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The Advent of t h e 41 11111'

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MARTIN KRAMER
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ISLAM ASSEMBLED
TheAdvent of the Muslim Congresses MARTIN KRAMER

New York Columbia University Press 1 9 8 6

ONE

THE C O S M O P O L I TA N M I L I E U
Pan-Islamic Ideals

HE EXPANSION of the West into Mus lim lands redened for Muslim peoples the meaning of universal community. Before modern times, those conicts which separated Muslims, whether on sectarian or political grounds, were waged by all sides with the condence and intolerance of total conviction. The most enduring of these struggles, a contest which loomed nearly as large in Muslim historical consciousness as that between Mus lim and Christian, divided Sunni and Shici. From the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, Ottoman and Crimean armies waged periodic wars against the Safavids and their successors which, for sheer ferocity, rivaled any contemporary Ottoman engagement with the Christian foe in Europe. Dur ing these confrontations, Ottoman ulama went so far as to declare that Saf avid domains were not Muslim, and were legally indistinguishable from the territories of hostile Christendom. O n their part, Safavid rulers actively sought alliances w ith Christian powers against their common Ottoman adversary. The supposed waste represented by this con ict held a great attraction for nineteenth-century Muslim moralists, familiar with a far more dynamic brand of Western military, commercial, and cultural activity. In 1881, the Young Ottoman journalist and novelist Namik Kemal ( 1 8 4 0 published a historical novel entitled Cezmi, set in the morass of latesixteenth-century conict between Saf avid Iran and the Ottoman-Cri1888) mean league. The author has the brother of the Crimean Khan Mehmed Giray II fall in love with the daughter of Shah Tahmasp. Together they discuss the unity of Islam, and the joining of the three great neighboring polities against their shared Christian foe. The story reaches a climax of jealousy and murder, in the romantic style which so inuenced Kemal's literary productions. 1 The same retrospective fascination was evoked by the attempt to enforce an exchange between Sunni and Shici in 1743, at the insistence of Nadir Shah. In the midst of his military campaign against the O ttomans in Iraq, the Shah summoned the Sunni scholar cAbdallah ibn Husayn al-Suwaydi of Baghdad, and lamented that accusations of unbe-

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lief (kulr) were exchanged among the Muslims of his kingdom. The ulama were to offer proofs for their mutual vili cations in an open forum. cAbdallah relates that he presided at Najaf over a two-day gathering of Shici and Sunni ulama from throughout Nadir Shah's realm. About seventy participants were from Iran; among the Sunnis, appar2 ently all Hanas, were eight Afghans and seven Uzbeks. The Iranian ulama nally signed a document in which they agreed to abandon the cursing of the rst three caliphs in their Friday sermon (Ichutba), and the Afghan and Uzbek ulama afrmed in writing that they recognized the Shicis as Muslims constituting one of the sects (ra(?) of Islam. Subtle coercion was involved in the extraction of this brief reconciliation. When cAbdallah went to a mosque in Kuf a on Friday to hear the blessing of the caliphs in the Shici sermon, he was certain that the sermonizer meant an insult to the caliph cUmar by vowelling a letter of his name incorrectly. to 3 romanticize the conciliatory efforts of Nadir Shah. B The u t modem Muslim interest in this and other attempts to moderate conict was prompted by the continued animosity between tsectarian h Sunni and Shici. The orientalist E. G. Browne gave anecdotal expression i s to the durability of this hostility: d i The antipathy between Tuac and Persian is profound, and, in my opinion, d indestmctable, and is both national and religious. A dervish at Khuy, in n North-West Persia, boasted to me that he and some of his fellow-dervishes had accompanied the Russian army during the Russo-Turkish War, and o aided the Russian arms by their prayers. I need not say that I do not t ascribe the victory of the Russians entirely to this cause; and I daresay d that the whole story was a gment of the dervish's fertile imagination, a and that he was never near the seat of war at all; but that is neither here m nor there: I merely refer to the incident as indicating how little sympathy p exists between the Persians and the Turks on religious grounds. 4 was only the acceleration of Russian expansion at both Ottoman e It and Iranian expense that diminished this rooted hostility. During Iran's n tconstitutional revolution, a period marked by Russian encroachments on Iranian territory, the Shici religious authorities resident in Iraq forged h an alliance with Ottoman authorities against Muhammad 'Ali Shah and e Russian expansion. A number of the most esteemed Iranian Shici ulama n imet in Baghdad where they issued a proclamation calling for close cooperation between the Ottoman and Iranian states. "The complete n union of Muslims, the preservation of the seed of Islam, the preservation e of Islamic nations, Ottoman and Persian, against the enterprises of fort eign nations and attacks of outside powerson all these points, we are e in accord. W e announce to the entire Persian nation that it is an e obligation to have condence in the Ottoman nation, and to offer it n t h c e n t

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aid, so that it may conserve its independence, protect its territory, and preserve its frontiers from invasion by foreigners." no insurmountable, and chastised those 5 longer E v e thought n E the . old G antipathy . who did: "Even those who think they know about the East cannot or B r o w n e will not believe that an entente between Sunnis-Shicas is possible, whereas it is now practically a fait accompli, since the formal joint manifesto issued by the ulama of both parties at Baghdad. I know this not only from the Persian papers but from private letters from well-informed quarters in Kerbala too." 6 This reconciliation, short-lived though it proved to be, represented the most striking example of the unifying potential of reaction to Western expansion. Divisions between Muslims diminished, however briey, before the greater challenge of foreign encroachment, as the great Muslim empires lost inuence, then territory, to an ascendant West. By the late nineteenth century, reformers could posit the existence of an almost universal Mus lim predicament, one of subjugation to the West, and they held that discord within the community of believers was partly to blame for their own tribulations. The affective af nity of Muslims on the plane of theory was not sufcient. What was required now was effective solidarity. The Muslim congress responded to the disorientation caused by the nineteenth-century expansion o f the Wes t into Mus lim lands. The search for a remedy in the technique o f assembly tapped the selfindicting conviction that Muslims had invited Western conquest and inuence by their own discord, and had squandered their resources in internecine warfare while Christendom waxed. only techniques that competed for the attention of those 7 B one u t of several t h e seeking to defend Muslims against the consequences of their own dic o n g r e s s visions. And the w a s reception of this technique was affected by another response to the impact of the West: intensi ed attachment to the institution o f the Ottoman caliphate and the person o f the Ottoman sultan-caliph. From a narrowly academic point of view, the Ottoman claim to the universal caliphate was not impeccable, and was vulnerable on the point of Qurashi descent. But the failure of the Ottomans to meet this requirement led even rigorous jurists not to a rejection of the Ottoman claim, but to suspension o f the requirement, particularly within the Ottoman Empire. There, Muslim jurists and theologians, not to exclude the Arabic-speakers among them, withheld criticism and maintained the legitimacy o f the Ottoman claims Dissenting voices were nearly inaudible, and were conned to a few remote provinces. The theory of the caliphate as circulated in the Ottoman Empire contained hardly an allusion to Qurashi descent and election, and substituted the enforce-

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ment of the holy law and the militant defense of Islam as valid criteria for measurement of any claim to the Muslim c aliphate The Ottomans ful lled both of these obligations to the satisfaction of many jurists among their subjects, for whom the Ottoman state and dynasty constituted the only rm bulwark against total subjugation to the rule of foreigners. A differ ent question was whether that caliphate was universal, whether the Ottoman caliph was the suzerain of Muslims over whom he was not sovereign. The case for the universal validity of the Ottoman caliphate was not wholly contrived, and had circulated some three hundred years before its reassertion in the nineteenth century. The great Muslim prestige enjoyed by the Ottoman state as early as the sixteenth century was a consequence of the Ottoman role as diffusor of rearms and technologies current in Europe to Mus lim peoples threatened by Portuguese, Russian, or Iranian expansion." This is in clearest evidence in the example of sixteenth-century Ottoman military aid to the Muslims of Atjeh, then under Portuguese pressure. Accounts in Indonesian, Turkish, and Portuguese sources establish that the Ottomans were pursuing broad recognition of their caliphate even at this early date. From these sources, it appears that Atjehnese Muslims were prepared to accept nominal Ottoman suzerainty and accord the title of universal caliph (Ichalifat allah D1-ard) to the Ottoman sultan, in exchange for material aid." The Ottoman admiral Seydi A l i Reis also advanced the universal claims of his sovereign at the Mughal court of Humayun, then also under Portuguese naval pressure, and these claims were received favorably. Humayun's successor Akbar also employed the title of universal caliph in addressing the Ottoman sultan." A third sixteenth-century example survives in Ottoman correspondence with Malik Idris of Bornu, in which a letter to Idris from the Ottoman sultan again advanced a universal claim, along with an implicit promise of rearms." Sixteenthcentury recognition of this early Ottoman pretension was the consequence of a desire among Muslims elsewhere to share or benet from superior Ottoman military technology and power. The claim to general suzerainty of the Ottoman caliphs over Muslims beyond the Ottoman Empire dates from that earlier century of crisis. The reassertion of the Ottoman claim in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, and its recognition by Muslims beyond the empire, thus rested upon assumptions that were not wholly of modern manufacture." What initially appeared to Muslims as a repetition of that sixteenth-century challenge evoked a response patterned along earlier precedent. Once again, Muslims in Central Asia, Sumatra, and India embraced the Ottoman sultan as their caliph. In the nineteenth century,

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as in the sixteenth, the Ottoman state remained the strongest Mus lim power; as in the sixteenth century, Muslims threatened by an expanding West were anxious to exchange professions of allegiance for whatever military, diplomatic, or moral aid the Ottomans could spare them. Sultan Abdillaziz (r.1861-1876) reasserted the Ottoman claim to the caliphate as a response to the entreaties of these besieged Muslims. The principal gures in this awakening were not Ottoman emissaries abroad, but Mus lim political refugees who crossed Ottoman borders bearing their grievances. The impact was rst felt shortly after the French conquest of Algiers, w it h the departure o f a small number of Algerian Muslims for Syria. For the next eighty years, Algerian refugees continued to make their way east to Ottoman territories. during Mus lim refugees were issuing 15 A the s Samil e a uprising r l y in Daghistan, a s appeals within the Ottoman Empire for aid against Russia. 1 8 4 5 , 16 Mappilla I n disturbances 1 8 5 2 ,led the English to expel from Malabar the Tannal of Mambram, Sayyid Fadl ibn cAlawi (1830-1900), who later became an intimate advisor to Abdillhamid II, and was responsible for an attempt to assert an Ottoman claim, long in abeyance, to Dhufar . 17the in F wake r o m of the 1 Crimean 8 5 4 War, , a large wave of Crimean Mus lim refugees swept into Istanbul and Anatolian coastal towns, leaving an indelible impression on those who witnessed the in ux . Muslims also began in large numbers after the Crimean War 18 C i r c a s s i to a arrive n and the consequent Russian policy of consolidation in the Caucasus. The refugees, who arrived in a series of waves over the next half a century, were resettled in the Balkans and Sy ria. the and 19 Great T h Mutiny e s u p the p rMughal e s sdynasty i o n in India in 1857 also brought many refugees to Ottoman territories. One, Rahmat Allah Kairanawi o f (1818-1890), endorsed the jihad against English rule and escaped to Mecca with a price on his head following the collapse of the Mutiny . Under the sultan-caliph's benevolent patronage, he wrote a major and enduring anti-Christian polemic. emissaries from Central Asia to the Ottoman capital itself, w ith pro2 found effect. thee case L a t e r In b g of a these n territories, under growing Russian and Chinese pressure in the 1860s, the initiatives came from the endangered a khanates s t r themselves. e a m at Holland, and turned expectantly to the sultan-caliph. The 21 F with r o o war f m Ottomans had their claim to the territory, and it was 1 r 8e 7 f3 ,uall but g forgotten e the t h eof a Hadrami sayyid in Atjehnese service, Habib cAbd ale notion s Rahman a s tl a n d a u l n remind the a t e Ottomans of alleged obligations incurred by their suzerain status. Z oahir f ( 1 8 3 22 nisians eeing A t jFrench rule, who played a major role in Istanbul's Muslim 3 1 8 emigre c ommunity . O e n h 9 6 ) , 23 T o e f o t a c c o m m o u n o o d a t e f d a p t h i i p e t s h s a r e i n e l i f u x l n o a I s

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toman government in 1860 established a special commission for Muslim immigration. This body continued to function for over four decades, in various forms and under various names, whenever the need arose. Renewed interest in the Ottoman caliphate began beyond the Ottoman Empire, among these besieged Muslims who thus hoped to gain O ttoman military , nancial, and moral support. Its purpose was quite different from the later policy launched from Istanbul during the reign of Abdillhamid II, a policy which instead cast the Ottomans themselves as the recipients of Muslim material and moral assistance. Abdillhamid II (r.1876--1.909) continued the policy of resettling refugees and receiving delegations from territories under Western pressure, but he also sought to generate Muslim support for his caliphate in places where such support had yet to emerge spontaneously. Unable to defend his own frontiers effectively, and even less able or prepared to liberate fragments of other Muslim empires already under Western rule, he was drawn to claim a spiritual authority no longer dependent upon possession o f the sinews o f power. His was a policy intended to conceal weakness, to create an illusion of latent strength. The emissary, diffusing the message of the Ottoman sultan-caliph at the periphery of the empire and beyond, was the conspicuous gure in this policy of active selfassertion. In this role, he supplanted the refugee as the stimulant of solidarity. In the doctrine associated with Abdillhamid, authority was personied in the radiant Ottoman sultan-caliph, and ampli ed by his possession of Mecca and Madina; around his person and his sacred possessions in Arabia revolved all Muslims. But not all were in close orbit. Most simply faced the sultan-caliph's territories in prayer; fewer cited him in their prayers; s till fewer visited or resided in his domains; yet fewer bore arms in his cause. It was the task of Abdillhamid's emissaries to make Muslims aware of the sultan-caliph's prerogatives, and to ask more of those Muslims who already had acknowledged Ottoman primacy. Those emissaries gifted in speech traveled widely in the Ottoman Empire and abroad, while those prolic in the written word were maintained in Istanbul at the expense of the treasury. Together they formed a chain of transmission for the message of Ottoman primacy which, by spoken or printed word, was intended to reach the most distant Muslim enclaves. Abdillhamid rst assembled a number o f Muslims fr om his own Arabic-speaking provinces, and in Istanbul they published works extolling the Ottoman sultan-caliph and insisting upon the absolute nature of his authority . al-Sayyadi 24 T h e(1850-1909), a Rifaci shaykh from the v ic inity of Aleppo who enjoyed m o s t the full condence of Abdillhamid and spent his creative p r o l i c o f t h e s e a u t h o r s

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years writing, publishing, and intriguing in Istanbul. His most signicant work, published for Arabic- and Turkish-reading audiences, argued that absolute and unquali ed obedience to the Ottoman caliph was a duty incumbent upon all Mus lims . several 25 A gures b u at a the l -court who disseminated a similar message in a similar manner. Alongside h im served Muhammad Za r al-Madani H u d a a l ( 1 8 2 8 S a y y a d i order of the North African Shadhiliyya order, he settled w a predominantly s in Istanbul in 1875 and remained there for thirty years, enjoying an 1 9 0 6 ) o n e inuence over Abdulhamid second only to that of Sayyid Abu al-Huda. o f f His M ispecial sphere of activity extended to Morocco, where he sought to the message of Ottoman primacy by organizing Ottoman s disseminate u military missions to Mawlay Hasan and an Ottoman legation at Fez. r a Neither effort succeeded. t a 26 A an 1909), l s Azhar-educated o i n shaykh from Syrian Tripoli who titled two i of his tfamous I s a n works b u lin honor of Abchilhamid, although he was on the n edge ofathat closed Arabic-speaking circle whic h Abdillhamid had asw s L sembled hims H u around s a elf. ithe aforementioned 27 A n o t h e r Shaykh Fadl ibn cAlawi, who had arrived as a refy n b ugee from Malabar g a l u - r e in 1852 and whose task as an emissary was to y reconcile dissident sentiment in Arabia. His most accomplished student i J in s r a in Istanbul the Ottoman link to the Muslims of the East African A b 1d twas ( 8i l h .littoral. Ahmad ibn Sumayt ( 1 8 6 1 a 4 m 5i d ' s A descent, been a s e had r v religious court judge in Zanzibar before eeing to Istanbul in 1886. There he remained for two years as a guest, and s 1 i 925 c ) , ea returned to Zanzibar where he became an advocate of greater attachment h C w o m o r i a n to the Ottoman sultan-caliph. a l s s o a of the Ottoman word were sorely divided by personal rivalries was 28 a t y o T h f established by a contemporary observer, but their work was not without t k H h e a s de r a m effect among Arabic-speakers in the provinces and bey ond. A r a b i c h i To bring the Ottoman message to Shici Muslims, the court relied in 29 s p e a k i n g o part upon Jamal (1838 m i s al-Din s al-Afghani/Asadabadi a fe born cosmopolitan who traveled widely in the Muslim world, teaching i e s tr advanced ideas of religious reform, and jostling for a position of in u1897), a n I r a n i a n - h ence. Although his early teachings were void of pan-Islamic references, e Afghani later pressed Abdiilhamid to enlist him, as a roving Ottoman M emissary or as an Istanbul consultant. a 3 expulsion from Iran, did Abdillhamid decide to employ him, probably d to his intensi exploit O n l y i n ed hos tility toward Nasir al-Din Shah. A n ara rangement similar 1 8 9 2 , to that enjoyed by Abu al-Huda al-Sayyadi was n accepted by Afghani, a f t e r who was given a residence and allowance in Istanibul. A In f return, g h Afghani a n organized i ' sa small circle of Iranians in Istanbul, who launched a letter-writing campaign directed to Shici ulama and y y a s u b -

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dignitaries in Iraq, Iran, Central Asia, and India, "about the kindness and benevolence o f the great Islamic Sultan toward all Muslims o f whatever opinion and group they might be."" A short time later, however, Afghani clashed with Sayyid Abu al-Huda, fell out of favor, and died a virtual captive in 1897. The campaign to win the sympathies of Shici ulama fell in part to the Ottoman ambassador in Teheran. Ac cording to a British diplomat,
He belonged to a secret confraternity of dervishes, I think the Bektashis, cultivated a fairly long beard, and was profoundly interested in the metaphysical theology of Islam, which he used to explain and discuss with me at considerable length. He was himself, really, I think, a Su [which] facilitated his intercourse with the more learned members of the Persian clergy, some of whom I often met and talked with at his house. I imagine, indeed, that he was chosen for this very purpose by Sultan Abdul Hamid.

The efforts of this Ottoman diplomat, continued Sir Arthur Hardinge, were not without effect: " I remember myself going with the Turkish Ambassador to hear a great Tehran Mullah preach during Moharram and being surprised at the fulsome eulogies which he heaped upon the Sultan of Turkey and on the sacred character of the latter as 'Lord of the two Continents and Seas' ('el barrein wa el bahrein')." To carry his message to points further east, the sultan-caliph relied 32 upon other emissaries in the formal guise of diplomatic envoys and consular ofcials. One of the earliest of these was kazasker Ahmed HuIasi
Efendi, wh o in 1877 le d an Otto ma n mission to Kabul. There he a t-

tempted to erect a Mus lim alliance against Russia by persuading the Afghan amir, Shir cAli, of his obligations toward the Ottoman sultancaliph. The emissary even bore a letter from the Ottoman seyhillislam, who threatened to "issue a kind of excommunication" against Shir cAll's followers if they did not turn away from Russia. pagandists in Istanbul, and the more eloquent 33 A n t were i - R always u s s iwelcome a n refugees from Russian rule were encouraged to publish books and tracts p r o against what was regarded as the perpetual enemy o f the Muslims. Abdurresid Ibrahim[ov] (1857-1944), a Siberian-born Volga Tatar who studied and traveled throughout the Ottoman Empire, published a v iolently anti-Russian polemic in Istanbul, and later continued this work within Russia and back in Istanbul under the Young Turk s . In India, the Ottomans operated a consular service, and it was to the 34 consuls that expressions of allegiance to the Ottoman sultan-caliph were directed. These expressions were generated by that acute sense of loss evoked by the collapse of Mughal rule. Ac tiv ity intensied during the Russo-Turkish war (1876-77), and centered around the Ottoman consul-

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general in Bombay, who channeled funds collected by Indian Muslims to Istanbul, and distributed Ottoman decorations in return. Back in the Ottoman capital, a circle of Indian Muslims operated alongside the Arab and Iranian circles. They edited and published a virulently anti-British newspaper in Urdu, done on the imperial press and with heavy subventions. The newspaper, Payk-i Islam, was later closed at British insistence, but its editor continued to carry on his campaign both in Istanbul and London. 35 The techniques employed in pursuit of this policy were thoroughly traditional, and were reminiscent of those medieval methods to which Muslim emissaries had resorted at earlier times, for similar purposes. The parallel which suggests itself most insistently is Fatimid propaganda, the tools of which were s imilar , 36 tainly a differed l t h o u in g its h reliance upon some modern instruments. Among these were the printing O t t o m a n press, the cover provided by permanent diplomacy, p r and o the p mobility a g afforded a n by the steamer and railroad. The steamer in particular gured prominently in the movements of emissaries, d a their printed tracts, and their correspondence. It afforded safe and speedy c e r transport, facilitated commercial, political, and intellectual exchange among Muslims, and presented a challenge to those Western states anxious to regulate that exchange. a similar notably in the Hijaz. The construction of this 37 T h effect, e c most r e a t i o n railway, w ith Mus lim nancial assistance from beyond o f accomplished a the Ottoman Empire, rendered the pilgrimage safer and cheaper. r a i l improvements certainly made the 38 T h e s e n e t w o r k task of the emissary easier, and helped to create that cosmopolitan climate in which his message ourished. h a d But the aim o f the emissary, despite his employment o f modern methods for the speedy spread of ideas, ultimately remained as conservative as the doctrine which he was employed to propagate. For the Ottoman emissary pursued not an exchange of ideas, but the propagation o f a set o f xed principles about the nature o f political and religious authority in Islam. The congress idea emerged as another answer to the same challenge of Western expansion which the emissary attempted to answer, and as another response to the same technological advances from whic h the emissary beneted. But it drew upon two radically different assumptions: the diffusion among scattered Mus lim communities of that religious and political authority claimed by the sultan-caliph, and the supremacy of a consensus of these communities to any rival source of authority. The congress idea thus surfaced beyond the wide alliance of sentiment which Ottoman emissaries were building, and often in close association with political and intellectual innovators.

NOTES
IN T R OD U C T ION 1. Loui s M assignon, " L' entente islamique inter nationale et les deux congres musulmans de 1926" ; H . A. R. Gi bb, Whither Islam? 354- 64; Richar d H ar tm ann, " Z um Gedanken des 'Kongresses' i n den R efor m bestr ebungen des islamischen Or i ents."

1. T H E C O S M O P O LI T A N M I L I E U 1. T he novel w ent thr ough m any editions. It is summarized by F. A. Tansel, ed. Namik Kemalin mektuplan, 2: 177- 79. For m or e details on the publ i cati on of the book , see Om er Famk A k an, " N am i k Kem al ' i n Ki t ap H al i ndek i Eser ler inin I l k N esi r l er i ." F or N am i k Kemal's appeal for M usl i m sol i dar i ty i n hi s ow n era, see M us tafa Ozon, Namdc Kemal ve

Ibret Gazetesi, 74-78.

2. T he gather i ng was called a majlis; t he dialogue, muhawara.

3. 'Abdallah Efendi ibn Husayn al-Suwaydi, al-Hunaj al-qat 'iyya li-ittilaq al-raq al-islamiyya,
22 Eighteenth C entur y," 294- 96. 2 74. E. G. Br ow ne, "Pan- Islam ism ," 323. . 5. T ex t of pr ocl am ati on i n Revue du monde musulman ( 1 9 1 4 13: 385- 86. D etai l s on the C attitudes of Iraq' s Shl' i scholars to the Ottom an state are pr ovi ded by Abdul - H adi Hair i, Ski f 'ism and Constitutionalism in Iran. . 6. E. G. Br ow ne (Cambridge) t o W i l fr i d Scawen Bl unt, Febr uar y 16,1911, i n Bl untChichester, l e 9, " Edw ar d G. Br ow ne." L . 7. O n the or igins of thi s cur r ent of thought, see D w i ght E. Lee, " T he Or i gi ns of PanIslamism," and N i k k i R. Keddi e, "Pan- Isl am as Pr oto- N ati onal i sm ." L o 8. H . A. R. Gi bb, " Lut Pasa on the Ottom an C al i phate," and Fritz Steppat, " Khal i fat, c Dar al-Istam und die loyalitat der Ar aber zum osmanischen Reich bei Hana tischen Juristen k des 19. Jahr hunder ts." h 9. See Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam, 1 4 1 a 10. H al i l inalcik, " T he Socio-Political Effects of the D i ffusi on of Fire-arms in the M i ddl e E as r 5 t," 0.2 0 2 t 11. Ant hony Reid, " Si xteenth C entur y Tur kish In uence i n W estern Indonesia"; Seljuk 10. , Affan, "Relations Betw een the Ottom an Empire and the M usl i m Ki ngdom s i n the M al ayN Indonesian Ar chi pel ago" ; and docum ents publ i s hed b y R azaul hak Sah, " A c i Padisahi a Sultan Al aeddi n' i n KanunI Sul tan Silleym an' a M ek tubu." d 12. Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 27-28. i 13. B. G. M ar ti n, " M ai Idris o f Bor nu and the Ottom an Tur ks, 1576- 78," 478- 79. A r more com pl ete set o f docum ents w as publ i shed by C engi z Or honl u, " Osm anl i - Bor nu S miinasebetine ai d belgeler ." h 14. T hi s reassertion i s descr ibed b y Ber nar d Lew i s, " O t t om an Em pi r e i n t he M i da N i neteenth C entur y: A R evi ew ," 2 9 0 h - 15. F or Al ger i an i m m i gr ati on see Char les- Rober t Ager on, Les Algfriens musulmans et la ,9 4 . ( 1 8 7 1 France 2 3919) , 1 3 2 : ; 0 7 9 1 a 9 2 ; n s e d e H a l a s o m J i .

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extensively fr om folklor e and poems. On the emigres, see Pierre Bardin, Algeriens et Tunisiens

dans lEmpire Ottoman de 1848 a 1914.

16. Per tev Bor atav, " La Russie dans les Ar chi ves ottom anes. U n dossier ottom an sur Cham il." 17. O n the events w hi ch l ed to his expul si on, and the prestige w hi ch he conti nued to enjoy i n M al abar , see Stephen F. D al e, " T he M appi l l a Outbr eaks: Ideol ogy and Social Con ict i n N i neteenth- C entur y Ker al a," 90- 93; and hi s Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier, 113- 18,127- 37,164- 69. For Sayyi d Fadl's activities i n D hofar , see J. G. Lor im er ,

Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman, and Central Arabia, 1: 5 9 1 Britain and the Persian Gulf, 772-75. 18. M9 ar5 c Pi nson, "R ussi an Pol i cy and t he Em i gr ati on o f the C r i m ean Tatar s t o t he 92 ,5 Ottom an Empire, 1854- 1862." 19. M ar " Ottom of the Circassians in Rumili After the Crimean 97 ,5 9c 9 Pinson, ; a n an Colonization d W ar ," and Kemal H. Kar pat, " T he Status of the M uslim under European Rule: The Eviction J . B . and Settl em ent of the Cer kes." K e l l y ,
20. A . A . Pow el l , " M aul ana R ahm at Al l ah Kai r anaw i and M usl i m - C hr i sti an C ontr oversy i n Indi a i n t he M i d- 19th C entur y ." T he polem ic, enti tl ed lzhar al-haqq, has seen m any translations and editions, and i n the past decade has enj oyed a r enew ed popul ar i ty, i f one is t o j udge fr om the appearance of several new edi ti ons i n Ar abi c and U r du. 21. Roderic H. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856- 1876, 2 7 2 - 7 4 that : m i ght yi el d m uch on thi s subject, see Grace M ar ti n Sm i th, " T he Oz bek Tekkes of Istanbul F o r ."a n a p p r o a c h 22. See t he fol l ow i ng w or ks b y A n t h o n y R ei d: " N i neteenth C entur y Pan- Isl am i n Indonesia and M al aysi a"; " Indonesi an D i pl om acy. A D ocum entar y Study of Atj ehnese Foreign Pol i cy i n t he R ei gn o f Sul tan M ahm ud, 1870- 4" ; " H abi b Abdur - R ahm an az'8 9 8 , 8 1 - 23. ' Al i al - Shanu , "Fasl m i n al- r ihla al- hijaziyya l i - M uham m ad al- Sanusi." O n M u8 5 , 1 1 al-Sanusi, see Ali Chenou, lin savant tunisien du XI X hammad 9 sa vie et son oeuvre. 1 " 2 9 24. s ,i1 This e4c l circle e : was M ur sthdescribed a m m by a C. Snouck d aHur s gr onje, "Eenige Arabische strijdsch5i ften r oken" publ i shed i n 1897) , and i n summarized for m i n hi s r evi ew S a bespr n u s (ior iginally , enti tl ed "Les confreries religieuses, l a M ecque, et le Panislamisme" ( or iginally w r i tten i n 4 6 .

Zahir (1833-1896)"; and The Contest for North Sumatra: Aljeh, the Netherlands, and Britain, 1858-

1900). 25. O n thi s gur e, see t he bi bl i ogr aphi cal ar ticle by W er ner Ende, " Say y i d A b u al Huda, ei n Ver tr auter Abdi l l ham i d' s II. N otw endi gk ei t u n d Pr obl em e ei ner kr i ti schen Biogr aphie," and B. Abu- M anneh, " Sul tan Abdul ham i d I I and Shai k h Abul huda A l Sayyadi." 26. O n Shay k h Za r , see A . Le Chatelier , Les Confreries musulmanes du Hedjaz, 112- 24; Jean-Louis M i ege, Le Maroc et lEurope, 4: 173- 79; and W al i al - D i n Yakan, al- M elum majhul, 100- 101,169- 77. Real Ottom an progress was m ade i n M or occo onl y at the end of Abdi l l ham i d' s r eign, and under the Young T ur k regime. See Jean D eny, "Instr ucteur s militaires tur cs au M ar oc sous M oul ay H a dh," and Edm und Bur ke, " Pan- Isl am and Moroccan Resistance to French C ol oni al Penetr ation, 1900- 1912." 27. O n his life, see the biogr aphical preface by his son to an edi ti on of his tract enti tl ed

al-Risala al-hamidiyya; and Ahmad al-Sharabasi, Rashid Rida, sahib al-Manar, 231-46 (Husayn
al-Jisr was Rashid Rida' s teacher). 28. O n Ahm ad i bn Sum ayt, see B. G. M ar ti n, " N otes on Some Members of the Lear ned Classes o f Zanzi bar and East Afr i ca i n t he N i neteenth C entur y ," 5 4 1 Pouwels, " Isl am and Islamic Leader ship i n the Coastal C om m uni ti es o f Eastern Afr i ca, 4 5 ; tR 1700 o 1914," a n d 4a9 2 l l L e e 501; a n d t h e i r s o u r c e s . O n t h e g r o w t h

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am ong the M uslim s of East Afr i ca, see K. Ax enfel d, "Gei sti ge Kam pfe i n der Eingebor enenbevol ker ung an der Ki i ste Ostafr i kas," especially 654f. 29, It was the thesis of Hur gr onje, i n his "Eenige Ar abische str ijdschr iften bespr oken," that thi s circle was too tor n by rivalries to consti tute an ef ci ent bur eau of pr opaganda. 30. For hi s appr oach of 1879, see N i k k i R. Keddi e, Sayyid !amid ad-Din ' al- Afghani": A Political Biography, 129- 42, tr ansl ati ng and anal yzi ng the appeal i n Iraj Afs har and Asghar M andavi , Majmu'a-yi asnad ve-madarik-i chap nashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid lama' al-Din mashhur
Afghani, p h o t o s 2 6 -appeal, of 1892, see Jacob M . Landau, " Al - Afghani ' s Pan-Islamic Pr oject." 27. F o r 31. Keddi e, Sayyid lama1ad-Din, 380- 81. h i s 32. Ar t hur a p p r oH . H ar di nge, A Diplomatist in the East, 273- 74. a 33. c T hher e ar e at least thr ee studi es o f thi s m ission. See D w i ght E. Lee, " A T ur ki sh o f Afghani stan, 1877"; D. P. Singhal, " A Tur kish M ission to K a b u l - A For gotten Mission to 1 8 Chapter of 8 H i stor y" ; and M . C av i d Baysun, "Si r vani - zade Ahm ed H ul us i Efendi ' ni n 5 , Efganistan elciligine ai d vesikalar ," w her e the di ar y of the mission is publ i shed. s e e 34. O n this gur e, see Esref Edib, " M eshur Islam seyyalm Abdi i r r esi d Ibr ahi m Efendi " ; K eAyse Rorlich, " Tr ansi ti on i nto the T w enti eth C entur y: Refor m and Secularization Azaded d the Volga i among Tatars," 233- 35,267- 68; and Edwar d J. Lazzerini, " Abdur r esi d Ibr agim ov e , ( Ibr ahim ov) ." 2 4 6 - 35. O n ni neteenth- centur y Indi an M usl i m attachm ent to the Ottom an Empire, see R . M . Shukl India and the Turkish Empire 1853- 1882, 94- 120; Y. B. M athur , Muslims 6 8 a, Britain, . F and Changing India, 1 2 0 o of Bengal ." T he activities of the Indi an M usl i m circle i n Istanbul are detai l ed by Shukl a, r 1 5; 5 a n d 34 A f A 36. . Com g h par e the Ottom an cam paign to that described by M . Canar d, "L' Im per ialism e 85. a H Fatimides des a n l i m et l,eur pr opagande," and W . Iv anow , " T he Or gani sati on o f the Fati m i d i Pr " opaganda." R 'u s s o s - 37. F or one exam pl e o f a r eacti on t o thi s pr obl em , as i t arose i n Al ger i a, see Pierre l T u r Boyer, " L' k Adm i i ni s str ati on francaise et la r eglem entation du pelerinage a la M ecque ( 1830a s h 1894)." tW 38. See W illiam Ochsenwald, The Hijaz Railroad; and Jacob M . Landau, The Hejaz Railway

and the Muslim a r Pilgrimage: A Case of Ottoman Political Propaganda. o f 1 8 7 2. A C H ALLEN G E T O A U T H O R I T Y 6 - 1. O n Bl unt, see Elizabeth Longfor d, A Pilgrimage of Passion: The Life of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt; 7 ber t 7 Al Hour ani, " W i l fr i d Scawen Bl unt and the Revival of the East"; and Kathr yn Tidrick, a Heart-beguiling Araby, 1 0 7 n 2. " Al m s to Obl i v i on," par t 4, chapter 5, i n Bl unt- Fi tzw i l l i am , M S. 323- 1975. d 53. 3 . W i l fr i d Scawen Bl unt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt, 66. t 4. H am i d Al gar , Mfrza Malkum Khan. A Study in the History of Iranian Nationalism. h 5. Qanun, no. 17 (issue not dated) . e 6. Qanun, no. 18 (issue not dated) . M 7. O n Sabunji' u s English per iod, see L. Z ol ondek, " Sabunj i i n England 1876- 91: His Role s in Ar abi c lJournalism." i 8. Phi l im ppe de Tarrazi, Ta'rikh al-sahafa al-'arabiyya, 2: 251- 52. T he newspaper itself does s appear to have sur vived. not 9. Tarrazi, Ta' rikh al-sahafa, 2:94, w her e his salary and posi ti on ar e described. 10. W i l fr i d Scawen Bl unt, M y Diaries, 2: 260. 11. Bl unt, Secret History, 67.