Education: An Obstacle to Development?

Some Remarks about the Political Functions of Education in Asia and Africa Author(s): Theodor Hanf, Karl Ammann, Patrick V. Dias, Michael Fremerey and Heribert Weiland Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 19, No. 1, Politics/Education (Feb., 1975), pp. 6887 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International Education Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1187727 . Accessed: 13/05/2013 17:19
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EDUCATION:

AN OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE POLITICAL FUNCTIONS OF EDUCATION IN ASIA AND AFRICA
THEODORHANF, KARL AMMANN, PATRICK V. DIAS, MICHAELFREMEREY AND HERIBERT WEILAND

IN RECENTYEARS an increasing number of voices has questioned the optimistic conviction of the 1960s that formal education has positive effects on socioeconomic and political development. Below we shall attempt to summarize such criticisms, supplement them on the basis of our empirical research,' and lay the foundation for this general thesis: Formal education in Africa and Asia in its present form tends to impede economic growth and promote political instability; in short, education in Africa and Asia today is an obstacle to development. First, we will outline some of the facts that justify a generalized statement for all of the Afro-Asian countries. One elementary phenomenon shared by most of these states and which clearly distinguishes them from others is their recent colonial past which left an imprint on their political and educational systems. Generally speaking, modern, western-style education was introduced by colonial rulers. In the few African and Asian states which retained their independence, this type of education emerged as a consequence of European economic penetration. Therefore, we are dealing with an institution that did not grow out of the local societies. Clearly, the colonialist origins of Afro-Asian educational systems, also produced considerable differences. Educational systems differed, for example, according to whether the colonizer wished to encourage autochthonous political structures or whether he wished to prevent their development. Similarly, the participation of private agencies produced results quite different from those of purely governmental efforts. Other differences stem from the heterogeneous economic situations in the Afro-Asian territories. As a rule, rich territories were better off than poor ones in terms of education. Another factor contributing to differences is the existence of a traditional, non-European system of formal education, and
1 See Theodor Hanf, "Erziehung und politischer Wandel in Schwarzafrika," K61ner Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 21, 13 (1969) (special issue, Entwicklungs-soziologie), pp. 276-327; Theodor Hanf, Patrick V. Dias, Wolfgang Mann and Jiurgen H. Wolff, Education et ddveloppement au Rwanda-Problemes, apories et perspectives (Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1974) (vol. 7 of Materialien zur Entwicklung und Polit'ik); Patrick V. Dias, Heribert Weiland, Wolfgang Kfiper, Die entwicklungspolitische Bedeutung des christlichen allgemeinbildenden Schulwesens in Afrika, Vol. I, Theoretisch-methodischer Ansatz, vol. II, Tansania, vol. III, Gabun (Freiburg: Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut, 1971; cyclostyle); Michael Fremerey, "Student und Politik in Indonesien: Die Struktur und Rolle der Studentenorganisationen, "Gesellschaft und Politik in Siidund Siidostasien, (ed.) Manfred Turlach (Bonn-Bad Godesberg: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft, 1972), pp. 107-119.

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

the degree to which it was integrated into the modern educational system. Despite such differences, Afro-Asian educational systems display rather strong similarities in their central societal functions, i.e., socialization and allocation. Concerning intentional and planned socialization, there are hardly any differences. Educational structures and contents are overwhelmingly European and, frequently, a European language is the predominant, or even sole, medium of instruction. The educational goals are oriented towards the reception of western ideas and the acquisition of knowledge and skills considered to be relevant in western societies. Similarities can also be observed in the unplanned learning processes of Afro-Asian educational systems. Because they are novel institutions alien to the local culture, they are more removed from other societal institutions than their equivalents in western countries. This is particularly true of secondary schools and universities which are predominantly, and in Africa, almost exclusively, boarding institutions. This intellectual and physical isolation of educational institutions from the rest of society strongly contributes to the emergence of a specific educational subculture with a high potential for socialization. This sub-culture promotes achievement orientation of a particular type; scholastic achievement is formalized and schematicized to a high degree, emphasizing imitation rather than creativity. Since formal education is de facto the main socializing agency for the non-traditional sector of society, students tend to view the "modern" sector as a system in which imitative and adapted behavior lead to success. Because success in examinations and the acquisition of certificates and diplomas are prerequisites for admission to the civil service or professional life, the value of education for the attainment of innovative and practical knowledge and attitudes diminishes. Afro-Asian educational systems are also quite similar in their allocative functions. In the highly industrialized states the importance of education in allocating economic and status positions is undergoing a steady decline.2 In the developing countries of Africa and Asia, however, education is the most important steering mechanism for filling the higher posts particularly in administration and management. Moreover, in many countries, education is the only road away from life on the subsistence level. Access to education, therefore, determines fundamental opportunities for life, while success in formal education determines success in one's career, because in many Afro-Asian states government is still the major employer. Let us now return to the thesis that Afro-Asian formal education impedes economic growth and promotes political instability. This thesis is expanded below first by exposing how education has been overvalued in economic and political terms. Then the role of interest groups and ideologies that determine the current issues in the politics of education is critically examined. This is followed by a description of the vicious circle of conventional education and underdevelopment. In conclusion, possible ways to break out of this vicious circle will be discussed.
2 On

this aspect, see the article by Richard M. Merelman in this issue. Education Review 69

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& WEILAND HANF, AMMANN,DIAS, FREMEREY, THE ECONOMICOVERVALUATION OF EDUCATION

Many Afro-Asianpoliticians and responsiblemembers of bilateral or multilateral agencies for educational aid greatly overvalue the importance of formal education in economic development. This overvaluation is largely due to two information gaps: first, the knowledge of responsible politicians lags behind scientific insight into the education-economy nexus in pre-industrial societies; and secondly, the attitude of the population towards the benefits of education is determined by outdated experiences. The politicians' view of education stems from a belief that investment in education is an optimal investment for rapid economic growth.3 This is based on the high correlation between educational standards and economic growth observed in highly industrialized countries. Frequently, this belief is reduced to the formula that overall enrollment in schools is the sine qua non of economic growth. However, a glance at European social history would advise caution. Europe's industrial revolution occurred amidst a largely illiterate population.4 Education for all was a result of, and not a prerequisite for, economic growth. Moreover, investment in education is only profitable under certain conditions,5 foremost among which is a equilibrium between labor, which includes education, and capital. Both factors complement each other and if investment occurs in only one, it produces no yield and might even produce a loss.6 If substantial investments in education are not accompanied by complementary capital investments, education will not yield any profit and these investments will be withheld from alternative, more profitable investment possibilities. In other words, education must not necessarily be viewed as a productive investment even if the condition of complementary investment is fulfilled. It is so only if the manpower potential is trained in such a way that the acquired skills can be and
3 See M. Blaug, Economics of Education: A Selected Annotated Bibliography (London: Pergamon Press, 1966). 4Carlo M. Cipolla, Literacy and Development in the iWest (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1969). "5Cf.Bert F. Hoselitz, "Investment in Education and Its Political Impact," in Education and Political Development (ed.) J. S. Coleman, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965) pg. 543; C. Arnold Anderson, "The Modernization of Education," in Modernization, (ed.) M. Weiner (New York: Basic Books, 1966), p. 73 if; idem, The Social Context of Educational Planning (Paris: UNESCO, 1967): S. N. Eisenstadt, "Education and Political Development," in Post-Primary Education and Political and Economic Development, (eds.) D.C. Piper and T. Cole, pp. 27-48. 6 See M. J. Bowman and C. A. Anderson, "Concerning the Role of Education in Development," Old Societies and New States (ed.) C. Geertz (New York: Free Press, 1963), pp. 247-279; C. A. Anderson, "Economic Development and Post-Primary Education," Post-Primary Education and Political and Economic Development 1.c., pp. 3-26; A. Curie, "Education, Politics and Development," Comparative Education Review 7, 3 (1964), pp. 108-138; Th. Balogh, "The Economics of Educational Planning; Sense and Nonsense" Comparative Education 1 (1964), pp. 5-17; Th. Balogh The Economics of Poverty (New York: Macmillan, 1966), pp. 87-107; D. McClelland, "Does Education Accelerate Economic Growth?", Economic Development and Cultural Change 14 (1966), pp. 257278; Wi. S. Bennett, "Educational Change and Economic Development," Sociology of Education 40 (1967), pp. 101-114; A. L. Peasle, "Primary School Enrollments and Economic Growth" Comparative Education Review 11, 1 (1967), pp. 57-67; G. Skorov, "Highlights of the Symposium," Manpower Aspects of Educational Planning (Paris: UNESCO, 1968), pp. 15-54.

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

are applied productively.In any case, investmentsin education are most likely to be profitableunder those conditionsfound in highly developedeconomicsystems: i.e., the absence of a subsistencesector, a differentiatedoccupational structure, and an efficientjob market.The poorer a country is, the greaterthe risk that inin the educationalsectorwill be lost. vestments This danger exists in many Afro-Asianstates. It is evident that in numerous states the extremelyhigh expendituresfor education-in proportion to the total state budgets-are largely unprofitable,because they are not matched by capital investments. Apart from politicians,however,there is another,largergroup that also holds an erroneousview of the economic importanceof education. Numerous studies show that African and Asian parents see the school as only one thing: the gatemore comfortable,and more interestinglife. As sugway to a new, more agreeable, gested above, the school is the most importantand, frequently,the only, avenue into the modern sectorsof the economyand society.The fact that the firstgraduates of the modern schools rose to high administrativeand political positions servesto increaseexpectationsand hopes. Only after a considerabletime lag does the population realize that the individual benefit from education tends to decrease as education becomes more widespread.As long as there are only few primaryschool leavers,they fill interesting posts; once there are many, the value of a primarycertificatedrops considerably7and unemployment among primary school leavers can occur. Once such a situation arises,the entire problem is transferredto the next higher level of the educational system.A small number of secondaryschool diploma holders will be sure of individual benefits.Once their numbersgrow, the benefits again decreaseif the modern job market remains constant or expands at a lesser rate than the educationalsystem.The same processcan repeat itself at the university of India and the Philippinesshow. level, as the experiences In all cases and at all levels, however, the myth of the school survives long after its actual utility has dropped. Because the population continues to cling to the myth, it constantly pressesthe governmentsto expand educational systems. When political pressurefrom large parts of the population coincides with an erroneousevaluation of the economic benefit of education on the part of politicians and policy-makers, education cannot but stronglyretard economic growth.
THE POLITICAL OVERVALUATION OF EDUCATION

The belief, "if you have the young, you have the future,"is part and parcelof the conventionalwisdom of politicians. From it derives the conviction that those
who have control over education, also determine the feelings and attitudes of
See M. Blaug, R. Layard, and W. Woodhall, The Causes of Graduate in

India (London: Allen Lane, 1969), pp. 212-250; Martin Carnoy, "Rates of Return to Schooling in Latin America," Journal of Human Resources, (Summer 1967), pp. 367-70.

Unemployment

Comparative Education Review

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& WEILAND HANF, AMMANN,DIAS, FREMEREY,

youth and students.Thus, it is not surprisingif politiciansof Africaand Asia again and again attempt to use education to modernizetraditionalpolitical systemsor establish modern states. Such optimism about the positive role of education in and building the nation was--and still is--shared shaping national consciousness by many social scientists.But researchfindings that question these assumptions undergo the same fate as findings about the economic advantagesof education: time lag or not at all. they areabsorbed only aftera considerable Below we shall use some researchfindings to suggest that the power of formal education to attain political goals has been strongly overvaluedin African and Asiancountries.
Political Recruitment

There is no doubt that during the phase of decolonization, formal education was of extreme importance in the recruitment and selection of political leadership. The leaders of the newly independent states all came from the ranks of those who attained the highest available educational levels in their respective countries; in all cases, they were better trained than most of their countrymen. These first governments, particularly in the non-traditional Afro-Asian political systems, justified the belief that an era of political meritocracy had begun. But, the recruitment of political leadership based on scholastic or academic achievement was only a passing phenomenon, restricted to the brief period of decolonization. This phenomenon may be traced back to two temporally limited factors: first, the identity of administration and political system; and second, the quantitative limitation of the educational system. The fact that administration and the political decision-making system were identical is typical of colonial rule; all political decisions were made by the administration. But educational criteria were decisive for access to the administration, and the importance of formal educational achievements for political recruitment necessarily diminished as political decision-making authorities became emancipated from the administration and the political system became differentiated. The growth of education also contributed to its diminished importance in the selection of political leaders. Although upon achieving independence in many Afro-Asian countries the groups with educational qualifications were very small, these groups have grown considerably. And, it is by no means accidental that those countries which had a great number of intellectuals at an early date, like Dahomeys or Pakistan,9 were also among the first to experience political insta1 Much of the administrativepersonnel for French West Africa was recruited from Dahomey; after the dissolution of the federationinto sovereign,independentstates,Dahomeywas floodedby whom it could not returningcivil servants "See K. Siddiqui, Conflict,Crisis and employ. War in Pakistan (London: Macmillan, 1972),p. x: "In particularI believe that the pukka sahibs--the class that the British promotedfor their own endhave betrayed the people in a way no ruling or dominant class among Muslims have done before."

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

bility. Ultimately, however, the importance of education for recruitment to top political positions was drastically reduced through military takeovers. It is relevant to point out that, in some African countries, the new military leaders have often had little or no formal, non-military education. In conclusion, we can say that in many Afro-Asian countries the conditions of political recruitment have changed since independence, and that the importance of formal education as a criterion has diminished. Political Socialization Here we shall attempt to make two points: first, that the importance of intentional or planned political socialization has been overvalued; and second, that the importance of formal education in the entire process of political socialization has similarly been overestimated. Planned political socialization processes, be they labeled civics or indoctrination, are the foci of politicians' interests in education. Initially these processes also occupied political scientists who examined education. But over the last decade, research on socialization has considerably weakened these original assumptions about the efficacyof guided politicization via the curriculum.10 We now have sufficient evidence for industrialized societies to show that socializing agents which precede formal education have a strong relativizing effect on the school's socializing potential, and that, above all, unplanned learning processes often have more impact than planned ones. Of course, one cannot be sure that these findings can be applied a priori to Afro-Asian conditions. There are, however, some significant indications in the results of colonial educational policies to suggest that non-intentional political learning processes also predominate in Afro-Asian societal conditions. The aim of the educational policies of the colonial powers, regardless of considerable variations in their choice of means and methods, was to create a loyalty towards the ruling power. This attempt seems to have failed. The leaders of the independence movements graduated from schools whose aim was to prevent the genesis of such movements. The graduates of the colonial schools as a rule perceived their chances for advancement in their careers restricted to subaltern positions. Numerous independence movements arose in this situation, in which the aspirations for advancement, frustrated by the colonial systems, were transformed into political demands. The attempt to inculcate loyalty in young Africans or Asians through history, language and civics could hardly be successful in the face of the conflict over advancement opportunities and basic political structures. Once such interest conflicts arise, intentional political socialization in educational institutions, i.e. the teaching of certain subjects and the suppression of certain othCf. A. Kenneth Prewitt's article in this issue. "Io

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HANF, AMMANN, DIAS, FREMEREY, & WEILAND

ers, is unlikely to prevent radical political change. A classical example is Fascist educational policy in former Italian Somalia which expressly forbade the teaching of the history of the risorgimento and Italian unification, or the ideas of Garibaldi and Mazzini to African pupils. Nevertheless, those Somalis educated during the Fascist era formed the vanguard of the independence movement. A contemporary example of current interest is the Portuguese overseas territories. Nearly all the leaders of the independence movements are assimilados who went to the best colonial schools. The indications for the weakness of planned political socialization during colonial times are numerous. But similar statements about the attempts of independent Afro-Asian states to engage in planned political socialization must be more carefully judged. The relatively short amount of time that has pissed since these attempts were launched makes evaluation difficult. However, the experiences of Indonesia," India (Kerala under the Communists), Sri Lanka,12'and Egypt13 seem to indicate that massive attempts at gaining political influence through formal education fail, if the political intentions contradict the career or political interests of those concerned. Some effects of unplanned political socialization, e.g. increasing student activism, are however, clearly evident in many Afro-Asian countries. Student activism played a major political role before independence and a tradition of student opposition revived in a number of countries soon after independence. Clearly, a number of factors encourage student opposition. A sphere of life with an intellectualistic stamp favors attitudes of an ideological orientation. The search for a weltanschauung tends to alleviate the psychological insecurity resulting from the conflict between traditional ties with the world of the family and the inherited culture on the one hand, and the modern, achievement-oriented educational environment on the other. The transitory student life and the related freedom from concrete responsibilities favors the articulation of radical opinions. The concentration of students in one place, the resulting, informal though intensive system of communication, and the difficulty in controlling the students because of their constant fluctuation, also favor student-type expression of opposition. In contrast to the pre-independence period, student activism today is exposed to much stronger repression. The colonial governments at least to some extent had to respect a liberal public opinion in the metropoles. But the independent
See Stephen Douglas, Political Socialization and Student Activism in Indonesia (Chicago: "11 University of Illinois Press, 1970), p. 63 ff.; Roger Paget, Youth and the Wane of Soekarno's Government (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1972; Cornell University, Ph.D. dissertation, 1970), passim. 12 See J. E. Jayasuriya, Education in Ceylon Before and After Independence 1939-1968 (Colombo: Associated Educational Publisher, 1969), pp. 180-202. 13The present generation of Egyptian students went through an educational system directed by a one-party state. But during the student unrests of 1968, for example, they requested freedom of the press and the admission of other political parties.

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

governments, particularly the military regimes, are much less hesitant to resort to brutal measures for crushing student opposition.14 The fact that student activism is once again widespread in Africa and Asia, may then be taken as an indicator for the failure of intentional political socialization and the dominant role of unplanned learning processes. The question remains as to whether the schools and universities in Africa and Asia are at least the most important causal socializing agents for these unplanned learning processes. The above-mentioned conditions favoring political activism seem to support this notion. The fact, however, that student movements within the same institutional framework stand for different, even opposing, political views, and that many are linked with groups and movements outside the educational system, casts some doubt on this assumption. The authors have found that in countries as disparate as the Philippines, Indonesia, Lebanon and Zaire,15factors preceding or running parallel with the formal educational system, such as ethnic group, social stratum or class, religious affiliation or identification with a certain religion, are more strongly correlated with political attitudes than all educational variables. According to these studies, students more often share their political opinions witfi certain groups outside the schools they attend than with their fellow students. In other words, political socialization in the formal system of education may strongly shape the form and intensity of student political articulation, but the content of their political attitudes is shaped to a considerably higher degree by socializing agents that do not belong to the formal system of education. In conclusion, we may say that two considerations should warn us against overvaluing socialization through formal education in Afro-Asian societies. First, unplanned learning processes predominate over planned ones. Second, formal education is more likely to influence the form of political articulation than the content of political attitudes, and its capacity to affect student attitudes is less than that of other socializing agents. Political Integration Political integration through formal education could be effective only if political socialization were to create new orientations and loyalties, and if political recruitment through education were based on at least an approximate equality of opportunity.16
Particularly in Zaire (1969-70) and in Sri Lanka (1972). On Sri Lanka, see Mervyn de "1 Silva, "Sri Lanka: The End of Welfare Politics," South Asian Review 6 (January 1973), pp. 91-109. " See Theodor Hanf, Erziehungswesen in Gesellschaft und Politik des Libanon (Bielefeld: Bertelsmann Universitatsverlag, 1969), and P. V. Dias, Th. Hanf, F.-W. Heimer and H.W.M. Rideout, Les etudiants universitaires congolais (Diisseldorf: Bertelsmann Universitditsverlag, 1971); the studies on Indonesia, by M. Fremerey, and on the Philippines, by Th. Hanf and K. Schmitt, are forthcoming. 16 Reinhard Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship (New York: John Wiley, 1964); E. Shils, "Political Development in the New States," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2 (1960), pp. 265-292, 379-411.

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HANF, AMMANN, DIAS, FREMEREY, & WEILAND

The question of political integration, of course, is extremely important for most Afro-Asian states, because of their ethnic, linguistic and religious heterogeneity. One cannot fail to observe that formal education reproduces, aggravates and, in many cases, even causes the heterogeneity and inequality that exists. In numerous Afro-Asian countries there is a disequilibrium between regions, and ethnic or religious groups, that results in privileges for some and permanent discrimination for others. This disequilibrium in part stems from colonial educational policies, and in part from pre-colonial power relations. Outstanding examples for such disintegrative educational privileges are Nigeria, Sri Lanka, Indonesia and the Philippines, where ethnic, regional and denominational privileges occur together, or Rwanda and Burundi (ethnic privileges), or the Sudan and Lebanon (regional and sectarian privileges). We can observe an aggravation of the social contradictions between rural and urban areas in Africa and Asia because, as a rule, educational institutions are concentrated in the towns. In some countries, particularly in those with low enrollments, well-intentioned measures, such as the abolition of tuition fees, increase the inequalities; the urban population, with easier access to schools, profits more than the rural. The role of formal education in the differentiation of social strata or classes is much less clear. In traditional, highly stratified societies, the introduction of a modern system of education can create considerable opportunities for upward mobility among underprivileged groups. It is also relevant to note that in many countries marginal groups display a pronounced keenness for education (Parsees in India, Christians in Muslim countries, Chinese in Southeast Asia). Frequently, however, traditional elites reinforce their position by securing privileged access to schools (e. g. the Tutsis in Burundi). On the other hand, in less stratified societies of Black Africa, the introduction of modern education often marks the beginning of social inequality because it can only absorb a part of the school-age population. Some African states like Algeria, Egypt and Tanzania, have made serious attempts to reduce educational privileges. But on the whole, the evidence for the equalizing and integrative effects of formal education is rather scarce, while proof for its disintegrative after effects predominate by far. It appears, therefore, that optimistic assumptions about the contribution of formal education to the building of modern nations are questionable with regard to the functions of education in political recruitment, socialization and integration.

THE SHAM

FIGHT

OF EDUCATIONAL AND GROUP

POLITICS:

IDEOLOGIES

INTERESTS

Initially we observed that the majority of Afro-Asian educational policy-makers cling to their optimistic assumptions about the economic and political potentials 76 February1975

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

of formal education. They cling to them irregardless of the symptoms of crisis that can be observed in most of these countries: the limits of the financial capacities of these states, the increasing unemployment of school leavers amidst growing demand for more education, and the augmenting opposition of pupils and students in spite of repressive countermeasures. In view of this, the question arises whether the gap between scientific findings and the information of policy-makers explain their continued adherence to these notions? Here we will add these supplementary theses: The prevailing educational ideology continues to be upheld because (a) a realistic expos6 of the educational crisis and its economic implications could evoke indignation among large segments of the population; and (b) the development of educational ideologies always corresponds with the interests of a group relatively favored by education. The first part of this proposition will be examined through an analysis of the major issues in the politics of education in Afro-Asian countries, and the manner of altercation surrounding these issues. The authors' research, and that of their colleagues in a number of Asian and African states, indicates the following issues have generated the most conflict: (1) The links with European educational systems; (2) The role of private education; (3) The language question; (4) Privileged or underprivileged access to education; (5) Mass vs. elite education; and (6) Education as an investment or consumer item. Let us begin with thumbnail sketches of these issues. 1. After the termination of colonial rule, there generally remained close ties between the metropolitan system of education and that of the ex-colony. Curricular changes were marginal or non-existent and metropolitan institutions preserved their influence through the instrument of recognition or non-recognition of certificates and diplomas. Although the existence of such ties has served to maintain educational standards, it has also prevented fundamental educational adaptations to the specific needs of the ex-colonies. The debate over the priority of the maintenance of international standards vs. adaptation is complicated and overshadowed by an emotional anticolonialism and the somewhat understandable hope of students that new adapted curricula would mean easier examinations. 2. African or Asian politicians are largely of the opinion that their independent state cannot afford to leave education in the hands of private or foreign institutions which, in the past, had maintained close ties with the colonial power. This attitude is particularly prevalent where the rulers consider education to be the most effective instrument of political socialization. For the sake of these political goals, financial or qualitative disadvantages are accepted. A number of states are seriously considering the nationalization of private schools, while Tanzania, Guinea, Kongo Brazzaville, Syria and Sri Lanka have already done so. In addition, young, local teachers press for nationalization because they can take up the jobs thus vacated. In some countries, moreover, state control was motivated by religion. This is primarily the case in Libya, the southern Sudan and Pakistan where Christian mission schools were nationalized. EducationReview Comparative 77

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HANF, AMMANN, DIAS, FREMEREY, & WEILAND

One should not overlook the fact, however, that a number of states pursue the opposite policy; they not only permit the continued existence of private schools, but encourage them. This is the case particularly in the Philippines, Lebanon, Malaysia, India and Indonesia. These states consider the fact that private educational institutions are less of a financial burden than government schools. Thus they relieve the national educational budget. A rapid elimination of missionary teachers could also lead to a rapid sinking of educational standards in countries lacking sufficient qualified local teachers. 3. In a number of states the language problem is a central issue in conflicts over educational policy. As a rule, it is a matter of deciding upon the function to be allocated to the predominant European language and to the local languages. The usual arguments in favor of a privileged use of European languages are: (a) the need to maintain cultural contact with the outside world; (b) the need for a common linguistic instrument for national integration where there are numerous local languages; and (c) the need for using foreign teachers unfamiliar with the local languages where there is a lack of local qualified teachers. The counter-arguments are that the predominance of a foreign language could result in socio-cultural alienation, and that it is much more difficult for someone to become literate in a foreign language than in his mother tongue. The situation differs considerably on this issue in Africa and Asia. In general, the mother tongue in Asian countries is used as medium of instruction in the primary and secondary schools, while in most African states the abundance of local tongues allows a foreign language to dominate. 4. As already stated, most African systems of education are not evenly distributed and access is often linked with the status of certain ethnic, religious or linguistic groups. The explosiveness of this issue is evident. Politicians are judged to a large extent by the degree to which they maintain and increase access to education for the groups they represent. 5. The question of the optimum allocation of the scarce financial means for educational measures arises within the formal system of education. The dominant controversy here is whether total primary enrollment should be aimed for, or whether increased investments in continuing education for the training of social, economic and political cadres should be preferred. Those advocating mass education advance the arguments that everyone has a right to education and that literacy is an essential precondition for political integration. The opponents argue that, while a universal right to education cannot be denied, primacy should be given to the optimal use of the limited available funds. Political information could be disseminated and political integration achieved much more efficiently through the use of radio or television. Schooling, to them, is meaningful only if it contributes to a direct improvement in the living standard of the population. It is most probable that this controversy will continue in the near future. On the one hand, total primary school enrollment will not be achieved by most AfroAsian states, and on the other hand, responsible politicians will continue to in78 February1975

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OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENT?

cline towards slowing down the growing popular pressure for more educational facilities. 6. Equally explosive is the larger question of whether education is to be regarded as an investment or as a consumption factor. Arguments for education as a consumption factor are usually moral and political. Its proponents argue that everyone has a natural right to education, and that to survive, the political system must meet popular demands for education. Those stressing education as an investment factor, however, cite the limited funds of Afro-Asian states. They argue that it would be in the interests of the entire population to engage in expenditures that maximize economic growth and thus create the conditions necessary for improving life. In the present socioeconomic situation, they contend that Africans and Asians will have to tolerate short-term inequalities for the sake of more rapid economic growth. This implies the training of leading cadres rather than the provision of immediate and incomplete mass education and the allocation of funds for enterprises guaranteeing rapid profits. Hence premature attempts to yield to the admittedly justified consumption demands in education would only result in an inefficient scattering of available resources, thus weakening the development potential of the entire system. The manner in which the issues outlined above are discussed manifests a singular phenomenon. While certain topics are generally subject to public discussion and often lead to vehement debates, the relevance of others seems to be apparent to only a small circle of persons. Hence, they are much less discussed. Political decision-making, therefore, may be based on widely differing points of view. The first four issues, i.e. institutional links with the former metropole, language, the role of private education, and the distribution of education over areas or groups, are on full display in the political arena. But the socioeconomic problems of education, are less often discussed in public, and in some countries are the absolute reserve of policy-makers and experts. This separation may bring about serious medium- and long-term consequences. For the publicly discussed issues are much less relevant for socio-political development than the other. It is evident that many governments tend to ignore the basic socio-political implications of their educational policy decisions or, at least, do not draw any consequences from them for future decisions. And, there is an increasing number of cases where public discussions of fundamental issues are consciously restricted or even suppressed. The most plausible explanation for this situation is that governments rarely dare to reveal and explain to the public the educational decisions they must make. Frequently the only evidence for such decisions is found in statistical budget analyses. For instance, the Indian five-year plans manifest a clear tendency to diminish expenditures for primary schools, while strongly promoting the universities.1TIn some African states, the primary schools are frozen at their present
17See Proposals for the Development of Education and Culture in the Fifth Five-Year Plan (1974-79) (New Delhi: Ministry of Education and Social Welfare, 1972), p. 114-115.

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level causingreductionsin the percentageof enrollmentsas population increases. It is evident that if such policies were openly declared,storms of protest would result. Another explanation is that the educational policies of Afro-Asianstates are to a high degree determinedby certain group interests.We shall try to substantiate this proposition by examining educational policies and their articulation during the processof decolonization.First, we shall brieflyoutline the six phases of educationalpolicy during that period, and then discussit in relation to ideologiesand groupinterests. 1. Initially, the colonized became aware of deficienciesin colonial education which theyconsiderto be detrimentalto theirchancesfordevelopment. 2. Then, they typically demand, and frequently get, equality in education and trainingforcolonizers and colonized. 3. Third, such equality is achieved to a greateror lesserdegree.The colonial systemof education becomespart of the metropolitanone, or is at least synchronizedwith it. 4. Eventually, however, "equal education" is criticized. It is observed that metropolitaneducation in many aspectsdoes not correspondwith the needs of the colony. This criticism is usually directed at history and geography syllabi, and at the languageof instruction.It results in the request for a revival of local culturalvaluesand an indigenizationof education. 5. The fifth phase is that of indigenization.Frequentlycurriculaand educational systemsare changed,particularlythe subjectsthought to be of ideological importance,such as history,geography,or literature,which are given an autochtonous orientation. At this point, equivalence to the course of studies and the examinations of the former mother country often disappear.Not infrequently, the standards of instructionalsodrop,ascompetitiveexaminations areout. 6. This drop in standards and the accompanyingunpleasant consequences (difficultiesfor students abroad, non-recognitionof examinations,etc.) leads to (a) complete reviewing of past policies and a search for radically new solutions (the only case to date is Tanzania), or (b) to a pragmaticphase. In the latter case, attemptsare made to preservea certain independenceand national orientation, while, at the same time, measuresare taken to obtain internationalrecognition. This sequenceof educationaleventscan be observed-with minor deviationsin most Afro-Asianstates. The onset of the phases already began prior to independence, as for example, in the former French territories,the former Dutch East Indies (Indonesia), and the former Belgian territories.In Indonesia the sixth pragmatic phasebeganonly afterthe overthrow of Sukarno.
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much longer. In the Philippines, American educational policy, from the very beginning, aimed at a system identical with the one in the United States (phase three); here, a demand for greater emphasis on the Philippine cultural heritage (phase four) is only just beginning to be articulated. The autonomous territory of Transkei in South Africa is a particularly interesting case manifesting a phasal overlap between the educational policies of the central South African Government and the Transkei Government. The central government, in its Bantu Education Act, initiated a policy that substantially resembles that of phase five. But the Transkei government and parliament now pursue a phase two policy by rejecting an education tailored for Bantus, and demand the same education as that of the South African whites.s8 This atypical example shows that the ideologies underlying the phase sequence are not to be viewed as independent factors, but rather as attempts at an ideological justification for the articulation of the interests of a particular social group during the process of decolonization. The group concerned is the new Afro-Asian leaders who emerged from the modern system of education. In the first and second phases, the aspirations of this group are oriented toward advancement within the colonial administrative and political systems. They perceive their chances for advancement as largely dependent on formal criteria, especially formal education. Hence the available educational facilities that differ from those of the colonial powers, represent barriers to upward mobility. The demand for education as in Europe, is, therefore, a request for equal chances of upward mobility. Ideologically this request has been justified in terms of "identity," which was borrowed from the philosophy of the French Revolution, and, in the Afro-Asian context, was most thoroughly developed in French assimilationism. Thus, the idea of equality, transmitted by Europeanized curricula, was the best justification for representing the specific interests of Afro-Asian elites during those phases. Once identity had been achieved, however, this was no longer the case. The same educational criteria now provide equal opportunities for Afro-Asian elites vis-a-vis their European competitors. If this phase occurred before independence was gained, the interest of the elites now is to prove that they are not only as good as the European administrators and policy-makers, but better in the specific colonial context as well. By demanding and adapting the educational system to specific Afro-Asian requirements, they can claim an exclusive competence vis-avis European cadres. The ideological justification suitable here is nationalism, thus the emphasis of African or Asian cultures on revivalism. "8 See, for example, A. W. Hoernli and E. Hellmann, Report on the Working of the Bantu Education Act (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1955); Muriel Horrell, A Decade of Bantu Education (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1964). N. Hurwitz, The Economics of Bantu Education (Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1964).
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HANF, AMMANN, DIAS, FREMEREY, & WEILAND

As the phase of "identity" passes into the period after political independence, another constellation of interests develops. Identity favors that group which led the struggle for independence and now occupies the top positions in government and administration. It legitimizes its leadership claims on the basis of achievement criteria obtained in an educational system identical to that of the metropole. In such a situation, it is the elite group now advancing through the educational system that lays claim to leadership. This group can question the legitimacy of the ruling group by denouncing it as bearing the imprint of colonial education. An education system "adapted" to Afro-Asian nationalism would enable the oncoming group to obtain formal criteria which would allow them seemingly to outclass the independence generation. The ideological weapon in this conflict between generations is a demand for adaptation and the correlative denunciation of the identical type of education as being neo-colonialistic. The "independence generation" in power, however, believes that the educational system which produced them can not be all bad. It is interested in maintaining those selection criteria on which they obtained their present positions, i. e. primarily achievement criteria, oriented to European educational standards. Their ideological justification is a pragmatism that is very much defined by the negative experiences made with adaptations that deviated from the western model. Hence they demand a strong knowledge of foreign languages, the maintenance of high educational standards (measured with the yardstick of western examinations), and strong selective mechanisms. Thus, to a considerable extent, group interests determine the ideological conflicts over educational policies.19 It is precisely this ideologized form of conflict that camouflages the discussion of those implications of educational policies that are of socio-political relevance in medium and long range terms. The spectacular character of the conflict over educational policies is hence a mere sham fight behind which massive interests exert themselves without restraint. Below we shall argue that an educational policy that benefits a small but, at the moment, powerful group, and deliberately or unknowingly ignores elementary educational and economic interrelations, weakens the political systems and blocks development.
THE POLITICAL FUNCTIONS OF AFRO-ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS: THE VICIOUS CIRCLE OF EDUCATION AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT

It is clear from what has been said that "imported" Afro-Asian educational systems manifest considerable institutional persistence. Astonishingly, few structural changes have taken place, particularly in former French territories. Only the former Belgian colonies, especially Zaire, introduced far-reaching structural
19 For example in India; see S. C. Shukla, "Notes on the Educational Situation," Mainstream, February 6, 1971; A. R. Kamat, "The Educational Stiuation," Economic and Political Weekly, June 24, 1972, p. 1234.

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changes but they did so without taking into adequate consideration local sociopolitical conditions. In all other Afro-Asian states, educational contents have been modified to varying degrees, but fundamental changes have not been made. In general, measures have been limited to revisions of the geography, history, and civics syllabi in favor of a stronger consideration of local problems. But radical structural or curricular reforms have been attempted only in Tanzania and, recently, in Rwanda. All Afro-Asian educational systems are now undergoing massive expansion, but, except for Tanzania, no African country has seriously tried to use education as an instrument for social policies. Their failure to do so appears to be the result of either a misunderstanding of the real interrelations between education, the economy and politics, or a deliberate indifference to available information. Thus, the educational decision making process and its socio-political consequences tend to result in the weakening of the political systems of these countries. This general proposition we shall now make more explicit through a set of assumptions regarding the sequence of this trend: 1. a) A segment of the population perceives education as a vehicle for social and economic mobility. b) This segment increases. 2. a) If the demand for places in the educational system exceeds the supply, b) then the socioeconomic system articulates a request for the expansion of educational facilities to the political system. 3. a) This request is registered by the political system. b) The request is recognized as being justified because the political system perceives a universal right to education to be legitimate; and an expansion of the educational system to be a measure furthering economic growth. c) Moreover, information and values from the international system favor the notion of expansion. 4. a) Expansion is decided upon. b) The required resources are allocated and thereby withheld from alternative investment. 5. a) The educational system is expanded. b) Its output of aspirants to jobs in the modern economic sector increases. 6. a) The output significantly exceeds the available jobs. b) The socioeconomic system demands that the political system create more jobs. c) This demand is accompanied by threats from the unemployed to diminish their support for the political system. 7. a) The political system registers the demand and the threat.
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b) It perceives the threat to the system to be relevant. 8. a) The decision is made to expand the administration (to absorb unemployed school leavers) and/or b) to expand continuing education (for the same purpose). c) The necessary resources are allocated and alternative investments are shelved. 9. a) In the case of 8. a, the problem is postponed, but the overall situation is aggravated by the withdrawal of resources from alternative investments. b) In the case of 8. b, the problem is also postponed and aggravated by the withdrawal of resources from alternative investments and the expansion of the educational system. 10. a) After the expiration of the postponement the process repeats itself as in phase six-considerably aggravated by the expansion of the educational system: the output of the educational system significantly exceeds the available jobs. b) The socioeconomic system directs further demands to the political system. c) Upon the crossing of a certain critical threshold the lack of support of the system becomes transformed into attacks against the system. This sequence of events leads to the conclusion that as long as educational expansion exceeds the expansion of jobs, the interaction between the educational and the political system tends to destabilize the latter. Attacks against the political system, of course, may assume many different forms. Unemployed school-leavers can play an important role in violent actions against the existing political system, as the uprisings in the eastern Congo in 1964 have shown. As a rule, however, it is not likely that this group will resort to violence. On the contrary, their potential for violence is greatly diminished by continuing hopes for individual social advancement. This, along with the lack of direct access to the means of power and production, prevents the group from bean efficient and coming powerful organization. Its members, however, have close interest links with other societal groups, particularly, extended families, which, as a rule, place high hopes on the economic benefits that may accrue from attendance at school or university. Therefore, the number of those who may articulate political discontent because of an educational crisis and its economic consequences, is much greater than that of the students themselves. Hence, the potential threat to the political system is considerable. Ceteris paribus, political instability only results in an exchange of leadership. Such an exchange, unaccompanied by qualitative changes in the interaction between the educational, economic and political systems, must, sooner or later, result in renewed instability. But whether the elite is changed or not, the vicious circle 84 February1975

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of education and underdevelopment contributes to the prevention of an effective improvement of the living conditions of the masses.
ATTEMPTS TO BREAK OUT AND THEIR CHANCES

If, in the search for ways out of this vicious circle, one would follow purely economic arguments, a quantitative freeze or even reduction of the educational system would suggest itself. Resources would then be freed for productive purposes. A number of Afro-Asian states have indeed embarked on such a course. While continuing to pay lip service to the goal of educational expansion, actual enrollments were held constant or allowed to fall by not, or only slightly, increasing the resources alloted to education while the population grew. It is, however, doubtful that such a policy can be maintained over an extended period of time, not to mention the question of its justification on ethical and political grounds. It is hardly plausible that a population with an increasing interest in education can be fooled for long. If, therefore, popular demands for education, on the one hand, and the force of economic circumstances, on the other, are considered as constants, only one variable remains which can be used to break out of this vicious circle. This is the make-up of the educational system. In other words, since quantitative factors can not be modified, any strategy for reform must be oriented towards the qualitative and structural aspects of education. The educational system must undergo such curricular and organizational transformations that permit education to respond to popular aspirations while, at the same time, remaining "profitable," i. e., con tributing effectively to an increase in economic productivity. To date, the most spectacular attempts to make educational systems profitable have been carried out under the slogan of "ruralization". Such an orientation is logical and meaningful in view of the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Afro-Asian populations will have to remain in the domain of agriculture for the foreseeable future.20 Attempts at ruralization of education in Asian countries were already made in Turkey in the 1940s and in the Philippines after the Second World War. In the last few years African countries like Tanzania, Dahomey, Malawi, Cameroon, Madagascar and Rwanda have also tried to introduce environment-oriented curricula. The Turkish and Filipino programs failed because of powerful pressure
"20 A hypothetical example applicable to many states illustrates the possibly dramatic effects of this situation. Assuming that 80 percent of the labor force is in agriculture, that non-agricultural jobs grow by 3 percent per annum and the total labor force by 1 percent per annum, then the number of those employed in agriculture will cease to rise after 29 years. If, however, we take the more realistic rate of a 2 percent per annum increase of the labor force-in many countries it is higherthen the agricultural labor force will cease to grow only after 125 years. Only in a few Afro-Asian countries do jobs grow proportionately with the population; hence it is evident that the employment problem cannot be solved by the conventional means used so far. For an application of this calculation to Rwanda, see Hanf, Dias, Mann, Wolff, Education et ddveloppement au Rwanda-Problemes, apories et perspectives, pp. 159-184.

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groups who wanted to prevent an emancipation of the peasants. African attempts are too new to permit a final evaluation of their success or failure. The only attempt of sufficient scope to make it politically important is that of Tanzania where ruralized education is the educational side of Nyerere's policy of "self-reliance." Past and current experiences with ruralization, however, enable us to identify some of the reasons for its failure. Because most of these attempts were limited to curricular changes, they were doomed to share the shortcomings of all similar attempts at planned socialization. As suggested below, a ruralized curriculum can be effective only if it is accompanied by coherent changes in the overall sociopolitical framework. With respect to educational structures, the following conditions for avoiding a failure of ruralization must be stressed. First, ruralization must begin at the primary level and may not be limited to continuing education. West African experience with the ruralization of post-primary schools shows that previous attendance at general primary schools creates intellectualistic attitudes and a corresponding dislike for manual labor. Pupils tolerate practical training only as a means to enter post-primary schools. Second, ruralized education must not be restricted to a part of the educational system. It must involve all the pupils in rural areas while in urban schools there must be a corresponding "vocationalization," i.e., an introduction to artisan and industrial skills resembling apprenticeship. If only a part of the educational system is oriented towards the environment and increased productivity and another part remains general and academic, the former will be rated second-best and doomed to failure. And third, in countries whose financial capacities are insufficient for providing postprimary education for a great number of pupils a ruralization and/or vocationalization can only be successful if the enrollment age is drastically raised. Children between the ages of six and twelve are physically incapable of performing artisan and agricultural work. But this kind of work is the fundamental pedagogical principle of practice-oriented education. Past attempts at ruralization/vocationalization have hardly fulfilled these structural conditions. In most cases, ruralized education is but a marginalized form of education that is more of a consolation prize for pupils who could not enter the general schools. Only Tanzania has tried, so far, ruralization on a national level and admits no privileged exceptions. Only Rwanda seriously intends to postpone the enrollment age-the only possible solution in its economic situation. The resistance that Nyerere had to overcome in carrying out his policy of ruralization, and the vehement opposition encountered in the Rwandan educational reform, particularly from the higher civil servants, indicate that apart from technical structural preconditions, there are also purely socio-political preconditions which must be met. First, the political leadership must fully support the necessary modifications
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of the educational system. It must try to explain and justify these innovations to the whole population. It must, if necessary, overcome the opposition of groups privileged by the current system. A government will be in a position to do so only if it enjoys a broad basis of support and does not primarily represent certain groups. And second, new educational policies must be embedded in a coherent economic policy. Education oriented towards increased productivity is meaningful only as a potential precondition for "autocentric development."21 If it is not placed in this context, educational reform will fail. Education is an essential, though by no means the sole, precondition for development. The description of these preconditions shows how precarious the chances are for breaking out of the vicious circle of education and underdevelopment. In conclusion we can state that the economic and political determinants of education and development are indissolubly intertwined. It is senseless to expect education to work towards the political development of a state as long as this education blocks economic development and contributes to weaken the political system. As long as the economic and political function remains as it is presently, the only political result of education can be to keep the macabre circulation of parasitical elites going.

n See Peripherer Kapitalismus. Analysen iiber Abhiingigkeit und Unterentwicklung, Senghaas (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1974), pp. 17 and 31 if.

(ed.), D.

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