American Academy of Political and Social Science

Elites in Latin America by Seymour Martin Lipset; Aldo Solari Review by: Nathan L. Whetten Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 374, Combating Crime (Nov., 1967), pp. 234-235 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1037258 . Accessed: 24/09/2012 03:16
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234

THE

ANNALS

OF THE

AMERICAN

ACADEMY

nuclear capacity of the Western and Soviet blocs and in particular to the strategic planning of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) powers; the foreign policy goals of the various German political parties are soundly tied to their domestic support and programs; the influence of powerful personalities, like Adenauer, Schumacher, Strauss, or Erler, on the objectives of their parties, is well presented. In short, one could put together from this book a well-documented and suggestive account of the foreign policy of the Adenauer Chancellorship. The author's goals are, however, much more ambitious. Foreign policy, Hanrieder argues, has usually been analyzed-by systems theorists-either as the product of the "internal political processes of the nation-state" or as the playing-out of a role assigned to a nation by the international system; a more comprehensive analysis is possible by considering both the "opportunities and strictures presented by the nation's external, operational environment, and the internal, psychological environment of the national system." The example of West Germany seems especially suitable for this treatment because its foreign policy choices were relatively limited and because all German political parties regarded foreign policy issues as determining the future character of German society. German foreign policy goals during this period were three, the author claims: security, recovery, and reunification. From this axiomatic beginning, he proceeds to consider whether the prevailing international system-bipolarity up to 1955 and "heterosymmetry" after 1955-favored or opposed the realization of these goals, and whether there was "consensus" on the ends and means of foreign policy among the domestic political parties. The analysis of the international system provides many new perspectives on such issues as the Soviet offer of March 1952 to exchange reunification for neutralization of Germany, or the problem of a multilateral nuclear force. The treatment of domestic politics is more conventional. Perhaps the biggest problem, however, lies in the somewhat simplistic definition of German goals. It is

doubtful whether reunification was ever more than a pious declaration for internal consumption. "Recovery" is an inadequate description of West Germany's economic miracle or of the forward-looking goals of conciliation with France and integration in western Europe. Germany's goals were more complex than the author's frame of reference permits him to believe.
F. RoY WILLIS

Professor of History University of California Davis

LATIN AMERICA
MARTIN LIPSET and ALDOSOLARI SEYMOUR

(Eds.). Elites in Latin America. Pp. xv, 531. New York: Oxford University Press, 1967. $9.50. This volume is the result of a seminar on Elites and Development in Latin America held at the University of Montevideo, Uruguay, in June 1965 under the direction of the editors. Scholars were brought together for the conference from various parts of the Americas. Papers were presented and discussed dealing with the value systems in relation to economic and social development. Some of the papers were rewritten by the contributors following the conference; others were prepared especially for this volume. Papers are included by fifteen different authors. The work is divided into four parts. Part I, called "Economic Development and the Business Classes" contains three chapters. The first of these, written by Lipset, provides a good introduction to the entire work and deals with "Values, Education, and Entrepreneurship" in which he develops the idea that Latin-American values are antithetic to the basic logic of a largescale industrial system. He concludes that "governments and parties which are deliberately concerned with the need to change values must also seek for ways to foster the rise of new occupational strata to status and power, and the reduction of the privileged position of old power groups, such as the land-linked traditional oligarchies

BOOK DEPARTMENT

235

who have little interest in economic growth, social modernization, expanded opportunities for talent, or democracy and equality" (p. 49). Other chapters follow on "The New Urban Groups: The Middle Classes," and "The Industrial Elite." Part II, called "Functional Elites," contains six chapters as follows: "Political Elites and Political Modernization"; "The Military Elites"; "Religious Elites: Differentiations and Developments in Roman Catholicism"; "Cultural Elites"; "The Labor Elite: Is it Revolutionary?"; and Contemporary Peasant Movements." In the chapter on cultural elites, Frank Bonilla will probably create some thought and considerable discussion with his conclusion that "it seems difficult to build a convincing case for the primacy of cultural values-concern with creativity or free expression-as a distinctive mark of Latin American society. Neither art, science, ideology, nor religion can be said to be decisive sources of motivation for change nor do they command much power as embodiments of cherished values" (p. 242). Although the chapter on peasant movements is an interesting one, it seems curious that the tremendous impact of Mexico's agrarian reform programs are not even mentioned either in the text or in the references. The last two parts of the work deal with education. Part III is called "Education and Elite Formation: The University." It contains four chapters as follows: "Universities and Social Development"; "Relations between Public and Private Universities"; "Political Socialization in Universities"; and "Intellectual Identity and Political Ideology among University Students." All of these chapters are interesting and informative. The chapter on the university by Darcy Ribeiro is especially good and provides a great deal of insight into the functioning of the Latin-American university. Part IV deals with secondary schools and contains chapters on: "Secondary Education and the Development of Elites" and "Education and Development: Opinions of Secondary Schoolteachers." This is an important work and will be of interest not only to scholars but also to laymen

interested in understanding more fully our southern neighbors. Dean of the Graduate School University of Connecticut
NATHAN L. WHETTEN

HAROLDCOURLANDER and RvMY BASTIEN.

Religion and Politics in Haiti. Pp. xvi, 81. Washington: Institute for CrossCultural Research, 1966. $3.00. This book is not a single work coauthored by Courlander and Bastien but two separate essays, "Vodoun in Haitian Culture" by the former and "Vodoun and Politics in Haiti" by the latter writer. While there is, unavoidably, a certain amount of overlapping in the two essays, on the whole they complement each other very well. Both essays are perceptive and illuminating, and together provide an excellent introduction to the subject for one who, like the present reviewer, starts with a meager knowledge of Haiti. The authors devote considerable attention to the West African origins of Vodoun -usually spelled "Voodoo" in nonscholarly usage-and the gradual modification of belief and practice under the influence of French Catholic culture in the West Indies. However, Vodoun has demonstrated remarkable tenacity in its hold on the masses and has had to absorb relatively little from Catholicism. Sometimes Catholic prayers are used in a service for the dead or in some other ritual. "Beyond these elements, and the fact that saints are invoked among the loa, there is little in the Vodoun service to remind us that Vodoun and Catholicism have lived intimately side by side for centuries" (p. 15). Vodoun was intimately involved in early revolts of the Negro slaves against their French masters. In 1791 a general uprising was led by a powerful Vodoun priest named Boukman, who first gathered his followers in a forest, sacrificed a pig and mixed its blood with gunpowder, and distributed the mixture to his rebel band to strengthen its will to win. While Boukman was soon killed, the revolt under more secular leadership eventually led to the independence of Haiti. The relative weakness of Catholicism is