Notre Dame-U:niversity

CotabatQ C:ity
Research Monograph No. 30
Indigenous Self-Governance Practices
of the Teduray
This Research Monograph Series presents t h t ~
researches conducted by the University Research Cen
Notre Dame University, Cotabato City
Socio-Economic Research Center October 2006
Research Monograph No. 30
Indigenous Self-Governance Practices
of the Teduray
This project was conducted by the University Research Center, A'otre Dame
University in partnership with the International Labor Organization
(ILO) and the Planning and Development Office, ARMM, June 2006
The TEDURAY of Upi, Maguindanao (by: Re,rDoniloLacson, RmarchAssociale, LRC)
Key Concepts in the Traditional Teduray Governance and
Leadership Structure
The Teduray is one of the 18 indigenous ethno-linguistic
groups originally inhabiting the island of Mindanao,
Philippines. Today, as it was since time immemorial, Teduray
communities are largely concentrated in the towns of South
Upi (Timanan) and North Upi (Upi), Maguindanao Province,
ARMM (6
0
53'N latitude; 124
0
02'E longitude).
In the beginning of the American occupation in the
1900s, provinces and towns were created as the new geo
political delineation out of the different indigenous villages
and settlements in Mindanao. Until that time, Teduray
communities were politically subjugated to the larger
Maguindanao Sultanate which the Muslims established as
early as 1450 ' (Rodil, 1994). Later, the Americans
transformed the sultanate into Special Moro Province and
much later, into Empire Cotabato Province. Specifically, the
Teduray territory of Upi was officially designated as a barrio
of Dalican (now Municipality of Datu Odin Sinsuat).The
influx of I1ocanos from Luzon and I1onggos from Visayas in
the 1920s increased the area's population and consequently
pmvered its economic (agricultural) grm:V1h.
"
In 1957, Upi weaned away from its geo-political
dependence on Dalican and eventually became another
municipality of the Empire Cotabato Province. On October
26, 1976 Upi, was divided into North Upi and South Upi
upon the issuance of Presidential Decree (PD) No. 1046.
North Upi retained the name Upi, while South Upi became
known as Timanan. Presently, Upi has a total Teduray
population of 12,164 and Timanan has 37,697 total Teduray
I
population (Notre Dame University Research Center, 2004).
These figures constitute roughly 8% of the 662,180 total
population of Maguindanao Province (ARMM Socio
economic profile, 2000).
The same ethnic groups of Ilocanos, Ilonggos
(Christians), Magindanaons (Muslims), and Tedurays
(Indigenous People) predominantly define the Tri-people
composition of Upi and Timanan populations. Timanan is
presently headed by a Teduray mayor who was eventually
sworn-in to the position after a much-heated and violent
electoral contest in 2002. On the other hand, a more peaceful
electoral contest finally installed a Teduray mayor in Upi
after a long succession of Magindanaon (Muslim) mayors
since 1957.
Just like the other indigenous groups in Mindanao, much
of the Teduray geo-political history is kept and transmitted
through oral form. A few written materials focus on Teduray
laws and conflict resolution processes such as those written
by Schlegel (1970). But the larger Teduray historical resource
remains undocumented. Very recently, in 2002, a tribal
initiative was undertaken to put into writing a brief history
and the salient political features of the Timuay Justice and
Governance (TGJ) system.
:I Teduray leaders and elders insist that before the coming
of Islam and Christianity in this part of the globe, there were
8 original Indigenous People (IP) tribes in South-Central
Mindanao that used to practice the Timuay System (sic)1 of
governance as mode of socio-political arrangement. Those
tribes were: Subanen, Teduray, Lambangian (Half Teduray),
J The ternl Timuay System is just a contemporary constructed terminology
referring to the traditional political structure pervading the 8 indigenous tribes of
central Mindanao befor.: Islam came to Mindanao.
2
Dulangan Manobo, T'Boli, Blaan, Bagobo, and Arumanen
Manuvu. In this particular system, the Timuay is the
recognized leader of the village, territory, and community.
Timuay comes from the generic Manobo term, "timu" (to
gather). Literally, Timuay refers to the person who, by all
account of social, economic, and political status, gathers the
people (Lacson, 2005). Today, these tribes still appropriate
the concept of Timuay as leader.
However, the Teduray believe that before the
introduction of the Sultanate governance system (Islam)
around 1450 and the colonial governance system (Christian)
around 1565, all indigenous societies in South-Central
Mindanao followed the Timuay governance system, which
was functioning effectively at the level of each individual
tribe (TJG 2003). This claim may have strong validity
considering that, even today, the aforementioned groups still
refer to the Timuay as main political figure (Alejo 2002;
Rodil, 1994; & Lacson, 2005). In fact, the Timuay system
was evolving towards the establishment of a consolidated
inter-tribal governance when the introduction of the sultanate
system first disrupted the process. Subsequent colonial and
imperial govemments respectively thwarted the maturing of
the Timuay System (TJG, 2003).
The Timuay occupies the highest position in the
traditional political hierarchy. He is always a male. In the
past, such position was not confined to mere politica}
functions. By mode of operation, the Timuay was the point of
socio-political reference. The community always perceived
him as an individual set apart for political leadership as
prescribed in the Adat (traditional Teduray set of standards of
conduct and obligations). There were two bases for becoming
Timuay: (a) by inheritance (being the eldest son of a Timuay)
and (b) being personally chosen by the Timuay. In a recent
survey of 30 households in Rifao, respondents unanimously
3
assert that the most outstanding quality of Timuay is, "May
kakayahang mamuno sa komunidad" (ability to lead the
people). Communal identity was linked with him whereby
people's geographic and political affiliations were oriented to
the Timuay territorial sway of influence or sakuf It is within
the same sphere of understanding that the Teduray used to
arrange their Fenuwo (villages) and Inged (territories) in the
most organic level.
In spite of the pre-eminence of his position, the Timuay
was not the sole figurehead in the Teduray society.
Traditionally, individuals and parties looked up to the
Kefedewan for representation during fonnal negotiations of
agreements such as marriage, and non-violent settlement of
disputes. He was generally considered the legal authority who
together with other Kefedewan comprised a respected group
of individuals with the following extraordinary skills: (a)
strong memory especially of details pertammg to
consummated agreements, (b) comprehensive knowledge of
the fine lines of the Kitab Kaedatan (customs), (c) mastery of
the "binuwaya" (euphemistic) style of speaking, (d)
persuasive but polite manner of articulation of ideas, and (e)
consistent display of patience and cool-headedness even
during the most heated negotiation process. These also serve
as criteria for becoming Kefedewan. In the present socio
political context, the Teduray still apply the same criteria in
their Kefedewan and still look up to him with the
same regard. The recent survey in Rifao presents a simpler
understanding of those qualities, as: magaling magsalita
(articulate speaker), walang kinakampihan (does not show
favoritism), marunong sa batas na katutubo (knowledgeable
in customary law), mapasensiya (patient), rnatibay ang
memOJya (superb memory).
The tenn Kefedewan is derived from the root wordfedew,
which means "feelings". Timuay Alim Bandara, the Timuay
Labi (Chief Executive) of the Timuay Justice and
Governance, explained, "Ang Kefedewan ay tinaguriang
doctor ng fedew. Siya ang taga-ayos at nagpapagaling ng
nasirang damdarnin ng mga tao" (The Kefedewan is the
doctor of feelings. He cures the hurt feelings of people). He
perfonns his noble service through a "tiyawan" (formal
adjudicatory discussion), where he represents individuals and
parties in the traditional conflict resolution process. By
operation, the Kefedewan is comparable to an attorney. His
position is not preordained. Just like the ordinary court
attorney, he gradually develops his skills and builds his name
within the Kefedewan trade. But unlike the court attorney,
the Kefedewan also pays "tamuk" (blood price or fine) for his
client in cases where the latter is demanded to pay for a crime
or transgression committed. A Kefedewan who is always
willing to do this is accorded with high regard in the
community. The reverse action makes a Kefedewan disdainful
and untrustworthy in the eyes of his villagemates (Schlegel,
1970). Most importantly, however, the Kefedewan always
aims to settle issues on a win-win solution together with other
Kefedewan involved in a Tiyawan. When on it, the
Kefedewan keeps at the core of his concerns the attainment of
justice which restores good "fedew" (feelings) in terms of
respect for rights and feelings of all people involved. Schlegel
elaborates:
Kefedewan represent a particular person - more
accurately, a paI1icular person and his kindred
but they do not contend in the manner of trial
lawyers in adversary proceedings. They do not
try to win for their side. Together, all
Kefedewan participating in a Tiyawan are
expected to strive eamestly to achieve a
situation where all "benal" has been recognized,
where those responsible for the trouble have
through their Kefedewan - accepted their
4 5
responsibility and fault and have been properly
fined, so that all fedew have been made good
(fiyo). Kefedewan act much more like a
fraternity of judges than like an array of
lawyers; they are committed as a group to an
ultimate respect for just decisions that set every
fedew right. Among Kefedewan this
commitment is an-important. (Schlegel, 1970,
p. 61)
A person who trusts his fedew to a particular Kefedewan
becomes a sakuf of the later. However, such relationship is
not political in nature. The Kefedewan is not bound to the
personal interest of his sakuf but to the task of setting all
things in good and harmonious state. Primarily, the
Kefedewan has no political power. Schlegel explains further:
Although the decisions of Kefedewan have
authority, they cannot be backed by force. Legal
leaders among the traditional Tiruray are
authoritative; they are not powerful. A decision
that someone was at fault and should be fined is
made and accepted by men who are completely
powerless to force acceptance of any decision.
They cannot have anyone beaten, ostracized,
imprisoned in any sense, or executed. (Ibid,
" 1970, p. 65)
The arena within which the Kefedewan actualizes his
unique function is the Tiyawan - meaning, "to converse" with
a singular aim of arriving at a common decision. The activity
within which this purposive conversation is undertaken is
called setiyawan - literally means 'to adjudicate together".
These considerations deliver the concept of Tiyawan as a
fonn of surface litigation.
It is to his Kefedewan that a person reports, when he/she
wants to forge some formal agreements with other persons.
Commonly, this takes the form of marriage arrangement or
conflict resolution process. Then the Kefedewan approaches
the Kefedewan of the other party (either personally or through
a messenger) to set a date for the Tiyawan. After which, the
parties concerned are notified about that very important
appointment. Within the Tiyawan itself, the overall rationale
is to adjudicate together.
Basically, the Kefedewan and Tiyawan are two major
components of a synergetic mechanism within the socio
cultural system whose primary function is to halmonize all
human transactions within the frame of the Kitab Kaedatan
(customary law specifically prioritizing respect).
The Bliyan (or Beliyan) is the clairvoyant medicine
person. He/she is not chosen by the people. He/she is
endowed with the knowledge and power to communicate with
unseen entities. As such, he/she serves as the primary
consultant in the Fenuwo. Aside from attending to the
maladies of hislher village mates, the Bliyan is consulted on
mundane matters such as: planting, hunting, harvesting,
fishing, and all ritual activities for thanksgiving, cleansing,
wedding, and burial.
In summary, the traditional Teduray self-governance had
the following key concepts/elements:
1. Governance - Timuay, Kefedewan, Bliyan
2. People - Sakuf (village-based)
3. Territory - Fenuwo (village), Inged (territory)
4. Sovereignty-Did not mature into federal collectivity
(remained village-bound)
5. Representation - Kefedewan and Tiyawan (village
based)
6
7
Political Ascendancy
Ordinary Teduray folks today know that election is the
process of choosing leaders in the present mainstream
governance system. However, they also know that there was a
different process in the past. Accordingly, traditional political
ascendancy used to be based on two modes: (a) by inheritance
and (b) being chosen by the Timuay. The Timuay, Kefedewan,
and Bliyen were not voted upon by the people. Holders of
those positions got these by inheritance, by being selected by
a leader or a group of leaders, and, in the case of the Bliyan,
as supernatural gift. Vivid memory and strong belief in the
traditional process prompted one Teduray Local Government
Official (LGO) to declare confidently that "Ang eleksiyon ay
hindi naaangkop sa sistema ng Teduray" (Election [voting] is
not compatible with the Teduray system). Another Timuay
said, "Noong unang panahon, walang kasulatan. Pag
uusapan lang ng mga Timuay ang pagpili ng lider dahil hindi
nakapag-aral ang mga tao. Walang batas na sinusunod na
kagaya sa eleksiyon natin ngayon. Wala rin kasulatan. Ang
sinusunod na batayan ay ayon sa galing" (In the past, there
were no written documents. The process of choosing a leader
was done through Timuay discussions because people were
illiterate. There was no legal basis to follow. Basic criteria
were simply based on skills and expertise). They added that,
"Kapag Timuay 0 Kefedewan ka, hanggang mamatay ka, di
k a ~ papaliran" (When you are a recognized Timuay or
Kefedewan; you are never replaced until you die).
Accordingly, the selection was based on traditional qualities
ascribed to leaders, such as: may kakayahang mamuno sa
komunidad (ability to lead the community), magaling
nwgsalita (articulate speaker), walang kinakampihan (does
not show favoritism), marunong sa batas na katutubo
(knowledgeable in customary law), may pasensiya (patient),
and matibay ang memolya (superb memory). These qualities
were major considerations for someone to become leader. Or,
8
if someone was destined to become a leader by virtue of
inheritance, he had to develop these same qualities in order to
gradually fit into his preordained position. FGD participants
assert that the, " .. .Kefedewan ay dapat talaga mahusay
magsalita at magaling sa batas ng tribo" (the Kefedewan,
first and foremost, must be articulate and expert in customary
laws).
Leaders' Functions, Duties, and Responsibilities
Respondents in this study unanimously agree that the
main task of traditional leaders in the past was to settle
disputes in the village and to implement the Kitab Kaedatan
(tribal laws). Accordingly, the traditional leaders' task was,
" .. . taga-ayos ng mga problema sa komunidacf' (settles
problems in the community). Specifically, the Timuay was
looked up as figurehead of the territory to whom people' s
political affiliation was anchored. Nevertheless, his
relationship to his sakuf was not servile nor feudal in
character. Except for making sure that their territory was at
peace with neighboring territories by maintaining friendly
alliances, a Timuay was perceived as just another village
farmer among his village-mates. Such relationship was in
harmony with the Teduray egalitarian social character.
The Kefedewan and the Tiyawan are the conflict
resolution mechanisms of the community. These exist and
function symbiotically to maintain interpersonal harmony and
peace, as well as a form of social control to align individual
and communal behavior with the Kitab Kaedatan (customary
laws). Sanctions for misbehavior are finalized in the Tiymvan.
The whole community enforces the punishment with
ostracism as an ultimate punishment.
Today, Teduray communities still prefer local officials to
resolve conflict in the traditional manner especially when the
9
----------------------------------------------
disputants are all Teduray. In such cases, even Barangay
officials recommend that disputes be settled in the manner
following tribal customs. One major reason for this
preference lies in the traditional principle governing conflict
resolution wherein parties in disputes are always led to a win
win settlement with the restoration of peaceful relation as an
end product.
:,
Current Challenges and Opportunities in Teduray Governance
t
When the Municipality ofUpi was first established, it had
a Teduray as its first Mayor. After him, Moro (Muslim)
mayors, all from the Sinsuat Clan, succeeded to the position
one after the other. It was only in the last local elections that a
Teduray mayor was elected. Accordingly, the Sinsuats who
sat as Mayors were at the same time Datus in the traditional
Moro social setup. By operation, they were traditional Moro
Datus who have become mayors in the mainstream
governance setup. A Key Informant relates: "Ang mga naging
Mayor na Sinsuat ay mga kilalang Datu ng mga Muslim
(Moro). Noon pa man, bago pa ang mainstream na sistema,
may dati nang pakikipag-ugnayan ang mga Datu ng Muslim
at mga Timuay ng Teduray. Ang ganitong ugnayan ay siyang
dinala ng mga Sinsuat noong sila ang mga naging mayor ng
Upi. So, ang pagiging Mayor nila sa mainstream na sistema
ay sa titulo lang. Ngunit sa katotohanan, ang sistemang Datu
at Timuay pa rin ang pinalakad nita. OK rin sa amin yun kasi
doon kami sanay at alam namin kung papaano kami
magkonekta sa pamunuan. Actually, kahit sa ngayon, sa
l
pamayanan ng mga Muslim kagaya ng Shariff Aguak ay Datu
{
system talaga ang patakbo. Kaya nga totoo yung sabi nila na
sa buong bayan ng Shariff Aguak ay walang eleksiyon.
Seleksiyon lang, kasi ganun talaga sa dating sistema ng Datu
at Timuay. Dumaan sila sa proseso ng kung saan tinatalaga
sila bitang fider at hindi pinagpipilian ng mga tao. Yun ang
'1
sistemang mahabang panahon naming naisabuhay at
10
talagang naintindihan ng kahit mga ordinaryong" mga tao
namin.
Kaya ngayon, kahit na naihalal na bilang Mayor 0
Barangay Chairman ang iba sa amin, ang pagtingin ng mga
tao namin sa kanila ay kagaya noong dating pagtingin na
para sa mga Timuay. Sa ngayon, Teduray na ang mayor. Ang
isa sa kahirapan niya ngayon ay di niya ma-duplicate ang
ganuong relasyon dahil hindi naman siya Datu. Sa isipan ng
mga tao, ganun pa rin ang pakikitungo. Hindi niya kasalanan
kung hindi niya matugunan ito. Sincere lang siya na
gampanan ang dapat niya gampanan sa mainstream system.
Mahirap lang kasi, hindi pa malawak ang pagka-intindi ng
mga tao sa mainstream system. Sa ngayon, hirap na hirap
siya kung papaano madiskartehan ang problemang ito. Isa
pa, sa Teduray kasi, pantay kami lahat. Walang ideya ng
constituency. Ang mga fider ay tagapagtaguyod lang ng
kapakanan ng mga tao. Pero maliban doon, wala sa amin
ang nangingibabaw ang posisyon sa. buhay. Ito ang naging
principal value sa pagtatag ng T JG - pantay-pantay lahat
kasama ang mga lider" (Members of the Sinsuat clan who
became mayors were known Datu of the Moros (Muslims).
Even before the establishment of the mainstream system,
there was already link between the Muslim Datus and
Teduray Timuays. The same linkage was sustained by the
Sinsuats when they sat as mayors of Upi. So, their being
mayors in the mainstream system was simply titular in nature.
In truth, it was the Datu- Timuay linkage they were
implementing. It was OK for us then, because it was the way
we had been linking with the leadership. Actually, even until
now, among Muslim municipalities like Shariff Aguak, it is
the Datu system that runs the community affairs. That is why,
there is truth when they say that there is no election in Shariff
Aguak. There is only selection. That was really the way
things were done in the Datu and Timuay systems. They
passed through the process where they were simply appointed
11
--------------------------------------------
and were not voted upon by the people. That was the system
we lived for a long time and was fully understood by even the
most ordinary of our people.
That is why today, even when somebody has been elected
as mayor or barangay chainnan, people still perceive of him
as Timuay (or Datu). Presently our mayor is a Teduray. One
of his difficulties lies in his inability to duplicate such kind of
relationship because he is not a Datu. In people's minds, that
was the standard transaction. It is not his fault if he could not
satisfy such expectation. He is sincere in trying to fulfill his
responsibilities and duties in the mainstream system. Some
people could not simply comprehend the mainstream system.
As of now, he is much pressured in finding a strategic
approach to this problem. Another thing, in the Teduray
society, we understand that we are all equal. There is no idea
of constituency. The leader simply facilitates the concerns of
the people. Aside from that, there is no hierarchical position.
This is the principal value in the establishment of the TJG
all are equal including the leader).
One of the questions in the FGD asked: "Sa ngayon, anu
ano ang mga nagiging problema ninyo sa pagpili ng inyong
fider? Papaano ninyo nabibigyan ng solusyon ang mga ito?
Anu-ano ang inyong mga rekomendasyon upang lalong
mapabuti and pamamalakad sa inyong komunidad?" (At
preosent, what problems do you encounter pertaining to
selection of a leader? How do you resolve these? What are
your recommendations in order to improve the management
in your community?).
The questions generated two types of answers. The tone
depended on the socio-political orientation of the participant.
Non-LGO (Local Government Officials) participants
recognized that, "Ang eleksiyon ay hindi naaangkop sa
sistema ng Tedw-ay" (Election [voting] is not compatible with
the Teduray system). In spite of this, it is worth noting that
many Teduray individuals have held government positions at
one time or another. On the other side, key infonnants
confidently expressed: "Sa akin lang, wala naman gaanong
problema. Ang mga maWt na gulo, mga Baglalan at
Kefedewan pa rin ang mag-solve. Pero ang logging, dahil
malaki na, sa munisipyo na ito dapat dalhin" (I think there is
no problem at all. It is still the Baglalan and Kefedewan who
settle small problems. Big problems such as the logging
operation should be brought to the municipal level).
In view of this general problem, they recommend the
recognition of the Teduray system of political ascendancy.
Furthennore, the recommendation includes the recognition of
the Teduray justice system where a community problem goes
through the deliberations of the Kefedewan within the
auspices of the Baglalan (title holders) and the Samfeton
(council of Kefedewan) before, if ever, reaching the barangay
chainnan. They believe this is more effective because, "Sa
mga Kefedewan at mga Timuay, inaayos talaga ang
problema. Napag-uusapan nila ang tamang penalty para
maayos ang problema" (Problems are really resolved at the
level of the Timuay and Kefodewan. It is where penalties are
justly determined in order to solve the problem).
The positions ofthe Tilnuay, Kefedewan, and Bfiyan have
been effectively sustained and kept alive in the present
context in spite of the imposition of the mainstream and
dominant Philippine governance system. But its traditional
socio-political schema has been dramatically altered. Todqy,
the provinces, municipalities, and barangays with very
different area delineation supercede what used to be
delineated as Inged (territories) and Fenuwo (villages)
relative to adjacent territories of other groups such as the
Arumanen, the Dulangan, and the Magindanaon.
Consequently, the Teduray who now live within this set-up
12 13
possess a mixed perception of the leadership structure. Very
often, ordinary Teduray folks today, inter-changeably refer to
the Timuay, Kefedewan, Fagilidan, Baglalan, Barangay
Kapitan, and Kagawad as The Leaders. However, when
pressed further about the traditional perception on leaders,
only the Timuay and Kefedewan surfaced as the prominent
generic traditional titles. The respondents did not recall of any
other leadership titles that have been handed down to their
awareness by their ancestors. This claim is very evident in the
way present Teduray communities operationalize the present
leadership set-up. Very often, the Barangay Kapitan
(barangay chairman) and Kagawad (barangay council
member) are also positions taken by Timuays or soon-to-be
Timuay. It is worth noting that, elected officials in the
municipalities and the barangays dominated by the Teduray
population are conferred with the Timuay titles.
It has been stressed that the primary problem with the
present system of selecting leaders is the 'palakasan'
(political patronage) system where a person, "Kahit hindi
qualified, basta nakasandal sa malaking politiko ay nagiging
lider. Hindi nakaka-unite sa tao. Hindi tuloy nag-cooperate
yung iba. Dinadaan sa threats. Sa barangay naman, kung
saan mixed ang grupo ng Teduray at settlers, at kung ang
lider ay settler, nagiging neglected ang Teduray. Madalas,
walang tsansa ang mga TedUl'ay na manalo sa election. May
11
discrimination. Madalas, kung sino ang may pera, ay siya
ang panalo sa eleksiyon" (Even non-qualified [persons], with
big politician backers, become leaders. But this results in
disunity. Consequently, others refuse to cooperate [with the
leadership]. Other [leaders] employ threats. In the barangay,
where there is mixed group of Teduray and 'settlers' , in
which the local official is a settler; the Teduray feels
neglected. Oftentimes, the Teduray has no chance of winning
the election. There is discrimination. Oftentimes, the one who
has the money wins the election).
14
In the present context, there is a general comfortable
feeling towards local governance because the current chief
executive of the municipality is a Teduray. However, there
exists an implied fear that the change of leadership can mean
problem to Teduray communities. A Key Informant pointed
that one obstacle to the satisfaction of Teduray concerns is,
"Kung magbago ang Mayor. Ngayon kasi, Teduray ang
mayor kaya kahit papaano, nabibigyan ng halaga ang mga
pangangailangan ng Teduray. Oras na mapalitan siya ng
hindi Teduray, sa palagay ko, maisasantabi na naman
kami" (If the mayor is changed. As of now, the mayor is a
Teduray so that, Teduray concerns are given attention. I
believe, the moment he is succeeded, we will be sidelined
again).
In addition, Teduray local government officials also
pointed the larger problem of non-recognition of the
Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) in the
ARMM. A Department of Education (DepEd)-ARMM
official expressed that one big obstacle to Teduray concerns
is: "Kakulangan ng pagrespeto at pagkUala sa karapatan ng
mga katutubo. Kakulangan ng pagpapatupad ng batas IPRA
sa ARMM' (Lack of recognition and respect of IP rights.
Lack of implementation of the IPRA law within the ARMM).
Among them, there is insistence on recogmtIon of
traditional laws in the mainstream governance system, "Kung
ako lang, isang balakid ang di pagkilala ng gobyerno sa
tradisyunal na pamaraan namin. Para sa akin, mas epektibo
talaga para sa amin ang tradisyunal. Kaya sana, i-recognize
naman ng gobyerno ang aming pamaraan. Problema rin
namin ang logging. Sa ngayon, nandiyan pa rin sila. Pero di
namin sUa pinakialaman, basta lang huwag sUa pumasok sa
aming barangay" (In my opinion, one of the obstacles is non
recognition of our traditional ways by the government. I am
convinced that the traditional way is more effective to us. I
15
- - - - - - ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
wish the government will recognize it. Another problem is the
logging [operation]. Right now, they are still in the area, but
we don't do anything to them, as long as they don't encroach
into our barangay).
To these interrelated problems, they recommend the
recognition of the Teduray system stipulated in the Timuay
Justice and Governance (TJG). Accordingly, it is seen as an
opportunity to mainstream Teduray socio-cultural, political,
and economic issues.
The Timuay Justice and Governance of 2002
In 1993, the larger Teduray communities in the
municipalities of Upi, and Timanan, including the satellite
Teduray communities in Lebak, Kalamansig, Datu Odin
Sinsuat, Talayan, Shariff Aguak, Kulaman, and Ezperanza
undertook a tribal gathering and formed the Mamalo
Descendants Organization (MOO) basically to unite Teduray
communities under a common historical theme
2
They also
discussed and brought back memories of the traditional
Timuay leadership structure. Finally in 2002, they formalized
the revival of the traditional leadership structure into the
Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG). Timuay Alim Bandara
explained that the primary reason for the move was, " ... .
para maibalik sa isipan ng mga tao and dating istruktura .. .
( . ~ . to raise people's awareness about the traditional structure
of the Timuay leadership). The leaders explored ways how the
Teduray governance could be recognized. They drew their
ideas from the fact that the Timuay, Kefedewan, and Bliyan
are still very much alive in their collective consciousness
2 Common Teduray and Magindanaon legend tells of brothers Mamalo and
Tabunaway. Accordingly Tabunaway converted to Islam and became the
ancestor of the Magindanaon and other Islamized tribes. Mamalo chose to retain
his indigenous belief and decided to live in the mountains. He became the
ancestor of the indigenous tribes including the Teduray.
despite the domineering presence of the mainstream
governance system. And so, the collaborative effort to revive
the traditional leadership structure was pursued in earnest.
Their recognized community leaders, the elders, were
illiterate but very wise, and their active and educated youths
discussed, planned, and collaborated to draw up the current
structural design of the Timuay Justice and Governance.
Finally, they were able to establish the TJG. Presently, they
are advocating and looking for ways to have it recognized in
the regional government structure of the AR1v1M.
It is through the Mamalo Descendants Organization
(MOO) that The Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG) was
established in 2002 with the primary aim of strengthening
tribal governance and of putting up a governance structure
that is "interface-ready" with the government structure.
Internally, it is structured to facilitate greater community
participation in the overall consultation process of
governance. As explained, it embodies the traditional Teduray
concept of, "... istruktura ng pam'umunuan, mga batas,
polisiya at program a sa pamamahala" (leadership structure,
laws, and policies and programs of governance). Its
characteristics are founded on the traditional basic principles
of: close affinity with the natural environment, communal
ownership, collective leadership, equality of all human
beings, Kejiyo Fedew (harmony), and Lumot Minanga
(progressive pluralism). It is constituted by the following key
structural elements:
. . . Tim/ada Limud (tribal congress)
... Minted sa 1nged (Council of Chieftains)
... 1nged Kasarigan (territorial Executive Body)
... Fagilidan (supreme justices)
. . . Timuay Labi (Tribal Head Chieftain)
... Titay Bleyen (Vice-Tribal chieftain)
___________________________________ 17 16
Ayuno Tulos (secretary)
Senrukoy Tulos (Treasurer) (TJG, 2002,
pp.6-11).
Figure 1: Structure of the Timuay Justice and Governance
PROVINCE/REGION
I
INGED KASARIGAN
rrerritory Executive Body)
1. Timvay Kasadgan
2. Sungku Timuay Kasarigan
3. Mumuuka Inged (territory
Overseer)
4. Far;uyaga
M.ginged(.griculture)
5. FUamallln (organizer)
6 Senrukuy Tulos(finance)
7. Kemem.1 K.adatan(spiritu.'
comrrittee, doctor. seer)
8. Civil Society Orgt niza/ions
9. Seayunon(/faison. spokes",.n)
10. Finl.ilan(Womenos group)
11. M.ngungud,(youths group)
12. Diy.g. Fenuwo(village police)
TIMFADA LlMUD
(Tribal Congress)
MINTED SA INGED
Administrative
Council of Chieftains
I . Timl'o/Labi (Tnbal Head
ClUeftain)
2.
J Ay""o T "las (.o::n,,,,y)
J. Sa>n<k0)' T"Ia. (Treasurcr)
5. Mi.wmb", (8)
.
SELIMUDO FENUWO
Local Council of Chieftains
I I
I I
I
Sitio
I I SitiD
I
KOYORAN (SITIO)
I
FAGILIDAN
(Supreme Jus1ices)
I Kefedewan
.
I
Fenuwo Executive Body
, . Tvnggv Kuarigan
2 Svngko Kasarig8n
I
I
Sitio I
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MUNICIPAL
BARANGAY

I
Samfeton
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(MUNICIPAL)
Remfong Fenuwo Ju";ces I Remflng F enuwo Kasangan
(Kefedewan)
l
Baglalan
J
Body)
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iJ
The Final Report of this research abstract is available at the University Research Center.
20
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Research Monograph No. 30
Self-Governance Practices
of the Teduray
This Research Monograph Series presents the
researches conducted by the University Research Center,
Notre Dame University, Cotabato City