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Incidents Report 2012 CST
Incidents Report 2012 CST
report 2012
Contents
3 7 9
Executive summary
12
Incident categories
Extreme Violence Assault
22 23 25 28 29 30
19 21
Antisemitic graffiti found in London, July 2012 Cover image: graffiti on pavement in area of London with large Jewish population, June 2012
The text and illustrations may only be reproduced with prior permission of Community Security Trust.
Copyright 2013 Community Security Trust
Executive summary
640 antisemitic incidents were recorded
by CST in 2012, a 5 per cent increase from the 608 antisemitic incidents recorded in 2011 and the third-highest annual total ever recorded by CST.1 The highest ever annual total recorded by CST was in 2009, when 929 antisemitic incidents were recorded.2 in Manchester and London, and a further 18 antisemitic incidents were reported to CST by Police in other parts of the UK. In total, Police forces provided reports of 179 antisemitic incidents, or 28 per cent of the total number of incidents recorded by CST. Three hundred and sixty-seven incidents, or 57 per cent, were reported directly to CST by the victims of, or witnesses to, antisemitic incidents, or by a friend or family member of an incident victim or witness. Sixty-eight incidents (11 per cent of the total) were reported by CST staff or volunteers, or by the security officers at Jewish buildings and organisations. Twelve antisemitic incidents were recorded by CST during 2012 on the basis of media reports. category of Abusive Behaviour and 6 were in the category of Threats.
169
Manchester incidents
25,013
Hertfordshire incidents
27
21,345
London incidents
314
148,602
1. CST has been recording antisemitic incident statistics since 1984. 2. The incident totals in this report may differ from those previously published by CST, due to the late reporting of incidents to CST by incident victims, witnesses or other sources, or the re-categorisation of incidents due to new information.
incidents were recorded in this category. This category includes verbal abuse, hate mail and antisemitic graffiti on non-Jewish property. The increase in the number of incidents in this category in 2012 was partly fuelled by the increase in the number of social media-based incidents reported to CST.
Collection and Suspicious Behaviour at Jewish locations. These included 60 incidents of photography or videoing of Jewish buildings, while in 38 cases suspicious people tried to gain entry to Jewish premises. These types of incidents are not categorised as antisemitic by CST as it is often not possible to determine their motivation, and many are likely to have innocent explanations. However, identifying and preventing the potential hostile reconnaissance of Jewish buildings or other potential terrorist targets is an important part of reducing the possibility of future terrorist attacks.
1,187: Total number of potential antisemitic incidents reported to CST which required a response from CST staff and volunteers.
1,187
Antisemitic incidents
640
547
Nonantisemitic incidents
Introduction
The Community Security Trust
The Community Security Trust (CST) is a UK charity that advises and represents the Jewish community on matters of antisemitism, terrorism, policing and security. CST received charitable status in 1994 and is recognised by Government and the Police as a model of a minority-community security organisation. CST provides security advice and training for Jewish schools, synagogues and Jewish communal organisations and gives assistance to those bodies that are affected by antisemitism. CST also assists and supports individual members of the Jewish community who have been affected by antisemitism and antisemitic incidents. All this work is provided at no charge. An essential part of CSTs work involves representing the Jewish community to Police, legislative and policy-making bodies and providing people inside and outside the Jewish community with information to combat antisemitism.
Comment left under Jewish video on YouTube in June 2012
CST has recorded antisemitic incidents in the United Kingdom since 1984.
Reporting of incidents
CST classifies as an antisemitic incident any malicious act aimed at Jewish people, organisations or property, where there is evidence that the act has antisemitic motivation or content, or that the victim was targeted because they are (or are believed to be) Jewish. Incidents can take several forms, including physical attacks on people or property, verbal or written abuse, or antisemitic leaflets and posters. CST does not include the general activities of antisemitic organisations in its statistics; nor does it include activities such as offensive placards or massed antisemitic chanting on political demonstrations. CST does not record as incidents antisemitic material that is permanently hosted on internet websites, but CST will record antisemitic comments reported to CST that have been posted on blogs or internet forums, or transmitted via social media, if they show evidence of antisemitic content, motivation or targeting. Examples of antisemitic expressions that fall outside this definition of an antisemitic incident can be found in CSTs Antisemitic Discourse reports, available on the CST website. Antisemitic incidents are reported to CST in a number of ways, most commonly by telephone, email, via the CST website, via CSTs social media platforms or by post. In recent years, supported by grants from the Ministry of Justice Victim and Witness General Fund (formerly run by the
Home Office), CST has conducted advertising campaigns to encourage incident reporting in areas of London and Manchester with significant Jewish communities. In 2011, a grant from the Ministry of Justice enabled CST to develop and launch an incident reporting facility for internet-enabled mobile phones. CST staff have also undergone specialist training from the Victim Support charity, in order to provide the best possible response to incident victims and witnesses who contact CST. Incidents can be reported to CST by the victim, a witness, or by someone acting on their behalf. In 2001, CST was accorded third-party reporting status by the Police, which allows CST to report antisemitic incidents to the Police and to act as a go-between for victims who are unable or unwilling to report to the Police directly. CST works closely with Police services and specialist units in monitoring and investigating antisemitic incidents. CST regularly exchanges anonymised antisemitic incident reports with Greater Manchester Police and the Metropolitan Police Service. Not all antisemitic incidents will be reported to CST, and therefore the true figures will be higher than those recorded. No adjustments have been made to the figures to account for this. It is likely that this non-reporting also varies from category to category; for instance, while most serious antisemitic assaults are probably reported to CST
and the Police, it is likely that the vast majority of cases of verbal abuse are not. All reports of incidents are investigated thoroughly before being included in CSTs incident statistics. If there is no evidence of antisemitic motivation, language or targeting in a particular incident, then it will not be included in the annual total. In 2012, CST received 547 reports of potential incidents that were rejected for this reason, and are not included in the total number of antisemitic incidents. These represent 46 per cent of the potential incidents reported to CST and mostly involved criminal damage to, or theft from, Jewish property; assaults on or theft from Jewish people; suspicious activity or potential information-gathering around Jewish locations; or anti-Israel activity which did not involve the use of antisemitic language or imagery and was directed at pro-Israel campaigners, rather than simply at Jewish people, buildings or organisations chosen at random. CST always prioritises the wishes and needs of incident victims, both individuals and the heads of Jewish organisations or communal buildings. In particular, CST treats the issue of victim confidentiality as a top priority. CST does not proactively publicise antisemitic incidents that are reported to it, and if an incident victim chooses to remain anonymous, or wishes there to be no publicity about an incident, CST will observe their wish whenever possible.
Graffiti saying Death 2 Jews outside a Jewish school in London, March 2012
3. This is a higher number than the 586 incidents cited in CSTs Antisemitic Incidents Report 2011, as it includes incidents reported to CST after the publication of that report, and reflects the re-categorisation of some incidents after publication due to the emergence of new information. Similar changes have also been made for previous years. As well as affecting the annual totals, these adjustments mean that some of the monthly, category and geographical totals for previous years cited in this report differ from previously published data.
In Greater Manchester, CST recorded a 34 per cent fall in antisemitic incidents, from 256 in 2011 to 169 in 2012. CST and Greater Manchester Police (GMP) have had an incident data exchange programme in place throughout 2011 and 2012 and there have been no identifiable changes in CSTs incident recording systems in the city during that period; nor has there been any noticeable change in incident reporting rates to CST from any particular part of the Greater Manchester Jewish community. Consequently the incident totals for 2011 and 2012 in Manchester can be taken as a like for like comparison and strongly suggest a genuine and welcome fall in the number of antisemitic incidents taking place in the area. While any explanations for this fall are bound to be at least partly speculative, the decrease may suggest that work done by GMP, CST and the North West Crown Prosecution Service to encourage the reporting, investigation and prosecution of antisemitic hate crimes is starting to have an impact on the number of antisemitic incidents and hate crimes taking place. A more detailed breakdown of the numbers and types of antisemitic incidents recorded in Greater London, Greater Manchester and elsewhere in the UK can be found in the section Geographical locations and differences, p.23. In total, 161, or 25 per cent, of the antisemitic incidents recorded by CST in 2012 were not reported directly to CST, but were recorded by CST after being received via the incident exchange programmes with GMP and MPS (a further 17 incidents were reported to CST on an ad hoc basis from other Police forces, as part of our work with those forces). If the 161 incidents recorded via the GMP and MPS programmes are removed from the 2012 total to provide a comparison with 2010 the most recent year in which CST did not have these two Police incident exchange programmes in place the like for like comparison would suggest a real-terms decrease in the incident
total of around 26 per cent from 2010 to 2012. Prior to the introduction of the incident exchange programmes, with GMP in 2011 and MPS in 2012, CST sometimes received information about individual incidents from local Police officers as part of our work with the Police, but this was not comprehensive nor systematic. Answering the questions of why antisemitic incidents take place, who carries them out and who suffers from them is not always straightforward. Sometimes the evidence of victims or witnesses concerning what may have been a shocking, traumatic and brief experience can be vague and disjointed. Many antisemitic incidents, particularly those that take place on social media or via graffiti in public places, do not have a specific victim and the offender is often unknown. The antisemitic incident reports provided to CST by Police forces are anonymised to comply with data protection requirements, but this often strips them of detail that would help to classify the victim and offender by age, gender and ethnic appearance. While allowing for all these caveats, it is still possible to extract some analysis from the details of the antisemitic incidents recorded by CST during 2012, and the picture they show is one of complexity. In short, there is no single profile of an antisemitic incident victim, nor of an antisemitic incident offender, nor is there a single explanation as to why antisemitic incidents take place. This is explained in more detail in the sections Incident victims, p.19; Incident offenders, p.21; and Discourse and motives, p.22.
In March, 26 of the 75 antisemitic incidents recorded by CST were recorded before the shooting on 19 March, and 49 were recorded after that date. However, none of the incidents recorded after 19 March made direct reference to the shooting in Toulouse, and only one involved the use of language which may have been an indirect reference to the shooting (in which an individual in an area of London with a large Jewish community was observed shouting in the street about shooting, and saying, Jews should stay indoors). The period after 19 March also saw an increase in the number of reports from members of the Jewish community Trigger events about suspicious behaviour near to Jewish locations. This suggests that the spike in recorded incidents The levels of antisemitic incidents in the UK often in March may reflect a greater motivation on the rise temporarily, or spike, in response to trigger
10
Incident categories
part of incident victims and witnesses to report antisemitic incidents during that period, possibly because the shootings generated a greater awareness of, or unease about, antisemitism, on the part of some British Jews. Consequently this spike in incidents is most likely to reflect reactions to an external event on the part of incident victims, rather than on the part of offenders. In contrast, the spike in recorded antisemitic incidents in November is most likely to reflect a genuine increase in antisemitic expressions as part of reactions in Britain to an external event. The eight days of fighting between Israel and Hamas, from 14 to 21 November, saw 47 antisemitic incidents reported to CST, more than triple the 13 incidents recorded during the same period in 2011. Fifteen incidents made explicit reference to the fighting and several others contained evidence of implicit reactions to it. Of the 82 antisemitic incidents recorded in November, 28 involved the use of social media. This partly reflects the role that social media can play as a tool for the immediate public expression of extreme reactions to events taking place elsewhere, and also that social media is an environment in which Jews can view antisemitic expressions for which they are not the intended audience, and which they may not previously have encountered. In this respect the growth of social media has facilitated the public expression of a new type of antisemitic incident which previously would have lacked a victim or a reporter; and simultaneously provides a new mechanism by which such antisemitism can be viewed and reported. Despite the correlation between trigger events overseas and antisemitic incident levels in the UK, it would be a mistake to assume that this alone explains why antisemitic incidents happen. There were 59 antisemitic incidents recorded during September, the month which included the Jewish New Year festival of Rosh Hashanah, and Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar. Of the 59 antisemitic incidents recorded in the month, 19 almost a third occurred on the five days covered by these two festivals. This is partly explained by the increased numbers of visibly Jewish people on the streets during these days, as they walk to and from synagogue, and also by an increased CST and Police presence in Jewish communities, which in turn makes it easier for victims of antisemitism to report incidents. CST classifies antisemitic incidents by six distinct categories: Extreme Violence; Assault; Damage and Desecration of Property; Threats; Abusive Behaviour; Antisemitic Literature. The definitions of these categories, and examples of incidents recorded in each one during 2012, are given below.4
Extreme Violence violent incidents has fluctuated, with 114 in 2010, Long-term trends
The 2012 total of 640 antisemitic incidents is significantly higher than the annual totals recorded by CST a decade ago. There are a number of explanations for this. One which is suggested by the incident data collected by CST since 1984 is that it normally takes at least two years without any trigger events for antisemitic incident numbers recorded by CST to return to their pre-trigger levels. When trigger events have occurred more frequently, the successive spikes in antisemitic incident levels have led to a gradual, long-term increase in the baseline level of antisemitic incidents recorded in the UK, which is what occurred during the first decade of the twenty-first century. This factor is particularly noticeable in London, where incident totals correlate to the national totals more than anywhere else does. As well as this impact of repeated incident spikes over several years, the gradual increase in incident totals also reflects better awareness in the Jewish community of CSTs work, and a consequent improvement in the rates of reporting antisemitic incidents to CST by Jewish communities around the UK. It is also influenced by the introduction of new sources of antisemitic incident reporting, such as online incident reporting facilities and the incident exchange programmes with GMP and MPS. Therefore any comparison of current recorded antisemitic incident totals with those from a decade ago or more should be done with caution. Despite improvements in reporting, it is to be expected that antisemitic hate crime and hate incidents, like other forms of hate crime, are significantly under-reported. This is particularly the case where the victims are minors; where the incident is considered of lesser impact by the victim; and for incidents that take place on social media. Consequently the statistics contained in this report should be taken as being indicative of general trends, rather than absolute measures of the number of incidents that actually take place. Incidents of Extreme Violence include any attack potentially causing loss of life or grievous bodily harm (GBH). There were two incidents of Extreme Violence in 2012, compared with two in 2011 and none in 2010. The two incidents of Extreme Violence in 2012 involved the following: 124 in 2009, 88 in 2008, 117 in 2007, 114 in 2006, 81 in 2005 and 83 in 2004. The number of violent assaults also fell as a proportion of the overall total, from 16 per cent in 2011 to 11 per cent in 2012. The proportion of incidents in 2012 that were violent is, at 11 per cent, the lowest proportion recorded by CST in over a decade, and may indicate a growing willingness of incident victims over that period to report lesser types of antisemitic incidents such as those involving verbal abuse or graffiti and the emergence of new forms of non-violent incidents such as those that involve social media. Fifty-six of the 69 incidents of Assault or Extreme Violence recorded in 2012 were random attacks on Jewish people in public places, of which 31 targeted people who were visibly Jewish, usually due to their religious or traditional clothing. Ten targeted synagogue congregants on their way to or from prayers. CST received a description of the gender of the victims in 55 of the incidents of Assault or Extreme Violence. Of these, the victims were male in 37 incidents; in 12 incidents they were female; and in 6 they were mixed couples or groups of males and females. CST received a description of the age of the victims in 37 of the incidents of Assault or Extreme Violence. Of these, the victims were adults in 20 incidents, in 15 incidents the victims were minors and in 2 incidents they were adults and minors together. CST received a description of the gender of the offenders in 39 of the incidents of Assault or Extreme Violence, of which 33 involved male offenders and 6 involved female offenders. CST received a description of the age of the offenders in 36 of the incidents of Assault or Extreme Violence. Of these, the offenders were adults in 15 incidents; in 20 incidents they were minors; and 1 incident involved adults and minors offending together. Fourteen of the incidents involved
Assault
Incidents of Assault include any physical attack against a person or people, which does not pose a threat to their life and is not GBH. CST recorded 67 incidents of Assault in 2012. By combining this with the 2 incidents of Extreme Violence, we can see the full range of physical attacks on Jews. This gives a total of 69 violent antisemitic assaults in 2012, a 27 per cent fall from the 95 violent antisemitic assaults (including both categories Assault and Extreme Violence) recorded by CST in 2011. The total of 69 violent antisemitic assaults reported to CST in 2012 is the lowest since 2003, when 54 assaults were recorded. However, since 2003 the number of
4. A more detailed explanation of the six antisemitic incident categories can be found in the CST leaflet Definitions of Antisemitic Incidents, available on the CST website: http://www.thecst. org.uk
11
12
objects, usually eggs, being thrown at visibly Jewish people from passing cars. Particular targets for this kind of incident are the strictly Orthodox communities in Salford and Bury in north Manchester, and in Golders Green and Hendon in north London. There were 11 assaults on Jewish schoolchildren or staff in 2012, 8 of which took place away from school premises. There were 2 assaults on Jewish students during 2012, one of which took place on campus. Incidents in the category of Assault in 2012 included:
into the bakery and punching one of the customers, knocking him into a glass counter which smashed. The victim required hospital treatment.
was due to interference from the synagogue, which he believed housed telecommunications equipment connected to the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad.
13
14
white man with a young child in the passenger seat, wound down his window, shouted antisemitic abuse including f**king Jewish c**ts at them, wound his window back up and drove off.
Abusive Behaviour
This category includes verbal and written antisemitic abuse. The verbal abuse can be face to face or via telephone or answerphone messages. The category also includes antisemitic emails, text messages, tweets and social media comments, as well as targeted antisemitic letters (that is, one-off letters aimed at and sent to a specific individual), irrespective of whether or not the recipient is Jewish. This is different from a mass mailing of antisemitic leaflets or other publications, which is dealt with by the separate Literature category. Antisemitic graffiti on non-Jewish property is also included in this category. There were 467 incidents of Abusive Behaviour reported to CST in 2012, an increase of 13 per cent compared to the 412 antisemitic incidents of this type recorded in 2011 and the highest total since 2009, when 609 incidents were recorded in this category. There were 391 incidents recorded in this category in 2010 and 317 in 2008. A total of 176 of the 467 incidents of Abusive Behaviour recorded in 2012 involved verbal abuse. Of the instances of written abuse, 74 took place on social media; 58 involved antisemitic graffiti on non-Jewish property; and there were 17 antisemitic emails reported to CST in this category. There were 12 cases of antisemitic paper hate mail and 5 antisemitic text messages. Incidents of Abusive Behaviour in 2012 included:
in an area of London with a large Jewish population. As one woman walked past him he said, Youre f**king Jewish, arent you?
15
16
Literature
This category covers mass-produced antisemitic literature which is distributed in multiple quantities. This can involve a single mass mailing or repeated individual mailings, but it must involve the multiple use of the same piece of literature in order to fall into this category. This is different from one-off cases of hate mail targeted at individual people or organisations, which would come under the category of either Abusive Behaviour or Threats (depending on the hate mails content). The Literature category includes literature that is antisemitic in itself, irrespective of whether or not the recipient is Jewish, and cases where Jews are specifically targeted for malicious distribution, even if the material itself is not antisemitic. This would include, for instance, the mass mailing of neo-Nazi literature to Jewish organisations or homes, even if the literature did not mention Jews. This category also includes emails that are sent to groups of recipients. The statistics for the category of Literature give no indication of the extent of distribution. A single mass mailing of antisemitic literature is only counted as one incident, although it could involve material being sent to dozens of recipients. Thus the number of incidents reflects the number of offenders, rather than the number of victims. There were 12 incidents recorded in the category of Literature in 2012, an increase of 71 per cent from the 7 incidents of this type recorded in 2011. This increase was caused by the actions of a single offender who sent 6 antisemitic mass emails during the course of 2012. The number of incidents recorded in this category has declined markedly in recent years: there were 25 Literature incidents recorded in 2010, 62 in 2009 and 37 in 2008. While the 2009 total was abnormally high due to a series of hostile or abusive emails sent to one victim, probably by a single offender, there is a clear trend of a sharp decline in the number of incidents in this category, for which there is no obvious explanation. Three of the Literature incidents recorded in 2012 involved paper hate mail, and 9 were conveyed by email.
53 Damage
and Desecration
67 Assault 2 Extreme
Violence
17
18
Incident victims
The victims of antisemitic incidents come from the whole spectrum of the Jewish community: from strictly Orthodox to Liberal, Reform and secular Jews; from the largest Jewish communities of London and Manchester to small, isolated communities all over the United Kingdom; and from Jewish schoolchildren to Members of Parliament. The most common single type of incident involved verbal abuse randomly directed at visibly Jewish people in public. In 291 incidents, the victims were ordinary Jewish people, male or female, attacked or abused while going about their daily business in public places. In 126 of these, the victims were visibly Jewish, usually due to their religious or traditional clothing, school uniform or jewellery bearing Jewish symbols. Forty-three incidents targeted synagogue property and staff, compared to 46 in 2011, and a further 41 incidents targeted congregants on their way to or from prayers, compared to 38 in 2011. There were 46 incidents that targeted Jewish community organisations or communal leaders and high-profile individuals, compared to 68 in 2011, while 50 incidents happened at peoples private homes (57 in 2011). A total of 55 antisemitic incidents took place at schools or involved Jewish schoolchildren or teaching staff, compared to 54 in 2011. Of the 55 incidents of this type in 2012, 18 took place at Jewish schools, 13 at non-faith schools and 24 affected Jewish schoolchildren on their journeys to and from school. Eleven of the 55 schoolrelated incidents were in the categories of Extreme Violence or Assault, 8 of which took place away from school premises; 7 involved Damage and Desecration of Jewish property; 5 were in the category of Threats; and 32 were in the category of Abusive Behaviour. There were 32 antisemitic incidents in which the victims were Jewish students, academics or other student bodies, compared to 27 campus-related antisemitic incidents in 2011 and 44 in 2010. Of the 32 such incidents reported to CST in 2012, 18 took place on campus and 14 off campus. Two of the 32 incidents involving students, academics or student bodies were in the category of Assault, one of which took place on campus. Of the remaining 30 incidents, 27 were in the category of Abusive Behaviour, which includes verbal abuse and antisemitic graffiti; there were 2 campus-related incidents of Damage and Desecration of Jewish property; and there was one incident in the category of Threats. Seven of the antisemitic incidents that took place on campus involved verbal abuse and 5 involved the use of social media. Nine involved the use of language or imagery related to the Holocaust or the Nazi period, and 5 involved the use of language or imagery related to Israel and the Middle East. Two of the 18 on-campus antisemitic incidents occurred in the immediate context of student political activity. In 9 cases the offender was a student and in 2 cases the offender was a lecturer or tutor. The 18 on-campus incidents occurred across 13 different universities and colleges, with the highest numbers of antisemitic incidents at any one location being 4 at Nottingham University and 3 at University College London (UCL). Of the 14 off-campus incidents, 7 took place in London, 3 in Manchester, 2 in Birmingham, one in Newcastle upon Tyne and one at the National Union of Students annual conference. In 4 off-campus incidents the offender was a fellow student; 6 of the off-campus antisemitic incidents involved verbal abuse; and 5 involved the use of social media. CST received a description of the gender of the victim or victims in 375 (59 per cent) of the 640 antisemitic incidents reported to CST during 2012. Of these, the victims were male in 243 incidents (65 per cent of incidents where the victims gender was known), female in 96 incidents (26 per cent) and groups of males and females together in 36 incidents (10 per cent). CST received a description of the age of the victim or victims of 256 (40 per cent) of the 640 incidents recorded during 2012. Breaking this down into adults and minors (while acknowledging the difficulty in accurately categorising incident victims who may be merely described by witnesses as youths or teenagers) shows that 180 incident victims were adults (70 per cent of incidents where the victims age was known), 57 were minors (22 per cent) and in 19 cases (7 per cent) the victims were adults and minors together. Younger victims appeared to be more prone to violent antisemitism than their elders: minors were the victims of 15 incidents in the categories of Extreme Violence or Assault in 2012 (41 per cent of incidents where the victims age was accurately reported), and of 40 incidents in the categories of Abusive Behaviour or Threats (20 per cent). One explanation for this may be that younger victims are more likely to report assaults than adults are, but less likely to report verbal abuse; but there is no obvious reason why this should be the case.
Jewish organisations and communal events Students and academics on and off campus
32
Synagogues and their congregants
84 291
Random Jewish individuals in public
55 50
Private homes
19 CST Antisemitic Incidents Report 2012 CST Antisemitic Incidents Report 2012 20
Incident offenders
Identifying the motives, age and ethnicity of the offenders in antisemitic incidents can be a difficult and imprecise task. Many antisemitic incidents involve public encounters where the antisemitic abuse may be generic, brief and sometimes non-verbal. In cases involving physical or verbal abuse, this identification depends on the evidence of victims of, and witnesses to, antisemitic incidents, and may rely on their interpretation of the offenders physical appearance, language or other indicators. Many incidents do not involve face-to-face contact between offender and victim, so it is not always possible to obtain a physical description of the offender. Social media platforms afford a level of anonymity to offenders, should they wish to hide their identity. As explained in the Contexts and patterns section of this report (p.9), the anonymised antisemitic incident reports provided to CST by Police forces are stripped of much of the detail of the offenders age, gender and ethnic appearance. The content of an antisemitic letter may reveal the motivation of the offender, but it would be a mistake to assume to know the ethnicity of a hate-mail sender on the basis of the discourse they employ. Bearing in mind all these limitations, a physical description of the offender was obtained in 169, or 26 per cent, of the 640 incidents recorded by CST in 2012.5 Of these, 86 offenders were described as White North European (51 per cent); 3 offenders were described as White South European (2 per cent); 10 offenders were described as Black (6 per cent); 51 offenders were described as South Asian (30 per cent); 1 offender was described as South East Asian (1 per cent); and 18 offenders were described as being Arab or North African (11 per cent). These figures partly reflect the fact that Britains Jewish communities tend to live in Gender relatively diverse urban areas, and that street crime offenders (where most antisemitic incidents take place) make up a younger, and consequently more diverse, demographic profile than the population as a whole. Events during the year also have an impact on the reported ethnicities of incident offenders: the proportion of offenders described to CST as other than White North European tends to rise slightly if a year includes a major trigger event related to Israel or the wider Middle East.
350 300 250 200 150 100 50
5. CST uses the IC16 system, used by the UK Police services, for categorising the ethnic appearance of offenders. This uses the codes IC1, IC2, IC3, etc for White North European; White South European; Black; South Asian; East or South East Asian; and Arab or North African. This is obviously not a foolproof system and can only be used as a rough guide.
600 500 400 300 200 100
233
Described as minors
82
Described as adults
148
21
22
London Manchester
237
123
31
24
23
10
19
11
Abusive Behaviour
Assault
Threats
Literature
Extreme Violence
Further differences between incident types in Greater London and Greater Manchester can be drawn out of the statistics. Taken broadly, and allowing for very rough generalisations, these show that antisemitic incidents in Greater Manchester are more likely to involve random street racism what might be called antisemitic hooliganism against individual Jews, while ideologically motivated antisemitism which normally takes the form of hate mail, abusive phone calls or antisemitic graffiti tends to be concentrated in Greater London where most of the Jewish communitys leadership bodies and public figures are based. So, 63 per cent of antisemitic incidents recorded by CST in Greater Manchester targeted individual Jews in public, compared to 44 per cent of the incidents recorded in Greater London; whereas 10 per cent of incidents recorded in Greater London targeted Jewish organisations, events or communal leaders, compared to just 4 per cent of incidents in Greater Manchester. Thirty per cent of antisemitic incidents in Greater London showed evidence of far right, anti-Zionist or Islamist beliefs or motivation alongside the antisemitism, compared to just 17 per cent of those recorded in Greater Manchester. Incidents in Greater London are more likely to involve hate mail, abusive emails or online antisemitism: there were 63 such incidents in Greater London in
2012 (20 per cent of incidents in Greater London), compared to just 16 in Greater Manchester (9 per cent of incidents in Greater Manchester). While 60 per cent of antisemitic incident offenders in Greater Manchester in 2012 were described as White North European (for those incidents where a description was provided to CST), that figure fell to 40 per cent in Greater London, probably reflecting the greater diversity in the capitals population. This relative diversity in the capital may also explain why antisemitic incident totals in Greater London are more sensitive to external trigger events than those in Greater Manchester. While Greater London had its highest monthly total of 2012 in November, when the trigger event of the fighting in Gaza and southern Israel took place, that month saw Greater Manchester record its third-lowest monthly incident total of the year. The response to trigger events is not always easy to predict. The second-highest monthly total recorded in Greater Manchester during the year was in March, when the trigger event of the Toulouse terrorist shooting saw an increase in the reporting of antisemitic incidents across the country; but in July, when Manchester itself hosted the trial of a local couple convicted of plotting a terrorist attack against the Manchester Jewish community, there was no discernible spike in antisemitic incident reporting in the city.
23
24
25
26
Antisemitic or anti-Israel?
for being Jewish, including saying There are Jews in the room and Which Jew is married to which Jew? and taking the mens kippot off their heads.
Manchester, July: Two men entered an offlicence and were heard to say to each other that they were going to rob the tills. When the owner, who was not Jewish, told them to leave, they shouted, Are you a Jew? You look like a Jew. It looks like these people are darkies and then threatened to smash up the shop and to beat up the owner.
CST is often asked about the difference between antisemitic incidents and anti-Israel activity, and how this distinction is made in the categorisation of incidents. The distinction between the two can be subtle and the subject of much debate. Clearly, it would not be acceptable to define all anti-Israel activity as antisemitic; but it cannot be ignored that contemporary antisemitism can occur in the context of, or be accompanied by, extreme feelings over the Israel/Palestine issue, or that discourse relating to the Israel/Palestine issue is used by offenders to abuse Jews. Drawing out these distinctions, and deciding on where the dividing lines lie, is one of the most difficult areas of CSTs work in recording and analysing hate crime. CST received reports of 547 potential incidents during 2012 that, after investigation, did not appear to be antisemitic and were therefore not included in the total of 640 antisemitic incidents. These 547 potential incidents included examples of anti-Israel activity directed at organisations involved in pro-Israel work, which did not involve antisemitic language or imagery, and were therefore not classified by CST as antisemitic. Examples of antiIsrael incidents during 2012 that were not recorded by CST as antisemitic include the following:
Sometimes the targeting of a particular incident can suggest an intention to intimidate or offend Jews on the part of the offender. For example, graffiti reading F**k Israel would probably be classified as an antisemitic incident if it appears to be targeted at an area known for having a large Jewish community, but would probably not be counted as antisemitic if it appears in an area where few Jews live. Similarly, anti-Israel material that is sent unsolicited to a synagogue at random may be recorded as an antisemitic incident (because it fails to distinguish between a place of worship and a political organisation), when the same material sent unsolicited to specifically pro-Israel organisations would not be. On the other hand, if a particular synagogue has been involved in public pro-Israel advocacy, and subsequently is sent anti-Israel material, it may not be classified as antisemitic unless the content of the material dictates otherwise. The political discourse used in an incident may also be the reason why the incident is accepted or rejected as antisemitic. Incidents that equate Israel to Nazi Germany would normally be recorded as antisemitic, whereas those that compare Israel to, for instance, apartheid South Africa, normally would not be. While the charge that Israel practises apartheid upsets many Jews, it does not contain the same visceral capacity to offend Jews on the basis of their Jewishness as does the comparison with Nazism, which carries particular meaning for Jews because of the Holocaust. Irrespective of whether or not these incidents are classified as antisemitic by CST, they are still relevant to CSTs security work as they often involve threats and abuse directed at Jewish people or organisations who work with, or in support of, Israel, and therefore have an impact on the security of the UK Jewish community.
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7. For a full chronology and analysis of this history of modern anti-Jewish terrorism, see the CST publication Terrorist Incidents against Jewish Communities and Israeli Citizens Abroad 19682010, available at www.thecst.org.uk
Some of the numbers in the tables may differ from those previously published by CST, due to the late reporting of inicdents to CST by incident victims and witnesses, or the recategorisation of some incidents due to new information. CST Antisemitic Incidents Report 2012 30
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www.thecst.org.uk
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