The

Sino-Japanese War of 1894- 1895 and the Battle of Yalu in September 1894

Min Jung Kim GOVT 451 Professor Karber November 27, 2012

Table of Contents

Political Motivation of the War ---------------------------------------------------------5 Overview of the First Sino-Japanese War -------------------------------------------- 9 First Phase of the Sino-Japanese War ------------------------------------------------14 Second Phase of the Sino-Japanese War ---------------------------------------------21 Third Phase of the War at Weihaiwei ------------------------------------------------29 The Battle of the Yalu ------------------------------------------------------------------- 34 Conclusion -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 45 Illustrations Overview Map of the Battles Categorized by Phases ------------------------------ 9 Map of the battles of Pyongyang, Yalu, and Jiuliancheng ------------------------15 Map of the Invasion of Liaodong Peninsula ----------------------------------------21 Chart of the Chinese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River----------36 Chart of the Japanese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River --------38

There is always a lesson to learn from history, even if it is a war that

was fought over two centuries ago. The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 started as a conflict over control of the Korean peninsula by China and Japan. Among the wars that were fought in East Asia, this war is not one of the well known. However, the war deserves more attention because it was a significant turning point in the power balance of East Asia for Japan, China, and Korea. Also, this war could serve as a lesson for China that is rising in its power in the international arena once again. In the end of 1800s, even though China was the dominant power, the lax attitude of China led to an unexpected yet overwhelming loss of the war. Therefore, this discussion of the war can remind China to be constantly aware of other countries without nave assumption while it maintains a dominant power status. Furthermore, the Battle of Yalu, which was one of the most significant naval battles that consolidated the naval supremacy of the Japanese, serves as an example of the importance of supremacy of naval power in East Asia. During this period, the Japanese Meiji government focused on modernization and strengthened its military with equipments and trainings from the Western powers. Meanwhile, after the First Opium War of 1839- 1842, the Qing dynasty had weakened drastically in its domestic politics and foreign relations. The Chinese government did not appreciate the foreign intervention, but could not resist their intrusion. Prior to the war, the Western powers did not consider Japan as a rivaling power of China; however, the successful demonstration of the Japanese forces capacity caught the attention of them. Therefore, the Japanese became the first successful developing country, and for the next two centuries, have continued that reputation. On the other hand, the Chinese government, once an indisputable dominant power, was deeply ashamed of the loss of the war,

and had weakened further with its domestic turmoil. This war also influenced the situation in Korea. As the Korean government was suffering from instability with Tonghak Rebellion, the Japanese intensified its control over Korea after the war, to solidify its power status in East Asia. The Sino- Japanese War of 1894-1895 evidently served as a critical turning point in the history of East Asia for all three countries. Chinas loss came as a shock to many observing countries. From the objective perspective, it was obvious that the Chinese forces were better prepared for the war. But Chinas the most critical weakness in this war was its lack of discipline and assumption that it will win the war because it was the dominant power. This lackadaisical attitude could not fight against determined Japanese forces. The Chinese forces lost their battles continuously and sometimes, they retreated even without fighting. The government and officials were not serious about this war as well. Even when they were sending peace envoys after losing battles, the Chinese sent government officials who were not high ranking and indicated that it did not consider the peace negotiation important. Due to these attitudes, the China had to give its dominant power status to Japan. Now, after two centuries had passed, China has risen again in the international arena with its economy and military capacity. At this time, the Sino-Japanese War could be a useful reminder for the Chinese with the opportunity to maintain its dominant power once again. The vital importance of supreme naval power and maritime security remain the same two centuries ago and even now. The Battle of Yalu was the decisive naval battle that allowed the Japanese to gain the momentum of the rest of the war. Also, this battle had received attention of the Western powers because of the Japanese usage of original naval tactics and both

countries modern European technologies. The Japanese knew in the early phase of the war that the one country that dominates the sea route first would gain huge advantage throughout the war. Therefore, the Japanese fought with determination and gained a complete victory. Protecting the maritime security still continue to be a top priority of East Asian countries. It can be demonstrated through the current disputes regarding the South China Sea and the East Sea/Sea of Japan. The Battle of Yalu indicates that the naval supremacy was a concern for the countries security especially in East Asia even two centuries ago. This paper will first discuss the political motivation that sparked the conflict between China and Japan. Then, it will describe the battles during Sino-Japanese War in three phases, and then followed by the peace treaty. Finally, the specific details of the Battle of Yalu will be mentioned. This paper will conclude by analyzing the legacies of China, Japan, and Korea and emphasizing the significance of the war. Political motivation of the First Sino-Japanese War Despite its miniature size of the territory, the Korean Peninsula served as one of the most strategic locations in the Far East. At the end of 19th century, the three major Far Eastern powers, China, Japan, and Russia, considered Korea as a crucial strategic location for their national security. When the Far Eastern powers were interested in securing the Korean Peninsula, controlling the country and its people was not the primary purpose of the Far Eastern powers; instead, it was to utilize this strategic region to protect its own security interests.

As an island nation, Japan sought Korea for the purpose of debarkation point for access to the Asian mainland.1 The Korean Peninsula was perfect for Japan to utilize it as its gateway to the mainland. Japans interest in Korea was due to its goal of building an outer defense perimeter.2 Not only Korea could have been a strategic location for Japanese offense, it was also suitable for its defense. Additionally, the Yellow Sea provided the maritime access to Peking, and through this route Korea sent its large rice tribute and other vital food supplies.3 Furthermore, because the northern Korean Peninsula bordered Manchuria, where the most industrialized part of China was located, Chinas control over this region was also significant to its national security.4 Because of the intense competition over this tiny territory, most countries desired to dominate the territory first, before the other took the initiative. Because the strategic location of the Korean Peninsula was related to the Far Eastern powers geostrategic interest, they were even willing to risk a military confrontation to win the control over the region. To prevent any one power dominating Korea, Japan and China signed the Treaty of Tianjin on April 18, 1885.5 This convention, negotiated by Li Hongzhang and Ito Hirobumi, resulted in two parties accord on bilateral troop withdrawal, restriction on deploying military instructors, and aforementioned notification of sending troops.6 On paper, this treaty seemed fair, but tensions still remained. Despite the agreement between two parties,
1

S.C.M. Paine, The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 Perceptions, Power, and Primacy (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 33. 2 Bruce A. Elleman, Modern Chinese Warfare, 1795-1989 (London: Routledge, 2001), 95. 3 G.A. Ballard, The Influence of the Sea on the Political History of Japan(New York, NY: n.p., 1921), 125. 4 Paine, 34. 5 Paine, 59. 6 Ibid.

the Treaty of Tianjin indicated implied tension regarding each countrys desire to control the Korean territory. This delicate situation within the Northeast Asia continued. Eventually, ten years later, in 1894, two events exacerbated the relations between China and Japan, and hastened the war. The first one was the murder of Kim Ok- kyun. In 1884, Kim, a leader of pro-Japanese faction in Korea, led an uprising against the government but failed. Ten years later, a Korean assassin in Shanghai murdered him, and his corpse was publicly displayed in Korea to warn the pro-Japanese faction. As a response, many Japanese considered this act an insult against them by the Chinese. Nationalists groups in Japan started to call for war with China since this incident.7 Another incident that led to the war was when the Korean government asked for Chinas intervention to suppress the Tonghak Insurrection in the summer of the same year. Tonghaks not only organized the anti-foreign activities, but also initiated both a religious and a social movement concerned with the freedom of their religion, the improvement of peasantry class, and reform of the corrupt government. Unable to control this rebellion, the Korean King requested Li Hongzhang for Chinese military assistance. It was granted promptly through Chinas Resident-General Yuan Shikai in June 1894, and it was promptly given.8 Respecting the terms of the Treaty of Tianjin, China immediately informed Japan and stated by stating that China was sending troops to their tributary states to assist them.9 Japan was not pleased by this phrase, and because Japan had concluded that Chinas proclamation of Korea as its tributary state violated the treaty, the Japanese government also sent its troops to Korea. Later on, in accordance with the
7 8

Elleman, 96. Ibid. 9 Ibid.

treaty, China wanted both forces to withdraw simultaneously; however, Japan was adamant to take this opportunity to increase its military presence in Korea. Therefore, the Japanese government refused to withdraw until it reformed the Korean government.10 A Sino-Japanese confrontation seemed difficult to be avoided, especially as the Japanese troops attacked the Korean royal palace on July 23, 1894 to enforce Japanese version of a governmental reorganization.11 In response, threatened China chartered three British steamers: Kowshing, Irene, and the Fei Ching. In an unexpected clash in the Bay of Asan, the Japanese force sunk Kowshing, and this battle eventually led to the Battle of Seonghwan four days later. Finally, Japan officially declared war on China on August 1, 1894.12 The geographical position of Korea and the weak nature of the Korean government, seen through the murder of Kim Ok-Kyun and the incidents of the Tonghak Insurrection, made China and Japans exertion of influence inevitable. As the two countries were adamant on securing the Korean Peninsula, they were willing to sacrifice their troops. Additionally, such a prompt escalation to the war and well-prepared military forces indicate that China and Japan had considered the Sino-Japanese conflict unavoidable. Moreover, the defeat of Kowshing alerted China, because the command of the sea was critical in this conflict when the sea route offered the most efficient way for communication and operations of the war. The First Sino-Japanese War was fought officially from August 1, 1894 to April 17, 1895.
10

Allen Fung, "Testing the Self-Strengthening: The Chinese Army in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895," Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 1010. 11 Elleman, 97. 12 W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism 1894-1945 (n.p.: Oxford University Press, 1991), 48.

Overview of the First Sino-Japanese War Timeline of the war

1 August 1894: Official declaration of war 15 September 1894: The Battle of Pyongyang 17 September 1894: The Battle of Yalu 24 October 1894: The Battle of Jiuliancheng 21 November 1894: The Battle of Port Arthur 12 December 1894: The Japanese invasion of Ximucheng 13 December 1894: The Japanese invasion of Haicheng 19 December 1894: The Battle of Kangwasae 10 January 1895: The Battle of Kaiping 24 January 23 February 1895: Battle of Weihai (Last major battle of the Sino-Japanese war) 2 February 1895: the Japanese controlled all the forts surrounding Weihaiwei 5 and 6 February 1895: Japanese torpedo damaged Ding Yuan and sunk Lai Yuan, Wei Yuan, and Bao Hua 12 February 1895: Admiral Ding surrendered and committed suicide 4 March 1895: The Battle of Niuzhang 6 March 1895: The Battle of Yingkou 9 March 1895: The Battle of Tianzhuangtai (Final battle of the Liaodong Peninsula) 17 April 1895: Peace Negotiations

Map 1 Map of the battles categorized by three phases

The Chinese Forces When the Sino-Japanese War was officially declared in 1894, many, especially the European powers, expected the Chinese military primacy over Japans capability. In the late 1800s, Japan was radically strengthened by its Meiji Restoration movement, while the Imperial Qing dynasty fought the First Opium War of 1839-1842 and the French-Chinese War of 1884-1885.13 As a result, the Qing dynastys military force had become weak and was continuously beaten in several battles. Eventually, by the last phase of the war in March 1895, Beijing faced direct threat of the Japanese forces, and in the following month, the Chinese government agreed for peace under humiliating conditions.14 As it had been mentioned earlier in the political motivation of the war, Japan far more determined to strengthen its military influence within Korea. China, without previous recognition of Japans ambition, was less prepared for the war. Due to its deteriorating power, the Chinese military was poorly trained and equipped. After the Taiping Rebellion of 1851, the Chinese army was divided into four classes of troops: The Eight Banners (Machus, Mongols, and Chinese army of about 250,000 men), The Green Standard (entirely Chinese army of approximately 500,000 to 600,000 men), The Braves (volunteers), and the Trained Army, which is estimated to be between 50,000 to 100,000 soldiers.15 The aims for the first two groups of troops were to maintain peace and suppress small armies, and they were not ready to fight

13

Guangqiu Xu, "Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)," in China at War: An Encyclopedia, ed. Xiaobing Li (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2012), 11483. 14 Fung, 1010. 15 Zenone Volpicelli, The China-Japan War Complied from Japanese, Chinese, and Foreign Sources (New York, NY: C. Scribner's, 1896), 69-73.

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battles yet.16 While the Braves were completely voluntary system within the provinces, the Trained Army received drills in the European style. However, these divided armies lacked unity because of regional rivalry. Among the forces, the Beiyang Army, which included the Huai and Xiang armies, was the strongest at the time. Fortunately, the Chinese navy was better disciplined than the Army, with foreign instructors such as Captain Lang. Within the Chinese navy, there were four squadrons: the Beiyang (also called Northern Squadron), the Nanyang (also called Southern Squadron), the Foochow, and Canton Flotillas.17 Among them the Beiyang Fleet was the most powerful not only within China but also in East Asia prior to the first Sino-Japanese War. The Beiyang Fleet, which was organized in 1888 with the total number of 25 ships, was led by Admiral Ding and mainly consisted of battleships imported from Germany. Among them, the most notable ships were the Ding Yuan and the Zhen Yuan, each weighing 7,430 tons.18 The Beiyang divisions were equipped with the most modernized Western-style weapons with the strict training program, and in 1893, the divisions had around 51 battalions (25,000-30,000 soldiers).19 Despite the expectations of many, the Chinese forces seemed strong only on paper, because many military divisions lacked the equipment and training. Consequently, the Chinese military heavily relied on the Beiyang division when going into the war.
16 17

Ibid., 72. Ibid., 75. 18 Elleman, 102. 19 Fung, 1028.

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Weakness within the Chinese military The Beiyang Army and Beiyang Fleet served as the best and the most modernized military capability of China. However, there were several weaknesses that hampered the capacity of the best equipment. Many scholars argue for different reasons of Chinas failure in the war. Some of the reasons are the corrupt Qing government, lack of military training and the discipline of the Chinese army, and surprisingly, the outnumbered Chinese army. As the Qing government devoted more of its budget on building the Summer Palace rather than training its military, the Beiyang force was not maintained properly. After its foundation in 1888, the Beiyang Fleet did not acquire any new warships. Because of a low budget for the military, the Chinese soldiers were paid and treated poorly.20 The Chinese government was too nave and overly confident with its assumption of having the best military capability in East Asian region. Another reason for Chinas failure accounts to the lack of military training of the Chinese army. There are several testimonies telling that some soldiers did not know how to operate their fort guns and the artillery.21 The lack of training can be traced back to the lack of funding and the disunited Chinese army officers. Also, numerous Chinese soldiers were opium addicts, which did not help strengthening the military.22 For this reason, the Japanese troops outnumbered the Chinese army several times because the actual number of soldiers with fighting ability differed from the documentation.23 Because the Qing dynasty had maintained a dominant position in East Asia for a long period of time, it must have not much need to actually fight with strong determination to destroy
20 21

Xu, "Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)," in China at War: An Encyclopedia,11485. Fung, 1022. 22 Ibid. 23 Fung, 1027.

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enemies. One reason may be that in that region, there was no country that could match China with its capacity and strength. When this period of relaxation continued for a while, China did not expect Japan to rise so suddenly with its advanced equipments and forces. The Japanese Forces During the Meiji Restoration, the emperor focused on building a modern national army and navy. To achieve this, the government established military schools and arsenals and supported Japanese military officials to go to Europe and study the military strategy and tactics. In addition, beginning from 1872, national conscription was imposed and opportunities to join the professional army were given to the soldiers.24 The Japanese army had six divisions, including the Imperial Body Guard. All of them had two brigades or four regiments of infantry; however, the artillery, cavalry, engineers and train assigned to the division differed to some extent.25 Additionally, there were two special corps, one troop each specifically for the Island of Yeso and the Tsushima.26 During peacetime, each military unit of the Japanese army contained about 64,300 men.27 The Japanese Navy was organized similarly to that of the Chinese. It also was equipped with numerous fast vessels, Yoshino being the fastest one in the world. Japan had three military ports in Yokosuka, Kure and Sasebo with a squadron attached to each of them. During the war, the fleet was divided into smaller squadron of four vessels.28 Furthermore, the Japanese navy was heavily influenced by the West as the British Royal Navy trained
24 25

Xu, "Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)," in China at War: An Encyclopedia,11490. Volpicelli, 80. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 81. 28 Ibid., 86.

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them with military skills. As a result, the Japanese eventually were able to create its own cruisers and torpedo boats. Most of the Japanese fleets ships were built after 1889, and the fastest one cruised at maximum speeds of over twenty knots.29 The success of the Japanese Army during the war is not credited only to the modernized equipments. The Japanese army was far more disciplined and well trained. Most importantly, they were determined to win this war. Even before the declaration of the war, Japans ambition was evident when it sent approximately 5,000 Japanese soldiers to the Korean Peninsula in June 1894. On the other hand, the Chinese government had deployed 1,500 Chinese soldiers.30 Furthermore, for the Japanese forces, individual soldiers goal matched that of the countrys ambition to win the war. According to accounts of several writers such as F.W. Eastlake and Y.A. Yamada, Japanese solders were very brave and were not afraid to risk their lives to win each battle.31 In contrary to the Chinese forces, which were not motivated to face the battle, the Japanese trained hard with systematic drills, patriotism, and commitment for the victory of this war. First Phase of the Sino-Japanese War The Sino-Japanese War can be divided into three phases of battle, followed by a period for peace negotiation. The first phase of the war is when the Japanese drove out the Chinese forces from Korea, then the second phase is when after the Japanese troops had gained access to the Chinese territory through the Yalu River and invaded Manchuria. Finally, in the third phase, the Japanese fought the Chinese at Weihaiwei, and this battle marks
29 30

Elleman, 103. Fung, 1011. 31 Fung, 1024.

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the last major battle of the war. Then, in April 1985, after few more minor battles, Treaty of Shimonoseki was ratified.

Map 2 Map of the battles of Pyongyang, Yalu, and Jiuliancheng

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The Battle of Pyongyang During the first phase, which includes the Battle of Pyongyang, the Battle of Yalu, and the Battle of Jiuliancheng, Japan gained complete control over the Korean Peninsula. The first two battles that took place within a three-day period in mid-September of 1894 carry more significance because they determined the momentum of the entire war. Some consider the Battle of Jiuliancheng as part of Japans invasion of China, but this battle, which took place near the Yalu River, finally confirmed that the Chinese forces were no longer capable to exert military forces in Korea. The Chinese forces failure to
32

Paine, "Battle of Pyongyang and Yalu," map, in The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, 164.

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dominate Korea in this period opened the door to the Japanese invasion in Manchuria. Prior to the official declaration of the war, the two countries military forces were already present in the Korean Peninsula. For the Chinese forces, most of them were stationed near Pyongyang already, and they held the objective advantage because the Chinese forces had ample time to reinforce the existing walled stronghold, from early August to mid-September.33 To prepare for the battle at Pyongyang, four Chinese generals represented infantry, artillery, and Manchu cavalry, total of approximately 13,000 troops dispersed to 27 forts.34 At the very beginning of the war, Pyongyang was a strategic location because it was on the way to the Chinese mainland. Conquering Pyongyang was necessary for the Japanese to gain land access to China. Four Japanese columns arrived in Pyongyang in early September 1894. Under the overall command of General Yamagata, the Japanese drafted a strategy to make the frontal attack from the south, as the Main Division assaulted from the southwest at 4:30 A.M. on 15 September 1894.35 The Wonson column, led by Colonel Tadashi, was responsible for intercepting the enemy when it fled to the northeast. This strategy was very successful and the Chinese surrendered later on the same day. 36 Even before the war, the Chinese army in Northern Korea was very ill prepared. The four Chinese commanders only focused on his army and did not coordinate with others, without a strategic plan to fight the Japanese. In addition, because of the armys lack of discipline and training, soldiers did not even know how to properly handle the ammunition. It was reported that
33 34

Elleman, 99. Paine, 166. 35 Ibid., 167. 36 Elleman, 100.

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total losses for the Chinese estimate around 2,000 while the Japanese lost 698.37 With the fatal defeat on its part, Chinese army retreated further to Manchuria to defend its empire. The Battle of Pyongyang, especially the defeat of the great Chinese army in a day, was significant to the Sino-Japanese War because it was the first major land war between the two powers. Through this battle, Japan sparked the signal of its rise as a new power in East Asia, and demonstrated its military supremacy over China. It was also the first battle that the Japanese utilized its hard-trained and modernized weapons and troops, and was very successful. Prior to the battle of Pyongyang, in Korea, the resentment of the Koreas had intensified since the Japanese imposed forced reforms on the Korean government and they sought support from other countries, especially from China. However, this battles defeat implied that the aid was not coming anymore to Korea. Furthermore, in order to utilize easier access, the Japanese forces impeded the Korean Peninsula to furnish supplies to the military facilities. For Koreans, the Chinese loss of this issue signaled the deteriorated condition for the people. The Japanese forces were not satisfied with the victory at Pyongyang; their ambition was greater than what anyone else had expected. For the Chinese, the loss of Pyongyang failed to alarm the army and the government. They did lose Pyongyang, but still was able to retreat to Manchuria. Therefore, the complacency continued in the next battles as well. The Battle of Yalu On September 17, 1894, the day after the Battle of Pyongyang, the second major battle took place. As part of the first phase of the Sino-
37

Ibid., 101.

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Japanese War, the Battle of Yalu occurred at the strategic location at the river that forms the boundary between the Chinese empire and Korea. It carries significance as one of the first modern navy battles. In the early 1890s, the capability of Chinas navy was greater than that of the Japanese navy. While the Chinese navy was ranked eighth in the world, with 65 ships, the Japanese navy was ranked eleventh with only 32 ships.38 Furthermore, Chinas Beiyang fleet was one of the most advanced with the Ding Yuan and the Zhen Yuan as the most notable ships.39 On the other hand, Japan did not have any significant naval ships known. Therefore, it was easier to assume the Chinese victory in this naval battle. However, the Battle of Yalu proved the supremacy of Japanese navy and of its naval tactics. The battle only lasted for about four and a half hours but by the end of this military encounter, the Japanese fleet successfully sank four Chinese shipsthe Zhao Yang, Yang Wei, Zhi Yuan, and the Kong Yuanand caused over 1000 Chinese causalities.40 Further details of the battle will be described in the latter part of the paper. As a result of this significant naval battle, the Chinese experienced a crushing defeat and the Japanese took command of the sea, which enabled the Japanese to facilitate all of their future operations by allowing the Japanese army to land wherever they wished.41 Furthermore, Japan, as an island-nation, it was important for it to command the sea to achieve regional supremacy because preserving the sea routes for supplies and trade routes were vital for Japan. During the course of the Sino-Japanese War, because Japan had controlled the sea route, the troops could maneuver more efficiently.
38 39

Ibid. Ibid., 102. 40 Ibid., 104. 41 Volpicelli, 184-185.

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The Battle of Jiuliancheng The Japanese forces still were not satisfied at the winning the two major battles and they decided to attack the Chinese headquarters at Jiuliancheng in late October 1894.42 This town guarded the Yalu River and it also was the last defensive stand for the Chinese. Because the river defined the border between Manchuria and Korea, the loss of this battle would signal the final battle in the Korean Peninsula. The northern side of the river was called the town of Jiuliancheng, and the southern side was Wi-ju.43 However, instead of fighting to death to protect the fort, the Chinese army retreated to defensive positions to Mukden and fairly easily allowed the Japanese to step into Manchuria. By the 20th of October, General Yamagata, who had received military training from Germany, led the 3rd and 5th Division of the Japanese army to Wi-ju, the Korean side of the Yalu River.44 On the Chinese side, General Song Jiang commanded approximately 25,000 men, which were divided into 50 camps along the border at the river.45 On the evening of October 24th 1894, Yamagata ordered Sato to lead a small flanking force across the Yalu; the army planned to attack the Chinese force from the rear. The remaining army, in the morning of October 25th, built a metal bridge across the river by 4 A.M. Then, the troops positioned themselves on the north bank by the sunrise. This battle was fought for a short period of timeby noon, the Chinese forces called for retreat and the Japanese took control of the Chinese fort in Jiuliancheng. 46 During this battle, the Japanese lost one officer and 32 men, and three officers and 108 men were wounded; however, they killed 495
42 43

Elleman, 104. Volpicelli, 188. 44 Volpicelli, 187. 45 Elleman, 104. 46 Ibid., 105.

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Chinese for the record. Scholars assume that many more must have drowned in the Yalu River.47 The Japanese also confiscated 66 cannon, 35,000 shells, 3,300 rifles, more than 3 million rounds of ammunition, and food supplies.48 This battle finalized the Japans control of the Korean Peninsula. After the defeat at the previous two battles, the Chinese army was unlikely to gain back the territory. However, when the Japanese won this battle, it was evident that the influencing Korea was out of the question for the Chinese. Protecting the mainlands territory became the first priority. The Japanese had gained access route to Manchuria, which further advantaged them in the coming battles of the war. The first phase of the Sino-Japanese War indicated several aspects in the Northeast Asian region: significance of modernization and the beginning of the rise of a new power in the region, which was represented by the Japanese ambition and Chinese lackadaisical attitude. Prior to the war, Japan seemed less modernized in its military and level of strategical intelligence. However, only with few years of modernization period through the Meiji government, the Japanese successfully equipped itself with high- technology weapons and learned military tactics from the European countries. The Battle of Yalu was especially noteworthy as the first modern naval warfare in Asia. Additionally, the Chinese defeat at Pyongyang and Yalu was not suspected by anyone around the world and several foreign presses covered the war at the front pages.49 The Chinese loss at Jiuliancheng opened the gate for the Japanese to continue to march and threaten Beijing. With the surprise of the Japanese military supremacy, the period of Chinese disgrace had begun.
47 48

Volpicelli, 194. Elleman, 105. 49 Paine, 182.

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Second Phase of the Sino-Japanese WarInvasion of Liaodong Peninsula

Map 3 Map of the campaignLiaodong Peninsula (Jinzhou, Dalian), Port Arthur, Ximucheng and 50 Haicheng

The Japanese forces successfully crossed the Yalu River and advanced

to Manchuria, the northeastern region of China. The second phase of the wars main objective was the invasion of Liaodong Peninsula. To achieve this, the Japanese and Chinese fought the battle at Jinzhou and Dalian, the Battle of Port Arthur, and at further inland of the Liaodong Peninsula, which includes the battles at Ximucheng, Haicheng, Kangwasae, Kaiping, Niuzhuang, Yingkou, and Tianzhuangtai. Although the Chinese conducted major offensive during few battles in this phase, their strength was incomparable to
50

Paine, "Battle of Port Arthur and Weihaiwei," map, in The Sino-Japanese War of 1894- 1895, 196.

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that of the Japanese. The Chinese troops weakness and dispirit still continued in this phase and the Japanese forces, which were always overly prepared, took over key strategic regions without many casualties. Invasion of Southern Liaodong Peninsula (Jinzhou and Dalian) The Japanese strategys primary focus was to take Jinzhou, which was the most important fortified town in the region. The area commanded the neck of the Liaodong Peninsula and was located at a major transportation intersection. In order to take control of Port Arthur, located at south of Liaodong, command of Jinzhou was vital. After the Battle of Jiuliancheng, there were sporadic battles on both 4 and 5 November 1894. The Japanese forces were systematically divided into three columns. Part of the First Army was responsible for moving south through Manchuria toward the Liaodong Peninsula, and the Second Army was to come by sea to the Liaodong Peninsula to take Port Arthur. Finally, the rest of the First Army was to impart from Korea toward Mukden.51 The Japanese army was seriously determined to take control of the Chinese territory at a swift pace. During that time, the Second Army under Major General Nogi Maresuke attacked Jinzhou the next morning, on November 6th. By 9 A.M., thirty-six Japanese artillery pieces shelled the city, and within one hour, the Chinese forces retreated. By 10:30 A.M., the Japanese bombed the city gates of Jinzhou and entered the city. Because the Chinese forces knew the significance of this loss, General Song led an army of 8,000 to take the Jinzhou fort back on November 21st, 1894. 52 However, his troops were defeated once again. Part of the Japanese First Army achieved its mission successfully.
51 52

Paine, 198. Elleman, 106.

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They could have remarked that this battle was unparalleled in military history, but the battle next days surpassed that. Two days after the fall of Jinzhou, the Japanese Navy now joined the effort of the Japanese army to invade the city of Dalian. Located further south from Jinzhou, Dalian served as a strategic port in Liaodong Peninsula. The Japanese made elaborate preparation with three detachments, each consisting of a regiment of infantry, were ordered to advance to various ports. Soldiers even swore that they would rather die than to go back without taking this territory.53 However, the Japanese forces did not even have to fight for the anchorage because the Chinese had already fled to Port Arthur.54 While they were fleeing, the Chinese had left behind significant amount of munitions and supplies. According to one report, the Japanese captured large stores of military supplies, including 621 rifles, 129 guns, over 33 million rounds of small-arms ammunition, and nearly 2.5 million rounds of cannon shells.55 This incident at Dalian once again proved how the Chinese military was still not prepared to fight the Japanese army and rather prioritized individuals gains than their country. The Japanese invasion of Liaodong Peninsula was all geared to the takeover of Port Arthur, and the fall of Dalian left Port Arthur completely surrounded. The Battle of Port Arthur At this point of the war, the Chinese troops lax attitude regarding the war seemed pretty obvious. The harbormaster of Port Arthur, Captain Calder, reported that Chinese soldiers were wandering in mobs and destroying everything that was in their view. Apparently, Chinese troops
53 54

Volpicelli, 213. Paine, 204. 55 Elleman, 107.

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started looting Port Arthur even before the Japanese attack.56 While the Chinese army was not prepared much, the attack began on November 21st. Japanese Field Marshal Oyama led the attack had three goals in mind to achieve at Port Arthur: first to take the forts located to the west of the main fortress, to attack Songshushan stronghold, then to destroy seven fortifications on two different hills. In a little bit more than a half-day, the Japanese forces took over a total of eleven inland fortifications. To achieve this, the Japanese only used 40 cannon, composed of mountain, siege, and field guns.57 In terms of casualties, only 18 Japanese soldiers were killed while the Chinese lost over a thousand.58 This tragic result for the Chinese can be traced back to their fundamental error and weakness of only preparing with the first-class war material, but without proper discipline and training of the soldiers. Although the Chinese fired their guns willingly, they did not employ much infantry fire.59 Also very oddly one of the Chinas most modern battleships, the Beiyang Squadron had arrived at Port Arthur in early November but was ordered to return to Weihaiwei. Even worse situation occurred when the Zhen Yuan, one of Chinas large battleships that which Japan did not have any counterpart, was damaged while entering the Weihaiwei harbor. Responsible for this damage, Commodore Lin Taizeng took a lethal overdose of opium and committed suicide.60 By the fall of the strategically important Port Arthur, the Japanese gained the best dockyard in the Far East and a naval base at the enemys front gate. Additionally, some foreigners were inclined to disbelieve the
56 57

Paine, 206. Elleman, 107. 58 Volpicelli, 231. 59 Ibid. 60 Paine, 204.

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Japanese accounts, but their surmises were refuted by the Japanese victory at Port Arthur.61 On the Chinese side, Peking finally began to notice how imminent the danger was and had tried to propose a peace mission. But instead of sending the legitimate government officials, the Chinese government sent Mr. Detring, the Commissioner of Customs at Tietsin, and Viceroy Li-Hung-Chang with a letter that had some reference to an Imperial edict about the peace. Of course, the Japanese government refused to start peace negotiations with that envoy.62 This envoy represented how the Qing dynasty regarded the Meiji government as a country that did not deserve the Chinese governments complete attention. Furthermore, this also indicated the difference between the incumbent dominant power of China and a newly rising power of Japan. While the attempt for peace treaty took place, the Japanese forces rejected and were busy preparing to conquer the Northeast China. Further Advancement into the Liaodong Peninsula An enormous victory at Port Arthur was celebrated by the Japanese but only for a short period of time. They immediately began their preparation for another campaign to make their way towards Peking through Manchuria. The Japanese invasion of Manchuria took place from the battle of Ximucheng on December 12, 1894 to the final battle at Tianzhuangtai on March 1895. The Japanese forces strategy was to split in early December, and the northern wing being responsible for Ximucheng, Haicheng, and Niuzhang, while the southern fought at Yingkou. If their plan had succeeded, then the
61 62

Volpicelli, 236. Volpicelli, 236.

25

Japanese would consolidate their control in the Liaodong along with Manchuria.63 The Chinese also divided their forces during the fights in Manchuria into three armies. The northernmost army was stationed at Liaoyang to defend Mukden from the east and from the south. Another army was headquartered at the port of Niuzhuang and the town of Haicheng. Niuzhuang was the only Manchurian port in the valley of Hun and Liao Rivers. Finally, a third army was at Kaiping under General Songs command.64 While the Japanese set their first objective as Haicheng, they first fought at Ximucheng on December 12, 1894. Ximucheng was a town that was on the road to Haicheng, and about 10,000 Chinese forces fought the battle. However, once again, the Japanese had taken the town without much difficulty as well. Reported losses indicated 104 Chinese casualties and only seven Japanese.65 Without challenge, the Japanese marched to Haicheng. It was very significant to the Japanese because they could pressure the Chinese forces to further west. Also, the Japanese could restore the land communications between their First Army in eastern Manchuria and Second Army, which was moving northward up the Liaodong Peninsula.66 Haicheng was fortified by 9,000 Chinese droops with 20-foot thick walls around the city. On December 13, the Japanese began to attack, and by noon, the Chinese retreated to Niuzhuang. Again, the number of casualties emulated the previous pattern: over a hundred Chinese casualties and only four minor injuries of the
63 64

Elleman, 109. Paine, 223. 65 Elleman, 109. 66 Paine, 224.

26

Japanese. As a result, the Chineses line of defense was destroyed and General Song was also separated from his troop. The Chinese forces repeatedly attempted to retake the city, but they had failed with huge losses.67 Throughout the course of the war, the Japanese forces repetitively achieved a complete victory over the Chinese forces. However, there was one battle that the Chinese was successful in inflicting on the Japanese First Army. It was during the Battle of Kangwasae on December 18, 1894.68 At this battle, the Japanese was advancing uphill thats covered in two feet of snow. During this time, the Chinese mercilessly fired upon them. By the end of the battle, the Japanese reported over 200 casualties and 15 officers killed or wounded.69 Nevertheless, the Japanese defeated the town at the end, and prevented General Song from communicating with Liaoyang and other armies in the north.70 This battle had been the only major Chinese offensive of the war. However, they still succumbed to the Japanese army and retreated further to the west, just as the Japanese intended. The Japanese Second Army also made its way to Manchuria, specifically to the town of Kaiping. This medium-sized town was equipped with a large castle and 30-feet-high city walls. Additionally, Chinese garrisons with ten guns, manned by 5,000 men with 500 cavalry were defending the city. Under the command of Major-General Nogi Maresuke, the Japanese forces advanced to Kaiping on January 10, 1895. During this battle, the Chinese used a traditional strategical preparation using the stream next to the city. They manipulated the water in the stream so that it would freeze
67 68

Elleman, 109. F. Warrington Eastlake and Yamada Yoshiaki, Heroic Japan: A History of the War between China and Japan (London: S.Low,Marston & Co., 1897), 246. 69 Elleman, 109. 70 Paine, 224.

27

at a sharp angle to make it difficult for the Japanese to cross. This clever strategy caused notable casualties to the Japanese with 53 killed and 296 wounded.71 Even though this ancient strategy might have increased Japanese casualties, this might have been more effective in earlier days. Nonetheless of the ice tactic, the Japanese conquered Kaiping. Finally, the Japanese had conquered both Haicheng and Kaiping. Since the Japanese forces had broken the continuous defense line of the Chinese, they now had to connect the communication line among their armies. The next target was Niuzhuang, Yingkou, and finally Tianzhuangtai. The Japanese First Army fought the Battle of Niuzhuang on March 4, 1895. This battle was one of the most difficult for the Japanese. The Chinese had formed double line of breastworks. After the battle that lasted entire day, the Japanese ended up with 242 casualties. However, the Chinese reported estimated 1,884 casualties. Furthermore, the Japanese took 700 Chinese prisoners, confiscated 21 field and mountain guns, 2,138 rifles, and more than 1.5 million rounds of ammunition.72 While the First Army achieved a great success, although with some damage, the Second Army conquered Yingkou without a single fight on March 6, 1895. It was because the Chinese, again, retreated from the well- fortified city during the night. As it happened previously, the Japanese again gained what the Chinese had left behind: 45 cannon and 180 rifles, along with ample supplies of food.73 After the two battles in early March, the First and Second Japanese Army had joined each other. Fall of Jinzhou, Dalian, Port Arthur, Ximucheng, Haicheng, Kangwasae, Kaiping, Niuzhuang, and Yingkou allowed the Japanese to form their control over the western coast of
71 72

Elleman, 110. Elleman, 111. 73 Ibid.

28

the Liaodong Peninsula that stretches to Haicheng. This major achievement of the war advantaged Japan to threaten an attack on the Great Wall eventually. One last battle consolidated the Japanese control over the Liaodong Peninsula: the Battle of Tianzhuangtai on March 9, 1895. Tianzhuangtai was the port city on the Liao River and controlled river traffic to Yingkou and Niuzhuang. During the short four-hour battle, the Japanese utilized 97 guns against the Chinese defenders, who only had 20 guns.74 The loss of the geo- strategic region of the Liaodong Peninsula, which used to station Chinese naval bases and several ports that offered Manchuria sea routes, was significant to the security of the mainland of China. Most of the battles in this phase were fought in the harsh winter of Manchuria. The Chinese forces and foreign observers both expected that the Manchurias winter weather would deter the Japanese forces. However, that kind of negligent attitude destined the major loss of the Chinese. The Japanese always had a strategic plan, and on top of that, was equipped with the strongest weapon of patriotism. On the other hand, the Chinese troops always chose to retreat to save their lives, sometimes even without fighting, as it happened in the Battle of Yingkou. Even with the continuous victories, the Japanese army never loosened their discipline and always followed their strategic plan with clear objectives. Very contrastingly, the Chinese army lacked in discipline and training. Although they were equipped with modern weapons, their mindsets and physical abilities were not prepared for the battles. As the new rising power in the Asian Pacific region, the Japanese forces did not cease even after the complete takeover of the Liaodong
74

Ibid.

29

Peninsula. Instead, they moved onto the third and final concluding phase of the war at Weihaiwei. Third Phase of the War at Weihaiwei The final Japanese offensive of the war, the Battle of Weihaiwei, took place in Shandong Province, and signaled the concluding remark of the First Sino-Japanese War. Unlike many previous battles during this war, the Battle of Weihaiwei occurred over a period of approximately thirty days. For the Chinese, the defense of Weihaiwei was critical to their security, because if the port fell, they would be opening two port gates to the enemy. If that happens, the threat to Beijing would be seriously imminent. The Japanese troops priority after the fall of Port Arthur was the naval base at Weihaiwei. While the First and Second Army were fighting their way through Manchuria, most of the Sixth Division under the command of Marshal Oyama was deployed at the Yellow Sea to Shandong Province. The main objective of the capture of Weihaiwei was to destroy the Chinese fleet inside the Weihaiwei naval base.75 If the Japanese successfully achieve that mission, then they would become the dominating navy in the Far East. The Japanese realized the importance of sea power, and knew that without command of the sea, Japan could not have deployed its troops freely. There were several reasons that the Japanese forces aimed to conquer Weihaiwei. As the second strongest naval base in China, it was conveniently located near Dalian Bay. Also, the port sheltered the Beiyang fleet, which the Japanese feared the most.76 It was obvious that the Japanese considered the capture of Weihaiwei very significant.
75 76

Paine, 226. Volpicelli, 271.

30

Marshal Count Oyama led the part of the Second and Sixth Division of the Second Army to a port located on the eastern side of the Shandong Peninsula on January 19, 1895. They planned to approach the Chinese base at Weihaiwei from their back. On January 26, 1895, Oyamas army was divided into two columns and captured all the forts southeast of Weihaiwei.77 Even though the Chinese had thought that they were well prepared for the defense of Weihaiwei, their forts fell in a relatively short time. That might have been a reason for the Chinese troops retreat on February 2. When the Japanese army entered Weihaiwei, they found none of the garrison in the town.78 Therefore, the entire forts surrounding Weihaiwei came under the Japanese control. Meanwhile, on the sea, the British man-of-war Severn delivered a letter from Admiral Ito to Chinese Admiral Ding to surrender before the war.79 The Japanese fleets major goal was to demolish the Beiyang fleet, which still consisted 15 ships, with 13 torpedo boats.80 Unlike most of the army soldiers, the 4,000 sailors on the fleet were well disciplined and considered a truly valuable force to the Chinese.81 Although the Japanese fleet lingered around the outside of harbor for about a week, Chinese ships did not come out to fight and chose to defend the port instead. Eventually, on February 5th and 6th, the Japanese torpedo boats snuck into the harbor and succeeded at damaging the Ding Yuan and sinking the Lai Yuan, the Wei Yuan, and the Bao Hua.82 The major damage of the Beiyang fleet already indicated

77 78

Elleman, 111. Ibid. 79 Volpicelli, 273. 80 Elleman, 112. 81 Volpicelli, 276. 82 Elleman, 112.

31

the outcome of this war and proved the Japanese navys supremacy over the fleet that was once hailed as the most modern one in the Far East. The final assault by the Japanese began on February 7, 1895. For the next five days, the Japanese forces cruelly bombarded the remaining forts and ships in the harbor. To fully crush the Beiyang fleet, the Japanese navy did not let go of the fleeing thirteen torpedo boats. They hunted down to the last minute and either destroyed or captured all except two of them. Finally on February 12, 1895, Admiral Ding made a judgment that the situation at Weihaiwei was not recoverable. He formally surrendered. Later that day, to atone for their failure at the battle, Ding and two other officers committed suicide. 83 Up until this point of Chinese surrender, the Japanese forces never once relaxed despite the repeated victory in battles in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894. The suicide of Admiral Ding must have left the Japanese a deep impression. The Japanese considered his suicide an honorable ending and they returned few ships with his body while they lowered their flags and fired their guns to honor the Admiral.84 After the surrender of the Beiyang fleet and Admiral Dings suicide, the Japanese concerned about what to do with the remaining Chinese fleets. The Japanese forces did not want to leave any possibility that might threaten Japanese naval supremacy in the future. Through the further military campaign at Taiwan, Japan successfully acquired Taiwan as a result.85 Both the Chinese and the Japanese realized that the time for a peace agreement had come.
83 84

Ibid. Ibid. 85 Ibid., 113.

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This final battle was a repetition of what had happened throughout the entire war between the Chinese and the Japanese. As always, the Japanese were well prepared with high spirit while the Chinese were scared and did not even dare to face the Japanese. Although the Chinese fully realized the criticality of Weihaiwei, the undisciplined soldiers were busy preserving their lives. Also, this battle proved the Japanese determination to achieve and maintain the military supremacy. Furthermore, when the Japanese completely destroyed the Beiyang fleet, it represented that Japan knew of the importance of naval supremacy in the Far East. Japans geographical characteristic as an island and the Yellow Sea that allowed access to both Korea and Japan both provide reasons for why the Japan valued the naval power very much. Even if they wanted to attack the mainland of China or the Korean Peninsula, the most efficient way to supply the necessary resources was the sea route. Therefore, uninterrupted sea route for Japan was essential for it to be a leading power in that region. Peace Negotiation: Treaty of Shimonoseki After the war progressed with repeated Chinese defeat, officials in China acknowledged that the country had to sue for peace. Otherwise, the Japanese army would easily march into Beijing. Therefore, on March 20, 1895, Japanese Admiral Ito and Mutsu met with Viceroy Li at Shimonoseki. In the draft treaty that was presented on April 1, China had to accept the Korean independence and pay for reparation. In addition, China had to promise a commercial treaty to let Japanese ships to conduct business on the Yangzi River, open up four more ports for foreign trade, and to establish factories in those ports.86 Finally, China was also required to cede the Liaodong
86

Xu, "Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)," in China at War: An Encyclopedia,11492.

33

Peninsula, Taiwan, and the Pescadores islands. Viceroy Li strongly protested against these terms. In response, Ito and Mutsu agreed to narrow down the boundary of the Liaodong Peninsula and to reduce the reparation by a third. Other than those slight changes, the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which was signed on April 17, 1895, was not much different from the original draft.87 The treaty confirmed Japan as a definite new regional power in East Asia, with almost equal terms with the Western powers. The consequences also indicated the waning power of the Qing dynasty. For the imperial China to accept its degradation was an unspeakable insult to them. For the Western countries, they now had to acknowledge this reverse of powers in East Asia. The supremacy of Japanese military tactics and training impressed them. At the same time, because that supremacy came from Japans acceptance of a Western-style military, it also implied that modernization and industrialization were necessary for the advancement of a country. The Battle of the Yalu Timeline of the battle 10:50 A.M.the Japanese first reported smoke on the horizon 11:40 A.M.the Chinese fleet came in sight and Admiral Ito ordered his vessels to prepare 12:05 P.M.Vice Admiral Ito ordered the fleet to close with the Chinese 12:50 P.M.The Japanese Principal Squadron crossed in front of the Chinese formation and began to maneuver around behind it. 1:00 P.M.the Japanese First Flying Squadron swerved from its original plan to go through the center of Chinese fleet to pass by the right wing of the enemy; the Principal Squadron followed the First Flying Squadron 1:55 P.M.Hiyei was in flames and Akagi went for assistance 2:23 P.M.the Main Squadron passed the Zhao Yang and sank the vessel 3:30 P.M.the Ze Yuan was sunk and the Japanese directed attention to the Zhi Yuan 4:48 P.M.With the repeated attack of the Flying Squadron, Zhi Yuan sunk
87

Beasley, 57.

34

The Battle of the Yalu had received much attention from other countries for its significance as the first major naval battle between ironclad ships armed with quick fire guns and torpedoes. Additionally, the Japanese navys very original naval tactics, which adapted the high speed and heavy armament in quick-firing guns, were praised. In addition, the victory at this battle allowed Japanese advantage throughout the war, and signaled the rise of a new power. On September 17, 1894, two seemingly equal naval forces encountered in the Yellow Sea. Admiral Ding was leading the Chinese fleet, Vice-Admiral Ito, the Japanese fleet. The result of this naval battle greatly influenced the future course of the war; this battle proved Japans military superiority and Chinas collapse overwhelmingly. At that point, the Japanese were then able to land their armies whenever and wherever they wanted. The Chinese Navy In the Asia Pacific region in the late 1800s, the Chinese fleet was considered to be equipped with the most modernized ships. The Ding Yuan and the Zhen Yuan were the most notable ships; they were German-built battleships, each weighing 7,430 tons. These ships had a 14-inch armored belt and four 12-inch Krupp cannon apiece. Other than those two ships, there also were the Lai Yuan, Bing Yuan, and Jing Yuan weighing 2,800 tons. The Yang Wei and Zhao Yang were Armstrong ram cruisers, and the Zhi Yuan was a 2,355 ton steel cruiser. Along with a large section of smaller and older ships, the Chinese fleets tonnage was larger than the Japaneses, but much slower.88 The Chinese Navy adopted a unified formation. Admiral Ding decided to arrange the ten ships into a wedge-shape formation. So, the two ironclad
88

Elleman, 102.

35

worships, the Ding Yuan and the Zhen Yuan were located in the center, while the Lai Yuan, Jing Yuan, Yang Wei, and Zhao Yang were on the right, and the Kong Yuan, Zhi Yuan, Guang Jia, and Ze Yuan were on the left. This formation was strategically adopted to maximize firepower; however, it drastically reduced the maneuverability of the fleet. 89 Chart of the Chinese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River90

The Japanese Navy The Japanese took a different approach. Contrast to the Chinese, the Japanese concentrated on faster speed and greater mobility of the fleet. The Japanese fleet was divided into two groups at the Yellow Sea: the First Flying
89 90

Ibid., 103. Hilary A. Herbert, Chinese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River, chart (n.p.: The North American Review, 1894).

36

Squadron under Rear-Admiral Tsuboi Kozo and the Principal Squadron under Vice-Admiral Ito. As one may see from the chart, the First Flying Squadron consisted of the Yoshino, Takachiho, Akitsushima, and the Naniwa. Among them, the Yoshino was considered the best as it was not only the 4,140-ton steel cruiser, equipped with quick-firing guns and five fixed torpedo boats, but also the fastest ship when it was built at twenty-three knots. In the Principal Squadron were the Chiyoda, Itsukushima, Hashidate, Hiyei, Fuso, and the Matshushima. The Matshushima, Itsukushima, and Hashidate were the most modernized vessels. They were French-built coastal defense ships. Each was 4,277 tons and carried thirty-two Canet guns. In addition to these two squadrons, there were two other older Japanese ships involved in the war. They were the gunboat Akagi and the converted cruiser Saikyo Maru.91 When the two navies were compared, they seemed to have been evenly matched. The Chineses advantage lied in armor and heavy guns, that of the Japanese in speed and quick-firing guns. Moreover, majority of the Chinese fleet were built before 1887, and the Japanese since 1890. The difference also was in the formation of the ships. The Chinese placed weaker ships on each side of the strongest ships. This kind of formation proved vulnerable because the Japanese knew where the Chinese fleets weak point was. Admiral Ito attacked that very weakness when he veered the Flying Squadron to the right side of the formation and demolished the Chinese navy.

91

Elleman., 102.

37

Diagram 1 This diagram describes the formation of the Chinese and the Japanese navy. Darkened triangles represent the Chinese navy in a unified formation. White triangles represent the Japanese navy divided into two: Red lines are the course of the Flying Squadron and blue lines are the course of the Principal Squadron.92

Chart of the Japanese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River 93

92 93

Hilary A. Herbert, Battle of the Yalu Course, chart (n.p.: The North American Review, 1894). Hilary A. Herbert, Japanese Ships Engaged in the Action off the Yalu River, chart (n.p.: The North American Review, 1894).

38

Description of the battle During the battle of Pyongyang, the Japanese navy had been busy preparing for a naval war in the Yellow Sea. On the 16th, the 1st Flying Squadron advanced to Haiyang Island to keep an eye on the enemys movements. The Chinese navy was also expecting the Japanese fleet. The whole fleet was disembarked by the 16th near the Yalu River.94 On the morning of the September 17th, the weather was clear but clouds of smoke started to fill the air as both fleet were burning coal.95 Around 12 P.M., Vice Admiral Ito ordered the First Flying Squadron to move closer to the Chinese at full speed toward the center of the Chinese formation, where the strongest ships were located. But later on, the squadron swerved to the right side of the Chinese formation to go behind it. On the other hand, the Japanese Principal Squadron crossed the Chinese fleet and followed the First Flying Squadron around 12:50 P.M. This kind of maneuvering was possible due to the fast speed and mobility of the Japanese ships. Admiral Itos objective for this move was to take a full advantage of the fleets superior speed and to encircle the Chinese. During this course, the Japanese ships maintained certain distance from the large vessels while firing at smaller Chinese vessels.96 The Japanese navy first focused on the right side of the Chinese formation. During the movement of the Japanese vessels, the Chinese ship, Yang Wei caught fire.

94 95

Volpicelli, 165. Richard N.J. Wright, The Chinese Steam Navy 1862-1945 (London: Chatham, 2000), 90. 96 Volpicelli, 169.

39

Diagram 2 This diagram describes the Japanese fleets movement towards the Chinese navy, skewed to the right of the Chinese unified formation. Because of the fast mobility of the Japanese ships, they were successful at setting Yang Wei on fire.97

Then, the Principal Squadron concentrated its artillery on the second ship of the right wing, the Zhao Yang. The Japanese were successful at this as well. While the fast vessels were contributing to the achievements of the war, the slower ships suffered damage from the Chinese. For example, the Hiyei could not keep up with the Main Squadron and was obliged to escape the approaching Chinese fleet. This occurred around 1:55 P.M. Meanwhile, the Flying Squadron was starboarding to catch up with the Main Squadron.98 At the Hiyeis danger, the Akagi went for assistance. However, the Chinese ship, Lai Yuan pursued after it. Although the Akagi was a smaller
97 98

Hilary A. Herbert, Battle of the Yalu Course, chart. Volpicelli., 172.

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ship, a shot from it damaged the Lai Yuan. Nonetheless, both Hiyei and the Akagi were in distress.

Diagram 3 This diagram describes the attack on Zhao Yang by the Japanese and the attack on Hiyei by the Chinese.99

Admiral Ito altered the course of the Flying Squadron to the opposite direction at the sight of the Hiyei and the Akagi to protect those ships. Thankfully, those weaker vessels escaped from the battle due to the help of the Flying Squadron. Meanwhile, the Principal Squadron approached the rear of the Chinese fleet and made a full circle around the Chinese fleet. At 2:23 P.M., the Principal Squadron sank the Zhao Yang.100
99 100

Hilary A. Herbert, Battle of the Yalu Course, chart Volpicelli., 173-174.

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Diagram 4 The loop in the red line represents the alteration of the Flying Squadrons course to save the Hiyei and the Akagi. The diagram also shows the sinking of the Zhao Yang.101

Then came the most dramatic moment of the war, when the two flagships exchanged fire: the Matsushima from the Japanese side and the Zhen Yuan from the Chinese. At about 3 P.M., the Chinese ship fired at the Matsushima from its 12-2 inch guns and caused extensive damage and many casualties, up to 49 officers and men.102 This allowed the Chinese battleships a temporary respire, and they were running low on ammunitions.103 While the Principal Squadron withdrew from the scene, both the Ding Yuan and the Zhen Yuan immediately followed after them and fired. Because of this cooperation, both the flagships were not entirely destroyed. However, after the Japanese had gone some distance, the Principal Squadron turned around
101 102

Hilary A. Herbert, Battle of the Yalu Course, chart. Wright, 93. 103 Ibid., 94.

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and poured the most destructive fire of the battle. Later, at about 3:30P.M, the Kong Yuan was sunk.104 Furthermore, when the Chinese vessels were in the midst of great disorder, the Flying Squadron attacked the Zhi Yuan at 4:48 P.M. The battle finally came to a concluding point around 5 P.M. As dusk was approaching, both sides were extremely exhausted from the battle. Also, the Japanese did not want to fight In such a decisive encounter of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the Chinese lost four battleships, the Yang Wei, Zhao Yang, Kong Yuan, and the Zhi Yuan, while the Japanese only received damage for two vessels, the Matsushima and the Hiyei. The damage on the Matsushima was the greatest due to the attack of the 12-2 inch guns hit. In terms of casualties, the Chinese lost about 1000 men, the Japanese, about 300 men.105 Significance of the battle There were several battles that occurred during the entire Sino- Japanese War of 1894-1895. Among many of them, the battle of Yalu is worth the attention for several reasons. First, it was the first naval that introduced modified naval warfare with modern equipments and original naval tactics. Then, it determined the overall advantage of the Japanese for the entire war. Finally, it signified and consolidated the rise of a new power in the Far East. Not only this fight was one of the first naval battles using ironclad ships equipped with quick-firing guns and torpedoes, it also provided the example of an original naval tactics. Because of the battle at the Yalu, even the Americans concluded that victory of the future naval battles would
104 105

Volpicelli, 177. Ibid., 180, Wright, 94.

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depend on swift mobility of fleets with powerful guns that fire from long range.106 The Japanese navy possessed those two features and successfully won the fight against the Chinese navy, which ranked higher than the Japanese prior to the war. The ancient form of naval battle had been series of engagements between the opposing vessels firing at each other until the other surrendered.107 However, Admiral Itos strategy of utilizing the modern navies with high-speed ships and heavy armaments adapted new forms of naval tactics. When one looks at the map of the Northeast Asia, where China, Korea, and Japan are located, it would be evident to notice the importance of sea route for all three countries. Especially for Japan, the prior domination of the Yellow Sea was vital for its strategies during the war. Therefore, the Japanese fought with determination and this naval battles result impacted the whole war. Without the victory at the Yalu, the Japanese campaign in China might have faced severe difficulties. The swift delivery of resources and movement of their military personnel were critical for facilitating the battles the Japanese fought in a foreign land. The most efficient method was through the sea route. Well aware of this significance, the Japanese attacked the Yalu right after the battle at Pyongyang. This naval battle opened up the gate for invasion of China in the future course of the war. Japans uninterrupted string of victories on the land at the battle of Pyongyang, in addition to the victory over the highly considered Beiyang Squadron, turned heads in Europe.108 Because the Great Qing Empire had been the dominant power in the Far East for several decades, the public generally did not expect the loss of the Chinese navy. Even though the
106 107

Herbert, 513. Volpicelli, 181. 108 Paine, 192.

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Japanese had been building its navy with foreign countrys ships and training programs, it was the first time that the Japanese navy actually exercised its power and compared the capacity with that of the Chinese. The victory at this naval war at Yalu proved that the Qing dynasty was weakening dramatically and the new power was prepared to replace the dominance. Conclusion This revolutionary war in East Asia reversed the order of power and surprised all. Not only the war provided a turning point in the power balance and a lesson to the once-again risen power of China, the war also left significant footprints in the East Asian history. The consequences of the war were very influential in different aspects within China, Japan, and Korea. Eventually, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 left legacy in a territorial, political, and military aspect. Through the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Japan acquired Taiwan as its first colony. Additionally, prior to and in the course of the war, Japan had gained control of the Korean government. This acquirement had served as a stepping-stone to the Japanese Imperialism. Therefore, in 1904, the Russo- Japanese War occurred when the Japanese wanted to resist Russian presence in northeast China.109 Because the Japanese had a chance to test and demonstrate their superior capacity against the strongest nation in the Far East, they now knew that they were capable of conquering other nations. In China, the political consequence of the war was immense. The defeat of the great Qing dynasty to a small island nation was a shameful insult to the Chinese and the government focused on strengthening the domestic situation. Because the result of the war proclaimed the corrupted
109

Xu, "Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)," in China at War: An Encyclopedia,11572.

45

Qing governments weakness, many officials demanded reformation within China as well. As a result, the government conducted the Hundred Days Reform of 1898, led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. Ultimately, the movement led to the fall of Qing dynasty and the establishment of a republic in China in 1912.110 After the war, China realized that it was going to a wrong direction due to corruption and complacency, and tried to revert the direction of the power balance. However, it was not successful for the next few centuries, as it had closed the door to foreign intervention. On the other hand, Japan continued its growth in power in the international arena and even shouldered with other western powers. This war of 1894 changed the path for the two countries. Koreas situation even before the war was not favorable, but it deteriorated after the war. One of the origins of the Sino-Japanese War traces back to the Tonghak Rebellion led by a group of peasants against the corrupted government. Because the government could not handle this rebellion, it called for foreign assistant, and this sparked the war between China and Japan. During the war for Japan, Korea was a necessary territory to easily access the Mainland China. Furthermore, Japan needed Korea to serve as both defensive and offensive territory. With the strengthening Japanese power in the region, especially proven by its victory of the war, the Korean government was heavily influenced by the Japanese for the next several decades. Finally in a militaristic sense, the foreign navies used the Battle of Yalu to study the Japanese original naval tactics. The Battle of Yalu emphasized the vital importance of naval powers especially in East Asia and introduced the naval warfare with the most modern equipments provided by European
110

Ibid.

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powers. As a result, it proved that the mobility and speed were decisive factors in modernized naval battles. The unified formation with heavy ships and armaments, which was the tactic that the Chinese used during the Yalu battle, was not efficient anymore. It was a transitory period when the Sino-Japanese War took place in 1895. The war introduced a new dominant power and dismissed a previous status-quo power. After two centuries had passed, another transitory period had come. While Japan is facing standstill growth rate in economy, China is progressing by expeditious rate that it is almost threatening to others. At this critical period for China when it had become the dominant power in East Asia again, it can be worthwhile for it refer back to the lesson of the Sino- Japanese War. The most critical and reoccurring problems for the Chinese forces during this critical moment was its complacent attitude as a status quo power. Without proper discipline and training, the Chinese forces postulated that victory would come just because of their current status and military equipments. However, their hope completely shattered when the Japanese fought with both state-of-art equipments and patriotism. As a result, Japan succeeded at taking the place of Qing dynasty and reversed the power balance in East Asia. The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 carries its significance not only in the East Asian history but also in current affairs.

47

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Wright, Richard N. J.. The Chinese steam Navy 1862-1945. London: Chatham,

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