Teddy Bears for Terrorists: President Theodore Roosevelt and Americas First War on Terrorism

Martin Scott Catino, Ph.D. August 2009

It was indeed a dark and gloomy hour as President Theodore Roosevelt, the twentysixth President of the United States, said during his State of the Union Message on December 3, 1901. Roosevelt had assumed that prestigious office not as result of a popular decision accompanied by ebullient crowds rejoicing in electoral blissthe usual outcomes of a grand political victory marked by flag waving and cheering admirers. On the contrary, throngs of Americans wept in open grief that fall as the funeral train carrying the corpse of one of Americas most beloved Presidents, William McKinley, made its somber journey through the small industrial towns and rural landscapes that usually color and not darken the expressions of American life. The President had died in Buffalo, New York, shot by an anarchist named Leon Czolgosz during the Pan-American Exposition in September of that year.1 Czolgosz, who had waited in line to meet the chief executive, greeted his warmly extended hand by slapping it away and firing two cold rounds of death at point blank range from a .32 caliber revolver. The white handkerchief that concealed the deadly ambitions of his weapon burst into flames as McKinleys bodyguards and James Big Ben Parker, a huge African-American waiter standing behind the assassin, likewise burst into inflamed action, subduing the assailant in an act of humanity as well as patriotism. The mortally wounded President, typical of his sublime character, cried out to the outraged onlookers to spare the beleaguered radical from harm. As the dying president later slipped into eternity singing nearer, My God, to Thee, Roosevelt left his mountain climb in the Adirondacks knowing that he had left

President McKinleys funeral train leaves Buffalo, New York on its way to W ashington, D.C.

one mountain behind only to face another as he arrived in Buffalo.2 Shortly thereafter, Roosevelt realized that his Presidency gained through default would not be defined just by the ability to manage the throes of the rapidly industrializing nation he loved. He understood that the radical political violence that inadvertently swept him into office threatened the safety of that entire nation as well as its progress. Long before the tumultuous events of September 11, 2001, the smoldering ruins of the Twin Towers of New York City which triggered the Global War on Terrorism, America under the leadership of President Roosevelt undertook its first war on terrorism with remarkable resolve and clarity. Although the chief enemy is no longer anarchism and radical socialism, the principles of that struggle against hateful ideologies embedded in human hearts remains salient. If we seek victory in our present war against extremists we cannot afford to pass over carelessly the lessons of that generation and its remarkable leadership during those troubled times. President Roosevelt, who

2 inspired the creation of the teddy bear in 1903, was anything but soft on terrorism. His life serves as an excellent example of how to fight radicalism while upholding the fundamentals of American liberty, and also as a major source for developing a basic framework in that struggle of humanity against barbarity. President Roosevelt Refused to Give Even A Breath of Legitimacy to the Motives, Cause, or Political Philosophy of Radicals. The Progressive President faced problems not very different from our present fight against terrorism. More than a few Americans in his time (as in our time) detracted, sympathized, and opined when they should have instead acted with resolve,against the enemies of freedom and security. Roosevelt dismissed misguided public opinions and immediately addressed the issue at hand, proving his character of leadership as well as the depth of his convictions and principles. The first cowboy president did not shy away from calling anarchists murderers, criminals, base, and depraved.3 No, his indictments were not careless reviling, impassioned invectives of a thoughtless national icon. He knew that the true origins of such radical behavior stemmed from perverse instincts of individuals who could discard freedom and progress and embrace hate and murder without conscience or concern. And what the American public needed then (as now) was a frame of reference to understand this behavior. Roosevelt provided forthrightly that reference. Today, few historians dare to reveal the dark inner world of the anarchists and radical socialists of Roosevelts era. Instead, extremists and social malcontents like Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, Rudolph Rocker--as well as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engelshave emerged as heroes in American schools and colleges, artificial constructs of academic imaginations.

Emma Goldman

Many historians fail to underscore a central fact: these radicals all targeted innocent people for murder, caring only for the raw power gained by such actions. Innocent bystanders were likewise treated with contempt, dismissed readily as unwitting contributors to notions of a better future. For instance, Berkman remarked in cold discourse so commonly found on radical lips: The Peoplethe toilers of the world, the producers comprise, to me, the universe. They alone count. The rest are parasites, who have no right to exist. But to the People belongs the earthby right, if not in fact. To make it so in fact, all means are justifiable; nay, advisable, even to the point of taking life.4 Adding to this inhumanity was a variety of evils putrefying in anarchist life: free sex, thievery, personal violence (not just

3 political), hatred of the traditional family and its roles, betrayals, vicious political infighting, and a host of other behaviors associated with criminality rather than legitimate politics.5 Radicals throughout modern history thus share a common bond with ordinary criminals, the only difference is that one chooses crime to feed selfish political ambitions, the other selfish individual ambitions. Roosevelt knew this fact and declared at length: Anarchy is no more an expression of social discontent than picking pockets or wife beating. . . . For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the state to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else.6 President Roosevelt Effectively Challenged the Philosophy of Radical Socialists and the Anarchists. Roosevelts era was rightly named progressive, for rapid gains in the quality of life stemmed from energetic reforms at the grassroots of American life and principled leadership in government. Prosperity in the United States spread not just in the country but abroad as the maturing nation began to assert its role as a major participant in global trade, providing resources and products while riding and churning the wave of technological advances in travel and communications: railways, steamships, and overseas cable. T.R. proudly championed the nations progress. Among the most powerful of the Presidents counter-terrorism tactics involved his ability to underscore this progress and prosperity in the United States and to redirect public attention to it. Radical propaganda, designed to distract public attention by focusing on failures and problems within the capitalist system, tried to muddle public information. 7 Roosevelts bold challenge to anarchist thought, exposing its falsity, countered effectively the appeal of specious arguments of the Left, leaving these extremists isolated on barren grounds created by their vehement trampling of truth over graves of their own making. He remarked in his State of the Union Address: It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time.8 More than a few leading social scientists agreed. Werner Sombart, a European nonviolent socialist who undertook a study of Roosevelts America, called attention to this prosperity and the failure of socialism in America. His study published in 1906 aptly stated the question of the times in the title: Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? His answers revealed the obvious: It is not only in his position vis--vis the material world (that is, in his material standard of living) that the American worker is so much more favoured than his European counterpart. In his relations to people and to

4 social institutions, and in his position to society -- in short, in what I call his social position -- the American is also better-off than he would be in the contrasting European situation. For him "Liberty" and "Equality" (not only in the formal political sense but also in the economic and social sense) are not empty ideas and vague dreams, as they are for the European working class; for the most part they are realities.9 Roosevelt was truly a skilled political debater who frequently refuted radical ideology with solid logic and sound rhetoric. Yet his ideological strength was not grounded in abstractions, but rather in the existence of realities benefitting workers and owners (industrial growth, available work, higher wages, and increased purchasing power). The combination of reform and strong anti-terrorism policies proved effective in Americas first war on terrorism. This hero of the Spanish-American War understood well the political, ideological, and economic weapons at his disposal, and did not hesitate to use them against terrorists.10 Lost in a metaphysical world of utopic dreams, the violent malcontents belching out hate could not compete with self-evident truths befriending the leader of the Progressive era. A simple fact revealed rarely in modern histories of that time is this: Radical reformers fought the progress of the American system and despised the gains made by average Americans. For real progress, measured in tangible increases in standard of living, posed a significant challenge to the claims, power, and very existence of extremist movements. President Roosevelt Attacked the Entire Radical System Rather Than Just Responding to Events, Prosecuting Individuals, and Addressing Symptoms of Terrorism. The tactics of violent anti-capitalists varied greatly yet characteristically used and manipulated the very American system that they despised. American freedom of expression, assembly, press, and movement became high volume avenues traversed by Bolsheviks and others seeking to destroy democracy and freedom while lifting the flag of oppression forcefully over the heads of the majority.11 Roosevelt would have none of this. He fought the very entry of radicals into the country, individuals hiding amid the sea of decent immigrants coming to America in hope of a better life. Teddy prosecuted rigorously the rhetoric, organization, and very sanctuary of these extremists of the early 20th century. Regarding the latter, he deported anarchists and others who threatened the safety and welfare of honest Americans. 12 President Theodore Roosevelt knew that without firm and unwavering prosecution of radicalism there is little hope of securing the individual liberties and happiness of the bulk of Americans. The lesson is relevant for today. Long Before Multi-lateralism Became a Common Foreign Policy Practice of the United States, President Roosevelt Sought to Develop International Support Against Radicalism. The Teddy Bear President again proved his savvy when he underscored the need to marshal international support against

5 radicalism. Comparing it to the vilest of international crimesslavery and piracyhe knew that the issue at hand was not local or even national, but rather international. He noted: Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to the federal government the power of dealing with the crime.13 Anarchists, like modern-day terrorists, used overseas sanctuaries, global financial networks, and propaganda and information resources abroad. Roosevelts vigilance uncovered these driving factors of terrorism and sought to undercut them. He thus targeted root causes rather than just symptoms and thereby made the critical link between foreign and domestic terrorism. Not ironically, nearly a century later Americans can find this policy employed by Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The necessity of such an approach is unquestionable in the post-9/11 world. President Roosevelt Would Not Disassociate Social Issues From Security Problems, Knowing that the Strength of American Security Rested on the Vibrancy of National Character. Moreover, Roosevelt differed markedly from modern American leaders in that he saw the great evil of poor national character and how it harmed domestic security. The President was concerned particularly about the failure of many people in the United States to assimilate into the lofty ideals of American life. Confident in the integrity of American values, and keenly observant of the problems created by selfish or misguided ideology, he knew that without vibrant patriotic beliefs--selfless attitudes that promoted national unity--national security and character would decline in direct relationship. Preaching and extolling the virtues of pure patriotism from the bully pulpit, Roosevelt both chided those who betrayed American values and called attention to the qualities that constituted the finest aspects of the American spirit. He exhorted: Americanism is a question of spirit, conviction, and purpose, not of creed or birthplace. The politician who bids for the Irish or German vote, or the Irishman or

A Chair, A Deep Voice, and Deep Convictions Animated the Presidents Message to America

6 German who votes as an Irishman or German, is despicable, for all citizens of this commonwealth should vote solely as Americans; but he is not a whit less despicable than the voter who votes against a good American, merely because that American happens to have been born in Ireland or Germany. 14 Roosevelts warnings were an integral part of building the national character necessary for creating security in twentieth century America. He repudiated narrow ethnic politics that precluded the needs of the whole country, selfish local perspectives that sacrificed broader public interests, effeminate and pleasure-seeking attitudes attendant to a capitalist life of prosperity, and cynical perspectives of American progress--the social decay that erodes national security. Thus the President who took pride in his prowess as a big-game hunter likewise hunted skillfully the bestial social attitudes that roamed wildly on American ground. We Need More Than Teddy Bears for Terrorists It would be overly simplistic to assert that what America needs today is another Theodore Roosevelt. What is needed is the popular support for men and leaders like himsupport rooted in the very best of American patriotic values. When we as Americans confidently assert our highest national values, promote reform and justice for all Americans, and uphold freedom and security in mutual support of each other, no

President Roosevelt: A Tireless Friend of the American People

domestic threat can overtake us. As long as our country entangles itself in the sentiments, fears, guilt, distractions, and equivocations that allow terrorists to promote their agendas, recruit others to their vile cause, prolong their missions in the United States, find sanctuary here, and evade prosecution, security and justice will remain elusiveas well as national honor and respect abroad. If President Roosevelt were alive today, perhaps he would remind us that talking softly, is not enough, for there is also a need to carry a big stick.

Martin Scott Catino, Ph.D. is a specialist in United States foreign and security policy. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily represent the opinions of the Department of Defense or other organizations associated with the author.

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1

Notes H.H. Kholsaat, From McKinley to Harding: Personal Recollections of Our Presidents (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1923), 93-94. Charles G. Dawes, A Journal of the McKinley Years (Chicago: The Lakeside Press, 1950), 279-281.
2

Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913), 378379. Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodoreroosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
4 3

Alexander Berkman, Propaganda by the Deed, in Marshall S. Shatz, ed., The Essential Works of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972), 361-363. The reader should examine not just the poor ethics underpinning radical ideology but also the inhumane treatment that these reformers meted out on each other. See Marshall S. Shatz, ed., The Essential Works of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972). See also Ersel Aydinli, Before There Were Jihadists There Were Anarchists: A Failed Case of Transnational Violence, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 31:10, 903.-923; Wallace Dunn, The Reds in America From the Standpoint of the Department of Justice, http://www.marxists.org/ history/usa/government/dept-justice/1920/0200-dunn-redsinamerica.pdf (accessed July 26, 2007). Originally published in The Review of Reviews, Feb. 1920, pp. 161-166. Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodoreroosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
7

A common tactic of extremists, then and now, is to dominate public information by controlling topics, debates, and issues.
8

Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodoreroosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008). Werner Sombart, Why is There No Socialism in the United ? (New York: Sharpe, 1906). See Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913). For instance, The Pittsburgh Proclamation. Adopted by the Founding Congress of the

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11

American Federation of the International Working Peoples Association, October 14, 1883," http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/parties/anarchist/1883/1014-iwpa-pittsburgh.pdf (accessed July 26, 2007. This document noted: Fellow-workingmen, all we need for the achievement of this great end is ORGANIZATION and UNITY! There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful education and revolutionary conspiracy well can and ought to run in parallel lines.

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12

Eric Rauchway, Lessons From the Last War on Terror, Financial Times, January 21, 2003, p.19. Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodoreroosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
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13

Theodore Roosevelt, True Americanism, April 1894, http://www.theodore-roosevelt. com /trta.html (accessed December 13, 2008).