddle to Gumming, immediate demand the bank would the state bank upon create an above demand itself, upon remote usually payable at Philadelphia.
2
noted and
a
""
remarks
50, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 25. Report of March 29, 1830. bank in 1829, Vol. XXXVI, the position of the p. 209.
See
Niles's
THE
to them
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
439
lose its commanding position, with the added risk of creating a pressure so intense as to lead to its own bankruptcy. Control, therefore,was reciprocal. The advantage and
of the Bank of the United States lay in knowing what to attain its wishes without it wanted, in having the means contracting its business, in possessing branches, unduly
and in having a unified policy. It is evident that the bank could easily secure against the state banks, that it usually held such
and
balances balances,
that it had various other means of exerting pressure It can be as little doubted that it did upon the state banks. Biddle asserted, the state banks exert pressure upon them. The pressure exerted and the complained, that it did so. control attained, however, varied at different periods during its existence.
the years 1817-18 the bank failed ignobly to tion perform its duty in this respect. True, it secured a resumpby an of specie payments agreement with the state
During
banks,
to and it established a rule by which they were But having a week."1 settle for their notes "at least once done these things it seemed to lose all control, not only of the state banks, bat of itselfas well.2 The failure to hold the state banks in check
was
one
report of the congressional responsible for many of the embarrassments bank was then involved.
in which
the administration of Cheves the bank issued a notes, using instead the very limited quantity of its own discounts. Cheves notes of the state banks when it made thus surrendered
1
During
the
"
"
most
efficientmeans
of supplanting
Rules
and
Regulations
for
the Government
X.
2 The
balances V.
dne from
at
no
other period
averaged
so
high.
See Appendix
3f.,Vol.
Ill, p.307.
440
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
a
sound
and
uniform currency,1 and gave state-bank notes a wider currency by issuing them instead of demanding their immediate redemption. On the other hand, the failure to issue its own
the state banks notes increased the corporation's power over to an extraordinary degree, since it received their notes in
large quantities, notes could not be secured while its own by them as an offset to the demand As a conupon them. sequence
the of balances payment in the possession of the Bank of the United after its issuing of large quantities of state-bank upon the
insistence
remaining States,even
notes,
was
Out of this almost intolerable to the state banks. In banks. the disputes with the Savannah situation arose " 1821 they were severely crippled by the measures of the
Bank
"
" of the United States which 2 All this,too, when absolute ruin."
them
with
States was
funds
excess
president he at plan to repress the issues of the state banks to the depreciation of their notes, with the
week.
once
became
adopted
an
and put
end
of object
expanding
the business of the Bank of the United States while at time giving a sound and uniform currency to the the same To adopt a rule to collect balances was nothing country.
put the rule into effect once more; and for the most part he kept it. The results were notable. In 1824 the Virginia banks were forced to reduce.3
new, its most surrendered efficient means of said Biddle, the bank ennial Triennial Report of 1828, NILES, Vol. XXXV, p. 74; Tricontrol over the currency."" Report of 1831, ibid.. Vol. XLI, p. 111. Gouge asserts that Cheves's policy
i
to keep it was.
Biddle
la this way,
"
helped
of specie payments
in South
The
president
of the Planters'
Bank
to
Crawford,
C. J. Nicholas
to Biddle, Richmond,
Aug.
10, 1824, B. P.
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
441
In 1825 the constant settlement of balances was general1 bama, In 1826 the bank undertook to correct the currency of Alaavowing that purpose when establishing a branch at Mobile2
and instructing it to adopt "frequent and regular settlements with the State Bank of Alabama," and to insist of the balances in specie or payment upon the immediate paper equivalent to specie,3with the result that the state bank was compelled to yield and Alabama notes ceased to be depreciated.4 In 1825 the state banks of North Carolina, offenders, which had refused specie payments old and hardened
at pleasure since 1822,5
were was
ten months'
impossible to continue it " without a further supply" of branch notes.8 It was made only in 1827 that this deficiency was last gave good by the invention of branch drafts, which at the bank the
means
exchanging
an
branch
the North
making
to
Carolina state banks yielded in 1828, with the Bank of the United States agreement regularly.7 This of branch drafts
pay
marks
1
specie and settle their balances the moment through the use when
97, 98.
See pp.
"
its affairs as to be unable to meet its bank should so mismanage to the continued issue of its notes would be injurious the community, engagements, In such an event, the directors of the Bank of the United deem States would a sound themselves faithless to their great duty to the country, the preservation of if they did not control an institution thus insolvent and mischievous. And currency, ance, forbearthis duty they would endeavor to perform with great gentleness and great
2
....
But if any
"
Biddle
to Governor
Murphy
of Alabama,
Oct. 6,
of the United
Hemphill,
the bank
are now
has corrected
at par.
Feb. 8, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. in, p. 174, declares that and that its notes of failure. North Carolina notes were Vol. XXXIV, pp. 153, 154.
NILES,
Vol. XXIII,
all depreciated
6 1
p. 331, and
John Biddle
Huske,
president of the Fayetteville branch, to Biddle, July 29,1826, B. P. April 17, 1828, says the plans are being worked out. A littlelater Cowperthwaite was the arrangement sent to make Carolina banks, and did so to the effect stated in the text.
Huske,
"
to John
442
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Biddle at last brought to a successful conclusion his plan of keeping state banks in debt, compelling payment ances, of balreducing their business, diminishing their issues, and making their notes as good as specie. Biddle himself claimed in this very year that the plan had been everywhere perfectly successful,1and his assertion was corroborated by others. Thus in 1830 McDuffie expressed
the belief that North
at
a
Carolina
were
discount, and
a
these
year earlier they had been at 5 to 8 and 12 Even Gouge admits that the Bank to 14 per cent.3 of the United States had succeeded in North Carolina.* In Missouri
cent.,2 while
asserted that the depreciated currencies of the state had been completely driven out of existence by the establishment of the branch at St. Louis in 1829,5 while
it was
Congressman
Hardin
had done
this
The truth of the assertion as to Misfor the entire West.6 souri is not open to question, for Benton urged it as a subject In the Southern Review in 1831 President of complaint.7 the same unfriendly to the bank, makes admissions relative to the southern states, asserting that the banks of the South had "been rigidly kept to cash payments
Cooper, though
by the Bank
"nothing of the United States," and he saw unfair in this,although the cash of the district" was "almost We by the branches. should be wanting in monopolized
i
"
of this plan the effect followed, that without causing the failure of any bank, or of without private or general suffering to the bank individual ; and without inconvenience any of the United States, the have been brought under an efficient control ; and banking operations of the country
a
By
gradual
large amount of the notes of the bank of the United States have been gradually so injurious to-the was which substituted for the depreciated or doubtful currency,
a
southern
2
*
and western
states.""
Triennial Report
of 1828, NILES,
3 "
Vol. XXXV,
p. 74.
p. 154.
GOUGE
"
(Cobbett'sedition), 162. p.
Bank
of the United
The
and substituted, in its stead, its own on account of its portable quality." silver
paper,
"
States has cleared the whole country of that kind of paper, which is preferable to gold and Ibid., Part III, p. 3406, April 3, 1834.
Ubid.,
THE
honest
BANK,
THE
STATE
he
BANKS,
"not
THE
CURRENCY
443
candor,"
continues,
currency of this country by its operations, and is, in consequence of them, amended in a state, not perfect indeed, but not reasonably to be complained of."1 One thing is open to no dispute. In some
the paper
vastly improved between way the state-bank currencies were It may be that the Bank of the United 1823 and 1830. States was not wholly responsible for this result,but certainly Biddle and be so; and
countless others, friends and foes, believed it to had been diligently toiling to attain as the bank
to attain this end, and actually used a multitude of means it,the most reasonable conclusion is that the corporation was
responsible. is evident from a How was great the actual improvement In 1823 review of the status of bank paper before 1830.
the Illinoisand Kentucky state-bank currencies were worth half their face value.2 In 1824 Tennessee less than bank paper at from 26 to paper was at 30 per cent.,3 and Alabama
per cent, below par.* For the years 1824-25 " In Kentucky, up the situation as follows : summed 28
was
Gouge society
In Alabama nessee, anarchy. and Tenbelow par. the paper of the local banks was much Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, had not recovered from The currencies of Georgia the effects of the relief system.
in
a
state bordering
on
very vacillating."5 In 1825 in parts at 60 and 100 per cent, premium,6 paper was worth only fifty while Bank of the Commonwealth the dollar.7 In August, 1826, it was cents on announced
that "all the banks
in Nashville"
were
"about
to
resume
specie payments;"8
1
Southern
Review,
2
*
NILES, Vol. XXIII, p. 96 ; Vol. XXIV, NILES, Vol. XXVI, NiLEa, Vol. XXVIII,
p. 200.
GOUGE
GOUGE
145.
6 ^
the Versailles
p. 4,
Sept. 3, 1825.
12, 1826.
444
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
bank established a branch at Nashville. In 1827 there were Missouri, local banks in Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, or no while there was but one in each of the states of Tennessee, In 1830, as already noticed, Mississippi, and Alabama.1 McDuffie Carolina notes were asserted that only North depreciated. From
1823
notes
of
the state banks everywhere, with an exception in the case of North Carolina, had been either driven out of circulation or made redeemable in specie on demand.
Not only
was
there
an
improvement
had the currency, but its amount Gallatin states that from 1816 to 1820 the marked degree.
total circulation of all the state banks had fallen from $66,000,000 to less than $44,000,000.2From that time to 1829,
littlemore than treble capital they" had "added eight millions to their issues," while the Bank of the United from November, 1819, to States had added about $11,000,000
"with
a
rency" whole amount of the paper curhad in that time been increased about 45 per cent., a of which increase the state banks issued less than one-half wonderful improvement, which Gallatin attributes wholly to "The
"
November,
1829.
the bank.3
as
During
never
issued
dealings had
population increased
that the bank restricted the state banks, did it great an extent as should have been done ? Did
possible? The
it bring the currency into as good a condition as was Was it as strict as circumstances demanded?
fact that the state banks always had such large credits at the
1
GOUGE
ADAMS,
(Cobbett'sedition), p.
97.
9
Ibid.
was
* The (mostly paper) in circulation per capita amount of money Woodbury's in 1819, $7.75 in 1829, $6 ; and from 1829 to 1834, $6.35." ; 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 64.
in 1816
$11;
tables, 8. D. 13,
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
445
would be prima facieevidence that this was " It is obvious," said Gallatin," that it is only
by keeping
its discounts at a lower rate than those of the state banks that these can be its debtors ; and that it is only keep by enforcing the payment of the balances that it can them
Now within bounds and thus regulate the currency."1 the bank, even when attempting to restrict the state banks, did not enforce the payment of balances as strictly as it
should have
done.
This failure existed, not only under the Jones and Cheves, but also under that
more In 1825 he writes the cashier at Baltithat he held it "good policy" for the time being "not
our
the state banks.2 In 1826 York branch not to he instructs the president of the New call for specie, unless firstcalled on for specie,3and in 1832
drafts"
on
he laid particular emphasis upon the virtue of forbearance in demanding specie from the state banks.* Insufficientexercise of its power is also apparent in the of the state-bank paper. continued worthlessness of some
In
were were
asserted that there "a great many bills in circulation" in that city which " worth literallynothing at all," and Niles adds that
York
Herald
state of affairs exists in Philadelphia, Boston, and in many Baltimore.5 Moreover, of the states notes of a
the
same
denomination
1
"
as
low
as
$1
and
circulated, and
Currency,"
ADAMS,
specie
Gallatin's
was
paid
Vol.
opinion.
Suggestions
on
the Banks
Writings,
Ill, p. 395.
2
See also 8. D. 13, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 29, 30, for Woodbury's
to John
Biddle
White,
Biddle
to Lawrence,
instructions
were
repeated
*
in March."
Cope
as we
to Lawrence
are,
the 1st of October when we will inevitably become in Banks we ought to forbear from pressing them now our to deserve and to ensure a reciprocal forbearance relative situations when order change, and our whole effort should be to keep the State Banks at their ease, so that to curtail they may if we are and in the meantime place compelled supply our
"Approaching,
largely in debt
to the State
"
devote
3 per cents.""
5
to the purchase and the redemption surplus means of exchange July 1, 1832, B. P. Biddle to Cadwalader, Washington,
of the
Vol. XXXVI,
p. 251, quoting
the New
York
Herald.
446
THE
SECOND
sums
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
only for
"
less than
one
other parts of the Union, notes for twenty-five six and onecents, for twelve and one-half cents, and even J " Now, while the bank might "current." were quarter cents have checked this by putting pressure upon the banks issuing and
some
did not choose to do so,2 because it did not care to suffer the certain unpopularity Hence it perwhich would have followed drastic measures. mitted
sums
$5,it apparently
circulation of notes of less value than $5 calculated, indeed, at almost one-fourth of the amount of currency issued by the state banks.3 Yet it would be grossly to censure the management
an
immense
"
unjust
of the bank without first considering the enormous The restraints placed upon the state obstacles in its way. bitterly resented, and the difficultyof keeping banks were this up The
in the face of a Democratic opposition which supported local banks must be too obvious to need comment. the
struggle of the bank with the banks of Georgia and with the state of Georgia, with the banks of Ohio and with the state of Ohio; the opposition of the southern and western states
the presidency of Cheves, will not be forgotten. Similarly, during Biddle's administration, the opposition of Alabama to the establishment of a bank was equally strenuous. all through of Maryland protested against the action of the bank in attempting to force payment for its notes.4 The bank was forced to yield, for such opposition
at that moment
re-charter.
1
Perhaps
Inquiry
for might be fatal to the chances the best illustrationof its difficulties,
of the American
Banking System,
p. 21.
GOUGE, It was
An
even
argued that, since the Bank of the United States did not take bills " constitute nearly a quarter of the circulation of the state and since these under $5, Remarks the Bank banks," the bank could not control the state banks. upon of the 30. If, however, by a Merchant, the state banks issued bills of $5, United States p.
2
"
which quite
were
as
received
no
by the Bank
matter
effectively
.,
how
States, they might be controlled of the United issued. fractional currency was much
4
loc. cit.
THE however,
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CUBEENCY
447
in its strifewith the Bank of the State of Up to December South Carolina in 1832. of that year the Charleston branch of the Bank of the United States had
is found
to take the notes of any of the branches been accustomed from this bank in payment of debts.1 This was certainly a favor to the Bank of the State, and one which prevented
In December, any stringent restraint of its business. 1832, however, the officebegan to refuse the receipt of the notes of other branches and also declined to take the notes of other state banks from the Bank of the State of South McDuffie, Carolina.2 Great excitement resulted: Hayne, protested, while the latter assured Biddle and Hamilton
that South Carolina would nullify the bank charter as well Governor as the tariff of 1832 if redress was not accorded.3
actually risked his popularity by his exertions to stay instructed hostile action by the legislature.4 Biddle at once Hayne
the president at Charleston
complaint.5 Such events carefully of Biddle' s assertion that, while the state banks were " " forced kept never within proper limits," they were
" ances to pay specie, if it could " be avoided," and that the bal" the debtor were "suffered to lie occasionally until
bank
On the whole, the bank is deserving could turn round." of high praise for the control actually exercised in such
"
another extremely serious aspect of demand for specie was very unpoputhe situation. The mere lar. for specie," wrote Lenox, "it fixes an "If you call
1 J.
however,
Hamilton,
office,Dec.
3
*
J. Hamilton,
Hayne Biddle
to Biddle, Dec. 15, 1832, ibid. to Johnson, Dec. 25, 1832, S. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 310.
5
6
Eeport
of the Senate
committee,
March
448
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
odium upon us,"1 and no doubt Biddle enunciated a trite "never truth when he asserted that the state banks were forced to pay specie,if it can be avoided." Equally true was it that the Bank of the United States never paid specie if it
could be avoided. Biddle in 1828 instructed Lenox that no coin was to be paid out for exportation if possible to evade it,2 there is a draft from an "Whenever and in 1823 he wrote:
the State Banks are made individual for specie to any amount to pay it if the Balances allow it."8 In 1829 the branch at
Baltimore in selling a draft upon the parent officestipulated "that it was not to be used as a specie demand upon the The habit of avoiding specie demands in Bank."* was, fact,universal in the United States. "It is quite amusing," wrote an Englishman who had resided in America, "to observe the care which merchants in America take to prevent runs on The result was banks, and keep hard money out of use."6 twofold: specie was kept out of circulation, and it was so that the business of the country was necessarily subscarce ject to those vibrations which Biddle constantly mentioned6 Perhaps, too, such shocks were emphasized. necessarily incident to the industrial conditions of a new sible: country, and the American temperament was partly responand
Gouge
"want
"Our active and energetic countrymen," wrote Biddle, no stimulant to over exertion. They always carry so
that the man at the wheel, must try to keep his hand sail, 7 of specie strong and his head cool." Moreover, the amount
much
in the country
i
3
*
was
part lay in
Feb. 27, 1828, ibid.
Lenox
Biddle to Lenox,
To C. P. White,
of New
John
White
to Biddle, Baltimore,
An
March
4, 1829, B. P. Debit
or
BEDWAKD
p. 31, note
6
"
CLIBBOEN,
Outline
of the American
Banking
System,
1.
In the active commercial business of this country, there are constant vibrations."" Biddle, H. B. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 333. Also in his article of April 10
Gazette.
in the National
i
Biddle to Senator
Smith,
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CUKBENOY
449
the banks along tlieAtlantic seaboard.1 The cause of this slender stock lay not only in the pernicious habit of evading and in the public disfavor meted out to those who specie calls, demanded
specie, but also in the unusual facilities given by the state laws for the emission of small notes. Under these circumstances, the problem of neutralizing Biddle's "constant vibrations" and of checking an incipient Biddle declared to Galone. panic became a very difficult latin that the Bank of the United States was essentialto the country in this respect, that it alone possessed the power of and that it did this warding off constant shocks to commerce, by buying and selling foreign exchange and thus preventing 2 No doubt the bank's services the exportation of specie.
in this respect were important, but it would be sometimes for it to draw bills unless it had accumulated funds difficult As Biddle pertinently put it during the pressure abroad.
of 1828: "How
this drawing
accumulated In case
is to be performed without having cated."3 any fund to draw upon, is not clearly indifailed,as it was to do this method sure
during
commercial crisis, there remained several other means of checking the panic. Stock might have been sold abroad, and thus a store of specie secured, or the time of
a
discounts might have been shortened, and the English method of a rise in the rate of discount might have been adopted. Unfortunately, the bank could not raise its rate, because
by its charter to loan at 6 per cent. Even had it been able to vary its rate, the idea of doing this would hardly have occurred at that time. The other methods were
it was
bound
were
Now the basis of our circulation medium, from its being chiefly in the vaults of Banks at the seaports, is liable to sudden and extensive redaction, often compelling the banks to extensive and equally sudden reductions in their discounts and circulation. Outline of a Plan for a National Bank, p. 13.
"
(Cob-
450
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
sold, specie secured, and the bank continued to loan.1 But discharged in 1834, and indeed this the national debt was method of meeting an emergency ceased early in 1832, so far Even in 1828 it could not sell concerned. it was stocks for cash. In such circumstances compelled brisk trading to shorten its term of discounts after seasons of and try to collect from its debtors.2 These measures would
as
the bank
was
be effectivein saving the bank, but they would only intensify the panic and carry commercial ruin farther. Still,in a season of great stringency one could hardly expect the bank
to dispense loans without
there been-
an
regard for the consequences. understanding with the state banks and
have
Had
concerted
But when each thus checked. ruin, the Bank others and tried to avoid its own of the United States cannot be severely censured for its policy. It is surprising, on the whole, that the corporation had
as such drastic methods seldom the administration of Jones such occasions
to adopt
as
came
it did.
After
once
in 1828
and
once
in 1831-32.
to injury
In both
cases
got through
without
country was not seriously checked. The correction of the evil would have involved, therefore, for specie the training of the public to make demands and the passage of laws prohibiting the issue of small notes.
compelled to withdraw all their notes below the denomination of $5 the currency would be vastly improved.4 Undoubtedly the view was correct.
were
i
He
See p. 107.
R. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 367.
Gazette.
3H.
*
Biddle to Gallatin, Sept. 9, 1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 340, 341.
THE
BANK,
THE
STATE
BANKS,
THE
CURRENCY
451
bank's control varied greatly with the location of the state bank, with the business habits of the community, with the state of public opinion, and with its own tion. circulait would have littlecontrol, for it did a very restricted business. In the large cities banking were much better understood and the community methods
The
In New
England
would support it in its attempts to restrain bad banking; but in the country districts, and in the far South and West, the task was almost insuperably difficult.
its upon actually did brought down head the violent enmity of the state banks. This was so because the bank, in reducing the business of the state banks,
not only hindered
What
the Bank
from engaging in tions, operaunjustifiable but actually diminished their legitimate business by the conattracting this to its own offices. So powerful was sequent them
opposition that in 1832, when the new charter was before Congress, the friends of the bank were forced to accept an amendment which would have gone far to deprive the currency, for it allowed the the bank of its control over
state banks to present any of the notes of the bank to any
of the branches in payment of debts.1 Gallatin was of the opinion that the bank
to
regulate the currency as early as those years its discounts and issues were excessive.2 The fact that the state banks were indebted to the national bank
The all through these years shows that this was an error. bank lost its power only in 1835, in which year the balances ran against it for much of the time and ranged from $62,000
to
was
by
no
means
immediately
Dallas's speech
2
"
See the fourth section of the bill to renew IV. See also the charter. Appendix in introducing the bill, May 23, 1832, C. D., Vol. VIII, Part I, p. 948. Suggestions
on
the Banks
and
Currency,"
ADAICS, QallatMs
Writings,
Vol.
Ill, p. 394.
THE
was was
a
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
heavy creditor of the state banks. The second the prohibition of the receipt of branch drafts in of government dues, which took effect in January,
even
robbed bank of its mastery had it chosen to exercise it. But by the its this time it was beginning to settle its affairs, system was broken
own
these two
measures
would not
have
up, and
were
allowed
to
run
their
course.
CHAPTEK
THE BANK
XIX
AGENCY
AS
GOVERNMENT
THE
ment charter of the bank denned its duties to the governand the privileges accorded it for their performance.
bound
to transfer public funds from to another, without making
on
It
was
Union
or
for transportation;
the
same
terms
it
was
to act
as
commissioner of loans when required by Congress, and to pay the public creditors.1 It paid to the government a bonus of $1,500,000, was bound at the demand of the treasury to and
to its
capital at the price of the stock when subscribed.2 In return, certain valuable privilegeswere bestowed upon to be legal tender in all the corporation. Its notes were payments to the United States;3 it might sell government
stocks to the amount of $2,000,000 annually, provided that first given the option of the secretary of the treasury was purchasing;* the public funds had to be deposited in its vaults in every state in which it established an office,5 and the United States contracted not to create any other national bank during its existence.8 The
financial embarrassments
the government
almost overwhelmed just prior to the erection of the bank were after it began operations. The notes of
which
supplied the government with a common medium of exchange in which it paid its debts and received In January, 1817, the bank loaned the government itsdues.
1
Charter,
sec.
15.
see
See
Appendix
I.
of loans,
2
Statutes
at Large,
duties
as
commissioner
Charter,
Ibid.,
sec.
sees.
5 and
6. Including
*
14.
Ibid., sec. 5.
ibid.,
sec.
16.
21.
453
454
THE
SECOND
as a
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
$500,000
fund out of which to pay its most urgent liabilitie and began immediately afterward to discount notes of merchants having duty bonds to pay.2 Finally, by entering into the agreement of the 1st of February with the state contracted to pay specie for their notes, it virtually established the resumption of specie payments. The treasury thenceforth could accept either notes banks, by
which
they
of the Bank of the United States or those of the large state banks without loss or annoyance to itself. But while relief was given, its extent varied in different
In the West
much secretary of the treasury believed it expedient, indeed necessary, that the United States should accept large quantities of This state-bank paper in payments on government account. necessity existed because in many parts of the interior notes of the Bank of the United States could not be supplied, and consequently so long as large amounts account of direct taxes, internal revenue, paid in, on and the sale of had to be received.3
were
and South, for instance, the depreciated, yet in these sections the
public lands, the paper of state banks in Yet even so, most of the difficulties of the government the West and South also disappeared for the time, because the
of the United States received almost all state-bank notes, and credited them to the treasury as cash.* But while the receipt of state-bank paper terminated the Bank
of the treasury, it initiated of the embarrassments The discovery was early made that the those of the bank. paper received was not equivalent to gold and silver. Conpart major
1 2 3 *
Smith
to Crawford,
Resolution Crawford
"
States, were The notes of all such banks, in the western received by the land deposited as specie in the offices of the Bank of the United States and in officersand as offices of deposit." Crawford, report to a committee the State banks, employed the House of Representatives, Feb. 24, 1823, ibid., p. 262. of
"
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
455
forced to abrogate the custom soon sequently the bank was rior.1 of receiving the notes of most of the state banks of the intethat the Since Secretary Crawford still thought treasury could not collect the taxes without accepting these notes, the bank's action threw the public funds into some increased in the fall of 1818, much confusion, which was the bank, out of regard for its own safety, refused to receive as specie the issues of all the western state banks,
when
though
was
special deposits.2 This measure in October, 1819, by an order prohibiting supplemented branches from making the western any further note
it accepted them
as
issues.3
As
was
treasury
to the result the usefulness of the bank being comimpaired, the government much pelled
ever
and South.4 In 1820 another arrangement was made, by which the bank was to receive the notes of certain specified state banks
in payment of government banks in the immediate
dues.
The
notes
of the number, but were among receiving the public moneys on taken only on were condition that if not redeemable should be responsible for their presentation the government
neighborhood
these facts in view, we culpable to involve the should be extremely this institution with the obligations of banks in remote credit and responsibility of tain parts of the country, of whose capacity, credit, and good disposition we have no cerimpose upon The public interest may knowledge. the Government the necessity by receiving the paper of such banks, of facilitating the collection of the revenue or funds of equal but until it shall be converted into lawful money, value, the
i"With
....
Bank
States cannot
assume
it
as
cash."
"
Jones
to Crawford,
May
29,
"
This
of 1818, when
same
state of collision and irritation continued increasing until the autumn its that it could no longer execute the bank notified the Department the essential interests of the institution; at the without sacrificing
"
its
its determination to receive from the land offices nothing but ford Crawthe current coin of the Union, except as special deposit." notes and to a committee the House, Feb. 24, 1823, ibid., p. 262. of
3
*
Resolutions Crawford
to
sec.
committee
of the House,
456
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
This arrangement payment.1 existed until the removal of the deposits.2 The receivers deposited the notes in the
credited by the of the United States, and these were bank to the government as cash, making them immediately use.3 available for government
Bank
bank had also materially assisted the government in known as the collection of what were "special deposits." These
were
The
immediately them
deposits of state-bank notes which were not convertible into specie, because the bank issuing
was so
either had ceased to pay specie, or the place at which the notes had been could not be conveniently notes could not be used as
was
distant from
received that they Such presented for redemption. cash, though their eventual payment
the bank
expected.
When
began
large quantity of " special deposits" was at the various state banks throughout
the Union, and the directors made arrangements with the United States to collect these and convert them into cash for the government by presenting them to the institutions which had issued
difficult and thankless one. insecure little bank attempted to pass off its notes
them.4
was a
The task
Every
as
entered
1
"
as
held government funds which had cash to the credit of the government years before,
that the bank
agrees
cash, been
to your proposition concerning however, the receipt of western that if not paid on presentnotes,' on condition, ment, be charged to the Treasury."" Che ves to Crawford, July 28, 1820. they shall
am
'
instructed to say
Crawford
accepted
this condition."
2 Thus Secretary Rush in 1826 and in 1827 issued instructions to the receivers at the land offices designating the state-bank paper which might be received in payments Circular of Feb. 22, 1826, S. D. 193, 20th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 57-9. to government."
by prohibiting the receipt of This lasted until Jan. 1, 1828, when it was the changed local or State bank not established or existing in the State or Territory notes of any instruction of Aug. 22,1827, by Office is situated." Supplementary the Land where Secretary Rush, ibid., pp. 59, 60.
"
"
interior,
the State banks paid on public account by placing it to the credit of the United well elsewhere, and the public service may as require."" cash, renders it available wherever Dec. 9, 1828, 8. D. 7, 20th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 10. report,
3
"It
receives
the
paper
of
in the States
as
as
Rush's
finally made."
Jones
to Crawford,
IV, p. 773.
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
457
now
tried to have
1
deposits."
taken off their hands as "special In the face of these obstacles, the bank managed
them
April 11, 1817, and December 4, 1818, It then abandoned the task8 the sum of $3,278,710.98.a because of the trouble and annoyance caused by the attempt
to collectbetween
to collectand the bitterfeeling aroused among the state banks.4 The bank lost a considerable sum as a result of its labors.5 The receipt of state-bank paper on government account
was
only
Bank
a
tions part of a general plan to simplify the operainstrumentality of the of the treasury through the tion, of the United States. This plan included, in addione
close relation with a number of state banks selected in keeping by the bank to act as agents of the government the public deposits and performing the duties of commissioners of loans and pension agents in those states where the bank
had
no
branches.
By
four state banks had been selected for this purpose.8 The kept with the accounts of the public money in these were bank instead of with the treasury, as had been the custom previously,7 thus materially simplifying the accounts
1
"
of the
is
now
Even
the
acknowledged
as
cash deposit at the Bank of Chambersburg special deposit."" Jones to Crawford, March
12, 1817,
The
United
Jan.
to the credit of the treasury of the of the "special deposits" b follows: in Jan., 1817, $3,031,459.36;y July 1, $3,072,652.89; as
July 1, $803,976.59 ; Jan. 1, 1820, Jan. 1, 1821, $548,663.23;an. 1, 1822, $564,962.92; J was $679,778.04;on the amount and on I Jan. 1, 1823, it was $333,504.66."bid., pp. 303-21 and pp. 353, 354. As a result of accepting banks in payments cial to government the notes of southern the "speand western
1, 1818,
deposit"
"
account
was
increased
s I have instructed the Treasurer to transfer by drafts to the Bank of Columbia the amount of special deposit returned by the Bank of the United States to his credit Crawford to Smith, Dec. 4, 1818, ibid., p. 600. on the 23d ultimo, being $468,588,37."" * 6
See evidence
"
loss sustained by the bank I cannot I should willingly compromise estimate. S. D. 50, Finance to Senate Committee, a loss of only $200,000." Biddle 22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 25. The for
"
Jones
to Crawford,
and
same
to same,
Oct. 31,
"Pursuant
to arrangements
"weekly returns
of the
money
made deposited
States, the of the United with the Bank in the several offices and State banks
458
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
department
mitted saving it much expense.1 The bank transurer weekly statements to the secretary and to the treasreceived by it, as did also its branches of the sums and
the state banks which acted as its agents, specifying from which the payments In this way sources came.2 knew precisely what dues were the treasury officials paid, on and the paid, at what places they were paid, nished available. They were and at what places they were also furwith a means of checking the accounts of the collectors in and receivers, for these officers turn were obliged to forward to the treasury accounts of the moneys they had paid in,
what
account
were
they
which had to agree with the returns made by the bank.3 Under this system there was little opportunity for fraud on the part of individuals, and after the funds had passed into the possession liable for their safety to the of the bank, it was extent of its entire capital
for that purpose employed have heretofore been made of that bank." Cong., 1st Sess., p. 521.
"
to the credit of the Treasurer or the United States, which to this Department, to be made hereafter to the Cashier are Crawford's circular to the deposit banks, April 29, 1817, S. D. 50, 22d
by Jones.
"
Jones
to Crawford,
Accepted
2
by Crawford,
returns to this office and to the Treasurer of the United States will, the United States, and from the branch therefore, be required from the Bank of banks, of the amount lectors, of the public money paid to them, respectively, by the Colthe time of each successive statement. the aggregate amount at showing to the bank should be distinguished under three heads, The payments made
Weekly
....
viz: customs,
"
internal
revenue,
and
direct tax."
"
Crawford
to Jones, Jan.
16, 1817,
ibid., pp. 496, 497. from must receipt given for public money of revenue show the branch to the Bank The weekly statement it has accrued, the United of made which Crawford's States must strictly correspond with those receipts." circular to the deposit banks, April 29, 1817, ibid., pp. 521, 522.
Every
....
"
3 "According to the existing regulations, the Collectors of Customs are required by them and paid into the amount revenue to make weekly statements of of received States the banks ; weekly returns to this office and to the Treasurer of the United therefore, be required from the Bank of the United States, and from the branch will,
lectors, banks, of the amount of the public money paid to them, respectively, by the Colthe aggregate the time of each successive statement. at amount showing as checks These statements are the returns of the Collectors, and to upon necessary the officer charged with keeping the accounts of the Secretary of the Treasury enable
to correct
any
errors
which
may
result from
irregularities
in the returns
Crawford
TEE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
459
transactions of with this plan the numerous conducted through the cashier of the Bank
in from customs, came of the United States. The revenue direct taxes, land sales, the post-offices, the marshals of the United States courts, and a number of miscellaneous sources.
These funds, paid in at ten thousand different places throughout the country, were all deposited by the officials receiving branch or state bank to the order of the cashthem in some ier, who gave credit for them to the treasurer of the United
he for whatever sums The them. and at whatever wanted points he wanted The govis apparent. advantage of such an arrangement ernment and it got complete control of all its funds at once,
States, who
then drew
upon
the bank
their services immediately wherever needed. simply drew drafts upon the cashier of the
bank, designating the officeor state bank at which payment was required, and sent the drafts to the officeswhere the money warded paid, abstracts of these drafts being forevery week to the bank, which then placed the sum its books to the debit of the United States.1
was
to be
on
It
banks
1
"
was
discovered, however, that the agent state depositories to abused their privileges as government very
soon
1st. The transactions of the Treasury shall be conducted through the Cashier Bank of the United States. of the " deposited in any of the offices or banks employed 2d. All public money in lieu be entered to the credit of the Bank of the United States for the use of offices shall of the United States. of the Treasurer
" 3d. Corresponding the books of upon credits shall be given to the Treasurer States, according to the weekly Bank of the United the statement of every such office or bank rendered to the said bank
" 4th. All drafts of the Treasurer shall be drawn the Cashier of the Bank upon States, designating the United the office or bank at which of payment shall be The drafts, however, will not be sent to the Cashier of the United States required. drawn Bank, but weekly abstracts of all warrants by the Treasurer the several upon
to the Cashier of the Bank of the United offices and State banks will be transmitted States. And all drafts paid by the offices and State banks shall be returned, through Crawford to Jones, April 22, 1817, ibid., pp. 519, 520. the mother bank, to the Treasury."" Bonds "The to the Collector, who about they are collected, go immediately as
once
for debentures, transfers a week, in the large cities, after receiving the money his funds to the credit of the Treasurer United States."" Biddle to N. Silsbee, of the Dec. 28, 1833, P. L. B., Vol. V, p. 62.
460
secure
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
profits at the expense of the Bank of the United States.1 While doing this they never ceased complaining of bank.2 the alleged acts unjust and oppressions of the national Consequently, there were endless irritation and constant collisions between them and the Bank of the United States, and the irritation was heightened by the necessity the bank was ern under of transforming into specie the western and southFinally, state-bank notes received on public account.* the directors were astounded by discovering that Secretary considered the institution legally responsible for deposits in the agent state the safety of the government
Crawford
banks.*
The
bank
to its
own
safety, continue
to incur such
arrangement should be made.5 Accordingly, on the 30th of June, 1818, this part of the to plan of simplifying the operations of the treasury came The state banks holding government funds were an end. directly responsible to the secretary, and
Jones to Crawford,
March
"
made
l
the moneys
J Crawford the complaints of the State banks employed as officesof speaks of deposit that the Bank States acted oppressively the United of and capriciously towards them, by subjecting them to all the inconveniences incident to the relation they held, and depriving them of most of the advantages which they had a right to
expect
from
that relation."
"
Ibid., p. 262.
3 Crawford are says : "As the transfers of the pnblic money made by the Bank by the demand for specie, or funds the United States, the excitement of produced be remitted, consequent that can upon such transfers, has been directed against in particular parts of the the community, that institution. All the evils which from its as well as country, has suffered from the sudden decrease of the currency, depreciation, have been ascribed to the Bank of the United States, which, in transferring the public funds, has been a passive agent in the hands of the Government." Report to the House, Feb. 12, 1820, ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 508.
"
"
have been selected by the Bank of the United States, and the correspondence that institution and this Department shows that the bank considers deposited in the State banks selected for that itself responsible for the money
The banks
between
purpose."
"
Crawford
to Jones, June
IV, p. 584 ;
same
to
same,
June
The
bank
as
"
hereby
banks
expressly relinquishing all control over deposit and the public money may of which Jones to Crawford, June 23, 1818, ibid., p. 853.
the
State banks in
be deposited
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
461
to urer, made subject the drafts of the treasand not to those of the cashier of the Bank of the kept up this connection United States.1 The government
were
with the state banks all through the existence of the bank, but it was excessively annoying, and the Treasury Department would have been glad to discontinue it. Secretary Rush, in 1826, complained
of the inability of the state banks to sired by them, and dethe duties assumed perform satisfactorily deposits should be intrusted that all the government of the Bank of the United States.2 At this time the number of state banks employed as depositaries was small, and Rush thought that if the bank would establish
to the keeping
Michigan, and Missouri, all the public treasure could be placed in its charge.8 Later the bank did establish branches at Portland, Mobile, Natchez, Buffalo, St. Louis, largely for the convenience of the treasury, and at that department's solicitation. But the needs of the treasury constantly increased, and the necessity of using
and
local banks
had
1
no
in states where the Bank of the United States branch was always present. Consequently, when the
arrangement
"
The
deposited in the State banks as by "which the public money to the drafts of the Cashier of the Bank of the United subject deposited in such banks All sums expired on the 30th ultimo. to that time may be entered, as heretofore, to the credit of the Bank of
States, and shall be drawn, from time to selected state banks, July 1, 1819,
to time, by the
ibid., p. 588.
From the want of punctuality that has been manifested by some of the State banks, in regard to their engagements the Treasury, and from the risks to which with if it would it be ultimately they have been found to be generally subject, seems as to dispense altogether with the agency necessary of those institutions ; indeed the adoption of this course, would chief difficulty that presents itself to the immediate if there were be removed, the Bank of the United States at those points offices of
venience, too great inconthe public deposites in different quarters might, without Secretary Bush to Biddle, Jan. 26, 1826, 8. D, 17, 23d be concentrated."" Cong., 2d Sess., p. 254.
at which
3 "It is believed that the establishment of these three offices [at Detroit, Mobile, and St. Louis] and one in Maine, which the bank is understood to have long had in view, would remove the necessity of employing any other than the Bank of
"
the United
United
States and its offices as depositaries of the public moneys States."" Ibid., p. 255.
throughout
the
462
THE
SECOND
were
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
were
deposits
in October, 1833, there removed thirteen state banks which held funds and made for the government.1
still
payments
transfers to the
The
arrangement
to call for the it wished them, regardless of the places in Transfers having to be made over vast
accustomed
tion country where the means of transportawere so wretched that it took six weeks to travel from Orleans, it was Philadelphia to New absolutely impossible
a
to meet
the demand
allowed time to make drew for large sums complained that the government out withgiving previous notice to the institution, and that it was beyond the bank's power to meet these demands.2 Crawford replied that the treasury kept its accounts, not with the branches or the agent banks, but with the Bank of the United States alone, which therefore must be ready to pay the public funds at the points designated by the treasurer, no matter where the funds were collected and deposited.3 The
Dec. 12, 1834,8. D. 13, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 45. by this arrangement was annoyance caused the government considerable, for it in poorer but also in actual loss. From 1817-34, inclusive, service, resulted not only became by the failure of deposit state banks, and in 1834 $1,764,235.05 unavailable were $920,260.16 stilldue." Ibid., p. 50.
1
Beport of Secretary
Woodbury,
The
There is not a sum sufficient to the credit of the Treasurer in this bank to his draft this day received for eleven millions of dollars. It was meet expected that the interests of the public required an accumulated sum one at any when point in favor of the Bank of the United States on the drafts would have been drawn
2
"
in lieu of offices,from whence Cashier, payable at such offices, or banks employed have enabled this bank to have intended to be drawn, which would was the money Smith to Treasurer Tucker, Aug. 13, 1817, at the point desired." placed the money Vol. IV, pp. 813, 814. .F., 3 " The Treasurer keeps no account with the officesand State banks employed in that character by the United States Bank The drafts of the Treasurer,
"
the United States Bank was enveloped have the public interest requires, without referwherever ence to the existence of public funds at such place, as the bank is by charter bound to transmit the Government Crawford the public funds whenever requires them." to Smith, Sept. 25, 1817, ibid., p. 550. passed
away,
are
by which
made
payable
"
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
463
still more
embarrassing
the draft of a new arrangement to date from November 1 of that year. The time to be allowed for transferring funds
follows : from and to New Orleans, no matter what the four months ; from the West to the Atlantic cities, other office, four months; from offices south of Washington and vice versa,
was
as
to those north, and vice versa, sixty days ; and from to offices south of that city, or offices south of Washington
from officesnorth of it to offices north, thirty days.1 Nor the treasury to draw on an office unless it had funds was deposited there.
A change was also made at this time in the mode of keeping the accounts of the treasury with the bank. to keep separate accounts Henceforth the department was
instead of a single account with the with the individual offices, accepted by Crawparent office.2 These modifications were
1
"
1. That
....
the bank
shall pay, at the places of receipt, without reference (whether of the offices receiving, or others,)except in relation
2. That the Treasury, when it desires to use its funds otherwise than whore be deposited, shall direct the bank to transfer to the specific offices where they may it shall want its funds, from the specific office where be deposited, and they may to effect these transfers within that the bank shall be bound periods to be agreed that for the present, the following periods be established : upon,
.... ....
"
1. From
the western
to New
vice
versa,
four months. Orleans, in all cases, to the offices north of Washington, of Washington of Washington
to offices north
and vice
versa,
of Washington, of Washington,
thirty thirty
to offices south
3. That the Government (unlessin circumstances which shall be the subjectof special arrangement) shall only draw on offices to the amount of its funds in those offices, respectively, except the office at Washington, where it shall draw at pleasure, as heretofore.
on the the Government under special understanding, shall draw grant a office not having funds to meet the draft, it shall simultaneously draft in favor of the bank or the office on the bank or such office where it shall have
"
5. When,
an
bank
or
funds
as
the bank
shall designate, to
there
cover
such
drafts.""
Resolutions
of Sept. 25,
1819, sec.
2
"
At present
is no The
account
between
bank
at Philadelphia
464
THE
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
ford.1
The treasury thereafter gave notice of the transfers that would be needed by transmitting to the bank a weekly list of the drafts drawn, and from June 26, 1829, a daily
listof the warrants issued,2 stating the sums which would be needed by the government, the places at which they would be to be paid. The they were needed, and the times when bank
were
thus always prepared to make payments when they called for, and thenceforth the monetary affairsof the
was
either to
specific acts which the bank had to perform as a treasury agent were the following: (1)it received and kept the funds of the government, (2)it transferred the money derived ; whatever source of the nation from any part of disbursements the nation to any other part; (3) it made from the government funds to the holders of the public similarly (4)it paid almost all the pensioners of All this it did without compensation. the government. The firstinquiry which naturally arises is whether or not and
the bank
was a
The
from
debt;
perfectly safe depositary. To this inquiry answer was ever given, and that an affirmative one. only one Secretary Woodbury, a bitter opponent of the bank, in his report of February 11, 1841, admitted that the government had not lost a single dollar through the agency of the Bank of the United States,while losses from state banks, counting
3 $15,492,000. The explanation principal and interest, were It was of the bank's safety as a public depositary is simple. funds to the extent of its responsible for the government
the use of the Treasury, and is debtor to the Treasury for the aggregate amount ; is rather a fiction than a reality. The offices are this mode of keeping the account really debtor, and have the means of paying, and with them, respectively, the Ibid. accounts ought to be kept."
"
Crawford
to Cheves,
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
465
entire capital,and it could be reached easily by legal process through the courts of the United States if the need arose. Moreover, the bank was under the strict supervision of
the Treasury
Department,
to make empowered fit. Besides all this, either house of Congress could saw This state of affairs order an investigation at any time. the difference in the degree of responsibility reveals at once
its affairsbeing placed before the and every month, and that officerbeing he a special examination whenever
of the United States and the state banks. Over the latter the government had no control ; they were amenable to state laws, and the strictness of these laws varied quently with the state ; there was seldom rigid supervision, and freHence the government supervision whatever. incurred great risks in employing state banks, no risk whatever in employing the national bank.
no
was of the revenue received through The entire amount the customs-houses. toms collected from cusduring the bank's custody of the public funds was over
as
now,
Then,
most
$358,000,000,hile w
which
sums
the
sum
the bank
ever
held
about
received from the sale of public lands were next in for the whole time that the bank amount, being $35,700,000 held the public deposits, while the receipts from direct taxes, and miscellaneous sources revenue, were internal
meager, being from 1817-33, inclusive, only $11,900,000.' Adherents of the bank were wont to magnify its services
in making transfers for the government.2 Its opponents, on the other hand, belittled the claims, and asserted positively that it possessed no special virtues in this particular. Polk, in his minority
1
report of March,
of the Secretary
1817-36. Writings,
of the Treasury,
government
2
receipts during
Gallatin's
ADAMS,
Works,
Vol. Ill, pp. 328,329,345,346; COLTON, Works Vol. HI, pp. 401, 402; Vol. IV, p. 201.
of
466
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
bank rendered no special service in transferring government funds.1 in 1834, argued that the Secretary Woodbury, transfers were phlet profitableto the bank,2 and Gouge, in a pamthe
an
or
elaborate argument
even a
agent.
against treasury
grossly overrated; that at those points where the transfers incurred risk or expense the government was compelled to be its own carrier; and that a private merchant occupying a position similar to that of the bank fortune.3 immense In making
would
have
made
an
these criticisms the whole truth was sometimes either not told or else obscured. For instance, Woodbury, while arguing that the bank made few transfers for the government, revealed in a passing sentence that this had been the case only within a few years, and that earlier the had been considerable.* Both advantages to the government his opinions and those of Polk were based entirely upon the figures for 1834, which seemed to show that collections and disbursements were principally made at the same points, and
were
in Woodbury's argument report, without noting his admission of the bank's previous bury's usefulness. A listof transfers for 1832 proves that Woodtwo, for in that year they "few years" were not over
were numerous
l H.
3
Even
and large.5
23. D. 13, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 10-12, 54-62.
GOUGE,
Inquiry
of Dispensing
derived
with Bank
Agency
....
in the Fiscal
*
"
Concerns
of the Country,
The This
United
been
by this department
were,
"
from
the
that operation,
years past." ceased to be so "for some report, Dec. 12, 1834, S. D, 13, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 12.
5
The
from
S. was $16,100,000." D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., p. 181. whole sum The average is from 1815 to 1827 is 28 millions." now twenty
"
THE Yet,
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
467
even
absolutely accurate made a profit on the transfers, still the conclusion that the transfer of the funds was not a great convenience and saving
to the government, would not follow. to argue that, because the bank could
and the others were in their statements, and that the bank
It
was
not
correct
and
realize a profit in making them, any other institution,or that the government could itself transfer the funds without expense. Neither of these things
It will be readily admitted that if the government its funds without depositing them in some wished to move bank, it would have to pay for the transfers, and there
was so.
As to the state advantage. would be no compensating banks, the national bank possessed at least three very definite Its notes, checks, drafts, and bills them. advantages over treal of exchange were willingly received everywhere from Monto the City of Mexico. A credit so extensive made of which possible a system of domestic exchange by means the funds of the government were transported from place to place, always at a very low rate, and frequently with a profit In the third place, all this was to the bank.1 made easier ciency and the system of exchange rendered of the highest effiby the organization of the bank, with its twenty-five branches scattered through the Union. Not one of these
advantages
possessed by a state bank, and yet the resulting efficiencyand the consequent profit on the exchanges could be attained by no other means.
was
The
sum
saved
some
calculated with
charged
i
on
an
average
^ of
transfers
"The transfer of the money of the United States by the Treasury, from one part to another, would be attended with great risk and some The bank is expense bound to draw the money to of the United States from any one part of the Union
any other, without any allowance considerable saving to the United risk of transport and fraudulent
The
This, it is presumed, is a and a security against the exchange always is in. almost
468
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
for private individuals. The transfers for the treasury from 1815 to 1827, inclusive, averaged $28,000,000 a year, and
at
* 1 per cent, the sum saved yearly would be $60,186.56. tary For the seventeen years that the bank was the public deposithis would give a saving of $1,023,161.52, and this is probably not excessive. amount
" of
When
the disbursements
are
examined
they
are
found to
fallunder several heads : There were count payments made on acof the public debt, principal and interest; of pensions ; of the army and navy ; and of the civillist. The bank incurred
no
cept great expense in making any of the disbursements, exthose in connection with the public debt and pensions.2 An inquisition into the disbursements on account of all In respect to the is, therefore, unnecessary. other
subjects
public debt and pensions, the bank not only acted as disbut, in accordance burser for the government, with the terms of the charter, had imposed upon it the duties of commissioner of loans and pension agents.3 During the period of the bank's possession of the government deposits the sum paid in discharge of pensions $34,424,000. Not all of this was disbursed by the
was
bank, since in states where it had neither a branch nor an were made through private agents. agency the payments These exceptions were unimportant,* however, and the conis believed to be from 2 to 4, and difference of exchange is a saving to the United States ; not a positive loss to cent, which sometimes itself by the purchase the bank, because it may, and probably does save of bills of Europe, which it can sell in the Atlantic States, without loss ; an operaon exchange tion favor of New
Orleans
The
5 per
which would be very difficultand expensive (and perhaps dangerous, from bad Report of the Finance Committee of the agents) for the Treasury to perform." Senate, May 13, 1828, S. D. 195, 20th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 3.
"
1 2
amount
more
devoted
the of $481,983,000,
was
$243,744,000, or
one-half.
at Large,
3 Statutes
*
Thus
pensions
was
was
the the
bank bank
disbursed
in $1,003,514.50; 1827 the whole amount See Report of the Secretary disbursed $926,343.70.
of
for expend!-
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
469
the total
bank disbursed
$30,000,000 out of
will not be far astray. The sum saved to the government may be calculated on the basis of 2 per cent., that being the commission allowed to individual pension agents.1 The
2 saved would be, therefore, $600,000. whole amount large, The sums paid on account of the public debt were $212,202,000 from 1817 to 1835, inclusive. aggregating
The expenses of disbursing at least $200,000,000 this total of fellupon the bank. These expenses to the government before the establishment
$31,000a
to
a
of the bank had ranged from $26,000to year, while after its establishment they were reduced
trifle over
$2,000.s It may
the bank saved the government this item.4 Adding this to the saving on the pension payments and that on the transfers,the totalis at least$2,120,000. by actthe nation large sums ing as paymaster of pensions and the public debt, but it the government would otherwise the risks which assumed
Not only did the bank
save
have been compelled to incur. It occasionally suffered losses Thus the president at Portsmouth defrauded as a result. from the pension the government taking the sum of $20,000, funds, and the bank
tures
was
1893, pp.
Senate
Cong., 1st Sess., p. 7. 1 " The rate of commissions allowed for paying pensions, where any are allowed to agents or institutions other than the Bank of the United States and its branches, is 2 per cent." Ibid.
"
-"At
as
follows:
1816, $31,345.21; 1817, $30,675.80; 1818, $2,042,30." $31,584.51; Appendix C, ibid., p. 8. See the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1893, pp. cxxvi, from 1817 to 1837. czxvii, for the expenditures of the government * In February, declared that the sum Biddle 1829, President ment saved the governby the bank was $50,000annually on payment of pensions and public debt. This
this rate [i. e.,2 per cent.] the annual amount of commissions wonld bo 1827, $18,526.87."" Ibid. The sums 1825, $21,143.20; 1826, $20,070.29; paid in during these years were less than the annual average.
would
S. the total saving about $900,000." D. 92, 20th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 6. make had originally the misfortune to have at its head a The office at Portsmouth Mr. Cutts, who ended by defrauding the United States of upwards of $20,000of the
5
"
"
pension fund, which the bank was obliged to replace." 1829, H. B. 460,22d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 442.
Biddle
to Ingham,
July 18,
470
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
fraud committed on it in payment of part of the funded debt ; in 1829 it was being sued for $5,000 which had been lost through the failure of its
institution lost
$3,000 by
agents.1 Biddle mentions a case in which the bank suffered by paying out pension moneys without having complied with all the formalities of the Treasury Department,2 and after the
sued for $24,907, expiration of the charter the bank was which had been retained by presidents at the branches.3 The duties of commissioners of loans were ous, evidently hazardfrom the is known onerous and that they were tions objecby the state banks to performing them/ made When the charter was framed there was a general expectation that the bank would enhance the credit of the state
redeeming
this stock at any time at its valuation when subscribed, The expecno matter what the market quotations. tations were three-fifths of the bank's realized. Almost
capital subscribed by individuals was in stock, to which was at added the government's subscription of $7,000,000 5 per conout of a total of $35,000,000 cent. Thus $22,386,000 sisted
securities, and almost one-fifth of the was absorbed into the bank's capital.5
it the last year, in paying on "The bank lost $3,000by a fraud committed the for another to the amount interest thereon, and are $5,000. prosecuted of have failed, and the loss is had fraudulently The parties who received the money, if the Commissioners have been to the Government, to the bank, which would of S. D. 92, 20th Cong., 2d Sess., p. Loans, (as formerly) had transacted that service."
debt,
or
"
York, at New .25 as pension agents. and Cincinnati, to reimburse them for duties performed Report Both the bank and these officers were of Secretary Ewing, June 14, sued. D. 1841, fif. 22, 27th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 2, 3. Richmond,
"
Biddle to Cass, Jan. 23, 1834, 8. D. 71, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 15, 3 $24,907 had been retained by the presidents of the branches
2
* President Fleming, Mechanics' York Bank, New Department, city, to War Jan. 27, 1834, 8. D. 71, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 37, 38; and President Schott, Girard Bank, Philadelphia, Jan. 22, 1834, ibid., p. 39.
whole T $123,491,965.he
The
debt on Jan. 1,1816, was $127,334,933, nominal and bank held $22,386,964.93. For the figures in regard
F., Vol. Ill, p. 269.
on
Jan. 1, 1817,
the bank's
to
subscriptions
see
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
471
This stock rapidly appreciated, and hereupon the government took advantage of its right to purchase the stock at the subscriptio price,and in 1817 redeemed almost all held by the
bank, excepting
its
own
stock paid for bank shares.1 The cannot be calculated,but it was considerabl
The government the enjoyed further advantage of being able through the bank to procure loans at the best possible
terms.
A
8
loan of
1820;
of
another
$2,000,000at 6 per cent, was made in at of $4,000,000 5 per cent, in 1821 ; a third
*
$5,000,000 4" at
$5,000,000at 4"
per cent, in 1824 ;5 and a fourth of per cent, in 1825.6 The bank's greatest
ence usefulness in this direction was never proved, since its existwas passed entirely in time of peace. A war would have thoroughly tested its efficiency,and it is probably one of
the misfortunes of this country that no Bank of the United States existed at the outbreak of the Civil War.
In addition to securing long loans, the government was temporarily by the bank. always certain of being accommodated
The first corporate act of the Bank of the United States was a loan of $500,000to the government to pay running expenses.7 In the firstquarter of 1831 the treasury account was overdrawn
in the fourth quarter of 1824, $518,910.8 In 1832 President Biddle loaned the secretary of war ),000 without charging interest. These were matters of
$1,044,539,nd a
to Jones, May 8, 1817, F., Vol. IV, pp. 525, 526. The government $20,886,000 the public debt in 1817. Of this amount over $13,000,000 were of purchased from the Bank of the United States." Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 228.
'Crawford
redeemed
2
Biddle gave as an instance the 3 per cents. Of these there were subscribed to The governthe bank's capital $1,556,156.04 on the 100, worth at par $2,934,086.23. at 65 ment the rest of the 3 per cents. got this at 65, though it paid dollar for dollar on
Vol. XVIII,
p. 314; Crawford
June
Cashier Wilson
to Crawford,
Report
472
no was
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
how
STATES
the bank
great moment,
The
convenient
to the government.
tages country as a whole derived direct pecuniary advanfrom the bank. It is well known that under the present system large payments on account of the public debt are apt by throwing on to embarrass the community commerce
immense
of money for which there is no demand, while mous at other times the treasury has locked up in its vaults enorsums which ought to be in circulation. Inevitable and
sums severe
disturbances in trade result. During the existence of the Bank of the United States these disturbances were, for
The government the most part, avoided. funds locked up, because the bank
making
loans.
The
bank
occasioned by throwing on quantities of money in payment of the public debt, by making In the same the payments gradually. way it avoided the pressure consequent upon a sudden large demand upon the money market for funds to be used in paying the debt. It the frequent boast of President Biddle that these evils was averted by the bank's good management, and the secretaries of the treasury at that day admitted that this was The bank early received notification of the debt to be so.1 always
were
i See the subject treated at length 7, 20th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 10, 11.
"
in Secretary
Rush's
report,
Dec.
9, 1828, S. D.
To prepare
should thing,
so
Bank
same
by accumulating
which would
scarcity of money would immense an the first day of July, when be amount pressure, of money until would thrown into the market to seek investment, causing as sudden a rise in the funds as depression. To avoid these fluctuations the Bank has there had been a previous
funds, would require that the to do the oblige the State Banks be produced, an extreme perhaps
when there will be a said to the fund holders instead of waiting for the last moment, for investment, look about you and wherever ment, you find an object of investgreat press the Bank cannot bring your stock to the Bank ; and although the purchase it will lend the amount on your note payable on the 1st of July, secured collatstock, erally by a pledge of the certificate, and it will lend it to you at 5 per cent., as it only
on the Bank. in fact cashing the drafts of the Government This is a great facility to the fund holders, and they availed themselves of it counting diswere to a considerable extent, so that on the 1st of July, the several Branches
"
on
was
thus melting
away,
tillon
the
THE
BANK
AS
GOVEBNMENT
AGENCY
473
discharged, and at once began discounting on the stocks to be paid off,holding them until the time of redemption came. In this way the holders got a bank discount for their stock, Hence, when the government loan replacing another. cured ordered the payment to be made, the bank had already proThere was then merely a change most of the stock. getting of credits on the books of the bank, the government
one
the stock, and the bank getting ownership of a part of the in its possession. It is public deposits which before were true, however, that these gradual payments were not always
possible. The
objectionsometimes
funds
were
wanted. This objection is valid, and necessarily must be where banks are permitted to use the funds of the government with no stipulation in they
were
certain
sums
subject
to order.
The difficulty
in times of crises, and almost certainly occur in the case it did occur of the Bank of the United States. Thus, as a consequence of the panic of 1819, the bank was forced to ask the government to postpone the payment of the
It may be concluded, then, similar character. that there was inconvenience to the government occasionally Bank United States,but such inconveniunder the of the
1832
was
of
modations relieved from the heaviest pressure, and was enabled to continue its accomThis is to the community up to the very day of payment. undiminished day a pay one of the most beautiful of our operations, enabling the Bank to go over millions of dollars without the slightest change in its daily business of six or seven Biddle to F. Hopkinson, Nov. 2, the least shock to the business of the country." or
Bank
was
"
1830, P. L. B., Vol. Ill, pp. 378, 379. " It has thus become part of the settled policy of the bank, at the approach of to begin its preparations for a long period in advance, so as to any large payment, as wide a space over collect its means gradually, and to distribute its disbursements
as
possible."" Beport
i
of the Committee
of Exchange,
H.
p. 161.
Crawford
Gallatin'*
Writings,
474
THE
SECOND
as
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
could
STATES
ences
were
near
minimum
as
be justly
expected.
There is no
system which will completely meet the case. The direct profit which accrued to the United States through the connection with the bank consisted of the bonus
of dividends from the bank's profitsover the interest paid on the government's stock note, and, thirdly,of the advance in the price of this stock when the of t $1,500,000,hen of the
excess
The total of these sums bank settled with the government. 1 was $6,093,67.07.1 To this must be added at least $2,100,000 more, being the amount saved by the bank's performance
of loans and pension of the duties of commissioner The whole profit, agent and its transfers of public funds. therefore, was something like $8,193,000. This is a definite
and calculable benefit was of
sum.
an
In the nature of things, the greater intangible kind, but none the less real.
appreciation in the public securities had a money value, even though it could not be measured, and so had the insurance of the public funds which the bank's custody
An
furnished. duties The value today of a bank performing the same for the government would be far in excess of the value of The charges for the large government transfers, the old bank.
the expenses of the independent treasury, of the government agency of the national banking system, of the
1
CREDIT
$ 1,500,000.00
7,118,416.29 paid
Proceeds
of stock sold and other the bank to the United States Total
DEBIT
by
9,424,750.78
$18,043,167.07
$ 7,000,000.00
4,950,000.00
Total
Profit of government
"
$11,950,000.00
$6,093,167.07
Knoz,
1876, p. xiii.
Report
the United
of Banking
in
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
AGENCY
475
greenback issues, of treasury notes, the losses by fire,by theft,by the bad faith of public servants would all vanish. To the business community at large and the community valuable still. such a bank would be more
"
not all on one side. The Bank of advantages were But an the United States certainly enjoyed equivalent. that equivalent cost the country nothing, and the advantages bestowing it could not have been made profitable except as
The
granted to
the government received from the bank was pure gain, what it gave to the bank was no loss. The great benefit of the connection to the bank consisted in its right to use the public deposits.
some or
individual
corporation. What
The
amount
of these, The
as
have
been
$410,000,000for
bank's
that the
can
be
calculated only by finding a monthly or quarterly average of in its vaults. Such an average was the amounts worked out by Secretary Taney for every month in the year from 1819 It to 1833, inclusive,and was given as $6,717,253.' is certainly
fair to compute the bank's profits on this sum 6 as the government's per cent, for the whole time that it was depositary. Employing this computation, it is seen that the
the gainer to the extent of $403,035.18 each year From a total of $6,448,562.28. this from 1818 to 1834" For calculation are omitted the years 1817 and 1834^35. bank
was
obtainable; for 1834-35 the monthly average of United States funds held was $1,570,000, for two years at 6 per cent, would yield $188,400. which sum 1817
accurate
figures
are
not
The bank's entire profits,therefore,from this item alone be set down at not less than $6,636,962.28.
As 'in the there
were case
can
of the government,
so
enormous
in terms
1
476
was
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
the principal of these; the partial legal -tender quality of its notes was another; the advantage over the state banks deposits was a secured by the possession of the government
third. tween War, the connection bebenefit immense the bank and the government was an But having to both, but particularly to the government.
as stated this conclusion, there is a corollary which is just inevitable. With the growth of the Union, with the increase of national wealth and of population, the bank would have
Up
been progressively useful. From this point of view, it becomes obvious that Jackson and his supporters committed an offense The they destroyed the bank. against the nation when and enormity of that offense can only be faintly is certainly justifiedsaying that few in realized, but one greater enormities are chargeable to politicians than the magnitude
destruction of the Bank overthrow of this country
"
a a
machine
service which
not
Would
that service today ? Why should it be almost unanimously admitted that a bank of this type importance to the finances and commerce is of paramount of England, France, Germany, Austria, Russia, and yet denied that
similar bank would be of equal value to the United No answer to this question can be found in our States? tutions, instiin the nature of American politicalorganization, none
a none
in the history of
as
our
country,
none a
in
the
citizens of a republic, none political power; for the bank possessed no In truth, there is no answer.
nature of
men
in such
bank's
political power.
it If,finally, is necessary to acknowledge, in the words of Daniel Webster, that this form of a bank for the United
States is an
so
much
THE
BANK
AS
GOVERNMENT
to
AGENCY
477
and
admit
performed at so great a profit to the people; it ought to be easy to give the due meed of due measure blame. When than the of praise, and no more that the old this is done, it will have to be acknowledged far superior to bank, in its services to the government, was any other banking system known in this country.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX
I
to the Bank
AN ACT to incorporate
States.
Be
the subscribers
of
the United
of the United States of America a capital of thirty-five millions of dollars, hundred and fifty thousand shares, of one
a
bank
to the sum dollars each share. Seventy thousand shares, amounting of dollars, part of the capital of the said bank, shall be seven millions of after hereinsubscribed and paid for by the United States, in the manner ing specified; and two hundred shares, amountand eighty thousand dollars, shall be subscribed to the sum of twenty-eight millions of
or
corporations,
in the
manner
[SEC.2 specifies the times, places, and mode of receiving subscriptions to the capital stock.] SEC. 3. And be it furtherenacted, That it shall be lawful for any
to subscribe for any corporation, or State, three of shares of the capital of the said bank, not exceeding number so thousand subscribed shares, and the sums shall be payable, and in the manner following: that is to say, seven lars millions of dolpaid, thereof in gold or silver coin of the United States, or in gold coin
individual, company,
....
of Spain,
or
....
the dominions
silver coin
or
or in other foreign gold or of Spain, and twenty-one millions of dollars thereof in like gold in the funded debt of the United States contracted at
....
[The section then specifies subscribed, and at what rates.]And the payments
respectively.
shall be made and completed by the subscribers, in the manner following: that is to respectively, at the times and the time of subscribing there shall be paid five dollars on each say, at in share, in gold or silver coin as aforesaid, and twenty -fivedollars more coin as aforesaid, or in funded debt as aforesaid; at the expiration of six after the time of subscribing, there shall be paid the calendar months
further of ten dollars on each share, in gold or silver coin as aforesaid, in coin as aforesaid, or in funded debt twenty-five dollars more and from the time aforesaid; at the expiration of twelve calendar months
sum
as
the further
sum
of ten dollars,on
479
480
each
more
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
share, in gold or silver coin as aforesaid, and twenty -five dollars in coin as aforesaid, or in funded debt as aforesaid. in which the subscriptions shall be [SEC.4 regulates the manner
"
directors and company of of the Bank be the United States," and provides that reasonable compensation shall to superintend the " commissioners the subscriptions."] appointed paid SEC. 5. And be it furtherenacted, That it shall be lawful for the
transferred to the
President
the funded debt subscribed to the redeem and at capital of the said bank, at the rates aforesaid,1 in such sums in any act or acts of times, as shall be deemed expedient, anything such And it shall also be Congress to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.
United
company,
transfer for gold and silver coin, or to the capital of the said bank subscribed
That they shall not sell more dollars in any one year; nor of the United States, without within
aforesaid: Provided thereof than the sum of two millions sell any part thereof at any time previously giving notice of their
to the intention to the Secretary of the Treasury, and offering the same United States for the period of fifteen days, at least, at the current price, not exceeding the rates aforesaid.
at the opening of subscription to the capital stock of the said bank, the Secretary of the Treasury to be subscribed, on behalf of the United shall subscribe, or cause
SEC. 6. And
be it
as
centum
to thousand shares, amounting to be paid in gold or silver coin, aforesaid, States, bearing interest at the rate of five per and the principal of the said stock shall be
of seventy
which to sell and transfer for gold and directors, and company, president, They shall not sell silver coin or bullion at their discretion; Provided, in any one year. more than two millions of dollars thereof
in any fit
sums,
and
periods, which the Government said stock it shall be lawful for the said
at any
SEC. 7. And
said Bank
be it
further
of the United and be, and are hereby, created a corporation and body politic, assigns, shall by the name and style of "The president, directors, and company, of the Bank of the United States," and shall so continue until the third
to the
day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, able and capable, in shall be, and are hereby, made and by that name law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy,and retain, to them and lands, rents, tenements, hereditaments, goods, chattels, their successors, kind, nature, and quality, to an amount not and effects, of whatsoever exceeding,
i The
in the
whole,
the
rates at which
the stock
subscribed.
APPENDICES
481
to sell, grant, of the capital stock aforesaid; and the same amount demise, alien or dispose of; to sue and be sued, plead and be impleaded, answer and be answered, defend and be defended, in all State courts having competent jurisdiction, and in any circuit court of the United
ordinances, and regulations, for the government necessary and convenient not being contrary to the constitution thereof,
such
by-laws,
and
and singular
may
the
acts, matters,
all it shall or to them things, which nevertheless, to the rules, regulations, prescribed
and
declared.
be it furtherenacted, That, for the management of the be twenty-five directors, five affairs of the said corporation, there shall dent being stockholders, shall be annually appointed by the Presiof whom,
SEC. 8. And
of the United
the
Senate, not more than three of whom State; and twenty of whom shall be annually elected at the bankinghouse in the city of Philadelphia, on the firstMonday of January, in each year, by the qualified stockholders of the capital of the said bank
other than
States, and by a plurality of votes then and there actually given, according to the scale of voting hereinafter to be prescribed: That no person, being a director in the Provided always,
the United
of the United
Bank
any
States,
or
other bank; and should any such in the direction other bank, it shall forthwith vacate his appointment Bank of the United States. And the directors, so duly appointed of the
and elected, shall be capable of serving, by virtue of such appointment in the month of January of each and choice, from the first Monday in the month year, until the end and expiration of the firstMonday of
January
of the next year ensuing the time of each annual election to be held by the stockholders the board of directors, as aforesaid. And annually, at the first meeting after their election in each and every of the directors to be president of the corporation, who shall hold the said office during the same period for which the directors are appointed and elected as aforesaid: [The section then provides for the election of the firstpresident and directors; year, shall proceed to elect
one
for shall not be dissolved if an appointment for directors does not take] effect on any day president or an election but it to take effect, of this act, they ought when, in pursuance
....
hold such
time
case
to make
may
482
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
and
STATES
ordinances
of the
by the by-laws
or said corporation: and until such appointments elections be made, the directors and president of the said bank, for the time being, shall in the presidency, the in office: [that in case of a vacancy continue
directors shall " elect another president," and in case of vacancies in the directorate, other directors shall be appointed either by the President
of the United
States in
case
of government
directors
or
by the stockholders
sum
of private directors]. SEC. 9. And be itfurtherenacted, That as soon dollars in gold and thousand millions four hundred
case
in
as
the
of eight in
the public debt, shall have been actually received on account of the subscriptions to the capital of the said bank (exclusively the subof scription the part of the United States) [thefirstdirectors shall be elected, and the president of the bank appointed by them]. SEX;.10. And be it furtherenacted, That the directors, for the time aforesaid,
on
to appoint such officers, being, shall have power clerks, and servants, them, as shall be necessary for executing the business of the said under for their services, such compensation corporation, and to allow them
shall be reasonable ; and shall be capable of exercising such other powers and authorities for the well governing and ordering of the officers of the said corporation as shall be prescribed, fixed, and
respectively,
as
determined,
rules, restrictions,limitations, and provisions, shall form and be fundamental articles of the constitution of the said corporation, to wit : 1. The number of votes to which the stockholders shall be entitled,
by the laws, regulations, and ordinances, of the same. be it further enacted, That SEC. 11. And the following
in voting for directors, shall be according to the number she, or they, respectively, shall hold, in the proportions
is to say, for one than two shares, one share and not more vote ; for two shares above two, and not exceeding ten, one vote ; for every every four shares above ten, and not exceeding thirty, one vote ; for every six shares above thirty, and not exceeding sixty, one vote ; for -every eight
shares above sixty, and not exceeding hundred, one every ten shares above one
or
one
hundred,
no
one
vote ; and
for
person, copartnership, be entitled to a greater number than thirty politic,shall votes ; and after the first election, no share or shares shall confer a holden three calendar right of voting, which shall not have been to the day of election. And months previous stockholders actually
vote ; but
body
States, and
none
other, may
vote in elections
than three-fourths of the directors elected by the stockholders, than four-fifths of the directors appointed by the and not more President of the United States, who shall be in office at the time of an annual election, shall be elected or appointed for the next succeeding
APPENDICES
483
than three years out of year ; and no director shall hold his officemore four in succession ; but the director who shall be the president at the
time of an may be.
election may
always
be reappointed
or
re-elected, as the
case
but a stockholder, resident citizen of the United States, director ; nor shall a director be entitled to any emolument a ; directors may make to the president, for such compensation his extraordinary to them at the bank, as shall appear attendance
3. None
directors shall constitute a board for the the president shall always be one, transaction of whom in case of sickness or necessary absence ; in which case his place except he, by writing, under his may be supplied by any other director whom And the director so deputed may hand, shall depute for that purpose.
seven
of business,
do and transact all the necessary business, belonging to the officeof the of the sickpresident of the said corporation, during the continuance ness or necessary the president. absence of
of stockholders, not less than sixty, who, together, thousand shares or upwards, shall be proprietors of one shall have power at any time to call a general meeting of the stockholders, for purposes to the institution, giving at least ten weeks' notice in two relative
5. A
number
of the place where the bank is seated, and specifypublic newspapers ing in such notice the or object objectsof such meeting. 6. Each cashier or treasurer, before he enters upon the duties of his office, sureties, to shall be required to give bond, with two or more less than fiftythousand the satisfaction of the directors, in a sum not dollars, with a condition for his good behavior, and the faithful performance
which it shall be lawful for the said corporation to hold, shall be only such as shall be requisite in relation to the convenient transactfor its immediate ing accommodation to of its business, and such as shall have been bona fide mortgaged
it by way
of security,
or
contracted
upon
in the
judgments which
8. The
to it in satisfaction of debts previously its dealings, or purchased course of at sales, have been obtained for such debts. shall
conveyed
total amount of debts which the said corporation shall at any time owe, whether by bond, bill,note, or other contract, over and above deposited in the bank, shall not exceed debt or debts due for money the the
sum
greater
of thirty -fivemillions of dollars, unless the contracting debt shall have been previously authorized by law
of any of the
United
States.
In
case
of
excess,
it shall happen,
shall be
the directors under whose tration adminisliable for the same in their natural
in such case be and private capacities ; and an action of debt may brought against them, or any of them, their or any of their heirs, execu-
484
tors
or
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
administrators, in any court of record of the United States, or either of them, by any creditor or creditors of the said corporation, and be prosecuted to judgment and execution, any condition, covenant, may
or
tenements, and
may
or was
But this provision contrary notwithstanding. to exempt the said corporation or the lands, construed from being also liable for, goods, or chattels of the same
to
the
with, the said excess. absent when the said dissented from
or
Such
excess
contracted
or
who
so
from
act whereby created, may contracted respectively exonerate themselves being so liable, by forthwith giving notice of the fact, and of their
or
have
the resolution
absence
of the United
States, and
to the
to call
shall not, directly or indirectly, deal or said corporation in anything except bills of exchange, gold or silver bullion, or in trade lent and not for money the sale of goods really or truly pledged in due time, or goods which shall be the proceeds of its redeemed
lands.
annum
It shall not be at liberty to purchase any public debt whatsoever, it take more than at the rate of six per centum nor per shall for or upon its loans or discounts.
loan shall be made by the said corporation, for the use or on of the United States, to an amount ing exceedaccount of the Government five hundred dollars, or of any particular State to an thousand 10. No
amount
exceeding
dollars, or
by
a
of any
foreign
Prince
or
law of the United States. 11. The stock of the said corporation shall be assignable and transferable, according to such rules as shall be instituted in that behalf, by the laws and ordinances of the same.
bills,obligatory and of credit, under the seal of the said to any person or persons, shall be corporation, which shall be made thereupon, under the hand or hands of such assignable by endorsement his, her, or their executors or administrators, or person persons, and
and his, her transfer and their assignee vest the property
or or
12. The
to
or
assignee or assignees, and an or action administrators, to maintain That name or : Provided, names their own
to enable
such
any bill obligatory, or of credit, or shall not make less than five of a sum other obligation under its seal for the payment dollars. And the bills or notes which may be issued by order thousand of the said corporation, signed by the president, and countersigned by
said corporation
or or
the payment thereof, promising of persons, his, her or their order, or to bearer,
treasurer
APPENDICES
not under
485
the seal of the said corporation, shall be binding in like manner, and with like force and and obligatory upon the same, or persons, if issued by him, her or any private person effect, as upon them, in his, her or their private or natural capacity or capacities, and although if they were as so shall be assignable and negotiable in like manner issued by such private person or persons ; that is to say, those which shall be payable to any person or persons, his, her or their order, shall in like manner, be assignable by endorsement, and with the like effect now are are as foreign bills of exchange ; and those which payable to bearer shall be assignable and negotiable by delivery only : Provided,
That
all bills
made
a sum
notes, so to be issued by said corporation, shall be demand, of other than bills or notes for the payment payable on dollars each, and payable to the order less than one hundred not
or
of
some
person
or
persons,
which
payable
bills or notes it shall be lawful for said at any time not exceeding sixty days from
dividends shall be made of so much of the profitsof in every to the directors advisable; and once the bank as shall appear three years the directors shall lay before the stockholders, at a general of the meeting, for their information, an exact and particular statement
13. Half-yearly
shall have remained after the expiration of the unpaid original credit, for a period of treble the term of that credit, and of the If surplus of the profits,if any, after deducting losses and dividends.
debts which
there shall be a failure in the payment of any part of any sum subscribed to the capital of the said bank, by any person, copartnership or body politic, the party failing shall lose the benefit of any dividend such payment, which may have accrued prior to the time for making
and during the delay of the same. 14. The directors of the said corporation shall establish a competent any officeof discount and deposit in the District of Columbia, whenever law of the United States shall require such an establishment; also one
office of discount and deposite in any State in which two thousand be held, whenever, or upon may shares shall have been subscribed Legislature of such State, Congress by law, may, application of the such Provided, the directors aforesaid shall not be bound require the same: to establish such office before the whole of the capital of the bank shall have been paid up. And it shall be lawful for the directors of the said corporation to establish offices of discount and deposite, wheresoever they shall think fit,within the United States or the Territories thereof, the management and to commit of the said offices,and the business thereof, respectively, to such persons, and under such regulations, as deem proper, not being contrary to law or the constitution of they shall
Or, instead of establishing such offices,it shall be lawful for from time to time, to employ any the directors of the said corporation
the bank.
486
THE
or
SECOND
BANK
or
THE
UNITED
STATES
other bank
banks, to be firstapproved by the Secretary of the Treasury, at any place or places that they may deem safe and proper, to manage transact the business proposed as aforesaid, other than for the and
of discount, to be managed and transacted by such offices, under to such regulations, as they shall deem agreements, and subject
proper.
purposes
such
justand
Not
more
less than
seven
managers
as or directors, of every office established aforesaid, shall be annually one year; they shall appointed by the directors of the bank, to serve
president from their own number; each of them shall be a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the State, Territory, or district,wherein such office is established; and not more than threedirectors, in office at the time of an fourths of the said managers or choose
a
appointment, shall be reappointed for the next succeeding year; than three years out of four, and no director shall hold his office more be always reappointed. in succession; but the president may 15. The of the officer at the head of the Treasury Department annual
often as he may once a week, with statements of the amount require, not exceeding of the capital stock of the said corporation and of the debts due to the deposited therein; of the notes in circulation, and same; of the moneys time to time,
as
Provided,
That
and shall have a right to inspect such general of the bank as shall relate to the said statement: ing this shall not be construed to imply a right of inspect-
the account of any private individual or individuals with the bank. 16. No stockholder, unless he be a citizen of the United States, shall vote in the choice of directors.
note shall be issued of less amount SEC. 12. And be it further enacted, That
17. No
persons, any person in buying or selling goods, wares, to the provisions contrary
or
for
or
to the
use
of the
commodities
[a penalty
amount
so
[Sec.13 enacts
or of $500,000,
dealt in shall be imposed upon the persons responsible]. States, in excess that in case of loans to the United
to any
state in
excess
State," without previous treble value shall be imposed upon the persons responsible.] SEC. 14. And be it further enacted, That the bills or notes of the shall have become said corporation originally made payable, or which
or
Prince,
payable
to the United shall be receivable in all payments States, unless otherwise directed by act of Congress. SEC. 15. And be it furtherenacted, That during the continuance of this act, and whenever required by the Secretary of the Treasury, the
on
demand,
facilitiesfor transferring the said corporation shall give the necessary public funds from place to place, within the United States, or the Ter-
APPENDICES
ritories thereof, and for distributing the
same
487
in payment
of the public
on or allowance claiming charging commissions creditors, without difference in exchange, and shall also do and perform the account of of Loans for the several and respective duties of the Commissioners
required by law. of them, whenever several States, or of any one or more SEC. 16. And be it furtherenacted, That the depositesof the money
States, in places in which the said bank and of the United in said bank or thereof may be established, shall be made
branches branches
thereof, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall at any time otherwise direct; in which case the Secretary of the Treasury shall order and immediately lay before Congress, if in session, and if not, immediately
or
reasons
of such order
shall in gold or silver,of any of or not at any time suspend refuse payment its notes, bills,or obligations; nor of any moneys received upon deposite in said bank, or in any of its officesof discount and deposite. [In
of any such note, bill,or obligation, or the person or persons entitled to demand and receive such as aforesaid, shall respectively be entitled to receive and recover moneys interest on the said bills,notes, obligations, or moneys, until the same
case
be it furtherenacted,
of such suspension
or
shall be fully paid and satisfied,at the from the time of such demand annum
Congress
may
[hereafternact laws e
for carrying out this clause, vesting of the courts of the United States, or
for counterfeiting
"
order check" bill or note altering "any order or its cashiers ; or for passing, or attempting any of
....
or
any
or
on
the bank,
or
bill
or
or
such
altered checks
or
orders;
or
for selling
notes or paper adapted to the making of bank the paper used by the bank, with intent to use
the
"
plates to be used for for having in posor session or bills," notes similar to
such paper
for counterfeiting.]
be it further enacted,
That
by
exclusive privileges and benefits conferred bank, the president, directors, and company
[Ssc. 21
488
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
have the space of two years after the expiration of its charter in which to settle its
affairs.]
does not begin operations by the firstMonday in April, 1817, Congress may declare the charter " null and void."] be it furtherenacted, That it shall, at all times, be SEC. 23. And
22. If the bank [SEC. lawful for
of either House of Congress, appointed for that committee into the proceedings of purpose, to inspect the books, and to examine the corporation hereby created, and to report whether the provisions of
a
any violated or not; and whenever find and report, or the President of the committee, as aforesaid, shall United States shall have reason to believe that the charter has been
same,
violated, it may
be
lawful
for Congress
to direct, or
the President
to
order a scire faciasto be sued out of the circuit court of the district of Pennsylvania, in the name States, (which shall be of the United the president of the corporation for the time being, at executed upon least fifteen days before the commencement calling on the said corporation to show hereby
of the term
cause
of said
court,)
granted, shall not be declared for the said court, upon the return of the said scire facias, examine to into the truth of the alleged violation, and if such violation be made to
appear, then to pronounce
and
and adjudge that the said charter is forfeited however, Every issue of fact which may be
States and the corporation aforesaid, shall it shall be lawful for the court aforesaid to jury. the production of such of the books of the corporation as it may require deem facts; and necessary for the ascertainment of the controverted
the final
in the aforesaid, shall be examinable Supreme Court of the United States, by writ of error, and may be there reversed or affirmed, according to the usages of law. Approved, April 10, 1816.
at Large, Vol. Ill, pp. 266 ff., chap, xliv, and "Statutes Sess.,Vol. I, pp. 1812 ff.
A.
APPENDIX
II
Propositions respectfully submitted to the convention of State banks by the committee on the part of the Bank of the United
States:
1. That
the incorporated
banks
engage, on and Richmond, and for all demands thenceforth to continue, specie payments upon them. 2. That in the liquidation of the balances which may be due by the receiving banks, the Bank of'the United States will credit those banks,
more, Balti-
APPENDICES
489
banks which may of their checks upon respectively, with the amount be parties to this agreement. 3. That the whole of the public balances in the receiving Banks in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Virginia, be transferred to the
the 20th of this month, and retained by the same the said bank until the 1st of July next, when shall be paid interest thereon. off,together with the 4. The payment of the balances which may accumulate against the
Bank
of the United
States
on
to the transfer of the balances first mentioned subsequently by the Bank of the United States until be demanded shall not for individuals the said bank and its branches shall have discounted
aforesaid banks
(other than
instant
the
those
having
sums,
duties
to
pay) subsequently
For those
in New
to
the York,
19th
two
following
to wit:
more, millions; for those in Philadelphia, two millions; for those in Baltithouone sand and a half million; for those in Virginia, five hundred
dollars; provided, that if the said bank shall be willing to discount, of good paper offered and shall not have the required amount delphia, the term of sixty days from the 20th instant at New York, Philawithin
term after the operations and Baltimore, and within the same bank in Virginia shall have commenced, the of the officesof the said banks shall, at the expiration of that time, at the aforesaid aforesaid
places, respectively, pay to the Bank due by them respectively. 5. That the Bank of the United
of the United
the
at the
the time
mentioned
to that amount
in the
of the
United
States and
its
of good paper offered at the sufficient amount in the fourth article within the period respective places mentioned therein stipulated, then the Bank of the United States will engage to
not having
discount
for the
said
banks
United
the aforesaid banks shall exchange with the Bank of the States and its branches, from day to day, all such notes of
either as the said banks may receive; and an interest account from the 20th instant to the 1st of July shall be liquidated and settled in the
usual manner. 8. That
of New
the Bank
of the United
York,
Philadelphia,
pledges
faith and the credit of the aforesaid banks or the branches of which may menace the United States Bank, will cheerfully contribute their resources to any of good
States, and the incorporated banks Baltimore, and Virginia, will interchange friendly offices,and upon any emergency
490
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
thereof the Bank extent in support of the United States confiding in the justice and discretion of the State banks, respectively, to circumscribe their affairs within the just limits indicated by their
reasonable
"
respective capitals
as
soon
as
of the community
will admit. 9. That upon the mutual agreement of the parties to these stipulations, be submitted to the Secretary of the Treasury for the same shall his decision upon those points which involve the public balances, and when approved by him shall be obligatory
upon
parties.
_Feb
^ 1817" F
Vol
APPENDIX
The first rules of the bank revised (Biddleto Hugh
as were
III
were
revised went into effect May 3, 1833 May 3, 1833, ibid.,p. 478). The rules here given are the revised rules of 1833. Wherever these differ from those of 1816, the differences are noted in brackets.
AND
RULES
REGULATIONS OF
THE BANK
FOR OF
THE
CONDUCTING
UNITED
"
THE
NESS BUSI-
STATES
and Hours of business. The Bank shall be kept open for the transaction of business, from nine o'clock in the morning until three o'clock in the afternoon every day in the year, except Sundays, Rule
1. Days
day, the First of January, and the Fourth of July. The Bank Rule 2. Deposits. shall take charge of the cash of all such persons as shall choose to place it there, free of expense, and shall keep itsubject to the order of the depositor, payable at sight ; and shall also receive special deposits of ingots of gold, bars of silver,wrought
Christmas
"
plate, and other valuable articles of small bulk, for safe keeping, at the risk of the depositor.
Rule
3. Days
of Discount.
"
on shall be delivered into Bank and and laid before the Board of Directors, on the succeeding Tuesday Friday, [rules 1816 add: "at ten o'clock in the morning,"]together of
All bills and notes offered for discount, in each week, Monday and Thursday
of the funds and situation of the Bank; on which days with a statement the discounts shall be settled,and such as shall be admitted shall be counted, passed to the credit of the applicants on the day on which they are dis-
and
may
be drawn
for at anytime " after twelve [1816,one"] discounted, shall be returned at any bills not
one
same
day.
APPENDICES
Rule
4. Discounts,
491
Discounts shall not be accommodation. (the firm upon personal security without two responsible names made of a house being considered as one name only;)but if stock of this Bank, debt of the United States, or such other property as shall be funded
and
"
approved
to
by the Board,
secure
be deposited
with " But no accommodation taken. e. [1816 note (i. " note, adds: maybe be placed to the credit of the drawer) shall the proceeds of which are to be secured by a deposit of the stock be discounted, unless its payment
of this Bank,
the payment,
cient suffiname
debt of the United States, or such other of funded by the Board ; together with an express property as shall be approved at any authority to the Bank to sell the deposit in case of non-payment time after the note shall become due."]
or
On each application for discounts. may be present, shall be application for discount, every Director who held to give his opinion for or against the same. And no discount shall be made without the consent of three-fourths of the directors present ;
Rule
5. Mode
of decision
on
"
and all notes and billsdiscounted shall be entered in a book, to be called to discover to the Board, at one the Credit Book, in such manner as for which any person is indebted view, on each discount day, the amount
to the Bank, amount
either
any
as
payer,
discounter,
or
indorser.
or
[1816reads: "the
to the
which
as
person
is discounter,
is indebted
Bank,
either
day, the name of every person have overdrawn the Bank the last discount day, since who shall be reported to the Board ; and no person while he remains an shall And overdrawer, shall have any note or bill discounted at this Bank.
Rule
"
instance will this Bank give a release or discharge to any debtor every officerwho shall where the debt arises from an overdraft. And comthe Bank, without on knowingly suffer an overdraft to be made municating " missed it to the President or [1816, and "] Cashier, shall be disin
no
the service of the Bank. Rule 7. Protest." It any bill or note belonging to this Corporation, day of shall not be paid before the shutting of the Bank on the last grace, such bill or note shall be forthwith protested ; and while such bill or note remains shall be unpaid, no discount or accommodation Bills and granted to any drawer, acceptor, or indorser of the same. notes deposited for collection, at any time before the commencement
from of the of grace, shall be proceeded with, ; unless the person depositing the same in writing ; provided, that in case of non-payment
days
as
bills and
notes
discounted
direct
shall pay the charges of protest. Every person who opens an account, Rule 8. Books of Signatures. in a his name and transacts business with this Bank, shall subscribe lodging the
same
"
492
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
for that purpose, to be called The book of signatures, " the persons who compose any house, keeping any [1816, an "] and all and the signature account with this Bank, shall subscribe their names, of the firm, in this book, if residing in Philadelphia.
book, to be kept
by a cash account of individuals not to be examined No director, without special authority, shall be permitted to Director. inspect the cash account of any person with this Bank.
Rule
9. The
"
and Bank shall be regularly balanced [1816, accounts of the " " Monday in January and July in each year; and [1816, at which time"] "] in said the half-yearly dividends shall be declared, on the first Monday " in said the first Monday on and published months, [1816omits
"
Rule
10.
Times
for
balancing
the
books,
months,"]
and immediately
in the city of Philadelphia : in at least three of the newspapers " the books of transfer shall be shut for ten [1816,twenty "]days
"
for declaring the preceding each of the days appointed " half yearly dividends. [1816 reads : appointed for balancing the books Bank and declaring the half-yearly dividends."] of the the Bank on Rule 11. Cashier may receive the dividends shares, and
interest
of the funded
debt
of the
United
States.
"
required, the Cashier shall accept powers of attorney due, on any shares in this Bank, interest or dividend due, or to become or on any funded debt of the United States payable in Philadelphia ;
which interest
or
dividend
subject to the
"
order of the proprietor, free of charge. lost Rule 12. How are certificates
If any person to be renewed. lost or claims a certificate of Bank stock to be issued in lieu of one destroyed, he shall make an affidavit of the fact, and state the circumstances loss or destruction ; and he shall advertise in one or more of the
of the
public
an
newspapers
in the city of Philadelphia, for the space of of the loss or destruction, describing the certificate to show cause calling on all persons why a new
certificate shall not issue in lieu of that lost ; and he shall transmit to before mentioned, the Bank his affidavit, and the advertisements and a bond or more to the Bank of indemnity, with one sureties if give dollars, for each share to be renewed) against any damage which may arise from issuing the new the Cashier shall,six months after the notice by certificate: whereupon of certificate, the same number advertisement as aforesaid, issue a new required, (in the
sum
of
two
hundred
and tenor with that said to be lost or destroyed, and is in lieu thereof.
Rule
13. Committees.
"
specifiying that it
A Committee
members, shall be appointed have special charge of the situation and concerns of the several shall in relation Offices and Agencies, with authority to report such measures
the Offices consisting of five by the President every three months, who
on
APPENDICES
thereto
as
493
said Committee shall have election of
they may
deem
beneficial. The
like charge of all matters relating to the Directors for the several Offices.
nomination
and
A Committee appointed
charge
at the
on same
Exchange
of all matters Exchange Offices, in Foreign and Domestic and Bullion for the purchase of Domestic shall act as a daily Committee
shall be consisting of three members have special in like manner, time and who shall to the operations of the Bank and its relating
"
the State of the Bank consisting of five members time be appointed by ballot, who shall have charge of shall at the same from as may such matters relative to the local business of the Bank by the Board ; they shall at least time to time be referred to them
on
once
their time of service examine and count the discounted the amount thereof with the balance of the amount notes, and compare in the General Ledger; they shall also count the of bills discounted during
cash, and
"
in the possession of the paper printed and unprinted the evidences of the public debt and property of Cashier examine to be compared the Corporation, make an inventory of the same with to the the books in order to ascertain their agreement, and report
the
Board.
[1816reads:
appointed duty
weeks
shall, weekly and in rotation, be as a committee especial of Directors for the week; whose more during their respective it shall be, to attend at the Bank
"Two
Directors
of service, as often as their convenience will permit ; and when requested by the President, to afford their aid and advice in all cases And a Committee on relative to the interest and business of the Bank.
the State of the Bank, shall be appointed by ballot every three months, the amount to examine and count the discounted notes, and compare thereof with the balance of the amount of billsdiscounted in the general ledger; they shall also count the cash, and the printed and the possession of the President, and examine evidences of the public debt and other property of the Corporation, and to be compared with the books in order make an inventory of the same to ascertain their agreement, and make a report to the Board."]
unprinted
paper
in the
notice shall be given by the Cashier in at least two of the daily newspapers of Philadelphia, and within one week of each annual election for Directors of the Bank; Directors for the time being, shall appoint by the the same, preceding
Rule
14. Election
ballot five Stockholders, not being Directors, to be Judges of the election, the same, at ten commencing and regulate who shall conduct of January. o'clock, A.M. on the firstMonday But
in
case on
completed
election of Directors shall not begin, or shall not be the Judges shall adjourn the same the said firstMonday,
an
494
from
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
after the election been completed, at the furthest, transmit to the Cashier of an authentic certificate of the persons elected : and the
the forenoon
the day
forthwith give notice to all of the said Directors at six who shall be within convenient distance, to meet at the Bank day for the purpose o'clock in the evening of the same of choosing a President. preceding each annual election for Directors of this Bank, the Directors for the time being shall appoint by ballot five stockholders, not being Directors, to be judges of the election
[1816 reads
"
On
the Friday
; who
shall conduct
and
regulate the
same,
commencing
at ten
In every election by this Board, there shall to an office(exceptthat of the President) be a previous nomination of the candidate at least one week before the may be dispensed election : Provided, that such previous nomination
of electing officers of
the Bank,
"c.
"
[1816, unanimous vote of the Directors present: proviso and every President, Cashier and Assistant Cashier [1816 omits omitted] Assistant Cashier," placing an "and" between President and "and
with
by
an
"
an
oath
swear
or
affirmation,
do and in
me,
of
to, and
It shall be the duty of the President to take into his custody at the Bank, the Seal of the Bank to be affixed to all instruments and documents which he shall cause when so ordered by the Board; and to sign all bills and notes issued by Rule
16. Duties
of
the President.
"
the Corporation. He shall preside at all meetings of the Board, except in cases of convene the Directors on special occasions, and serve necessary absence, as a member of the Board. of all committees
"It shall be the duty of the President to take into his paper; to moulds, and bank custody at the Bank, the plates, paper the printing of all bills or notes ordered by the Directors superintend in his to be printed; and to keep a regular account paper of the Bank
[1816 reads:
custody,
the quantity ordered from time to time for impression, mittee which account shall be checked by quarterly examinations by the comHe shall also sign all bills and notes the state of the Bank. on issued by the Corporation; and have in his custody the seal of the
and
to be
instruments
and
shall
order."]
APPENDICES
Rule 17. Duties
to be signed
495
It shall be the duty
of the bills of
of
the
Cashier.
"
all bills,notes, certificates of stock, and by the President, or by order of the Board: He exchange shall take into his custody at the Bank, the plates, paper-moulds, bank note paper, unprinted and printed until issued, blank certificates of
Cashier to countersign
supstock, and bills of exchange, superintend the printing of whatever plies these may from time to time be considered necessary for the use of the Bank and Offices; keep a regular account of all the articles in his of
account
on
of the Board, keep a fair and regular record of its proceedings, furnish be as may officialextracts therefrom, and give all such information required by the Board or any Committees.
shall correspond with the Officers of the several Offices,as the organ of the Board or Committees of the Board, in directing the general tic operations of the Bank, in stock and bullion, and in foreign and domesHe
he shall also correspond in exchange; with the Agents of the Bank Europe, and with all other persons doing business with the Bank on his department; he shall carefully observe the subjectsconnected with
conduct of all persons employed under him, and report to the Board such instances of neglect, incapacity or bad conduct as he may discover in any of them, and generally shall perform all such other services as
may
of the Cashier, to countersign, at the Bank, all bills or notes to be signed by the President, or by order of the Board: carefully to observe the conduct of all persons employed incaunder him, and report to the Board such instances of neglect, pacity,
he may discover in any of them: daily to the settlement of the cash accounts to take the Bank: examine of disagrees with the the actual amount charge of the cash, and whenever balance of the cash account, report the same to the President and
or
bad
conduct
as
"
"
Directors
to attend all meetings of the Board; keep a fair and regular record of its proceedings; give such information to the Board as may be required; consult with committees when requested, by the Board; and also to perform such other seron vices subjectsreferred be required of him by the Board."] as may
without
delay:
"
It shall be the duty of the First Assistant Cashier to take charge of the local operations of in Philadelphia in the same the Bank manner and with the same Rule
18. Duty
Cashier.
"
duties,
the Cashiers of the offices do of the concerns of their respective Offices, except when otherwise provided by the by-laws or directed
as
by the Board;
under
carefully to observe the conduct of all persons employed him, and report to the President and Cashier such instances of
or
neglect, incapacity
bad conduct
as
shall
come
to his knowledge,
daily
496
THE
SECOND
the
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
to examine
settlement
of the
charge of the cash, and whenever balance of the cash account report the same Cashier without delay, and generally to perform be required of him by the Board, the President,
Rule
19. Duty
of the Bank, to take cash accounts the actual amount, disagrees with the to the
President
as
and
or
"
shall
of Second
Assistant
Cashier.
of the Second
Assistant Cashier
States, the foreign exchange accounts, and the returns of all foreign or domestic bills purchased at the Offices. On all these subjects he shall correspond the Offices and the parties concerned, under the special with of the President and Cashier; and generally perform superintendence
such other services or Cashier. Rule
20. Duties
as
charge the Bank; the accounts of of the United with the Government
to take
may
be required
by the Board
or
by the President
of
Cashier.
duty of the third Assistant Cashier to take charge Debt and the Real Estate of the Bank and the several Offices,and correspond thereon with the Officers and Agents of the Bank and the under the special superinwith other parties concerned tendence Cashier, and generally perform the President and of such be required by the Board, or by the President or as may other services the Cashier.
" It shall be the duty of rule 18 for 18, 19, 20, as follows: the duties of the Cashier, in case the Assistant Cashier to perform of his sickness or absence; to superintend the opening and keeping of the
Offices,and
has [1816
to observe the conduct stock ledgers, and all other books of the Bank; him, and report to the Cashier such under of all those employed instances of neglect, incapacity or bad conduct to his as shall come
knowledge;
of him Rule
the Cashier and Assistant Cashiers [1816, to be elected. In the election of Cashier, or Assistant cashier "] are " Cashiers, [1816, Cashier "]the ballots shall be first taken for all the candidates, and if no one shall have a majority of the votes of all the
"
"
[1816, 19],How
" Directors present, [1816, present omitted]then the three candidates be voted for again; and if no one shall having the highest number shall be elected, the ballots shall be then taken on the two highest.
"
Rule 22
[1816,0].Security 2
....
"c.
omits
"
"
The
before
to be given by the Cashier and other cers, offiCashier before he enters upon the duties of his office[1816 his office"]shall give bond to the President, Directors
and
Company,
of
of sureties, in the sum behaviour, and a condition for his good The First his duties to the Corporation.
more
approved
APPENDICES
Assistant
497
Cashier,
[1816 omits
"
First
in the shall give bond, in like manner, with the same condition. The Second in the sum in like manner shall give bond
and
condition. ing paywith the same twenty thousand dollars the receiving Tellers, in the sum of and Discount Book-keepers, Clerks, Note Clerks, and other each: The five thousand dollars each; and the Porters in in the sum Clerks, of the
sum
dollars each, with the same of two thousand condition. having an account Rule 23 [1816, Clerks, cfcc. 21]. prohibited from,
"
No Clerk or Porter in this institution shall be permitted with the Bank. have an account with the Bank, but shall receive his salary quarto terly, "from or the Cashier, or his Assistant: "] [1816 adds: monthly.
And
Clerk and servant of the Bank shall take, and subscribe, an I do swear oath or affirmation to the following effect, to wit: I will to the best that or (affirm) and abilities,perof my knowledge form the duties assigned to, [1816 the trust reposed in me omits to] and
every
"
as
of the
Rule
24
"
Bank
of the
repealed.
or
rules regulations the Directors vote for the repeal altered, unless majority of all a alteration, nor unless upon at motion offered for that purpose previous meeting of the Board. Rule
25
None
of the foregoing
the proceedings of the Board o/ Directors The proceedings to be governed." are of the Board of Directors, when by their business as a deliberative body, shall be governed conducting the following articles. 1. When the President
[1816, 23].How
takes
members
shall take
" minutes of the preceding meeting, shall read before the Board proceeds to any other business; and no debate shall be admitted, nor question taken, at such reading, except as to
errors
"The
shall
settled."]
his decisions
shall be appeal
to the
otherwise provided, or he shall call special meetings business may require it,or
to, unless two members require an submitted He shall name all Committees, unless herein unless the Board shall otherwise determine; and of the Board,
on
Board.
4. Every
member presenting
paper
to the
498
THE
SECOND
purport;
BANK
and
every
OP
THE
UNITED
who
STATES
its general
offer
a
resolution, or speak on and address the President. 5. No debate shall be entered into on any motion, or resolution, the chair; and all motions until it shall be stated from shall, if be reduced to writing; requested by the President or by two members, than twice upon any one quesshall speak more tion and no member without leave from the Board. 6. While a resolution is under consideration, no motion shall be it: But it shall be or postpone made, except to amend, divide, commit to take the previous in order, at any time, on the call of three members,
" Will the Board this subat this time act on question., which shall be ject?" and if it shall be decided in the affirmative,the debate may be A motion to adjourn,shall always be in order, but shall be continued. decided without debate.
7. A
where destroy
the
call for the division of a question or resolution which tends to will admit of it; but no amendment of the clause of a resolution shall be general sense
may
admitted. 8. If business
of different kinds
shall be will
same
the Board
preference
accordingly. 9. The yeas and nays shall be taken on by two members previous to the decision
motion for reconsideration shall be permitted, unless made and seconded in the majorityon the original question. by members who were 10. At the request of any two of the Board, the names of the members
who
make
and second
motion
shall be entered
on
the minutes.
Date
Pamphlet
secured
APPENDIX
AN ACT to
IV
modify and
continues
porate continue the Act entitled "An Act to incorthe subscribers to the Bank of the United States."
the original charter hereinafter
to
[SEC.1
with
"
the
expressed."]
That the directors of the said
two
or more
with officers, nominati the notes thereof, the deall countersign any dollars; hundred of each of which shall be less than one respectnotes, when signed and countersigned by the said officers,
appoint
or
APPENDICES
499
ively,shall, to all intents and purposes, be binding and obligatory upon had been signed by the President, the said corporation as if the same by the principal Cashier or Treasurer thereof; and it and countersigned
shall be the duty of the directors of the said corporation to make known, be, to the Secretary of the Treasury, the in writing, and as soon as may names of the officers who shall be appointed by virtue of the provision:
and after the third day of March, one thousand and thirty-six,no branch bank draft, or other bank paper not payable at the place where issued, shall be put in circulation, as nation currency, by the bank, or any of its offices, except notes of the denomi-
Provided,
That
from
eight hundred
greater sum. of fiftydollars, or of some be it furtherenacted, That it shall not be lawful for the said corporation to issue, pay out, or put in circulation, any note or
SEC. 3. And
less than fiftydollars, which shall not, upon the notes of a denomination faces thereof, respectively, be payable at the bank or office of discount and deposite whence they shall be issued, paid out, or put in circulation.
SEC. 4. And
be it
further enacted,
the
same
That
the notes
be, upon
place only, shall, nevertheless, be received made payable at one by the said corporation at the bank, or at any of the officesof discount ance of any baland deposite thereof, if tendered in liquidation or payment
balances due to said corporation, or to such officeof discount and deposite, from any other incorporated bank. SEC. 5. And be it furtherenacted, That it shall not be lawful, after
or
the said third day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six,for the said corporation to hold, keep, and retain, for a period exceeding five years after the date of acquiring the same, any
or or judgment lien in right, title, interest, except by way of mortgage security of debts, to any lands, tenements, and hereditaments, other than in relation to the convenient those requisite for its accommodation
transacting
of its business; and it shall be the duty of said corporation, the aforesaid period of five years, to sell,dispose of, or otherwise within bona fide divest itselfof all right, title,and interest to any lands, tenements,
previously of its dealings, or purchased at sales upon judgments which shall have been obtained for such debts; and for any and every violation of this provision, the said corporation shall be subjectto a penalty of ten thousand dollars, to be recovered in the name
and
hereditaments,
in the
conveyed
to it in satisfaction of debts
contracted
course
of the United States of America, by a qui-tam action of debt instituted in any court of the United States having jurisdiction the same of ; onehalf of which shall enure to the benefit of the informer, and the other
half to the
use
SEC. 6. And
That
thousand
from
500
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
be lawful
for the
have, establish, or retain, more in any State: Provided, That the said corporation
from
directors of the said corporation to than two offices of discount and deposite nothing herein contained shall prevent of the branches which are now
retaining any
be it furtherenacted, That, in consideration of the exclusive benefits and privileges continued by this act to the said corporation for fifteen years as aforesaid, the said corporation shall pay to the
United
lars thousand dolof two hundred in each ; which said sum shall be paid on the fourth day of March and every year, during the said term of fifteen years. SEC. 8. And be itfurtherenacted, That itshall be lawful for Congress
or
yearly
sum
to provide, by law, that the said bank shall be restrained, at any time thousand eight hundred after the third day of March, in the year one and thirty -six,from making, issuing, or keeping in circulation, any notes or bills of said bank, or any of its offices, or denomination of a less sum
than twenty
dollars.
be it
SEC. 9. And
further enacted,
That
the
Cashier
of the
bank
of all shall, annually, report to the Secretary of the Treasury the names stockholders who are not resident citizens of the United States ; and, mit on application of the Treasurer of any State, shall make out and trans-
to such
Treasurer
list of stockholders
such
[SEC.10.
present
of stock owned consist All acts supplementary to the original charter and " not in" to continue in force during the term of the with this act of the bank
"
residing by each.
the President
"
"
A. STEVENSON,
Speaker
of the
House
of Representatives.
J. C. CALHOUN,
Vice President
of the United
States
and
President
of
the Senate.
(Endorsed.)
I,certify, that this act did originate in the Senate.
WALTER
LOWBIE,
Secretary.
"
Senate
Journal,
APPENDICES
501
APPENDIX
GENERAL
STATEMENT
OP THE
V
OF THE
BANK
UNITED
STATES, 1817-36
502
THE
SECOND
STATEMENT
OP
BANK
THE
OP
THE
UNITED
THE
STATES
STATES, 1317-36
"
GENERAL
BANK
OP
UNITED
Continued
iA
minus
were
APPENDICES
GENERAL
STATEMENT
OP THE
503
THE
BANK
OP
UNITED
STATES,
1817-36
"
Continued
from 8. D. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 204-24 ; S. D. 128, 25th Cong., 2d Compiled Sess., pp. 208-11 ; and the monthly reports of the bank.
"
504
THE
SECOND
BANK
PROFITS
OF
THE
UNITED
BANK
STATES
OP
THE
"8.
APPENDICES
505
APPENDIX
EXCHANGE TRANSACTIONS
ANNUAL PURCHASED
"
VI
TOTALS
i
OP
INLAND
BILLS
APPENDIX
RATES
OP
VII
1829-32 Bills purchased or collected, its Offices of Discount and
EXCHANGE,
At which Draughts are sold, and Domestic by the Bank of the United States and Deposit.
'The aggregated totals for the years do not show as much as could be wished. They do show a very large business in exchange, and they show a great increase in the business done, but they do not tell how was money much actually invested in bills of exchange and drafts. This they do not do because the reports are for each drawn for two, three, four, and siz months. Consequently month, while the bills were All things the same transactions must appear repeatedly in the different reports. be the average probably considered, 105 days, or three and a half months, would bills were bought. Therefore, dividing by three and a half, the period for which dealt in by the aggregates of exchange will probably give the yearly amounts yearly here given shows figures for each bank. The first column the sum of the monthly is the firstdivided by three The second column year as given in the bank reports. is fairly accurate, as is evident where a comof computation parison and a half. This method with the figures of others is possible.
506
THE
SECOND
RATES
OP
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
"
STATES
EXCHANGE,
1829-32
Continued
"
2.
APPENDICES
RATES
AT
507
is
WHICH
DOMESTIC
EXCHANGE
PURCHASED
"
APPENDIX
EXCHANGE
TRANSACTION
OP THE
VIII
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
(OOO's omitted)
before 1824. These figures Returns for the individual office are not complete figures for the year. They do not express the totals of the monthly anything but The real totals would be found the relative increase of the operations. approximately by dividing by 3Mi.
are
508
THE
SECOND
EXCHANGE
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
NEW
STATES
TRANSACTIONS
AT
ORLEANS
APPENDIX
DISTRIBUTION
OP
THE
IX
BANK'S
STOCK
Total amount
i
by United States citizens. Mostly pledged, and owned For 1820, 1821, 1822, NILES, Vol. XXI, p. 355; 1823, ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 326, and ; F., Vol. IV, p. 369; 1828, NILES, Vol. XXXV, p. 73 (Sept.27, 1828) 1831, ibid., Vol. XLI, p. 112; 1832, S. D. 31, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.
"
APPENDICES
509
APPENDIX
RULES
AND
X
FOR THE
AND
REGULATIONS OFFICES
OF
GOVERNMENT DEPOSIT
OF
THE
DISCOUNT
It has not been possible to procure a copy of the Rules and Regulations for the Offices. The following have been collected
from various
ART.
sources:
States shall of the United appoint the cashiers of the officesof discount and deposit. ART. 5. It shall be the duty of the cashier carefully to observe the employed under him, and report to the board conduct of all persons instances of neglect, incapacity, or bad conduct as he may discover such
4. The of the in any of them ; daily to examine the settlement of the cash account of the office; take charge of the cash, and whenever the actual amount disagrees with the balance of the cash account, report the same to the
directors
Bank
president and directors without delay ; to attend all meetings of the board ; keep a fair and regular account of its proceedings ; give such information to the board as may be required ; consult with committees requested, on subjects referred by the board ; and also to perwhen form
such other services as may be required of him by the board. ART. 12. There discount day in each week, shall be at least one the directors shall be assembled ; a majority of the members when except for the purpose of settling shall be required to form a quorum, discounts, for which five shall constitute a quorum, and no bill or note be discounted the unexpired term of which exceeds sixty days. shall ART. 14. All bills and notes offered for discount shall be laid before of directors by the cashier on the days assigned for discount, for together with a statement of the funds and situation of the office, information. their
the board
shall not be made on personal security without (the firm of a house being considered as one responsible names only); but if the stock of the Bank of the United States, funded
debt of the United States, or such other property as shall be approved by the board, be deposited and pledged to an amount sufficient to be one the payment, secure with all damages, responsible name may But no accommodation e. note (i. a note, the proceeds of which to be placed to the credit of the drawer) shall be discounted, unless be secured by a deposit of the stock of this bank, or of its payment debt of the United States, or such other property as shall be funded
taken.
are
approved by the board ; together with an express authority to the bank to sell the deposit in case of non-payment at any time after the note due. shall become
510
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
each application for discount, every director who may be present, shall be held to give his opinion for or against the same. And no discount shall be made without the consent of three-fourths of the directors present ; and all notes and bills discounted shall be
to as entered in a book, to be called the Credit Book, in such manner discover to the board, at one view, on each discount day, the amount of either as which any person is discounter, or is indebted to the office,
payer
ART. 16. On
of every person who shall have overdrawn the officesince the last discount day shall be reported to the board ; and no person while he remains an over-drawer, shall have any note or bill discounted by the offices. And in no instance will the debt this bank give a release or discharge to any debtor when
or
as
day, the
name
overdraft. And every officerwho shall knowingly suffer it to the an without communicating overdraft to be made on the office, be dismissed from the service of the office. president and cashier, shall
arises from
an
by
ART. 21. A committee on the state of the office, shall be appointed ballot every three months, to examine and count the discounted
thereof with the balance of the amount the amount compare discounted in the general ledger, they shall also count the cash, of bills and examine the evidences of the other property of the bank, and make inventory of the same to be compared an with the books in order to
notes, and
ascertain their agreement, and make report to the board. 22. The Presidents and Cashiers of offices, ART. scribe shall take, and subto the following effect, to wit : I or an oath, affirmation
do
and abilities, the trust reposed in me as perform assigned of the officeof discount and deposit of the Bank of the United States. ART. 24. The officesof discount and deposite shall receive in payment
the duties to, and
"
swear
of the
as
revenue
of the United
State banks
engagements with specie, and provided they are the notes of banks located in the city or place where the officereceiving is established. And them also the notes of such other banks, as a as the Secretary of the special deposite on behalf of the Government,
redeemed
their [?]
Treasury
may require. 25. The offices of discount and deposite shall, at least once ment every week, settle with the State banks for their notes received in payindividuals to the bank, or for the engagements the revenue, of of
ART.
so
as
to prevent
swelling to
an
venient incon-
in every week, make out respective officesshall, once and transmit to the directors of the Bank of the United States, a distinct abstract of the state of their funds ; which abstract shall ascertain the
amounts
amount of the debts and credits of the office,
of notes issued
APPENDICES
511
by the office, of cash on hand ; and and then in circulation, the amount of cash on hand, how much shall likewise distinguish in the account nating thereof isin specie, and how much in the several kinds of bank notes, desig-
the notes of the parent bank, and those of each officeparticularly. to form ART. 31. The directors of the offices shall be empowered ment and establish all other rules and regulations for the interior managebe not repugnant to law, or to the offices; provided, the same of
the rules and regulations of the Bank of the directors thereof. of the United
APPENDIX
PRICES
OF
XI
BRANCH NOTES
AT
UNITED
1818
STATES
BANK
PHILADELPHIA'
1821 1
1 1 1
September
October 5 November
December
7 2 7 1819
d. d. d. d.
Boston
January-December
1822
d,
January-February
March-April May
d.
January-December
Boston
%d.
to
June July-December
1820
January-May June-December
1823
%d,
%d. %d.
.
.
January-December
Boston Branch
%d.
March-May
4. 2
January-February
September-October
November-December Middletown
d. d.
June-December
l"d.
1824
Branch
2 d.
%d.
par
September-December
1821
J^d.
par
January-December
1 8.
J^d.
512
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
APPENDIX
YEARLY
AVERAGE
XII
CIRCULATION
The
average
as
an
average,
were
began
consequence
real average.
a
two
was
are
averaged.
After
these
APPENDIX
YEARLY AVERAGE
XIII
DEPOSITS
BIBLIOGRAPHY1
BOOKS
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ing Compris-
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cord, Con-
Baltimore Losses and Conspiracy Cases. An Exhibit of the Losses Sustained at the Office of Discount and Deposit, Baltimore, to which is appended a Report on the Conspiracy Cases.
....
Baltimore, Murphy,
1800-1855.
Barker
....
Journalist.
Hart.] Thirty
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Working New
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i
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Miller,Stephen
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The Bench of North America, 1781 to Oct. 1834; with notes and comments. New York, Carvill,1834.
Parton,
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vols. New
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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers. ity and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1897. Published by author10 vols. Washington, Congress by James D. Richardson. of Government
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William
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New
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The Works
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Thurlow.
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PERIODICALS
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can Ameri-
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April 10, 1828. Sketch of Nicholas Biddle. National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, Vol. Ill, p. 12. 3 vols.
Southern Barton.
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Cooper, Thomas.
Dawson, Henry
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Haskell, Louisa P.
Report
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John
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of
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Massachusetts account
Branch
stone and
description of
tian and the Bank of the United States. ChrisVol. XXXI, p. 1, 1842.
DECISIONS
OF
v.
THE
COURTS
Bank
Bank
States
Bank
10
Bank Bank
Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank Bank
Bank
of the United States v. Brent, 2 Cranch C. Ct.,696. of the United States v. Dunn, 6 Peters, 51. of the United States v. Leathers, 8 B. Monroe, 126. of the United States v. Lyman, 1 Blatchford, 297.
of the United States v. McKenzie, 2 Brockenbrough, of the United States v. Magill, 1 Paine, 661.
of the United States of the United States
v.
393.
v.
Northumberland,
v.
5 of the United States v. Sill, Conn., 106. of the United States v. Stearns, 15 Wendell, 314.
Bank
v.
United
States, 2 Howard,
9 Peters, 378.
711 and
Waggener,
City of Louisville v. Bank of the United States,3 B. Monroe, Commonwealth v. Morrison, 2 A. K. Marshall, 75. Findlay's Executors
Fleckner
v.
Bank
Bank
518
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Ludlow v. Kidd, 3 Ohio, 48. McCulloch v. The State of Maryland, 4 Wheaton, Magill v. Parsons, 4 Conn., 317.
Martin
v.
316.
of the United States, 4 Washington, 253. Osborn v. Bank of the United States, 9 Wheaton, 738. Sill v. Bank of the United States, 5 Conn., 102. Smith v. Frye, 5 Cranch C. Ct.,515. Bank State
State State
ex
v.
rel. Berney
v.
Buchanan, Common
v. v.
Pleas, 3 Ohio, 49. Bank of the United States, 5 Howard, Brewster, 7 Peters, 164.
1 Baldwin, 292. 382.
State
United States United States United States United States United States
United States
v.
v. v. v.
Hinman,
Noble, 5 Cranch
C. Ct., 371.
United States
v.
DOCUMENTS
Annals of Congress.
Monthly
for
22d Cong., 2d
Senate
Document
4,
No. 98, 22d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 147, 22d Cong., 1st Sess. No. No.
2, 23d 12, 23d
Cong.,
1st Sess.
Reports
Reports
of
the government
of the government
Monthly
reports
of the bank
BIBLIOGRAPHY
519
Vols. Ill, IV, and V, passim, 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 21, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. The French billand branch drafts. No. 42, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. Branch drafts.
No.
Letter from the secretary of the treasury in relation to the official roceedings of the government p directors of the Bank of the United States, December
45, 23d
Cong., 2d Sess.
29, 1834.
exchange and rates of collection by the Bank of the United States and itsbranches. No. 79, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. Circular letter of the secretary of the treasury stopping receipt of branch No. 204, 24th Cong., 1st Sess.,pp. 2-13.
No. 46, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. No. 71, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. Domestic
the bank, February and March, 1836. No. 118, 24th Cong., 2d Sess. Valuable
bank House House
in 1835-1836.
the
Journals. Reports:
25, 1818, No. 92, 15th Cong., 2d Sess. Investigation, November Pp. 493. See also folio State by the committee of the House.
Papers. No. 358, 21st Cong., 1st Sess. No. 312, 22d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 460, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.,April 30, 1832. Investigation of 1832 by Mr. Clayton, on behalf of the committee of the Washington, 1832. Pp. 568. Abstract of monthly House. reports, January, 1829-May, 1832, pp. 331 S. Polk's report.
McDuffie's report.
No. 121, 22d Cong., 2d Sess. No. 263, 23d Cong., 1st Sess.
No. 313, 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 481 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 272, 24th Cong., 2d Sess.
Reports
on
Senate Documents:
No. 193, 20th Cong., 1st Sess.
No. 195, 20th Cong., 1st Sess. No. 7, 20th Cong., 2d Sess. No. 44, 20th Cong., 2d Sess.
520
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
Sess.
Report
on
the finances by
Samuel
Smith, 1829.
No. 50, 22d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 79, 22d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 98, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.
No. 4, 22d
Document
Cong., 2d Sess.
8, 22d
House
Executive
No. 82, 22d Cong., 2d Sess. No. 2, 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 16, 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 17, 23d Cong., 1st Sess. No. 24, 23d Cong., 1st Sess.
Correspondence between
the bank
on the French bill. and the Treasury Department No. 8, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. Monthly statements of the bank,
June-December,
No. 13, 23d
treasury
on
1834.
Cong., 2d
Sess.
of the secretary of the of keeping and disbursing the with the former agency of the
15, 1834.
Report
of the United States, December No. 17, 23d Cong., 2d Sess. Report
Bank
on of the Committee 18, 1834. 8vo, pp. 1Finance, with documents, December 340 and 1-9. Abstract of monthly reports, 1818-34 (October),
pp. 208-24.
Monthly
January-October,
1835, pp.
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521
No. 180, 26th Cong., 2d Sess. No. 22, 27th Cong., 1st Sess.
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The
most
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contents
Department,
Memorial
321 ff., 345 ff.;for 1824, 1825, 1826, 1827, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff., 548 ff 902 ff. .,
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Means
Had
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Senate Report.
Committee
522
THE
Sundry made
SECOND
Banks
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
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THE
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States.
Buren,
To the Stockholders of the Bank of the United Alexandria, August 27, 1825, Henry Pittman, printer.
Martin.
Letter from
Hon.
Martin
Van
Buren, Vice-
President of the United States,Relative to the Bank of the United States, with an Explanatory Introduction. London,
Part of letter to Sherrod Williams. Virginian [pseudo.]. Reflections Excited by the Present State of Banking Operations in the United States. By a Virginian.
John
Miller, 1836.
Washington,
Virginian
1818.
The [pseudo.].
Second
War
of the Revolution;
or,
The
526
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
Virginian.
Washington,
1839.
Weightman,
Bank.
Roger
C.
M.
Stockholder in the
Washington,
Reuben
1825.
Whitney,
M. Whitney to the of Reuben Honorable House of Representatives, United States,in Relation to the Charges Made against Him before the Committee of Investigation
Memorial
of the United
States.
S.
Statutes at Large.
of Maryland. of Tennessee
Statutes of Ohio
INDEX
JOHN ADAMS. QUINCT: convinced of 145 ; on source bank s imprudence, of Jackson's nostility to bank, 173;_member of committee of investigation in 1832, 230 ; on advancing salaries to con253 ; on the 3 per cents., 273 ; reaks friendship with Richard Rush, 355.
of, 1-7; plans of, 10-12, 14-18; bill to charter, passed, 21; subscriptions ducements to capital stock of, 22 ; inAGENCIES, 42, 400. to banks offered state ALABAMA: opposes of establishment by, 25, 26, 454 ; condition of, in resume branch, 165 ; State Bank of, 441. 1817-18, 28-37; speculation and fraud BenATTACKS ON (see Barbonr, at, 39 ; condition of, in 1818-19, 57, 58, .BANK to save 61, 68-70, 412, 413; measures ton, House, Jackson, Kendall, Senate, Cheves, 71-80; trials of officers Webb.) under of, 78, 79 ; state of business at, under WALTER, 430. BAQEHOT, Cheves, 80-82; hatred of, 84; services 35, 36, 51, WITH BANKS, BALANCES STATE ness of 1825, 106-8; busiof, in stringency 57, 62, 63, 84-6, 97, 318, 322, 324, 445, 446. at, in 1823-28, 110-13; controls fit foreign exchange BALTIMOBE, 39, 40, 42. after 1827, 112 ; beneof, of, to the West, 130-31 ; success BRANCH BALTIMORE (see Branches; by July, 1831, 133; expansion of, in Branches, southern) : established in 1831-32, 136, 137, 142, 145, 147, 413, 414; 1816, 23: frauds at, 39, 45-50; officers of. in 1831-32, 146-51, embarrassments of, 42 ; business at, in 1817-18; 43, 44 ; 153, 160; forces tending to destroy, 164, directors of, 45, 46 ; curnegligence of tailments 165, 167; forces tending to conserve, of discounts, 51, 52, 150; 167, 168 ; hold of, on popular favor, 169, taxed, 64 ; capital of, 1819, 55 ; losses at, 338, 339; applies for re-charter, 221,223, new 66; refuses to make curtailment 224 ; relations of, with the press, 256-67 ; directors and officers in 1819, 68, 69 ; new contraction of, in 1833-34, 298, 299, 313 ; capital assigned of, 78 ; no permanent in 1834, 336-38; plans to re-charter to, in 1823, 80 ; Democrats appointed loses favor in 1834, 338-40; popular directors at, 246; receipt or branch r6sume of transactions of, in 1835, 359 ; notes at, 310-12 : depreciation of notes up, 368, 371, 372; state of, at winding 417; sold, 366, of other branches at, Bevan becomes president of, 372, 373; note 9, 368. committee of, 259, 262, 273, exchange BANK : attempts to establish an opposition, 279-84 ; position of president of, under 213, 289. rules of 1833, 274; difficulties of, with BANK BILLS (seeAppendices I and IV) : in state banks, 27, 84-9, 382, 383, 446, 447, 360; center of a single banking 1813-16: first,7, 8; second, 8, 9; third, reserve 10, 11 ; fourth, 14 ; fifth,15, 16 ; sixth, 17 ; system, 430, 432, 434 ; only guarantor of 430, 431 ; amount specie payments, of seventh, 18, 20 ; in 1832, 235, 236 ; in 1834, held by, 431, 432 ; lack of 336-8. specie reserve unity between state banks and, 433, BANK: to settle affairs of, commission 434, 450 : control of state banks by, 434373. 43, 451, 452 ; method stateof improving BANK DEMOCRATS (seeDemocrats). bank paper by, 435-8 ; state-bank notes BANK IN POLITICS (see Charges against received byt 436, 455, 456 ; difficultiesof, in transferring government funds, 462, : the bank, and the individual oilicos) 463 ; specific acts of, as treasury agent, party and affiliations of directors 464; advantages on munity, appointed of, to business comofficers,174 ; Democrats directorates, 181, 182, 186, 189, 200, 245472, 473 ; no evidence of corruption 252, 255 ; becomes Bank 47 ; destiny of bank linked with that of at, 243, of 372. National Republicans, 222. the UnitedStates of Pennsylvania,
fressmen.
Exchange, Government, Relations of to, Investigations bank of. Issues Loans Jones, of, Losses of, of, SurReal Notes estate, of. Panic, debt. Stock, fund, Suspended leading to estockholders) : events tablishme
"lus
BANK UNITED STATES, First, 1, OF THE 18, 21. BANK UNITED STATES, Second OP THE Bank bills, (see Agencies, Balances, in politics, Bank Bank Biddle, war, Board, Parent, charges against Bank, Cheves, Circulation, Constitutionality, Discounts, Curtailment, Dividends,
BANK
STOCK
(seeStock, bank).
BANK : cause WAR of, 232 ; beginning of, 242; consequences of struggle for reposits, charter, 285; and removal of the deindemnity 287-97; and French bill, 299-302; and "transfer drafts/' funds, 305-8 ; and 302-5 ; and pension directors, 308-10. acts of government
527
528
BANKING
BAEBOUR,
HARBOUR,
THE
HOUSES
SECOND
:
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
dreads
BARING
BARRY, BENNETT,
JAMES
GORDON,
257, 258.
BENTON,
HART THOMAS : presents tions resoludeposits, in regard to government 170; presents resolutions against recharter, 205 ; attacks branch drafts, 12022, 127-31 ; resolves on investigation of bank, 228, 229 ; asserts that offices are located from political considerations, 398; complains of bank's action in Missouri, 442 : and removal of deposits, 296 ; asserts that bank seeks to embarrass state banks, 310; on the panic of 327, 349. 1833-34,
ness, bill busiof western renewal 395; attitude of, toward press. to expend 257, 258, 263-7; permitted funds without giving vouchers, 265; tees, proxies held by, 274 ; appoints commit275; loans on his own responsibility, 278; controls the board, 279; debt and of suspended management branch notes, real estate by, 400 ; on 417, 418: on elasticity of currency, 423; bank as on guarantor ments, of specie pay430. 431 ; on power of bank over proving state banks, 438; on methods of imvantages currency, 450; on bank's adto business community, 472 1; charges by directors, and note against, 282, 283 ; not responsible for downfall of bank, 284: becomes dent presiStates of of Bank of the United Pennsylvania, 372. T. " Co., 273, 275, 277, 278.
RECEIVABLE,
BEVAN, BIDDLE,
MATTHEW,
BIDDLE, BILLS
NipnoLAa: character, 93, 274, director, 275; appointed government 93 ; elected president of bank, 93 ; policy, 94-7, 99-101, 383, 384, 405, 406: evolves for control of branches, 101-5 measures foresight of, 384; conservatism and in 1825, 106J-8; plan of, for keeping branch capitals localized, 114, 115, 406 ; lays branch-draft before proposition Binney and Webster, 117 ; on character of branch drafts, 125 ; neglects charges
office, against president of Portland 389 ; on bank's duty in 1828, 434; reports July, 1831, 132; success of his measures,
281.
HORACE: BINNEY, member of central board, 117, 118; asserts legality of branch drafts,118 ; agent of bank during for re-charter, 224, 251; struggle 2 79; supcommittee, upholds exchange ports Calhoun's plan for re-charter in 1834, 336. BLAIR,
nati Cincinconcerning neglects warnings branch, 391; dismayed Biddle, BOARD, PARENT (see Bank, at New Cheves, Jones) : political complexion Orleans bill purchases, 157, 162 ; opposes to politics at boards, 171, 243-7, 250, 251, of, 22, 244; invites state banks branches, 24; proposals discuss resumption, 285; repels charges to against 176, 178, 187, 188; correspondence of, state banks, in 1817, 26; mismanagement by, 1817-18, 28-33, 35 ; ignorance 172-9, 288; correspondence with Ingham, Lewis, 182, 184, 186-9, of, with of, in 1817 and 1832, 32t 395 ; discounts 191, 200, 246, 247; appoints Democrats stock loans, 32 ; resolutions of August, directorates, 181, 182, 186, 189, 200, 1818, 35, 41, 51, 52; complicity in fraud on 245-7; refuses to place Democrats on 40-42: establishes speculation, and London 42 ; collects special Louisville board, 247 ; submits plan for agency, debt, 190, 191 ; deposits, 456, 457 ; selects state banks extinction of government interview of, with Jackson, 192, 193; as treasury agents, 457, 458 ; and stock loans at branches, 47, 48; calls for 199,205 ; secures circulates publications, Gallatin, 199, 200; attiin 1818, 51, 52, 62; retreatise from tude curtailment formed Cheves, 78j 82; appeals under of, January to May, 1831, 206, 207 ; for Congress to McLane and of unites with Livingston modifications Jackson's to reto secure assent charter, 75, 91, 116, 117; strengthened Biddle, 102; takes government under charter, 208-10; decides to apply for loans, 73, 454, 471 ; directors of, sit at re-charter, 214, 215, 217, 221; loans to branch boards in cities where resident, Girard's bank, 432, 433; procures 102, 103 ; creates assistant cashiers, 104 ; petitions and resolutions for re-charter, loans on six months' 224 ; willing to frame bill to suit Jaekpaper, permits last attempt 225-7; makes to se109 ; sellsforfeited shares of bank stock, cure son, 109 ; authorizes issue of branch drafts, Jackson's assent, 232; on the veto rows, to secure 119; attempts state stock, message, 241; relations of, with Burdealings in West 134; extends Webb, and Noah, 258-64 ; and the and Southwest, 134, 137 ; orders contraction 3 268-73; denounces per cents., formed in 1831, 146, 147 ; applies for re-charter, McLane, 286, 287: inJackson and 221, 223,224; circulates veto message, its, concerning of deposremoval 241 ; policy of, unchanged to government 292, 294; opposed after campaign directors in 1834, 309, 810 ; insists upon of the of 1832, 285 ; postponement 269-73, 473; orders in 1833-34, 314, 316, 329-31, 8 per cents., contraction Webster's 339; supports port contraction of 1833-34, 298, 299, 313 ; replan for reof of, on removal of committee charter in 1834, 336; public interest in, house, 356; deposits, 316 ; petitions for restoration 353; fortifies bank and
PRESTON FRANCIS : charges complicity of branches in politics, 171 ; editor of Globe, 199 ; loans to, 256 ; urges removal of deposits, 287, 295 ; founds Extra Globe in 1834, 355; points out for bank's overthrow, 357. reasons
INDEX
529
of deposits, 335 ; policy in 1835, 360, 362, of of, 379, 399; advantages 365, 367, 268; petitions for settlement branch 376, 400-402, 422, 423, system. in 1837, 374; redeems 467 ; defects of branch system, 402, 403 ; with government in bank, 372-75; government shares remedies for defects of branch system, 403. bills of exchange, on charges premium favors 138; grants to congressmen, BRANCHES, eastern (see Boston. Buffalo, 252-5; contributes to public improvements, Burlington, Hartford, Middletown, 255; small attendance of, at Portland, New York, Philadelphia. 279; authorizes meetings, exchange ness Portsmouth. Providence, Utica) : busito make loans, 280, 281 ; recommittee sponsible in 1818, 34, 55, of nearly destroyed for bank's ruin, 281^1 ; and 56 ; contract in 1832, 148, 151 ; receipt of branches, the 376-9, 384, 387-95; branch at, 1833, 310-12; issues notes takes cognizance of charges against of, 409, 410. branch officials, 178, 389, 390 ; attitude BRANCHES, SOUTHERN (see Baltimore, of, toward state banks, 97, 440, 443, 446-8. Norfolk, Charleston, Fayetteville, BOSTON BRANCH (seeBranches, eastern): Richmond, Savannah,Washington) : officers in 1816, 23; discounts at, established and and boards of, incompetent 34, 55, 125, 150; capital, in 1819, 56; depreciation disobedient, 32, 33, 35; fail to reduce, 416; attempted of notes, 52, 54, 148 ; excessive issues, 54 ; capital removal of deposits at, 202; closing issue of in 1819, 55, 56 ; directed to cease 367, 368. up, notes, 70, 81, 82; investigated under BRANCH DRAFTS: by John Cheves, 79; expansion at, in 1832. 147; suggested Forsyth, 117 ; Binney, Webster, directed to curtail, in 1832, 147 ; issues and Wirt affirm legality of, 118; invented of, 34, 410-12. in 1827, 132; issue of, authorized, 119; BRANCHES, SOUTHWESTERN (see Mobile, form of, 119 and note 2; accepted by Natchez, New Orleans) : dealings in exchange treasury, 119; decision of court concerning, at, 142, 144 ; directed to curtail 120, 121; status of, 120^5, in 1832, 147, 162; issues of, 410-12. 131 ; convertibility of, 125-7 ; opinion BRANCHES, WESTER_N (see Chillicothe, 125-7, concerning, of W. G. Sumner Louisville, Cincinnati, Lexington, issued, 128, 129; branches 130; amount Nashville, Pittsburg, St. Louis) : officers issuing, 128, 129 ; used to restrain stateincompetent obedient, and boards and disbank issues, 441, 442; forbidden in bill 32, 33, 35 ; fail to reduce, 54 ; by government of 1832, 119; receipt excessive issues, 54 ; capital in 1819, 56 ; officials, prohibited, 119, 452. directed to cease issue of notes, 70, 81, BRANCHES Boston, (see Baltimore, to issue 82, 404, 405, 415, 455 ; permitted Branch drafts, Buffalo, Burlington, five-dollar notes, 75, 81 ; investigated branches, Capitals Charleston, of in exCheves, 79; dealings change, under Chillicothe, Cincinnatij Fayetteville, in 1832, 147 ; 142-4 ; expansion Hartford, Issues, Lexington, ville, Louisdirected to curtail in 1832, 147, 162; Mobile, Middletown, Nashville, perilous business of, 395, 413; issues New Natchez, New Orleans, York, of, 34, 411, 412. Norfolk, Notes of branches, phia, PhiladelISAAC, 291. BRONSON, Pittsburg, Portland, Portsmouth, Richmond, A. : president Balti Providence, St. Louis, Savannah, BUCHANAN, JAMES Utica, Washington) : charter more of parent office, 42; director 376, 377 ; estabboard, 43; speculates in stock, 40, 43, provisions concerning, lishment 44; fraudulent transactions of, 45-50; of, 23, 379, 384, 385, 398; settlement of accounts resigns, 78 ; tried for conspiracy, 79. of, 30; administration Jones, 379, 380 ; of, under BUFFALO BRANCH (see Branches, eastern): taxed, 64, 65, 89, 90 ; restrictions on, under established, 384, note 6; closed, Cheves, 76, 380, 381, 405, 426 ; attempt 366, 79; control of. to reduce or, number TRISTRAM, 349. BURGESS, Biddle, 95-7, 101-5, 383-95; Tinder difficultiesof management 390, 392 ; BURLINGTON BRANCH (seeBranches, eastof, ern): directors of, how chosen, 101, 102; duties established, 384, note 5; closed, 103, 104 ; presidents 366. of cashiers of, by assistant of, 102, 384, 387 ; oversight SILAS E., 224, 257-62. BURROWS, board, 104, 384 ; suscashier of parent pension BUSINESS, dustry) OF STATE (see Trade and in390; orof rules governing, dered to curtail in 1831, 146; charges F., 301. BENJAMIN 171-3, 248-51 ; contraction BUTLER, against, at, 1833-34, 316-22; closed, 366, 367-9; CABINET, 193, 207, 219, 295. remaining unsold in 1835, 367; rules THOMAS Ingham cor: on CADWALADER, respondenc and regulations of, 377 and Appendix 177; bank's at agent X ; cashiers of, 103, 377, 378, 384 ; knowledge 217-21 ; on Washington, the veto, 238, board concerning, 377, of central 240: postponement of the 3 per cents, 378 ; under influence of politics,381, 382 ; and, 269-72. for establishment reasons of, 384, 385 ; JOHN C. : suggests boards CALHOUN, ment establishauthority of branch and officers, importance 885-7; relative of of, of bank in District, 7 ; member Dal397, 398; applications for, 398, 399; location committee bank, 8; opposes on
_
"
530
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
las's plan, 11, 12, 15 ; plan for a hank, 12; member to of Select Committee bill, 13, 18; Calhounconsider bank LowndesFederalist 15, compromise, 16 ; brings in bill of 1816, 18 ; opinion of hostility to bank, source of Jackson's 113,173; complains of political activity branch, 250; supports of Charleston bank in 1834,338; plan for re-charter in 1834, 336-8 ; bitter against Jackson,
349.
CHTVES,
CAMBEELENO,
C. C., 228.
OP
1832, 285.
GEORGE
OF BANK
:
W., 1, 3, 4, 9.
tirely specie part of, not enernment of govpaid, 41, 58, 59 ; amount stock subscribed to, 470 ; shifts to South and West in 1818, 35, 55, 56, 74, 404; distribution of, 56, note 1; 80, note 5 ; management of, under Cheves, 72, 73, 108 ; assignment of, to branches, 73, 77, 80 ; restored by January, 1821, 80 ; proportion of circulation to, 407 ; proportion of loans to, 432.
: deemed FIXED by Jones, 30 ; assigned, 73, to keep fixed, 74-7, 77, 80; measures 114, 115, 406.
LANGDON: speaker, 9; opposes Dal las's plan, 11,15; character of, 70; reforms in bank makes management, 71-80 ; restricts note issues. 70, 75 ; effect of measures of, on bank's business, 80,81; aims of, 72; as a banker, 72,82, 83, 380-S3; asks Crawford not to receive branch paper in payment ernment of govdues,75; secures new arrangements for transfers, 463, 464 ; restrains state banks, 77,78, 439, 440; places restriction branches, 76, 380, 381, 405. on 426; attempts to reduce or number branches, 79; issues under, 81 ; difficulties with the Georgia state banks, 84-9, 382, 383 ; pays out state-bank notes, 97, 439, 440; resigns, 91, 92.
AGENCY,
BRANCH
: established
CHILLICOTHE CHILLICOTHE
400.
western)
taxed, 398.
CINCINNATI
CINCINNATI
CAPITALS
OF
BRANCHES
unnecessary
CAREY,
MATTHEW,
266.
CASS, LEWIS,
295, 306.
THE
CHARGES
AGAINST
BANK
IN
1818-19,
99,110, 115, 116, 133, 136; reduction of, branches from political establishing in 1833-34, 324; in 1835, 359, 265; wide 398, 399; of corrupt reconsiderations, lations dispersion of, 407 ; inflation of, 420, 423, bing with the press, 256-67 ; of job424 ; various elements of, 428 ; proportion in 3 per cent, stock, 267-73 ; by R. 431, 432. of, to specie reserve, M. Whitney, 275-7 ; of granting illegal to exchange CLAY, HENRY 279: speaker powers committee, of the house, 8 ; " to favorable 84; in Jackson's 296, 297 ; of a paper," committee appoints to embarrass bank in 1815, 18; attitude on question state banks, seeking 310. of application for re-charter in 1830-32, 1833, 335-8 ; 215-17 ; tactics in December, CHARLESTON BRANCH (see Branches, Webster's opposes re-charter bill in in 1816, 23 ; capi: established tal southern) Jackson, 345, over 1834, 338; triumphs of, in 1819,56; losses at, in 1819, 66; 346. 346 ; injures the bank's cause, cannot reduce, 150, 326, 393, 394 ; charges AUGUSTINS., 138, 228, 229, 249, portance CLAYTON, of political activity, 171, 249, 250; im333. of, 397, 398 ; and the Bank of the State of South Carolina, 447 ; closed, DE WITT, 65. CLINTON, 369, note 9, 368. COLT, R. L., 94. CHARTER Jack(see Bank bills, Biddle, son) quire HOUSE, Select: to inOF : passage COMMITTEES of, in 1816, 21 ; text of, I ; provisions of, respecting Appendix into expediency of establishing a bill embodying bank's 453, bank, 8; to consider relations to government, 13 ; 465 ; provisions of, respecting branches, Calhoun's plan with amendments, 15 ; to to reconsider Dallas's measure, 376, 277 ; provisions of, respecting issues, in18 ; of vestigat 115, 404 ; provisions message, of, respecting relaconsider Madison's tions tion in 1818, 58, 138 ; of investigato treasury, 288, 465; provision in in 1832, 230; or investigation of, respecting purchase of government 1834, 342. Ways and Means : supports stock, 267,.268; act additional to, 60; bank petitions for modifications in, 75, bill to erect bank in District, 8; reports for national bank 91, 116, 117 ; provisions with of bill of 1832, resolution ably 232-8, 451; nope in branches, 10 ; refuses to report favorof securing new, 1833-4, 329-31, 336-8, 346; from sylvania, Pennon petition of bank, 117 ; reports 359, 367, 371, 372. in favor of bank in 1830, 198 ; reports
to ex58-60 ; of using bills of exchange tort ing usurious rates, 138-40 ; of expandfrom political moand contracting tives, 160, note 2; of trying to secure Jackson's defeat in 1828, 171 ; of political action at the branches, 248-51 j of
CINCINNATI BRANCH in 1817, 23, note 3: : established discounts of, in June, 1818, 34; capital of, in 1819, 56; taxed, 65, 89, 90; withdrawn in October, 1820, 79, 80, 398 ; reestablis in 1825, 398; embarrassments at in 1832, 151 ; loose business of, in 1832, 155, 391, 413; issues of, 414; charges against officials of, neglected, in 1835, 366. 391 ; loans of, cease CIRCULATION OF BANK (see Issues, Notes) : in March, 1817, 28; in 1818, 30; in 1818-19, 53, 54; under reduction Cheves, 81, 96, 97 ; under Biddle, 96, 98,
INDEX
deposits are safe in that government bank, 289; resolutions of, in 1834, 334, 341. Finance: SENATE, OF THE COMMITTEES bank's right to hold governsupports ment deposits without compensation, 170; in 1830, 198; in 1834, 255, 264,265,
335, 356, 358.
531
for. in 1833-34, 298, 299;
bank
counts justified in, in 1833, 314, 315; of disin 1833-34, 316, 319-22; restrictions in 1833-34, bills of exchange 317, 319-22 ; amount and distribution of, in 1833-34, 321, 322; effect on tion, circuladeposits, and supply of specie, in 1834, 324, 325 ; effect on public opinion in 1834, 348, 349, 351 ; bank strengthened by, in 1834, 325, 326 ; suffering occasioned by, in 1834, 326-8 ; purpose of the bank in, 328-31, 339; relieved by the bank, March, 1834, 344 ; end of, 1834, 347, 348.
on
COMPKOMISE
CONGRESS Senate,
298. Committees (see of House and House, Senate) : refuses to recharter bank in 1811, 1 ; fails to provide bond 1 ; authorizes revenue, war a ALEXANDER J. : appointed secDALLAS, retary issues 1812-14, 2; authorizes emission terest pajr inof treasury, 9 ; cannot of treasury notes, 3; increases taxes, 4; debt, 6; believes on national bank bill,21 ; jointresolution of passes for disordered bank national only remedy April 30, 1816, 23; creates bank commissioner finances, 10 ; plan for bank, 10, loans and pension agent, of 14, 15, 17 ; annihilates Calhoun's plan, in 1819, 58-60 ; rebank 305 ; supports fuses 13 ; final plan in 1815, 18 ; favors Jones to modify bank charter, 75 ; refuses for president of bank, 22, 244 ; proposes to allow signers of additional to state banks, 23. resumption for renotes, 91, 116, 117; application M., 221, 223-5, 232. GEORGE DALLAS, charter in, 224 ; position of parties in, to, DEBT, in 1833, 332-4; bank's memorial NATIONAL (seeNational debt). for restoration of the deposits, 335; DEMOCRACY, 167, 175, 248, 296. to, 1834, 335, 354; adjourns memorials DEMOCRATS: branch on appointed in 1834 without taking action, 347 ; empowers boards, 181, 182, 186, 189, 200, 245-7 ; attitude Woodbury to settle with the bank, 175, 296, 351 ; positoward tion bank, 1836, 373, 375.
TARIFF,
:
CONGRESSMEN CONNECTICUT:
208, 252-5.
attempts to tax
bank
DEPOSITS:
stock, 165. 7, 9, CONSTITUTIONALITY THE OF BANK, 12, 16, 19, 164, 184, 198, 202, 205, 333, 334.
amount of, compared with circulation, 422, 428, 429 ; elasticity of, 427.
GOVERNMENT:
DEPOSITS,
concerning,
arrangement
FUND
UNDER
BIDDLE, 302-5.
133.
DRAFTS,"
(see Curtailment,
Panic,
Stringency).
THOMAS,
AT
CORRUPTION
243, 252, 255.
no
evidence
of,
COURIER
AND
ENQUIRER,
in 1817, 26; "special," 455170; early 57; resolutions concerning, to remove, 177, 202, 206; reattempts moval of bank of, 287-97, 335; accounts treasury 457-60; concerning, with amount of, held by bank, 465 : difficulty from bank, 473, of securing promptly 474 ; safety of, in bank, 458, 464, 465. 99, 111, 134, 136, 324. DEPOSITS, PRIVATE,
DESHA, DICKINS, DISCOUNTS DIVIDENDS
JOSEPH,
ASBURY,
CRAWFORD,
the
WILLIAM H. : secretary of 23 ; circular treasury, to state 23; sanctions banks, tween beagreement
(seeLoans
OF
bank and state banks regarding of 4 per cent., January, semi-annual, 25; resumption, objects to bank's in London, 1818, 29; foreign, payable on 138; charging premium exchange, 41 : payment delinquent to stockholders, in payments receives state-bank notes 58, 59: not to be paid until to government, 454, 455; holds bank responsible original capital intact, 72; of V/2 per for safety of public funds in July, 1821, 80 ; stockcent, declared holders banks, 460; refuses Cheves's request state dissatisfied with smallness of, in to receive branch paper not Biddle, 111. 109 ; under dues, 75. payment of government DOMESTIC EXCHANGE (see Exchange, CRSCKETT, DAVID, 254.
BANK
inland).
CROWNINSHIELD, CURRENCY
:
B. W., 245.
37, 421, 443-6; state of, 5, 29Ji8, improvement Biddle, 99, 443, under 444; lack of, in 1832, 151, 152; amount of, in circulation, 444 ; methods ing of improvsuggested, 450.
DRAFTS: of the bank, bank, given by the banks, 302-5. DRAFTS, DUANE,
BRANCH
(see Branch
drafts).
WILLIAM
CURTAILMENT
ure : in 1818-19, 51-4, 57 ; failthe of, in 1819, 54-8; effect on country in 1819, 61-3 ; continued, in 1819^ 20, 71; ordered in 1831, 146, 147, 162; failure of, in 1831-32, 147-51 ; responsibility
ELECTIONS
the (see Charges against in 1832, 241, 242, 285; in 1834, 355, spring, 345 ; in 1834, congressional, 356.
bank):
EPPES,
JOHN
W., 7, 8, 10.
532
EWINQ,
THE
THOMAS,
SECOND
237, 350.
OF,
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
COMMITTEE
FOREIGN,
111, 112.
principal of French Bill,300; declines to receive by bank, state bank notes not approved 436, 437 ; connection with state banks, 454,460-62.
cents., 146; pays
Indemnity
EXCHANGE, INLAND : restrictions regarding leans bills of, 76 ; operations at New Orput on safer footing, 96 : dealings in early years, 140; under Biddle, 98, 112, 133, 136, 140-44, 147, 157, 406; equalization of term, 137 ; slight of, meaning dealings in, by banks, 138; used as device to evade laws, 138-40; usury "race-horse" bills,32, 158, 159 ; bank's in securing, 140, 141 ; rates advantages ing of, 141, 142, 315, 317, 319, 320; durof 1833-34, 314-17, 319contraction 22; in 1835, 360, 362, 370; part of the circulation, 428 ; use of, in transfer of funds, 467. government
GOVERNMENT
FAYETTEVILLE
note
291, 308-10. DIRECTORS, GOVERNMENT: the relations of, with bank, reasons for government connection, 19; charter provisions concerning, 20, 453; stock subscribed to bank, 470; in early advantages of connection to years, 27, 28, 453-60; loans of bank 28, 73, 454,471 ; bank, comgovernment, missioner agent, of loans ana pension 305; arrangement of 1820 regarding notes, 455, 456; accounts state bank ernment with the trftasury, 457-9, 463. 464 ; govliquidates stock note of $7,000,000in 1831, 134; stock in bank redeemed by bank, 372-5; usefulness of bank's notes to government, 453, 454 ; funds, 76, 77, transfer of government
462-8; safety of government funds, 458, 464, 465 ; government's means of control, 465 ; disbursements by bank, 468, made 469: profit to government from connection, 467, 469, 471, 474; profit to bank from 475, 476; losses to connection, bank, 469, 470; disadvantages to bank, 74, 75, 310-12; government account 471 ; difficulty of securing overdrawn, deposits, prompt payment of government 473, 474; probable benefit of bank to government today, 474-6.
FEDERALISTS:
14, 15;
Lowndes's support attack on Calhoun's final plan, 18 ; share plan, 13 ; oppose in firstdirectorate of the bank, 22.
FINANCES,
1-7.
state of during
war
of 1812,
tempore
FISHER, JAMES C. : president pro of the bank, 60. FISK, JONATHAN, 8, 10, 12, 13.
JOHN : approves FORSYTE, Dallas's plan, 13; 12; member of Select Committee, first points out possibility of issuing large sum branch drafts, 117 ; borrows from bank, 253; opposes bank in 1834, 335. FRENCH FUNDED
134.
INDEMNITY DEBT UNDER BILL,
GREEN, GRUNDY,
DUFF,
FELIX, JAMES
HAMILTON,
HAMILTON,
ALEXANDER,
HARDING,
JESPER,
299-302, 374.
110, 133,
GALES
AND
SEATON,
HARTFORD BRANCH (see branches, eastern), established In 1824, 398; losses at, June, 1835, 366. 388 ; closed HAYNE, Y., 250, 447. ROBERT
GALLATIN,
from ALBERT: the resigns HILL, ISAAC, 171-5, 177. Treasury, 1 ; on bank's dealings in exchange, HOUSE REPRESENTATIVES OF (see Bank bank, 199, 200, 138; treatise on bills,Committees integrity in 205: oelieves in bank's of House, Congress): initiates bank legislation, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15, matter of 3 per cents., 273; opposes 18; Dallas bill lost in, 15; debate in, deposits, 291: chairman of removal investigation of 1818, 58-60 : refuses over in 1834, 343; on relation union committee to pass bills modifying to state banks, 435, 445, charter, 116; of bank to 451. sell government rejects motion shares in bank, 169, 289; rejects resolutions 13, 14. GASTON, WILLIAM, against constitutionality of : state banks GEORGIA of, 84-9, 440. 202; passes bill to re-charter, bank, declares deposits safe in bank in D., 308. 235 ; GILPIN, HENRY 1833, 289 ; votes of, in regard to bank in 22, 145, 432, 433. GIRARD, STEPHEN, Jackson in pen1834, 334, 341 ; supports sion BANK, 302-4, 432, 433. GIRARD 306, 307 : attacks upou controversy, 285, 286, 327, 353. in, 319, 350. Jackson GLOBE, 199, 256,
CHARLES INGERSOLL, J. : labors in behalf M., 61, 433, 466. of the bank, 206, 225. 226, 251 ; criticises serts policy of bank publications, 266; deGOVERNMENT (seeDeposits, Government, 340; feeling the bank's cause, Relations of bank to) : war stock of, to in 1834, 354, against, in Philadelphia be subscribed to bank, 10 ; stock held by 355. bank, 28, 134; redeems na$13.000,000f tional o INGHAM, SAMUEL D. : approves debt in 1817,28 ; demands $2,000,000 Dallas's of its deposits in specie, 57; demands plan, 12; member of select committee to in $6,000,000 1831 to discharge the 3 per selectCalhoun's plan, 13; complains GOUGE,
WILLIAM
GLOBE,
extra, 355.
INDEX
633
tention " paper " of, on to Biddle of Mason, 172 ; disclaims inof deposits, removal Duane, to convert bank into party ma293, 296, 297 ; and 292-4 ; penchine, sion funds and, 303 ; threatens to pro173 ; correspondence hibit with Biddle for 172-9, 288; objects to commission government receipt of branch funds abroad, drafts, 312; holds bank responsible for transferring government 178 ; suggests mous anonyremoval of deposits, 288. panic of 1833-34, 328; receives letters, 353 ; censure of, by Senate, IN 1818-19 : 58INVESTIGATION OF BANK 335,345. 346; public feeling against in 60 ; of Western and Southern offices, ; 79 1834. 349, 350, 352; raves the against demanded by Clayton in 1832, 229 : report bank, 351, 352; message of, in 1834, 358, in 1832, 230 ; by of committee of, 372; message of, in 1835, 373; message directors, 308; attempt by government of, m 1836, 374 ; offense of, in destroying directors thwarted, 310; in government bank, 476. by bank, 342 in 1834, by 1834, thwarted
;
finance, 356, 358. Senate committee on JAUDON, leans OrSAMUEL: cashier of New branch, 157,393; interview of,with ISSUES OF THE BANK (seeCirculation, Jackson, 188; cashier at Philadelphia, Notes) : legal provisions concerning, 393 ; ignorant of methods 404 ; under Jones, 404, 405, 415 ; under at New York 395 ; remonstrates Cheves, 75, 81, 405; under Biddle, 147, against use of office, drafts, 305; upholds "transfer" con405, 406, 407 ; maximum traction amount of, 407 ; highest annual average bution of 1833-34,289,329; willing to of, 407 ; distrirelax, July, 1834, 348. of, 407-14; convertibility of , 414, 415, 418r21j429; elasticity of, 414, 422-6; JOHNSON, R. M., 171, 254. depreciation importance of, 415-18; treasury, JONES, WILLIAM : resigns from of, compared with deposits, 422, 428, 1 ; elected president of bank, 22 ; mistaken 429; soundness of, 421, 422; credit of, of bank's manageconception ment, 467 ; means 424, 425 ; of redemption of, 30, 380; administration of fluctuations of, 425, 426; principal defect by, 379. 380, v!5; system branches of 429 ; remedies for defect of, 429. of, banking. 30, 33; complicity of, in stock JACKSON, ANDEEW : origin of hostility to frauds, 40, 41, 47; resigns presidency of bank, 182-85 ; recommends bank, 48, 60, 78. officers for Nashville branch poses about 1818, 183 : opAMOS: charges complicity of KENDALL, law taxing repeal of Tennessee branches in politics, 171 ; believes in a branches. 183; dissuaded from attacking in bank directorates, "just equilibrium" bank in first inaugural, 183, 184; 175 ; furnishes Webb with queries in suspects of branches complicity of relating to bank, 180, 181; removal politics, 172, 184 ; effect of Portsmouth deposits and, 292, 293, 295. 179, 180, 195 ; believes bank upon, affair 6 BANKS (state),3. unconstitutional, 184, 192, 194, 195 : jects KENTUCKY obto bank as a monopoly and undemocratic, KENTUCKY BRANCHES (see Branches, 195 ; thinks bank should be western ;Lexington, Louisville) : taxed, 187; believes unpartisan, charges 65 : politics at, 248, 382 ; alleged political ed, against New Orleans branch unfoundaction of, 171, 248-51 ; charges rebutted, 188; friendly relations with Bid172, 187, 188. die, 188, 190; letter to Biddle, 191, KINO, JAMES G., 343. Biddle, 192, 193; 192; interview with " KING, JOHN P., 333, 337. suspects Biddle, 193 ; pledged against the bank," 193; message of, in 1829, 194, KING, RUFUS, 20, 41. 195; idea of bank, 196-8, 203, 226; resents KITCHEN 193. CABINET, McDuffio's interpretation of his Duff Green, LEGISLATION OF bank p_lan, 199; censures STATES CONCERNING 199 ; objects to holding of bank stock BANKS, 64, 65, 88-90, 165, 206, 224, 235. by foreigners, 201, 202; message of, in LENOX, ROBERT, 94, 253, 296, 394. by newspaper 1830, 203; angered cism, critiWILLIAM: LEWIS, believes in a "just -' 204; willing to assent to old bank " in bank directorates, 175, 203, 208-13; equilibrium modified charter, with 247; correspondence Biddle, of, with modifications of charter required by, 182, 184, 186-9, 191, 200, 246, 247; advises 211, 212,225,226,and note 4 ;message of, in in 1831 against application for 1831,212,213; will not give assurances 219; names re-charter, of a modified members of approving charter, 218; Nashville boards, 246, and Lexington offended by application for re-charter 247 ; wishes to place Democratic members in 1832, 223; connection ton's of with ClayLouisville board, 247. on resolution, 228, 229; effect upon, LEXINGTON BRANCH (seeBranches, westof investigation of 1832, 231, 232 ; veto ern branches) : established mess_age ; Kentucky of, 231, 239-41; re-elected 242; justification his attiin 1817, 23, note 3; discounts of, in 1818, president, of tude 34; Democratic toward bank after 1832, 242 ; compoliticians appointed directors at, 246; capital of, in 1819, 56 ; of printing expenditures of ings dealank, 265 ; determined on annihilation charges against, 171 ; exchange lieves of bank, 286 ; message of 1832, 286 ; beof, 143; cashier of, urges loans to in the bank guilty of bribery, 287 ; on, help Clay candidate, 251 ; run 1832, 299; disobeys instructions, 388; removal of deposits and, 287, 297 ; government directors and, 291, 308-10; closed 1825, 366.
Elains
634
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
LIVINGSTON, EDWABD by Biddle : asked to see Jackson concerning re-charter, 201 ; secretary cf state, 207 ; acts with Biddle and McLane to secure assent of for re-charter, 208-10; thinks Jackson Jackson will consent to re-charter, 209; Jackson's assent in to secure attempts 1832, 2i5, 226 ; on investigation of 1832, Biddle, 232; on 229; interview with Jackson's veto 232. LLOYD,
JAMES, 94.
conditions, 229; interview with Biddle, 233; loan to, 254; protests branch, against action of Charleston bank in 1834, 333, 334, 349, 447 ; supports 354. MclLVAiNE, WILLIAM: cashier bank, 1826-1832, 105: on signing notes, 116, 117 ; on New Orleans bill business, 162, 393 ; on board meetings, 279.
McKiM,
McLANE, Louis: secretary of treasury, LOANS, administration wishes to secure, 207 ; acts with Biddle and Livingston by creating a bank, 11. to re-charto secure assent of Jackson ter, in LOANS AND 208-10 j report of, creates sensation, DISCOUNTS OF THE BANK 212 ; positive that Jackson will refuse 1817. 28, 29: rapid increase of in 1818, 30; large loans to individuals, 33; on re-charter in 1832, 219; confers with McDuffie Smith restock, 40, 41 ; reduction of, in 1818-19, concerning and Bid53; under Cheves, 81, 133; under charter, 220; argues against application die, 98, 99, 133, 136; nature for re-charter, 222; offended by of paper Biddle, 99, 100; natdiscounted Biddle's decision to apply for re-charure ter, under 158, 159; to 1524, 223; joins with to Livingston of Western, Webb men, 259-63; to Congresssecure and Noah, modified bill in 1832, 225, 226; interview with Biddle, 232; suggests 253-55; for long terms and on 253, 254 ; in 1833-34, 316, 319inquiry into bank's security, 286; apmortgages, points Toland 322 ; in 1835, 359, 363 ; loans to the govto examine ernment, affairs of by the bank, 289: opposes 73, 454, 471; made deposits, of removal Committee, 279, 280; on 292; becomes Exchange secretary of state, "other 292. security" in 1835, 362, 363, 370; proportion of, to capital, 432. MCLEAN, JOHN, 171, 175. LOANS 1812-14, 2, 3. OF GOVERNMENT, MACON 400, AGENCY,
LONDON
LOSSES
IN EARLY
AGENCY, OF
THE
42.
BANE AT
THE
MADISON,
BRANCHES
ford, : 32, 65, 66, 67 ; at HartYEARS 388; at Portsmouth, 387,388,394, in 1835 and 395, 469; at the branches 1836, 161; total, 396; as government agent, 469, 470.
JAMES: vetoes bill of 1815,16; in his annual bank a message, 1815, 17: signs bill, 21; names directors, 22, 242; favors government Jones for president of bank, 21, 244; letters of, 1831, 205.
suggests
LOUISVILLE
western
BRANCH
(see Branches,
MANAGEMENT OF THE BANK (See Biddle, Board, Parent, Cheves, Jones). MANGUM,
branches) : estab; Kentucky lished in 1817, 30, note 1 ; capital of, in 1819, 56; reforms at, in 1819, 79: overtrading at, in 1832, 153, 154, 413 ; charges against, 171 ; state of, in 1834, 160, 326, tance 394 ; disobeys instructions, 388 ; impornew making of, 398; ceases loans March, 1835, 366, 368.
LOWNDES, J. : member of committee bank, 8; of plan, 13; chairman objects to Calnoun's to consider of select committee back to Calnoun's plan, 13; reports Calnoun's House ments amendplan with to 13, 14; moves unchanged, 1 reduce capital to $35,000,000,3 ; votes indefinite 15 ; moves for Dallas measure, poses postponement of bill, 17 ; probank after war of 1812, 17. T. W., 270. LUDLOW, timore W. : cashier of BalJAMES McCuLLOCH, branch, 42; speculates in stock, 43, 44; fraudulent transactions, 45-50; 49, 78; tried for conspiracy, removed,
WILLIAM
on
WILLIE, WILLIAM
233.
MARCY,
65: Union
JEREMIAH,
expediency
BIDDLE'S, MEMORANDUM, of interview 209, note 2. with McLane, MIDDLETOWN BRANCH (See Branches, eastern) : established in 1817, 23, note 3, 379 ; reductions at, 52 ; cashier of, sued for defalcation, 79; depreciation of notes of, 416; transferred to Hartford, 398.
83; currency of, 442. branches, southMOBILE BRANCH (see eastern): established, 384, note 3, 444; dealings of, 143; cannot reexchange duce, 1831-32, 150; receipt of branch ciation notes at, 310, 311 ; issues of, 411 ; depreat, of notes of other branches 417 ; sold, 367, note 1, 368. MONROE, JAMES, 93, 205.
MISSOURI,
BANK
OF,
79.
NASHVILLE
vs.
MCCULLOCH McDuFFiE,
MARYLAND,
65.
GEORGE: report of, on the Bank, 198, 205, 442; advises application for re-charter, 220; chosen to present for re-charter,223; allows memorial investigation of 1832 under unfavorable
BRANCH (see Branches, established in 1827, 384, note dealings of 143 ; overtrad4; exchange ing at, in 1832, 150, 155-7 ; embarrassments of, in 1832, 151, 152 ; loose methods of, in 1832, 391-3, 413; ordered to bills,162; Democratic cease purchasing
western)
INDEX
directors at, 246 ; politicians appointed portance cashier of, a local appointee, 392 ; imof, 398 ; issues of, 413 ; closed, 366,367.
535
sign sufficient, 98, 115; not issued by Savannah branch, 1819-24, 84; few small in circulation, 115, 116; restrictions on receipt of, at Atlantic offices, 311, 312; furnished by the removed, NATCHEZ BKANCH (seeBranches, southwestern) parent board, 379; good repute of, 407; 384, note 3 : ex: established, change 311, 417; not universally uncurrent, dealings of. 143 ; cannot reduce, asserreceived, 415-17, 437; Biddle's tions 150, 326; issues of, 411 ; closed, 366, note concerning, 417, 418; at par, 418, 9,368. 419; varying demand for, 425, 426; usefulness NATIONAL charging, DEBT : Biddle's plans for dissued to government of, 453, 454 ; isin 189-92; on, payments by Bank of the United States of 268, 269; effects of payments 1832, on, Pennsylvania, 372. disburseupon note elasticity, 423; ments NOTES 4, 5, 37, 38, 97, OF BANKS, STATE of funds by bank in payment of, 435-40, 457.
469. 454,
NATIONAL
urge application for re-charter, 213, 214 ; place bank in platform in 1831, 215, 216 ; bound to bank, 218 ; believe application support for re-charter will defeat Jackson, 222 ; insist on pushing bank bill.231 ; position of, in 1833, 332, 333. HAMPSHIRE NEW 172, 206. LEGISLATURE,
REPUBLICANS
support BANKS
bank
in 1834, 333.
(See Branches.)
against
ROBERT,
vs.
UNITED
PANIC (see Curtailment, Stringency) : of BRANCH (see Branches, in 1825, 1818-19, 37, 47, 61-4 ; prevented in 1816, 23 ; established 106-8, 449 450; of 1833-34, 297, 299, 326-9, charges against, 171, 249, 250; charges 341; bank's 449, methods of meeting, iticians polagainst repelled, 188 ; Democratic 450. directors at, 246; appointed PARENT operations at, 96, 143, 144, exchange BOARD (See Board, parent.) 162 ; overtrading at, in 1832, 150, 157-9, PARTON, JAMES, 182, 256. 393, 413 ; issues of, 411 ; importance of, PATTERSON, ROBERT, 94, 238, 239. 397, 399; closed, 366, 368. PENNSYLVANIA: importance NEW YORK 24, 25, 166, 302, 304. BANKS, of, in election of 1832, 222, 223: deserts the bank NEW YORK in 1816, BRANCH : established in 1834,339,340; legislature of, 65,206, 23; discounts at, in 1818,34: reduction 224, 235, 340 ; state banks of, 24, 25, 27, 63. discounts at, in 1819, 55 ; in 1832, 150; of PENSIONS AND 176, 206, FUNDS, PENSION of policy capital of in 1819, 56 ; change 306-8, 469. at, 95_,99, 100 ; Democratic politicians " to PET BANKS," 302, 311. appointed directors at, 246 ; attempt funds from, 206, 306; remove pension PEYTON, BALIE, 350. depreciation of notes of other branches PHILADELPHIA OFFICE (see Board, parat, 417 ; receipt of branch notes at, 310, ent) : curtailment 312 ; lax management of discounts at, 51, of, 394 ; loans in 54, 150; closing up, 367. 1835,364, 365; importance of, 397 Closing up, 367, 368. PITTSBURG BRANCH (see Branches, ern) west: established in 1817, 23, note 3; disobedience NEW YORK LEGISLATURE, 65, 206, 260. 388 ; overtradof cashier of, ing NICHOL, JOSIAH, 201, 202. at, in 1832, 154; character of exchange NILES, HEZEKIAH, 61, 230, 326, 327, 339. business at, 162, 163 ; sold, 367, note 1. NOAH, M. M., 256, 263. PLANTERS' BANK OF GEORGIA, 84-9. NORFOLK Branches, BRANCH (see southern) : established in 1817, 23, note 3 ; cur-' POINDEXTER, GEORGE, 350. tailment called for at, 51; losses at, POLK, JAMES K., 341, 465, 466. 1819, 66; charges of political activity, PORTER, ALEXANDER, 158, 159. 249,250; charges against, investigated, 389, 390 ; closed, 367. note 1. PORTLAND BRANCH (see Branches, eastern) : established, 384, note 5; mismanNORTH CAROLINA, STATE agement BANKS OF, 63, at, 388, 389; closed, 367, note 1, 64, 83, 441, 442, 444. PORTSMOUTH BRANCH (see Branches, NOTES OF THE AND BANK BRANCHES (see Circulation, Issues): receivability of eastern) : established in 1817, 379 ; losses preciatio and frauds at, 387, 388, 394, 395, 469; deJones, 33, 34. 404, 415 ; receipt of, under forbidden by branch issuing, of notes of, 416; Mason's except 176; 54; embarrassments management of, by govcomplaints ernment caused reagainst, 171-7, 249, 250; attempted 74, 75; issues of moval receipt of,funds from, 177, 306 ; of pension certain offices prohibited, 15, 404, 405, Biddle investigates, 178; Democratic 415, 455: western offices to issue only five dollar,75 ; of five dollars received politicians appointed on board at, 246 indiscriminately, 81, 405, 415, 417, 418; closed in June, 1835, 366. inability of president and cashier to POTTER, JOHN, 94.
NEW
ORLEANS
western) :
536
THE
SECOND
BANK
OF
THE
UNITED
STATES
PRESIDENT OF BANK (see Bevan, Biddle, Cheves, Fisher, Jones) : position of, under rules of 1833, 274. PRESS : relations of bank with, 256, 267.
PRESTON,
PROVIDENCE
WILLIAM
BRANCH
:
C., 333.
eastern)
PROXIES,
established
1.
initiated in, 233; bill passed by, 235; fails to pass bill over president's veto, 241 ; supports bank in pension controversy, 306; rejects nomination ernment of govdirectors and of Taney, 309; debate in, in 1833-34, 335; censures Jackson, 335, 345, 346; passes resolutions to restore the deposits, 346; attacks in 1834,353, 354; attacks in, upon, in, 349, 350. Jackson upon
RACE-HORSE
RANDOLPH,
SERGEANT,
336.
JOHN,
JOHN,
18.
SMITH AND BUCHANAN, 42. REAL ESTATE OF BANK : holdings of, in SMITH, DENNIS, 40, 43, 45-50. Ohio, 67; loans on, forbidden, 100; assistant to take SMITH, JONATHAN, 23, 47, 78. appointed cashier charge of, 104; sale of, 369, 400. SMITH, SAMUEL, 218-20, 254, 255. RE-CHARTER OF BANK (see Bank bills, SOUTH CABOLINA banks of, 63, 83, : state Bank States, Biddle, of the United 197, 447; legislature, 65, 181; taxes bank Charter, Jackson).
165.
REDUCTION RELIEF
(see Curtailment).
83, 89, 165.
SPECIAL
DEPOSITS,
445-47.
insufficient supply of, held by SPECIE: REMOVAL 287-97, 335. OF THE DEPOSITS, bank in 1817, 28, 29, 34, 35 ; premium on, by in 1817 and 1818, 37, 38; imported 32, 33, 45, 46, 54, 57, 370. RENEWALS, in bank, 37, 52, 56, 57 ; efforts to secure, REPORTS (see Committees of House and 1818 and 1819, 56, 57, 69, 70; holding of, Senate, Investigation). by bank Biddle, 111, 134, 136; under REPUBLICAN for exPARTY : responsible istence movement out of the of, 130 ; running in 1831-32, 145, 146; effect of of bank, 1,20, 21 ; for and against country Dallas'* plan, 11, 12 ; share in direction contraction supply of, of 1833-34, on 324: in 1835, 359; in 1836, 371; difficulty of bank when organized, 22. in demanding, 36 ; leniency in demanding, RESOLUTIONS (seeCommittees of House 445 ; difficulty in obtaining mand, deon and Senate, Congress, House, Senate, insufficient 419, 420, 447-49; and the separate states). supply of, in the United States, 420, RICHMOND BRANCH (seebranches, ern) south421, 448, 449; reserve of. by state banks, in 1817, 23, note 3: : established 432 ; effect of demand for, upon note for, 51, 52; capital curtailment called of, by the circulation, 438; reserve in 1819, 56; deficit at, 79; president of, bank, 431, 432. of, resigns, 79; ordered to cease making loans, March, 1835, 366. in 1814, 4, SPECIE PAYMENTS : suspended new 9; bank's efforts to secure resumption 256. RITCHIE, THOMAS, of, in 1817, 23; articles of agreement ROBBINS, ASHER, 350. between bank and state banks securing RUSH, RICHARD, 252, 355, 461. resumption of, 25, 26, 454 ; penalty of bank in case of failure to pay notes in, 166. SAFETY SYSTEM, FUND 38; suspensions of, in 1819, 83; failure ST. Louis BRANCH (see Branches, ern) westof, in 1819-22, 83; bank of resumption in 1829, 384, note 4, : established the only guarantor of, 430, 431. 442; ceases loans in March, making new SPENCER, JOHN C., 58. 1835,366.
SYSTEM,
SAVANNAH
BRANCH
in 1817, 23, note 3; established capital of, in 1819, 56 ; taxed, 64 ; losses at, 1819, 66 ; trouble with Georgia state banks, 84-9 ; hostile legislation against, 88; tax repealed, 89; business of, suspended, 88, 382,383 ; reprehensible practices at, 382 : cannot reduce in 1831-32, 150 ; demand on, for specie in 1833, 299 ; to cease loans, new ordered making March, 1835, 366, 367.
(seebranches, southern):
STATE and
SENATE (see Committees of, Congress) : legislation, 14, 17; atinitiates bank tempts to amend House bill, 16 ; supports bank after investigation of bills modifying 1818-19, 60; passes 116; resolution charter, concerning deposits in, 170; regovernment leave to introduce Benton's ruses resolution, 206; bill for re-charter
BANKS (see Notes of state banks, separate states): suspend specie loans to 4; make temporary payments, in to resume 7 ; unwilling government, 1816. 23, 24; convention of, in 1817 with bank, 24; approve ment articlesof agreefor resumption, 25, 26, 454; proposals to, by concerning oank, deposits 'in, transfer of government in 1817, 26, 27; selected by bank as treasury privagents, 457, 458; abuse ileges depositories, 459, as government 460; difficultiesof, with bank, 27, 84-9, 382, 383, 446, 447, 460; depreciated currencies of, 33, 37, 38, 83, 327; currencies 443, 444; balances of, of, improved, with bank, 35, 51, 57, 62, 63, 84-6, 97, 318, 36, 322, 324, 445, 446; leniency toward, 445, 446; difficulty in restraining, 446, in 1815-18, for chartering, 447; mania 39; in 1818-19, 62-4; restrained under
INDEX
of, 89, 166, 446, 447, 460; as deposit banks, 302-5, 311; attitude of bank in 1833-35. 318, 323, 324; number toward, of, in 1830 and 1834, 364; sale of branch assets to.369 ; issues and loans of, 99, 364, 421, 422 ; keep no adequate reserve, 430; proportion of, to of circulation of loans of, specie of, 432; proportion to capital of, 432 ; control of, by bank, 434-43, 451, 452; restrain bank, 438, 439; bank lack of unity between and, 433, 434, 450; government connection with, 457, 458, 461, 462; advantages of bank funds, in transferring government over, 467.
to bank,
537
the secretary of treasury, 295 ; removes deposits, 295 ; and the "transfer drafts," for specie, 438. 302-5 ; on demands
BY
STATES,
64,
JOHN,
8.
legislates against bank in in 1819 1817, 64 ; state banks of, suspend 1821, 83; law repealed, and against bank 1827, 165. 146, 151, 191, 269-73, THREE CENTS.: PEE 286, 473. TENNESSEE: TOLAND, HENRY,
289. TRADE AND INDUSTRY : in 1817-18, 27 ; in 1825, 106, 107; in 1827, 109; in 1825-31, 135, 136; in 1832, 152, 153; in 1833-34, 326-8; in 1834, 363, 364.
165; STATE Alabama, LEGISLATURES: 65; New Georgia, 64, 88, 89; Kentucky,
York, 65, 206; Hampshire. 172, 206; New OF GOVEENMENT sylvania, TEANSFERS FUNDS, 76, North Carolina, 64, 65; Ohio, 65; Penn77, 462-8. lina, Caro65, 206, 224, 340 ; South 64, 165; 65, 165, 181; Tennessee, TREASURY (see Crawford, Dallas, Duane, reVirginia, 65; attitude of, toward Ingham, Government. McLane, Rush, charter, 206. Taney, Woodbury). 333, 334. PARTY, STATE EIGHTS 3-6, 10, 12. TREASURY NOTES,
STATES (see separate states): opposed to bank, 164-6, 446, 447 ; attitude of, on recharter, 235; note issues of bank in, 408-12. 229, 230. ANDEEW, STEVENSON,
SECRETARY
OF:
465 ; authority
OFFICERS
AND
over
DIEECTOES,
to capital, bank STOCK: subscriptions TYLER, JOHN, 255, 267, 356. 22; falls,60, 169,195, 295; forfeited, retained UTICA BRANCH (see Branches, eastern) : by Cheves, 72; sale of, forfeited, 384, note 6; Democratic established, to sell government 109; motion shares board at, 246; on politicians appointed shares of, paid up, of, 169 ; government closed in June, 1835, 366. 134; government shares of, redeemed, MARTIN, 165, 204, 399. VAN BUEEN, 372, 375; value of, in 1836, 373, 374, GULIAN C., 253, 273. VEEPLANCK, THE OP BANK : first elecSTOCKHOLDERS tion by, 22 ; illegal votes by, 58, 59 ; in 16, 239. BILLS, VETOES OF BANK 39; 38; in Baltimore, Philadelphiat mand dividends paid to delinquent, 59 ; delarger dividends, 109; number tions. elecof, in 1831, 168; will not attend 274; proxies of, 274; triennial meetings of, 133, 208.
VIRGINIA : legislature of, 65 ; state banks of, 24, 25, 27, 440. H. E., 182. VON HOLST, WALSH, ROBERT,
256.
BRANCH
WASHINGTON
STOCK STOCK
LOANS,
SPECULATION
BALTIMORE
AND
(see Branches, in 23, note southern) : established in 1817, district, 51; 3; calls for balances
PHILADELPHIA,
38.
MONETAEY
:
STRINGENCY,
ment, (see Curtailin 1818, 58; in 1825, 106-8; in 1828, 110, 449,450; in 1832, 151, 152; in
Panic)
SUMNEE,
WILLIAM
G.
: on
branch
drafts,
losses at, 66 ; charges against cashier of, 389 ; president of, 248, 249, 389 ; ceases loans, March, 1835, 366. new making JOHN, 230, 267. WATMOUGH, WATSON JAMES WEBB, (see Webb and Noah) : 180, 181, 330, 345, 355. NOAH, 256-63. WEBB AND WEBSTER, DANIEL : considers ment establish3; opposes bank necessary, Dallas's plan, 14 ; plan of, for bank, 15 ; final plan, 18, 20 ; joint resolution opposes visor adof, April 30, 1816, 23; acts as of of bank at Boston, 94 ; member in 117, 118; concurs board, central branch Binney's opinion concerning son's drafts, 118 ; opinion of source of Jackhostility to bank, 173; friend of loans to Gales 173, 174; urges Mason, and Seaton, 257; advises application for re-charter in 1831, 218; powerless in of deposits, 290; matter of removal the pension to give up bank urges
or
SURPLUS none FUND: provided under Cheves, 106; efforts of Biddle to secure. 106; in 1823-28, 111; in 1831, 133; in 1836,
371.
SUSPENDED
DEBT OF BANK: THE ant assistto take charge cashier appointed Bidof, 104 ; at Cincinnati, 400 ; under die, 111, 133; sale of, 369, 370.
TANEY,
ROGER
removal
of
B. : against re-charter, Bill, French Indemnity "paper" Jackson's on deposits, 296; appointed
538
THE
SECOND
BANK
OP
THE
UNITED
STATES
WIET, WILLIAM, 118. funds, 307, 306; remonstrates against traction WOLF. SIMON, Governor of Pennsylvania, opposition to individuals, 309 ; on conof 1833-34 and re-charter, 329889,340. 31 ; report by, on removal of deposits, LEVI: desires Mason reWOODBUEY, moved, 335; plan for re-charter in 1834, 336-38; 172, 173; believes in a "just bank, 357, 358; on to support ceases directorates, for bank equilibrium" 421, 450. state of the currency, 175 ; supports removal of deposits, 295 ; demnity 356, 357. THUELOW, French inWEED, on declines to pay damages for bank bill, 300; censures WHIGS, 347, 356, 357. retaining dividend, 301 ; report of 1834, WHITE, C. P., 245. 308; negotiates redemption of government E. M., 27S-77 and note 5, 292, WHITNEY, stock by bank, 372-75: censures 295. the bank, 1836, 374 ; prohibits receipt of branch drafts, 452 ; admits safety of 307. WILLIAM, WILKINS, depository, 464; as bank government 40, 43, 45-50, 78, 79. GEOEGE, WILLIAMS, declares government transfers profitable to bank, 466. 105, 276. THOMAS, WILSON,
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