Fragile Lands, Fragile Organizations: Indian Organizations and the Politics of Sustainability in Ecuador Author(s): Anthony J.

Bebbington, Hernan Carrasco, Lourdes Peralbo, Galo Ramon, Jorge Trujillo and Victor Torres Reviewed work(s): Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 2 (1993), pp. 179-196 Published by: Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/622361 . Accessed: 28/08/2012 15:16
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179

Indian lands, organizations: fragile Fragile andthe in ofsustainability organizations politics Ecuador
ANTHONY J.BEBBINGTON*,HERNAN CARRASCOt, LOURDES PERALBOt, GALO RAMONt, JORGE TRUJILLOt and VICTOR TORRESt Overseas *Research London, Park, Institute, Fellow, Regents Development NWI 4NS andEvaluation COMUNIDEC, Casilla554,Sucursal 12deoctubre, Quito, Team, tResearch Ecuador 22 October 1992 Revised MS received
ABSTRACT

in sustaining factors use systems on of resource Recentdiscussions management suggestthatone of themostimportant ofrural rural resource and theconsolidation of local representative institutions: landsis thestrength management fragile intheseareas.Pursuing inanyviablelanduse strategy this be central concerns civilsociety must boththerefore relationship thepaperdiscusses theexperiences ofseveralIndian federations and resource betweenlocal organizations in management, from environments underincreasing Ecuadorthatoccupyfragile pressure processesof nationaland local development. and so allow to resist thesedestabilizing forces These federations have soughtto identify resource management strategies a constant to protect Indianoccupanceoftheselands.These strategies have represented search locallandrights, continued and to identify an ecologically to asserta specifically Indiancultural and economically viableresource identity, manageto date have been those thatcombinetraditional and mentstrategy forIndianfamilies. The most successful strategies in a way thatrespondsto Indians'increasing modern and to grassroots practices consumption management requirements In doingso theyhave also helpedstrengthen thefederations themselves. Thisempirical to a analysisis related capacities. ofpointsofcontact democratization discussion betweenthedebateson rural and on traditional resource and management, betweenthegeographic traditions ofcultural and political on agrarian movements. ecology,and theliterature specifically A dialoguebetweentheseperspectives couldlead to analysesthat areat oncemorereflective oflocalrealities andmoreable to contribute ofviablelocal resource to thedevelopment use strategies. KEY WORDS: Ecuador, Local organizations, lands,Participatory research, Fragile Development, technology Indigenous

RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND POPULAR ORGANIZATIONS: CULTURAL AND POLITICAL ECOLOGY FOR THE REAL WORLD The consolidation ofcivilsociety and theelaboration ofsustainable resource aretwo management strategies of themosturgent in rural LatinAmerica challenges and (LatinAmericanCommissionon Environment so in those 1990). This is particularly Development, fragile environments being rapidly occupied in contextscharacterized over resources by conflicts (Goodman and Hall, 1990; Goodman and Redclift, 1991). In these areas it is becomingapparentthat
Trans. Inst.Br.Geogr. N.S. 18: 179-196 (1993) ISSN: 0020-2754

local peasantorganizations have crucial roles strong to play in furthering bothlocal democratization and sustainable landuse. discussions oftheseorganizations have Typically, focusedon one or otherof theseprocesses.On the one hand, intheir interest rolesinsustainable resource is relatedto theincreasingly orthodox management argumentthat the technologicaland managerial environmental practices embedded in traditional knowledgeand resourceuse are ecologicallysustainable 1989; Denevan,1989). Some have (Browder, therefore localorganizations willmobilize arguedthat thesesupposedly sustainable traditional technologies and will protect the long-term production potential
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ANTHONY TONET AL. ]. BEBBING of the resources on whichlocal livelihoodsdepend Thetechnology - traditional resource ofsustainability and Benjamin, infragile lands (Turner 1991; WorldBank,1992).' management It has likewise been arguedthatthestrengthening In their discussions ofresource cultural management, of local organizations is part of the more general ecologists have longarguedthattraditional practices consolidation ofrural civilsocietythatis essential to are environmentally 1990),because adapted(Butzer, the stillfragile in 'by virtue of their and structural protect steps towardsdemocracy biologicaldiversity rural areas(Fox, 1990). Such organizations can serve congruity withthenatural ... theyare, environment to counter the power of rural civil in essence, indefinitely "sustainable"' (Browder, elites,to protect and land rightsand to pressurestate institutions 1989, p. 6). Speakingfora large body of literature, forgreater and opennessin decision Denevan (1989, p. 22) claims'... fragile lands may accountability and administrative undermodemsystems. making processes (Fox, 1990; not be utilised Development Lehmann, 1990;Slater, 1985).Inmulti-ethnic societies, of fragilelands needs to draw upon traditional suchas thoseoftheAndeanandAmazonian are more sustaincountries, knowledge'.Traditional practices also constitute a meansfor and able,it is argued, becausetheyuse fewcapitalinputs organizations asserting Indian2 on and arelessdependent cultural and little fossil-fuel traditionally revindicating oppressed energy, identities canbe oneof the vagariesof inputmarkets 1987).Finally, (Wilken, 1987). They they (Chiriboga, thevehicles for indevel- also use diversified thatenhanceresilience greater popular participation strategies a some (Altieri, that, 1987; Browder, 1989; Holling,1973) and, if opment programmes participation and accountability the costs of environmental are factored claim,enhancesthe effectiveness degradation of these programmes (Clark, 1991; EXTIE-World in,traditional maybe more economically technologies than many modern systems(Browder, Bank,1990). profitable Yet whilethesediscussions have been conducted 1989).4 However,it is likewise thecase thattheland in largelyseparatespheres, the organizations them- productivity and potentialcash incomefromthese selves standat thepointwherethe two discussions systems are low. of thesociopolitical in These arguments take on special significance oughtbe joined:at theinterface and ecologicaldimensions of the development and discussions ofresource for the management strategies environment debate.They therefore lands of LatinAmerica'(Browder, occupyin prac- so-called'fragile ticetheconceptual and 1989; Denevan, 1989 p. 22; Turnerand Benjamin, grounds engagedby cultural research in These two that theselandsareparticularly 1991). By suggesting ecological political geography. on resource use have differ- proneto landdegradation land use whentraditional geographic perspectives entbutcomplementary cultural aredisturbed, (cultural many emphases ecologists systems ecologists imply on the systemic and behavioural that be managedwithtraditional theymust concentrating practices. dimensions of resource management, political Many therefore forests argue thatlowland tropical withtheexternal forces ecologists grappling shaping shouldbe managedon thebasis of indigenous practhe contexts within which decisions are made). tices(DenevanandPadoch,1988) andthat sustainable about therole of use ofAndeanhillsides shouldbuildon pre-Hispanic Nevertheless, theyhave said little in combining local peasant organizations resource technologies, practices cropsand land management and political and Candler,1989; Field and Chiriboga, (Erickson management negotiation. Ecuador,thispaperaims to 1984; Knapp,1991; Mayer,1979). Using evidencefrom more fill thislacuna,and to unitethesedifferent is,however, Decidingwhatlandsare'fragile' debates.3 aim problematic. landsare inherently thestrategic At issueis whether Itdoes so with twogoals:(i)to pursue of paris an effect or whether their of elucidating conditions thatfavour the emergence fragile, fragility of ofstrong localorganizations; and(ii)to helpelaborate ticular and management practices 'pressures prosuchas market increase linesof theoretical and empirical forcultural duction' demands, population enquiry and and Brookfield, resourcemanage- or taxation and politicalecology by uniting 1987; Turner (Blaikie and classifies delimits Denevan around a issue: the mentand cultural Brush, 1987). (1989) specific politics on fragile lands in fragile landson thebasis ofagro-ecological actions of Indian organizations qualities: and vegetation. from cultural Ecuador.By drawingthreads However,in a review ecology slope,climate and analyses of agrarianmovements,the paper of recentstudiesof land use on purported fragile and Benjamin thatmight be askedabout the lands,Turner (1991) argue thatagroinvestigates questions do not per se determine and socio-political of ecological characteristics resource dynamics management or how muchland degradation will occur. in fragile local organizations lands. whether,
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lands, Fragile fragile organizations 181 that is a result of the interThepolitics andagrarian They suggest ofsustainability degradation movements actionbetweenuse and land qualities, and is most Turner and Benjamin are primarily interested in the underconditions ofrapidly landuse, resourcemanagement role of local organizations. likely changing frontier extreme landpressures, However, these organizationshave many other conditions, poverty, control ofresources ordecision con- political, external cultural andsocialconcerns. Indeed, ifwe are making, incentives to land use,and aridity. how and why theymanageresources flicting Ironically, to understand Denevan also recognizesthat'... social fragility, in intheways thattheydo, then we mustacknowledge terms oforganization, social from markets, incomes, theoutsetthatthesegroups(i) arenot only, prices, nor and politics ... can be more critical necessarily withresource relationships concerned mainly, managethanenvironmental (Denevan,1989,p. 23), ment;and (ii) suffer internal tensionsand external fragility' somewhat undermining his own agroecological pressures thatcan easilyoverwhelm them. Oftenby classification of'fragile lands'. definition, their land use political agendasregarding Iftheuse ofland determines itsfragility, thento say differ from those of othergroupsand the state.We thatfragile lands mustbe managedwithtraditional ought, therefore, to lookmorecloselyat thenature of technologiescan become tautologous- forfragile theseorganizations. lands become definedas those lands that degrade There is a large literature on the politicsof land once traditionalpractices are disturbed.This is and peasantorganizations in LatinAmerica, dating Itis moreuseful to recognize hardly helpful. explicitly at least from the communitydevelopmentand that traditionaltechnology is simply a techno- cooperative movements ofthe 1950s and 1960s and conditions under going rightthrough logical responseto environmental to current interest in the role certainlevels of demand and conditionsof use of grassrootsgroups in bottom-updevelopment (cf. Turnerand Brush,1987). If these conditions (Carroll, 1992; Stavenhagen, 1970).We cannotpossthen traditional willeither no longer iblyreviewall thisliterature change, here.Rather we wishto practices satisfynew levels of demand or will themselves pointto certain themesthathave emergedin these lead to land degradation.The appropriateness of writings thatseemparticularly relevant to ourthinktraditional technologies thus becomes context ingaboutwhatlocal organizations can achieveinthe of fragile lands.These themes dependent. are: the management Whilenot denying thatmuchcan be learned from politicalstruggles over resourceuse withinwhich traditional thepointis thattraditional tech- theseorganizations are enmeshed and the limits practices, on to solveresource nologiesarenotlikely can achieve; the role of management what local organizations whenconditions instrengthening problems rural change,as theycontinue rural and organizations society to do inmuchoftheAndesandAmazon.Thus,rather makinglocal development more participatory; the thanconcentrate on technology as an entry movements; pointto cultural and, finally, politicsof agrarian sustainable Turnerand Benjamin(1991) theinternal tensions in theseorganizations. strategies, focus on the conditions in which technological A recentcontribution to our thinking on these choicesare made. Among factors thatmightfoster issuesis Goodmanand Redclift's of (1991) discussion sustainableland use they identify the following: 'thepolitics of sustainability' in LatinAmerica. They rules, regulationsand rewards for investment in emphasize that thepossibility ofsustainable developsufficient well being to be mentwill always be definedin the politicalarena landscape modification; able to exercise choice; securityof investment; in which resourcebases are contested.There are access to servicesand markets; local autonomyin perhapstwo main concernsthatany such 'politics decisionmaking; and long term attachment to place. of sustainability' would bringto an analysisof local In stressing the importance of securing local users' organizations and resourcemanagement: the first land rights and strengthening local decisionmaking gives us a contextwithin whichto think about the power,theyeffectively suggestways in whichlocal obstacles faced by those organizations, and the contribute to sustainable resource second focuseson the struggles organizations might in whichtheyare management. engaged. With this interest in local organizations, The first Turner in this'politics of sustainability' concern and Benjaminhave, as cultural ecologists,perhaps draws on the perspectivesof political economy moved the discussion towards the and dependency inadvertently to suggesthow theviability theory oflanduse and theconsolidation ofrural civil of traditional politics resourceuse practices may be undersociety. mined.Stressis laid upon the constraints of social

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- recognized, apparently, by Denevan deemcrucial relations iftheurban-biased ofdemocratizprocess to whichgeographers, thepolitical ationin Latin America is to expandintorural areas(1989) treading theretoo, bureaucrats are held accountable, (Blaikie so that, ecologicalpath,have drawnmost attention and Brookfield, and humanrights He 1987; Watts, 1983, 1989; Wisner, local elitesresisted, respected. 'The contribution civilsocietyto of rural 1976; Zimmerer, 1991). These factorshave both comments: which analyticaland strategicimplications. Analytically, democratization dependson civicassociations studiesof local resourceuse fromthis perspective include democratic interest groups, self-help organizwouldhave to embrace thepolitical economic factors ations,religiouscongregations, ethnicassociations, thathave greatinfluence over theoutcomesof local and community orientatedeconomic enterprises' grassroots initiatives(Watts, 1989) - examples (Fox: 1990 p. 10). Fox also suggests that another would include land scarcityand poverty-induced important sense in whichtheseorganizations could and out-migration thatinturn to ruraldemocratization can lead contribute would be by overcropping to terrace and loss ofknowledge abandonment in development about broadeningpopular participation nativecultivars of local pro1990; Zimmerer, 1988). decisionsand in the implementation (Bebbington, this perspective us that the grammes.6 reminds Grassrootsdevelopmentstudies have Strategically, actionsof local organizations willneverbe enough. made similar thatrural arguing organizations points, Political and policyactionat a nationallevel remain are agentsof socialchangewhichtakedevelopment thesocialand own hands, delivering equally crucial to consolidatingcivic institutions issuesintotheir services thatthestateis increasingly and sustainableresource managementinitiatives developmental andHakim, unable toprovide 1988;Hirschman, 1990; Gledhill, (Annis (Lehmann, 1988). A second dimensionto this 'politicsof sustain- 1984). It is helpful to delve intothisliterature because,at ability'looks at the actions of ruralorganizations of consoli- and thesame timeas pointing to theurgency the contextof thesewiderconstraints within it also ifandhow localactions datingrural wouldalso aimto understand pointsto people's organizations, - factors thatby thatmakethisdifficult could begin to redresssome of those constraints. the factors of theeffectiveness wouldalso undermine Here,Goodmanand Redclift (1991) pointouranaly- implication in these ses towardthe local politicsof land use and those resource organizmanagement programmes are a range thatthere social groupsover ations.Fox (1990) emphasizes conflicts betweendifferent direct factors' the control and use of resources (Cleary, 1991; of 'external (such as coercionand violence) most visiblyin land and 'internal'factorsthat weaken rural people's Nugent, 1991) - manifested factors'include the These 'internal can organizations. and ruralviolence.Such struggles usurpations in an organization of sustaining move fromthe local to the nationaland begin to physicaldifficulty obstaclesto sus- areas wheredistancesare greatand traveldifficult. address(or deepen)moreprofound in people's economic are thediversity landuse. Iftheyescalateto becomeconflicts Otherfactors tainable and resources whichmay mean interests and the national betweenlocal groups, state, ecological groups benefits froma particular theycan begin(and indeedhave begun)to influence that they gain different national development policies.5 As Woodgate's economic programme. of these problemsis to weaken The net effect collecin the Goodman and Redclift (1991) chapter how local actions organizations:'internaldemocracy remains quite we mustalso consider tionargues, is often theonlylink becausetheleadership can change the economic relationswithinwhich vulnerable communidiverse member and the for formal use land. among dispersed organizations, Through peasants withover Fox comments influence themselves can rural 10) ties', (1990 agreeing instance, p. populations on peasantorganizations inproduct transfers: resource yearsof literature processing twenty byengaging and Hewitt's urban- and cooperatives.From Landsberger and influencing or co-operativemarketing and of sources weakness of 'ten identification Tendler et rural terms oftrade (1970) al., 1987; 1988). (Healy, to are not only resourceman- cleavage in LatinAmerican Local organizations peasantmovements' thatrural (1992) findings people's organizagers but have the potentialto change the wider Carroll's distribution biasesintheir aremade ationsareproneto internal use decisions resource which context within the of local development man- of benefits ruralresource In thisregard, and constrained. programmes, of accountability theproblem of messageis consistent: oftheconsolidation links intodiscussions agement is a vexed and withthestate. and cohesionin ruralorganizations and itsrelationship rural civilsociety, suchas Fox (1990) complicated authors that Thisis a consolidation one.

lands, Fragile fragile organizations

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to assertions ofsomeauthors Thisis an antidote in oflocal organizations musttherefore Anyanalysis on new social movements the literature who claim recognizethat,being at once politicalagents and that popular organizationsare characterized by resource theymay have to grapplewith managers, of levels and internal democracy logicsand mayhave veryunderstandhigh participatory contradictory decision 1985,p. 7).Otherobservations able reasons for pursuing strategiesthat seem (Slater, making in thisliterature be morerelevant to irrational to theexternal criteria, may,however, ecologicalor otherour discussion. thatseveral wise, of commentators One of themainthemes suchas cultural and political commentators in LatinAmericahave taken ecologists.Analyses of peasant resourcemanageagrarian fromthe literature of new social movements is the ment shouldtherefore accordimportance to localpolidea that arefre- iticalactionand cultural as wellas themore identity, contemporary popular organizations motivated fora different form traditional themes of technological by a concern quently ecology practice, of development thatrecognizes and expresseslocal and political 1991). We argue economy(Bebbington, identities and class-based thatthefusion of theseconcerns is a prerequisite to ignoredby modernization local organizations, whose own sustain1991; Redclift, 1988; sustainable (Harvey, political organizations cf.Evers,1985 and Friedmann, must be central to anylasting contribution to a 1992). In cases where ability these organizations are of Indianpeoples, thiscan stronger civilsociety and a moreaccountable statein becomea concern to promote a form ofdevelopment ruralareas (cf.Lehmann, that 1990). Organizations that ethnic cultural and identities the cultural and political over respects (Chiriboga, consistently privilege theemergence of theeconomic, and thatfailto have a significant 1987; Gledhill, 1988). Forinstance, and Indian (as opposed to peasant) organiz- relativelyegalitarianimpact on the rural family explicitly ationsinEcuador is interpreted own umbrella economy, are following a flawedstrategy. by their Similarly is anycultural and political organization, the Confederationof Indigenous flawed ecologicalanalysis Nationalities ofEcuador(CONAIE), as an expression that understates elements anyofthese byemphasizing of an ethnicidentity in which neitherclass-based thetraditional concerns oftheir discourse. norpublicinstitutions showed peasantorganizations much interest(CONAIE, 1989). However, if the themselves arenotinternally organizations homogen- INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS IN FRAGILE then we must LANDS: CULTURAL POLITICS AND eous andareproneto capture byleaders, ask whether thecultural idealsand practices thatthe RESOURCE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES organizationsespouse are necessarilyshared by IN ECUADOR thebulkof their members. This too may undermine theviability oftheresource of The Ecuadorian case material comesfrom thetropical management capacities theseorganizations. forest lowlandsof Amazonia and from the Andean These observations lead us to two issues thatare highlands.Both environments are demarcatedby of importance in thinking about the role of Indian Denevan as fragile, withparticular 'stressfactors' in in rural resource soil fertility, nutrient organizations Firstly, resourcemanagement: management. cycles and steep they suggest that these organizationsare them- and pest problemsin the humidforests; selves fragile,subject to internaltensions and slopes, aridity and climatic risk in the Andes thatcan undermine their external pressures capacity (Denevan, 1989, p. 13). Indigenous technologies to promote sustainable and equitable resource were historically adapted to these stress factors. themotiv- However,thecontext ofthis haschanged: management. Secondly, theysuggestthat adaptation ations of theseorganizations are complex,and not pressures to intensify on Indianlandsare production resource use. They might increasing and conflicts over thecontrol onlyrelatedto sustainable ofresources also be orientated towards landrights, and between Indians, the state, colonists and larger protecting about the identities of Indian business interests aregrowing. makingstatements This The periodsincethe1960s has witnessed a steady peoples. may lead to irresolvable complexity contradictions that mightinfluence theirresource increase in the strengthand number of Indian would organizations in bothregions. What, for instance, These federations management are strategies. happen if the socio-politicallogic of a popular constituted by a numberof 'base organizations' organization suggestsa resource management prac- (communities,7 associations). co-operatives, By 1990, tice that differs fromthe ecological and economic there weresome 126 federations in Ecuador(Ram6n, ideal? as socio-politically 1991). Many emerged orientated,

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ethnic organizationsthat subsequentlymounted developments(Bromley,1980). Alongside sponresource both taneouscolonization camecolonists directed management by state programmes addressing andpressures for theintensificationagencies concernedto diffuse land conflicts in the political problems ofproduction. and to occupy land near international highlands, frontiers 1984). (Uquillas, From toIndian in Withcolonization camelanduse change.Between technological organizations adaptation the humid 1965 and 1985 theamountof land plantedto crops forest tropical A wealth of researchin Ecuador's tropicalforests increased from levelsto 225 000 hectares, negligible has demonstrated the ecological sustainability of doubling between1983 and 1986 alone (Hicksetal., increased from indigenousforestmanagement practices(Descola, 1990). Over thesameperiod, pastures and thepopulationof 1988; MacDonald, 1981; MacDonald et al., 1991). 226 000 to 484 000 hectares, at a rateof 4-9 per centper thesepractices hingedaroundthe clear- the lowlandsincreased Frequently ance and burning of smallplotsofforest whichwere annumbetween 1974 and 1982 (Southgate,1991; system Hicks et al., 1990 p. 2). With this increaseand the subsequently planted with a polycultural theagriculnature ofcolonist based on a mixture of nativespecies.The plot was unsustainable farming,8 intotheterritories a processthat tural frontier has advancedrapidly thenleft fortherecovery oftheforest, Amazonia Indian overseveralyears ofthesixdifferent continued to yielduseful inhabiting groups products and Granizo, of the swidden fallow (cf. Denevan and Padoch, (Hicksetal., 1990; Trujillo 1991). was facilitated This incursion intoIndianterritory to twentyyears later,soil nutrient 1988). Fifteen thatwas designedto reform thecyclewouldbeginagain(Uquillas, by agrarian levelsrestored, legislation to the highlandindigenous land transfers on landavail- facilitate 1985). The system though, depended, land that was used and developedwithfewadditional ability, pressures poor. Under that legislation, was subjectto expropriation on production. (Barsky, 'inefficiently' mount- 1984). Colonistsand publicagencieshave therefore has beenunder Thismanagement strategy and swidden of the argued thatunclearedIndianhunting (MacDonald, 1981). At theturn ing pressures colonists who will to lands be over fallow the of conflict there century, ought granted emerged types social groups that use it more efficiently resources between different (Southgate,1991; Uquillas, Goodman and Redclift (1991) take as the starting 1985). have broughtacute pressure These disturbances point for understandingresource management above all and and on Indian haciendas taken for rubber Land was systems, production cultural strategies. land rightsand resourcesand also forced by threatening Indianswere frequently livestockranching. and of acculturation theassociatedimpacts rubber elsewhere through their landsin orderto extract from and culture on Indian later disarticulation in the The conflicts intensified identity (Uquillas, (Uquillas,1984). fromthe late of federations effect 1984). The emergence and indirect as botha direct twentieth century with the supportof priestsand ofnational 1960s, frequently strategies. development was a direct The discoveryof oil reservesin 1967 at Lago Indianbi-lingual educators, responseto mounted these Amazonian a boost' to was strategies 'major Organizations pressures. developAgrio to resistboth the directeconomic ment (Southgate, 1991). The state mounted a that attempted and the perceivedcultural to Indiansurvival, based on oil threat strategyof national modernization of threats resource modernization further 1981).Furthermore, (Salazar, indigenous disrupting exploitation, as the sinequa nonof seen was of land defence the from Aside et al., 1990). (Hicks systems management wouldbe no livelilandthere itswater Indianculture foroil development, thelandtaken (without directly of eduother linked to and was and effectsdamaged fishing and noise-polluting hood), programmes cultural and credit cation used Different resources. activity, particular promoting governments game and oil visions of Indian identity to encouragelivestock and land concessions groundedin traditional a also constituted theorganizations ontoIndian practices. encroached who steadily Finally, palmproducers for for services resources access to to means areas the more fertile lands, particularly negotiate (Uquillas, Theiractionsthus comIndianbase organizations. 1984). to increase directefforts into Indianlands were com- binedworkin land rights, These interventions local and in Indian politics, of plannedand spontaneous participation regional poundedby theeffects and moreovertdevelopment revindication colonization.In some cases, colonists from the cultural and coast followedroads builtforother actions. highlands

185 lands, organizations fragile Fragile to form in 1964, to Indiancommunities was thefirst in Pastaza - on the proviso The ShuarFederation could continue on Indianlands and now includesover two hundred and sixtybase thatoil exploration This was followedby the Federation and that the government would have rightsto organizations. ofIndigenous ofNapo (FOIN) in 1969 future oil proceeds (Washington Post, 20 May Organisations in 1991), and 1992). (with around 65 base organizations Whilethesemanyyearsofworkto gain landtitle ofIndigenous several suchas theOrganisation others, in the1970s have represented a consciousattempt to resistthe Peoples ofPastaza (OPIP), wereformed and 80s (CONAIE, 1989). of Indiansfromtheir historic territories, usurpation ofthesefederations has been to theyhave equally reflected The mainconcern an effort to strengthen as a meansof Indian politicalorganization. Secure land titleand gain recognized legal land ownership land and territorial (Salazar,1981). livelihood were the firstessential steps towards protecting rights In part, federations to recog- stronger infederations and petitioned government membership participation nize thatlandsdeemedunoccupied was Fox,1990),andlandtitling (cf. by thestatewere base organizations in factused and owned by Indianpeoples. In some thencombinedwithgrassroots workto strengthen cases federations As organizations havebecome organizations. pressedthestateto give land titles member and in othercases thefederations, withadvisorsand stronger, on theyhave indeedhad a growing impact outsidefinancial have done their own land local politics.The means of doing so have varied, assistance, demarcation communal as including directparticiwork, stressing ownership pacts withpoliticalparties, to the individual of as members elected and opposed ownership promotedby pation representatives state programmes and demonstration. The moregeneral (MacDonald, 1986; Hicks et al., direct protest and effect oftheir workhas led theindigenous 1990). Insomeareas(suchas theareaoftheShuar grassroots of FOIN), much land has been successfully titled vote inprovinces suchas Napo to becomeinfluential elections. Otherimpacts haveranged from (Uquillas, 1985). In other provinces where such inregional and private organizedactionsbegan later(e.g. in Pastaza),there negotiatingover recent government has been less success and, under the authoritarian, development and projects, to influencing strategies conservativeand distinctly anti-Indian of the of FOIN, for regime appointment public officials. of Indianlands was severelycur- instance, refused to accepttheappointment ofa non1984-88, titling tailed (MacDonald, 1986). This also reflected an bilingual non-Indian as regional Director ofBilingual in orderto facili- Education normal and,after failed, apparent policyto frustrate titling they negotiations oil exploration and development organized a siegeoftheoffices until theDirector was tateanysubsequent and Granizo, witha bi-lingual 1991). (Trujillo replaced person. These more operational(low intensity At thesametimeas theynegotiate forchangesin conflict) with the state have been state thefederations negotiations coupled programmes, go about mountwithmorepowerful, and effective, recently political ing theirown economic and social development In June1990, the Confederation mobilizations. of programmes. To fundthe programmes, theyhave of Ecuador called on the negotiatedexternalfinancing, fromoverseas and IndigenousNationalities Indiansto join in a nationwide offices are now adorned country's uprising fromthe state.Federation directed a government that was perceived tobe with the regalia of traditional artisanal against production itsfeet on a series ofissues, land alongside the computersand faxes they need to dragging amongthem The mobilization lastedfivedays and brought undertake thesenegotiations. In theseprogrammes, rights. to a halt.The responseof the the federations have played roles that would be partsof the country was partial but the armof the Catholic impossibleforhouseholds.They channelcreditto government church committed to theindigenous facilitate the installation of infrapoorandworried theirmembers, aboutsocialstability a new fund structure as and marketing (such bycreating responded storage,transport to assistIndians to buyland. and experimental and demonstration facilities, specifically farms) Federations remained dissatisfied withthegovern- and provide technical assistanceto help members ment'sresponse. This was particularly so in the case alter theiragricultural practices.In these different of OPIP which first demandeda formof regional ways, they increase Indian managementof, and of social reproduction autonomyand then,in April 1992, coordinateda participation in,programmes mass march from thelowlandsto Quito which, after and local development processes. Land work was combinedwith actions seen as days of occupyingpart of the city,ended in the three million acresoflandtitle reinforcing government granting Indiancultural identities. This specifically

ANTHONY. BEBBINGTON ETAL. has been in 'traditional' and the Organisation of IndigenousPeoples of Pastaza identity sought practices thepossibility that acculturation (OPIP). Subsequently, ideas,inpart OPIP also soughtto promote denying of theseto becomeinappro- commercialagriculture, may have led elements monocultural, frequently to their members. Federations' actions cacao and maizeamongitsmembers. included, coffee, priate forinstance, from oraland other histories In playingthese roles as supra-communal instirecovering the themes of traditionalIndian practices and tutions inregional resource federations management, theminto teaching, musicand artisanal have had positive impacts.Cattle have generated introducing One Indianmusicalgroup,theYumbos incomefor bothfamilies and base organizations alike production. thatrecovers Chahuamangos, songs in Quichua,has - the latterusing such income fromcollectively supported several federationsin these sorts of managedherdsto fundcommunal projects(Salazar, activities. have continued 1981). Indeed,the factthatfamilies The concern to revalidate Indian identities through with livestockproductionaftergaining land title the restorationof traditional insomecasesithasproven practices has also showsboththat profitable influenced federations' rhetoric and thattheseproducers are not con(thoughas we shall forproducers see not always theirpractice)regarding resource tent withthesimple subsistence livelihoods oftheold like culturalecologists, adaptations. Federations, management. have arguedto bothIndians andgovernment alikefor theseresource models Nonetheless, management the value of traditional practicesand ecological have become increasingly problematicand their forestmanagement. As sustainability must be questioned on several knowledgefor sustainable grounds. the Indianmovement became stronger both in the By thelater1980s,it becameincreasingly clearthat Amazon and nationally, this emphasis on Indian boththeeffects ofsoilandpasture resultdegradation and resistance as a reaffirmation of cultural ing fromlivestock and soil and pest history development, has intensified withmonoculture have often been severe, (CONAIE, 1989).9 identity problems The potential coherence ofa strategy in the of the agro-ecological sustainability grounded questioning therecuperation of territory, cul- strategy. thecost of attending to these traditions, Furthermore, agrarian andhistory hasnot,however, beenfully realized problems, and thenegative on bothlivestock ture, impacts in past practice. one reason forthishas and cropproductivity, haveundermined theeconomic Ironically, been the contradictions betweenthe resource man- sustainability of thesepractices. These observations in arenot to imply thatthewholeof Indianproduction agement models promotedby the federations and the cultural ideals pursuedby themin in Amazoniahas becomeunsustainable it is practice, (though rhetoric. The contradiction has often been forced under Indeed Indian families conby many pressure). - but tinueto maintain circumstance rather thaninternal circumstances areas offorest significant (Uquillas, The pointrather either is toweakenthecoherence is thatthefederations ofthe pers.comm.). waytheeffect federations. a strategy that inthisregion has itself have promoted in so have Thus, in responseto the problemthatuncleared notbeena sustainable they doing option;'0 land was vulnerableto colonist possession,some in manycases undermined theirown strength and as organizations. federations decided that land rightsand territory legitimacy stemsin partfrom the would have to be protected This weakenedlegitimacy land.This by occupying led themto chose a strategy thatwas both under- technicalproblemsof the strategies promoted.It statements is also a resultof the ways in which federations standable andcontradictory. Despitetheir Concerned their should be based on organized that Amazoniandevelopment programmes. development at a base their federations to resource level, strengthen support management strategies, 'indigenous' adapted to thatdid not createmechanisms they promoted the colonist model of resource mounted projects - a model revolving around forest allow self-financing or to covertheinstitutional costs management as projectscome and of the federation." thus chose to facilitate clearance.Federations Consequently, findthemselves of to an end,so manyfederations members the development still promoteamong their This problem cattleranching commercial and, to a lesserextent, dependent on external financing. commercialagriculture (MacDonald, 1981; 1986; remainsand is increasingly recognizedwithinthe 'We have not generated viableproposals was federation. and Granizo, 1991). The first Trujillo experience theriseofcattle fostered amongthemembers for economic development,and .. now is the ranching to sit down and do so ... only by gaining successled moment of the ShuarFederation and its apparent in Pastaza,with economic power will we gain political power', to efforts to repeatthe experience

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187 lands, organizations fragile Fragile inflation and the state's search intheAmazonian andnational one activist comments adjustment pressures, for income isintensifying andwith itthesearch Indianmovement 1991,pers.comm.). (Karakras export can Anotherproblemhas been that the federations foroil and gas. How farany Indianmovement or at least sharein theincomegenerated, a certainlack of internal suffer that resistthis, accountability theagendasoftheorgan- mustbe open to question. allows leadersto influence In short, forboth internal and externalreasons, consistent izationsin ways thatare not necessarily have had difficulty and of themembership. the federations withthemostpressing concerns identifying resist- thensustaining economicand cultural and cultural their focuson political At times, projectsthat ance and on conceptions of identityrooted in adequatelyresonatewith theirmembers' concerns. that base support for thelarger was oftenat odds with Thishasmeant non-modernized political practices, is weakened and thefederations' of the and cultural concernsof the majority the more material projects not assured. A decade ago, one commentator noted legitimacy among theirbases is itself membership. role in addingcohesionand strength ofmodemideas and As such,their thatthedegreeofincorporation aspirationsamong most Shuar was such that the to rural society is also weakened, along with more traditional federation's conceptionof cultural theirpotentialrole in local resourcemanagement did not reflect concerns (Salazar, programmes. identity grassroots 1981). In 1986,MacDonald (1986 p. 13) commented cultural Andean resource thatinanother ofthefederations (FOIN) '... thewell Modernizing management: ... wantedsomething orpopular more erosion empowerment? organizedcommunities intheprocessofpopular considered tobe,thesame A secondsetofexperiences from FOIN than, whatthey rural on theneed to organize'(sic).In many organization tiredlectures among indigenous people comes accountable to fromthe central leaderswerenot sufficiently where,in respects, provinceof Chimborazo their for these sorts ofmisrepresentationsthe 1950s and 1960s, a long history of everyday membership to be rectified. resistance on feudalestatesspilledover intoa more is evidenceofan emerging strategic there and organized Thiswas partofan Having said this, struggle. thatmay finda middle increasing thatcharacterized the approachto Indianidentity peasant militancy ofLatin America. inresponse to Partly groundbetweenthe calls of the past and the chal- periodinmuch In Napo, forinstance, FOIN this, reform in was Ecuador lenges of the present. agrarian legislation passed maintains a healthprogramme thatrevolvesaround in 1964 and 1973: in Chimborazo, however,where thepromotion oftraditional forms ofhealth careinso- rural militancyhad been particularly strong,an faras theyhave positiveimpacts on family nutrition additional was the declaration of the as gain province and qualityof life.In resource zone' fortheapplication ofthe1973 legismanagement projects a 'priority there is a clear concern to elaborate schemes lation (Haney and Haney, 1989). This accelerated traditional forest andincome land recovery More significombining by Indiancommunities. management in which the federation takes it removed dominant from rural generation responsi- cantly figures political forthecollection, and marketing of areas. This has eased the subsequent of bility processing emergence forest Indianfederations whichhave become increasingly products. Aside from thehostilenational important factorsin the administration of rural internal problems, environment has also development. politicaland macroeconomic Most federations to theland challenged the organizationsgreatly,and led to emerged subsequent inthestrategies inviabilities - which were generallyconducted at a Thiswas struggles they promoted. due not onlyto thedevelopment from level,withoccasionalinterventions policiesmentioned community above. The authoritarian Thus, unlike in (thoughelected) govem- national peasant organizations.'2 mentof 1984-88 persecuted Indianorganizations as Amazonia,the origins of thefederations was not in subversive and to undermine their the defence, or recovery, of land. Insteadmuchof politically sought initial workaimedto resist, andreverse, forms of by settingup parallel 'phantom'popular their strength movements and political domination of Indiansby non(MacDonald, 1986). Thoughsuchinter- cultural ference has notgone away (itre-emerged in 1990-91 Indians. Culturally, this was a domination played after thenational Indianuprising inJune and government officesand 1990),more out in marketplaces is the continuing conflict betweenIndian grounded inideologiesofIndian that were important inferiority federations and thestateovertheroleofAmazoniain oftenas much internalized by Indians,as used by nationaldevelopment. Under the pressure of rising non-Indians to legitimate Indian exclusion from many

ANTHONY BEBBINGTON ET AL. ]J. suchas waterand light; ofeconomic thebriefandpublic activity (Dubly,1973; to receiveservices spheres case triesto suggestthatthecommunities have not 1992; Maynard, 1966). Kleemeyer, Ruralorganizations werenot alone in suchwork. onlytheright, butalso theadministrative to expertize As in Amazonia theyfrequently workedwith,and workwithpublicagenciesin theinstallation of such drew inspiration from,theirlinks with both the services. liberation theological and evangelical churches, At thesametime, federations do much of however, themselves. Some suchnegotiation sharingbeliefsin the equality of rightsbetween thisnegotiating Indians and non-Indians. The provincialofficeof hasbeendirectly thefederations essenwiththestate, the nationalliteracy costs and facilitating administrative (PNA) also played tiallyabsorbing programme an important role in the early emergenceof the member communityaccess to public resources. theUnionof PeasantOrganizations federations. Receiving international development One federation, assistancefor its pro-Indian work,it was able to of Cicalpa (UOCACI), has helped channelpublic forrural act withconsiderable autonomyfrom government. resourcesto many of its 37 communities road healthcare,sanitation and minor Much of theworkthatled to theemergence of the electrification, taskin thishas been to theirown early building. UOCACI's primary and thencharacterized federations, of establishcontact and then press the agencies to work,revolvedaround the PNA's programmes that had as theirmain respond with continualvisits and lettersto their literacytraining bi-lingual workin inthecourseofa yearoffield of certain Indiancultural offices. (Indeed, objectivethe revalidation the of the in done one this Most obvious and forms of authors, secretary by region organization. practices in seemedto be in meetings thiswas theemphasison thevalue of Quichua as a ofUOCACI moreoften The federas an organizational Riobambathanin his home community.) languageand of thecommunity labourcontributions community buildingblock for a range of other programmes. ationalso organizes has in case of electrification and the to techthe use of educational was Similarly programmes important forsome of the subsequentlocal niques that conveyed not only literacyskillsbut been responsible ofthescheme. also addressedthe notions thatIndianshad social administration In othercases,as in Amazonia,federations and culturalrightsthat they should demand of began direct from their own funds of thecumulative One measure international signifi- to negotiate government. is the donors.Withthesetheyhave begun to deliverserrevalidation cance of thisprocessof cultural members from non-Indian often-heard 1992). One of (Bebbington, government vices to their complaint in Chimborazowho claimthatindigenous the mainuses of these fundshas been to establish workers inagricultural everwere resource now than moreexacting mainly they management projects, peoplearefar While communities. in theirmember of development, be theemergence indicator Another before. might much dominated educational based music, early programmes community groups playing Quichua these in work federations' in local federations, and their agricultural programmes meetings, performance inmuch thesamewayas theYumbosChahuamangos have become prominentsince the mid-1980s. play in federations'meetings in Amazonia (cf. Unlikein Amazonia,theseprojectswere not orienof land rights(which tated toward the protection 1992). Kleemeyer, have combined alreadyhad been largely and theirsupporters Federations won); but,as in Amazonia, action with attempts to they have been influenced such politico-cultural by conceptionsof culweaknessesin the internal and tural better to by identity, gain indigenous capacities strengthen themselves. federations at two This occurs communities. for services public havehad to Theseresource to dedicate much effort federations levels. Firstly, strategies management from 3200 lands to find and internal the ranging adaptations sloping management negotistrengthening where sea above metres 4000 to over metres level, of base by organizations forming ating capacities is andseasonalout-migration is increasing in land and com- population leaders and providingtraining of with is and administration. periods intensifying. Agriculture rainfed, munitylegislation, accounting are highand topsoils risks climatic of the resultsof thiswork are the summer One indication drought; comeven within brief- are easilydisturbed. Furthermore, community presidents, queues of poncho-clad is there thefederation, within and certainly who canbe seeneveryday intheoffices munities, case inhand, differowned land of in the variation much by theprovincial quality ofpublicutility agenciesin Riobamba, have of federations The administrators the ent families. dress,theponcho,marks capital.The traditional withdifferent to thischallenge have a right responded communities their claimthatas Indians, proposals 188

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for how theymight resource in Chimborazo chose to family support manage- so too the federations mentstrategies. Yet, despitethesedifferences, of the cultural other(as they promotethe technologies have all claimed that theirresponse was directed opposed to indigenoustechnologies), as part of a to protectindigenouscultural The logic programme aimed at protecting local identities practices. and behind their resource workthus built on practices 1992). management (Bebbington, their earlier activities incultural revitalization - albeit however, itis far from clear Despitethis reasoning, in different that these strategieswill be the basis for either ways. Somefederations launched agricultural programmes a sustainablelocal resource managementor for that aimedto promote theuse ofnative Andeancrops stronger local organizations. Modern technologies and theuse of organicproduction Aside yield a significant techniques. only undercertain pay-off agrofrom theunacceptable economic andecologicalimpli- ecological conditions.In this particularly eroded cationsof agrochemical and new crop technologies, environment, soilloss on unterraced slopesmeansthe such processes were also rejected as culturally benefits of using fertilizers are reduced,and will The revalidation of nativecropswas continueto be so untilsuch erosionproblemsare inappropriate. ofa certain The benefits ofthesupport offered equallydeemeda revalidation conception addressed. by the of Indiantradition. Yet theseconcerns have encoun- federations are therefore mainlyfeltby those who tered little interest at thegrassroots wheretheywere have better lands and in particular those who own often considered either becausefamilies footslope and valleyfloor landswithwaterclose by impracticable, lacked the land to supportenough animalsto pro- andwho cangrowhorticultural suchas onions, crops, duce themanure fororganicfertilization, or because for whichthere is a better market. Forthemajority of farmers lost thecropswhichwere not sprayedwith families who own verysmallfarm benefits units, of These technical werealso generally income and yield fromapplyingfertilizers do not pesticide. options unattractive because native crops commandedlow generatesufficient income significantly to reverse Meanwhile, forall involved, pricesin themarket place. migration pressures. the Other federations followed the modernization currency devaluations of structural adjustment proin whichtheyprovided grammes areleadingto dramatic increases in thecost path,launching programmes technical seed ofnon-native assistance, at thefarmgate. cropvarieties ofagrochemicals and subsidizedagrochemical - a For thefederations, theseprogrammes have also inputsto members theadministrat- brought problems suggestingthat they are not programme designlargely following ive models of publicsectorruraldevelopment the organizations. pro- necessarily going to strengthen rush to modem Initially, 1992).Yet this grammes the deliveryof subsidizedinputsand free (Bebbington, sacrifice so technical assistance enhanced the legitimacyof technologywas not seen as a cultural much as a necessary reaction to the increasing the federations Over time, among theirmembers. oftraditional oflow capitalinput however,it became apparentthat the federations inviability practices in responseto increased on production in commanded to support pressures onlyenoughresources prothisenvironment. Indeedmanyleadersoffederations grammes that hadnegligible at a family level. impacts commentthat, ratherthan the modernization of Worse stillit became clear thatthe benefits of the themainfactor traditional technology, offered wereunequally distributed. undermining This they support inthecommunities is seasonalmigration. The was in part an effect practices of agro-ecological variation, absenceoffamily members weakens thedomestic unit. as those farmers producingunder certainmicroabsencefrom thecommunity weakenssocial environmental Similarly conditionsgained more than the ina series ofthemore routine participation theunequaldistribution However, was also community majority. - such as community activities work sessions,the an inevitable effect of resource limitations in federthatunderlie local administration,ations. UOCACI, for instance, weeklyassemblies a federation of 37 and the games of volley ball thatmarkthe end of member communities withan averageof 40 families many days- thatgive the sense of local cohesion per community, could not possiblyattendtheneeds and identity. If modem technologies could increase of all thesefamilies. The effect has been thatservice incomes and so reduce theargument went, deliveryhas oftenbeen concentrated migration, among those all thebetter for thepreservation ofthemoreimport- communities that were closer to the federation's ant aspectsof local culture. came less from central Identity and thatwere the home communities office, resource thanfrom theforms of the bulk of the federation'sadministrators management practices oflife thattheyhelpedsustain. Thus,as inAmazonia, and staff. the programmes Consequently, begin to

190 ANTHONY TONET AL. ]. BEBBING - and with them so too do the and,whena better lose legitimacy theygo elsewhere. optionarises, federations. Thisnotonlyweakens thefederation, itweakens rural This weaknesstendsto have a selfperpetuating civilsociety. As organizations andmultiply it splinter It has led to splintering effect. withinthe popular becomesthatmuchmoredifficult forlocal people to inthis ofthehighlands, as mem- influence the development organizations region agenda. For if external ber organizations of the federations breakaway to institutions wantto workina particular way,theydo to find a set ofclients who negotiatetheirown projects.This loss of interest not have to look veryfar undermines the coordinationof activitiesamong are willing to accepta new set of subsidies on these localgroups.Obviously, thisweakensthepossibility new terms. In themeantime, a coordinated grassroots ofcoordinated of Indian in remains a vainhope. participation populations development and makes it far regionaldevelopmentstrategies easier for externalagencies to pursue theirown Organizing modernization: towards a sustainable and and to avoid being genuinely held to locally controlled programmes development? account. The prior cases are illustrative in several senses. In UOCACI's case, severaldevelopment ofaddingto thealready of'failures agencies Instead longlitany are now operating in its member communities and of modernization', theysuggestthatlocal organizrefuse to coordinate withthefederation. In one case, ations intentionally promotemodernizedresource several communitiesare withdrawingfrom the management as a 'secondbest',butnecesspractices federation becausetheyhave received the ary, to existing circumstances. essentially response Theydo so as visitationof a developmentproject fundedby a partof strategies thataim to protect the conditions ofIndian 'X'. They compare allowingthepartial to culture, privateEcuadorianorganization reproduction the support X can offer withthe limited strengthen thepresence ofIndians inregional favourably power and to increaseincomes.In the above UOCACI. Further- structures help theyfeeltheyreceivefrom more, they argue, the new project is attractive cases, internal incoherencies and politicaleconomic because they will handle it directly - unlikethe pressures undermined theviability ofthese ultimately withUOCACI that werecontrolled strategies. In doingso, theyhave weakenedthelocal theyfeel projects who dominate it. as well. by a coregroupofcommunities organization The reason forthisbreakaway, This need not always be so. The Foundationof however,is also related to X's own agenda.X ultimately decideditdid Organisations of Salinas(FUNORSAL), in thehighnotwishtowork with inthat federations existing part land provinceof Bolivar,is a case of a successful, of Chimborazo because they had their own agendas federation-managed resourcemanagement strategy and this wouldupsettheprogrammes byX. that has improved family incomes, and has designed In going to workin those communities, X not only strengthened thefederation of23 base organizations retains itsindependence butcontributes to thefurther in sucha way thatlocal control of,and participation of administration has been enhanced. UOCACI. in, weakening development Forourargument, theconclusions this from itschallenge has been to develop experi- As in Chimborazo, ence are several. once again it is evidentthat a regionalresourcemanagement forhigh Firstly, strategy theresource ofthefederations altitude cold (over3500 metres), management strategies sloping, windswept, are influenced forcultural but, and drylands. by a concern identity Not all thereasonsforthesuccessat FUNORSAL once again, the use of modem technologiescan be congruent witha widerconcernto endorseand stemfrom the development model pursuedby the local the federation: historical factors in thezone have identities. federations' Secondly, protect special is challengedby externalpressures also been important. In the strugglefor land, an sustainability devaluations)and internaltensions allianceemergedbetween Indiansand non-Indians (e.g. currency in partfroman imperfect ethnic accountability againstestateowners.This unionof different stemming within the organization. The weaknessesalso seem groups continued. When the federationfinally to stemfrom thedevelopment it was able to uniteboth ethnic modeladoptedby the formed, groupsin a federations. The decision to pursue a strategyof common commitment to local development. Thus their members is fatal. subsidies to Not Salinas is marked less ethnic domination than is by delivering andso this issuedidnotabsorbtheearly only is it fatalbecause it cannot possiblybe sus- Chimborazo, tainedbut also because members come to evaluate actionsoflocal organizations. from theearly Instead, the federation activists committed on how muchtheycan gain from it 1970s,development themselves

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ofthefamilies in thebase organiza viable programme of local develop- thejointproperty to identifying is coordinated and was a ations.Theiroperation, In addition, ment. however, by the 1960s and '70s there the federation of base administered a factor level of education, by organizations. relatively favouring high is also responsible forthesubsequent in the administrative tasks of The federation broad participation of the cheese.This has providedfamilies marketing manylocal organizations. at thetimeof withan assuredand significant incomesource, as an Furthermore, pressure demographic is for the milk. was less thanin Chimborazo.On above market land subdivision Factory profits price paid among membersbut are average, familiesreceived lots of 15-20 hectares. are not divided directly the higher localincome levelswerestill low distributed indirectly extremely through pricepaid Although was for and (as in Chimborazo) milk and subsidization of loans to memthrough periodicout-migration as a serioussocialproblem, thelarger of their livestock farm bers forthe improvement among perceived size has offered In earlyyearstheywere also used to greaterpotentialforaccumulation otherthings. The federation services. than in Chimborazo.This potentialbegan to be finance community provides a technical assistance families to in cattleand pasture realized afteran international did organization studyof thedairysectorin the 1970s and identified management. This model of the federation as the axis coordiSalinas as a potentialarea fordevelopment. From thisinformation, local organizations and the church nating the collection and processing of locally has sincebeen reproduced in other (which,as in the othercases we have considered, producedinputs role in forming and consolidat- activities timber meats, (textiles, playedan important processed processing, of base organizations in etc.) and the federation now has fifteen ing the regionalfederation productive a visionand strategy a grassroots enterprises. for a deliberate Salinas)hatched Many of them represent basedon themodernization ofthedairy attempt to break chains controlled development existing marketing sector. The church facilitated accessto technical assist- by non-localtraders payinglow pricesand thento ance and to resources to finance thisprocess. The fact reorganize the terms of producers' with relationship that the harshconditions and geographicisolation the marketthroughproducingprocessed,quality of Salinas apparently discouraged multinational local products and negotiating higher pricesthrough the regionincreased the federation. Others represent efforts to supply dairycompaniesfrom entering the possibilityof a locally controlledprocess of localneedsthrough federative and so preenterprises - thus, venttheentry ofexternal for instance, development.'3 capital The church was also instrumental in developing the federationproduces and supplies materials theconceptofan organizational structure to manage necessary for housebuilding, and thefurniture to put such an economic development.Growing out of in thosehouses. earlier failed experienceswith cooperatives,the In controlling and administering theseactivities, church a form oforganization that wouldcom- the federation an institutional constitutes form that sought bine theeconomiclogic of a cooperative andrecycles intheregion, as opposed (withjoint captures profits redistribution of surplus, to forms controlled which would savingsand loans schemes, bynon-local capital transfer someorall oftheir outofthe joint marketing, etc.) with the cultural logic of the inevitably profit traditional form oforganization, thecommunity. Out region.Some of theseresources are used to finance of thiscamean approach based on community - a form econ- the federation itself of local reinvestment omicenterprises and savingsand loans cooperatives for institutional Justas significantly, development. which in 1983 were aggregatedinto a federation, these activities and thisreinvestment have created FUNORSAL. new incomesources, increased demandforon-farm Theresource inFUNORSAL labourand directly some 286 new jobs in management strategy generated that process the productsof the region was, as in the other cases, aimed as much at a factories social problem(out-migration) and a social goal (to and thatare administered and its by the federation and This directjob-creationis community regional strengthen by memberorganizations. organization as at a simpleconcernforsus- complemented reducing migration), by an indirect employment genertainabledevelopment (Soria and Illingworth, that the high out1989). ation that has had the effect The programme has revolvedaroundcentralized col- migration ratesof the 1970s, when twenty-five per lection ofpeasantmilk and itsprocessing centofthepopulation have now production, seasonally, migrated into quality cheese. The twelve existingfactories beenreversed. A sampleoftenpercentofthefamilies cheeseare locatedin communities and are in thevillageof Salinasshowedthatall of themhad producing

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ANTHONYJ. BEBBINGTONET AL.

ceased seasonalmigration as partof their livelihood modern administrative methods and a firmintehave been the 76 into the market. The cultural in Similarly strategies. significant per gration gain is that, centdeclinein infant and the 55 per cent offsetting the strategy has strengthened mortality, migration, in overallmortality decline Here the basis of rates.14 regionalcohesion and identity. The strength andlegitimacy ofthefederation with strengthening cultural around increasidentity hinges its members stemsfrom the recognition thatit is a ingthelikelihood that a inthe can make people living central economic resource for their economies. locality and so staythere. family In Salinas thereis littletendency forbase organizand This appropriation of modem agricultural has ations to separate fromthe federation enhanced local (unlikein administrative technologies Allnegotiations with andunderlies theemergence ofa verystrong external Chimborazo). agencies, incomes via thefederation. localorganization and a potentially sustainable intenthestate, are conducted including in a veryfragile a locally controlled of production This facilitates coordination of sification partof the have It is now difficult for high Andes. While problemsof overgrazing activities. development regional thefederofrapidintensification, as a result stateandother development agenciesto do anything emerged theapprovalof ation has begun to respondto this by protecting in theregionwithout first receiving areas withforestation the federation (Torres,1991). Indeed, in one case certain programmes. Equally, have not been of economicsustainability tried to workdirectly with problems wherea base organization on is stilldependent addressed:the federation an international non-governmental organization, fully butthere has beensuccessinachieving funds either the external FUNORSAL presentedan ultimatum: ofdairyactivities. or self-financing by the federation, projectwould be coordinated the base group would have to leave FUNORSAL. The base groupchose to stay. CONCLUSIONS: INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS has been suchas to aid In thissense the dynamic AND THE CHALLENGE OF FRAGILE is whichitself ofrural civilsociety, theconsolidation LANDS MANAGEMENT in deepening theprocessof an important ingredient forland use changein theAndes and one reason The pressures rural democratization (Fox,1990). In turn, havenotsustained that Indians itself. Amazoniahavemeant of theorganization forthisis thetransparency basedon traditional to othermembers production are held closelyaccountable Staff technologies. systems programmes. Moreover,the natureof many of these pressures througha range of regulartraining a resource tomount that itevident months areoffered courses anyattempt by makes everyfour Accounting address must lands for these knowlof the thefederation. strategy management Bywidening possession both arise that conflicts and economic and in and administration, political accounting edge expertize and locally.The sustainable of non-staff nationally thecapacity increase theseprogrammes development of ruralcivil lands and the consolidation the actionsof of fragile to challengeand scrutinize members now has, societyare therefore Eachcommunity members. electedand staff By partof the same problem. from cultural ofFUNORSAL's higher extension, on average,three ecology,politiperspectives graduates there is a regular cal economyand theliterature courses. dealingwithagrarian Similarly gradeaccounting and staff movementsshould equally be part of the same thefederation to monitor ofmeetings round ballotsfrom analysis. areelectedinsecret andpara-technicians haveengagedinlocal inEcuador federations Indian At listsof candidatesselectedby the communities. in ways thatare and resource of the the thesametime, logic model, politics management organizational in interrelated. rather and around have, ways,mounted differing They marketing revolving production of forms andredress to question that of freeor subsidizedinputs, strategies than the distribution sought and economicdomination. They have against claims that it is socio-cultural protectsthe organization itsresources also, again in different ways,triedto findstrategies inequitably. distributing to, the as a result thatmake statements about,and contribute to notethat, Itis also interesting perhaps and pracidentities of Indiancultural has strengthening the federation of this stronger accountability, thebalance have helpedredress of tices.Suchinitiatives to theeconomic itself addressed concerns primarily in severalways. They Indianpolitics. of regionalpower structures in a radical families and engageslittle resourcesto rural state-held ofproduction have helped transfer forcopingwithpressures The strategy community-level on these fragilelands is one which emphasizes areas, they have strengthened of capacities to continue negotiatingfor access to Andean practices into existing the incorporation

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those resources, and theyhave stimulated an Indian these organizations is not only an internally generthat workslightly ated problem: assertiveness makes italso has muchto do withthe'rough public agencies' itwas before. moredemanding than At thesametime, and tumble ofpeasantpolitical economy'thatpolitito administer their abilities de- cal ecologistshave stressedin theirown work on demonstrating through certain (Watts,1987, p. 223). theyhave questioned velopment, assumptions peasantresource management about Indiansocial and intellectual In all Forinstance, thestrength ofFUNORSAL owes much inferiority. these ways they have fostered in Salinas. changes that have to the relativelack of politicalconflict the of rural the past experiences of theAmazonian strengthened capacity people to demand Conversely, moreof the stateand to play a greater role in local groups testify to the negative effects this 'rough actions anddecisions. and tumble' can have upon federations'actions. development The federations' as adjustment may be no less difficult responseshave not, however, The future or sustainable, and theorganiz- inducedpressures to develop oil and otherexport alwaysbeencoherent ationshave shownsignsthat as the income earningventures are leading to externally theyareas fragile landstheir members manage.In partthisis due to the controlleddevelopmentof Amazonian resources. federations' stillweak internal This can The simpleexistenceof Indianfederations will not democracy. lead to certainbiases in theirdistribution of the necessarily mean thatlocal concernswill influence resources and has, in severalcases, led decisionson resource extraction: thepoliticsof sustheycontrol themto pursuecultural withwhichtheir tainability is played out on both local and national strategies concernedwith economicsup- terrains. members, primarily This internal to geography: how might theseexperiport,do not identify. political fragility To return is aggravatedby a financial theapproaches of cultural and political fragility: organizations ences inform have failedto find meansof increasing their financial ecologists? Evidently, manyindigenous organizations The combination ofthesefactors leads to aredealing withlandsthat arefragile inthesensethat autonomy. whose strength fluctuates and whose their sustained use in a manner thatis economically organizations roleinhelping rural consolidate institutions istherefore rewardingand acceptable to Indians cannot be Thisin turn reducesthecapacity of achieved throughorthodox productionbased on equallyunstable. rural to be morecoordinated initselaboration high externalinputs.On the other hand, cultural society of development in ecologists and other proponents of indigenous proposalsand in its engagement with institutions who to mustsimilarly understand that external negotiations try systems agricultural own modelsofdevelopment. traditional resourcemanagement pursuetheir may not perform It is important to note thatthefederation thathas adequately under newlocalexpectations anddemand the furthest towards and its pressures. itself In the search for resourcemanagement gone consolidating and powerful attention must notbe focused on positionas a legitimate representative strategies, narrowly in local politics, FUNORSAL, is the one whichhas the ecologicalconsequencesof production: it must been able to devise a resource its economicviability and thepolitical management strategy also embrace with the greatestpotentialto be sustainableon and organizational contextsthatfacilitate or hinder economicand organizational fronts. Ithas sustainable In certain ecoloecological, turn, strategies. political also achieved a relatively and partici- gistsmustacceptthatthenature of theenvironment transparent it is beingused does matter: insomecases (as inSalinas)it Furthermore, patory internaladministration. thefederation thathas crossedtheenvironment and can enhancethepossibility thatlocal responseswill inother cases(as inChimborazo) effects; development divide with the bridge of locally havepositive controlledmodernization and marketintegration. local environmental variation can meanthattheproFUNORSAL suggeststo otherIndianfederations a grammesof local organizations, and the effects of model in whichmodem technologies and adminis- market and favour certain modernization integration trativetechniquescan be managed by an Indian families and not others.The Ecuadorian experience federation in such a way as to increaselocal possi- also illustrates thatlocal organizations makechoices bilities for rural localorgan- thatcan lead to successful accumulation, strengthen easilyoverlooked impacts izationsand move from non-modem to modernized in the pessimism of politicaleconomy.The way in resource without a processof whichtheseelements areplayedoutis alltoo importmanagement triggering landdegradation. ant forlocal populationsand environment alike oflandis notonly inappropriate Nonetheless, justas thefragility resource and use,environmental fragility due to characteristics of the land,so the fragility of organizational are intricately intertwined. fragility

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ANTHONYJ. BEBBINGTONET AL.

NOTES

84 per cent of Amazoniansoils are unfit forcrop or pasture production. 9. In 1980,theAmazonian federations decidedto create an 1. More pragmatically, local organizations are also seen umbrella theConfederation ofIndigenous as replacements of stateinstitutions whose capacity to organization, Nationalities ofAmazonian Ecuador(CONFENIAE). In to weakenunderthe regulateresourceuse continues of Indigenous 1986, thenationallevel Confederation ofpublicsector cutbacks 1991; (Doureajanni, pressures Nationalities ofEcuador(CONAIE) was created. WorldBank,1992). thatpastures however, etal. (1991) have argued, 2. Althoughtheword 'Indian'has had derogatory impli- 10. Smith can be in sustainable Brazilian Amazonia. inEcuador, cations we use itbecauseindigenous people etal. (1988) notethatthisis a frequent areonce againapplying thelabelto themselves intheir 11. Tendler problem incooperatives and that showearly current social and politicalactivity as an assertion of manysuchprojects successes as they startup but encounter difficulties their historical identity. whenthechallenge of self-financing arises. 3. Researchwas done by the authors betweenJune and of 1991, supported by the Inter-American 12. The national organizationsthat were particularly September in thisperiodwere theNationalFederation Foundation. It involvedanalysis ofarchives important documentof Indians (FEI), and the National Federation of the of a of 10 Indian federations, trajectory sample ing (FENOC). Both had classfieldvisits,interviews with elected membersof the Campesino Organisations based analysesoftheagrarian inEcuadorand councilsof the organizations, and ethnographic work problem werecloselylinked to theMarxistleft. in communities that are membersof these organizoftheEcuadorian and Peruvian Andes, ations.The analysiswas thendiscussedin two formal 13. In other regions Nestleand Carnation have dominated thedairysector withIndianleaders, workshops development organizand have servedto channellocal surplus accumulation ationsand academics. The analysis also drewon eachof out of theregionsinwhichtheyoperate. the authors'priorresearch in the highlands and lowto claimthatthese however, lands.We are especiallygrateful to BillieTurner, the 14. Itwouldbe inappropriate, reductions in mortality are onlydue to FUNORSAL. referees and theeditor fortheir comments challenging on thepaperfrom on thepaper.Othercomments Jorge Blauertand Tanya Jutta Uquillas,Simon Batterbury, Schwartz werealso helpful. REFERENCES 4. Other authors would question whether all such modempractices arein fact unsustainable. The scientific basis of ALTIERI, M. (1987) Agroecology. 5. An obvious example has been the escalationof the alternative (Westview, Boulder) agriculture conflict betweenBrazilian rubber to thepoor: tappersand national ANNIS, S. and HAKIM, P. 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