8 STUDIA UNIVERSITATIS PETRU MAIOR SERIES HISTORIA

2008

Redacia: 540088, Trgu-Mure, str. Nicolae Iorga, 1, Telefon 0265-236034 Email: studia.historia@upm.ro

SUMAR CONTENTS SOMMAIRE INHALT Studii i articole

Istorie Fbin Istvn, Simbolurile puterii la nordul Dunrii de jos n epoca migraiilor: fibulele cu capete de ceap ............................................. 7 Georgeta Fodor, Aspecte din istoria femeii i a familiei n evul mediu romnesc. Femeia n cadrul familial................................................... 15 Sabina Cismas, Two possible interpretations of Moldavian representations of donors: power of humans-power of God and genderized donors.................................................................................... 31 Viorica Bica, Le livre ancien roumain dans la bibliothque George Bariiu Brasov.................................................................................... 45 Vlad Laureniu, Ractions Pro-europennes et Anti-europennes Dans la Culture Roumaine du Tournant des Xviii et XIX Sicles ....... 65 Atalay Gunduz, A brief history of nineteenth century British travel writing on the Ottoman Empire ........................................................... 75 Andreas Berg, Enlightened mysticism: Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin and the critique of Russian orthodox institutions ............................... 85 Octavian Silvestru, Opportunistic politicking versus liberalism in Romania. The governmental anti-semitic policies between 1866 and 1868 ..................................................................................................103 Gheorghe Bichicean, L'unit allemande...........................................127 Harald Heppner, Balkankompetenz als forschungsproblem: sterreich-Ungarn als besatzungsmacht in Rumnien 1916/18.....137 Keith Hitchins, Mircea Eliade, orthodoxy, and the transfiguration of Romania in the 1930s............ ..........................................................143 Ionu Biliu, Fascism as political religion a critical survey .........161 3

Antonio Faur, Rspunsul episcopilor romni greco-catolici din Transilvania de nord la memoriul cardinalului Mindszenty (1946)....175 Marko Zubak, Praxis - critical thinking and social change under state socialism............................................................................................193 Gabriel Moisa, Lducation patriotique de la jeunesse roumaine a laide des muses dhistoire. Quelques considrations sur les annes 70 du sicle passe............................................................................203 Mihai Teodor Nicoar, Corneliu Coposu n nchisorile comuniste ....211 Teoria i istoria culturii Hayden White, Rzvan Prianu - Traducere, Povara istoriei ........223 Corina Teodor, Patrimoniul cultural i tentaia redefinirii. O perspectiv istoriografic ..................................................................253 Cornel Crciun, Sportul n viziunea cinematografiei romneti...................... ....................................................................263 Studii Europene i Relaii Internaionale Simion Costea, Perspectiva european a Serbiei n dezbaterile comisiei de afaceri externe a parlamentului european (2008)..........287 Ioana Leucea, Interferene ntre istorie i relaii internaionale .......303 Stelian Scuna, Alexandra Scuna, Cteva reflecii cu privire la abandonarea constituiei pentru Europa, tratatul de la Lisabona i reforma Uniunii Europene .................................................................315 Monica Vlad, Transnationale zusammenarbeit von hochschulen in minderheitengebieten als instrument sicherheitspolitischer krisenprvention ...............................................................................327 Recenzii i Note de lectur Church state relations in communist and post communist Romania, (Relaia stat biseric in Romnia comunist i post comunist), (Anca incan) .................................................................................................. 337 Daniel Daianu, Southeast Europe and the world we live in, Editura Academiei Romane, Bucuresti, 2008, (Simion Costea)....................... 339 Paul R. Viotti, Mark V. Kauppi, coord., International Relations Theory, Realism, Pluralism, Globalism, and Beyond, Third Edition, Allyn and Bacon, Longman Publisher, (Lucian Sclean) .................................. 340 Coordonator: Sorin Antohi, Modernism si antimodernism: noi perspective interdisciplinare, Bucureti 2008, (Lucian Sclean)........ 343
Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Dincolo de Dunre. Studii de etnologie balcanic, Bucureti, Editura Paideia, 2007, (Monica Avram)............ 345 4

Studies and articles History Fbin Istvn, The symbols of power on the northern shore of the Danube in the age of migrations: the Zwiebelknopffibeln.................. 7 Georgeta Fodor, Aspects of Woman and Family`s History in the Romanian Middle Ages. Woman within family life............ ................. 15 Sabina Cismas, Two possible interpretations in Moldavian representations of the donor: the power of humans the power of god and donors and gender....................................................................... 31 Viorica Bica, Le livre ancien roumain dans la bibliothque George Bariiu Brasov.................................................................................... 45 Vlad Laureniu, Ractions Pro-europennes et Anti-europennes Dans la Culture Roumaine du Tournant des Xviii et XIX Sicles ....... 65 Atalay Gunduz, A brief history of nineteenth century British travel writing on the Ottoman Empire ........................................................... 75 Andreas Berg, Enlightened mysticism: Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin and the critique of Russian orthodox institutions ............................... 85 Octavian Silvestru, Opportunistic Politicking Versus Liberalism in Romania. The governmental Anti-Semitic Policies Between 1866 and 1868 ..................................................................................................103 Gheorghe Bichicean, L'unit allemande...........................................127 Harald Heppner, Balkankompetenz als forschungsproblem: sterreich-Ungarn als besatzungsmacht in Rumnien 1916/18.....137 Keith Hitchins, Mircea Eliade, orthodoxy, and the transfiguration of Romania in the 1930s............ ..........................................................143 Ionu Biliu, Fascism as political religion a critical survey .........161 Antonio Faur, The reply of the Romanian Greek-Catholic bishops in Northern Transylvania to the Cardinal Mindszentys memoranda in 1946 ..................................................................................................175 Marko Zubak, Praxis - critical thinking and social change under state socialism............................................................................................193 Gabriel Moisa, Lducation patriotique de la jeunesse roumaine a laide des muses dhistoire. Quelques considrations sur les annes 70 du sicle passe............................................................................203 Mihai Teodor Nicoar, Corneliu Coposu in the communist prisons .....211

Theories of cultural history Hayden White, The Burden of History, Translation, Rzvan Prianu ...223 Corina Teodor, The Cultural Patrimony and the Temptation of Redefinition. A Historiographycal Perspective ..................................253 Cornel Crciun, Le sport dans la vision de la cinmatographie roumaine...................... .....................................................................263 European Studies and International Relations Simion Costea, The European Perspective for Serbia in the Debates of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the European Parliament (2008).......... 287 Ioana Leucea, The Academic Onvergence or Dispute Between History and International Relations ..............................................................303 Stelian Scuna, Alexandra Scuna, Several reflections on the abandoning of the European Constitution, the Lisbon Treaty and the reform of the European Union ...........................................................315 Monica Vlad, Transnationale zusammenarbeit von hochschulen in minderheitengebieten als instrument sicherheitspolitischer krisenprvention ...............................................................................327 Reviews Church state relations in communist and post communist Romania, (Relaia stat biseric in Romnia comunist i post comunist), (Anca incan) .................................................................................................. 337
Daniel Daianu, Southeast Europe and the world we live in, Editura Academiei Romane, Bucuresti, 2008, (Simion Costea)....................... 339 Paul R. Viotti, Mark V. Kauppi, coord., International Relations Theory, Realism, Pluralism, Globalism, and Beyond, Third Edition, Allyn and Bacon, Longman Publisher, (Lucian Sclean) .................................. 340 Coordonator: Sorin Antohi, Modernism si antimodernism: noi perspective interdisciplinare, Bucureti 2008, (Lucian Sclean)........ 343 Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Dincolo de Dunre. Studii de etnologie balcanic, Bucureti, Editura Paideia, 2007, (Monica Avram)............ 345

SIMBOLURILE PUTERII LA NORDUL DUNRII DE JOS N EPOCA MIGRAIILOR: FIBULELE CU CAPETE DE CEAP

Fabian Istvan* Abstract

The symbols of power on the northern shore of the Danube in the age of migrations: the Zwiebelknopffibeln This paper has as aim to make a few considerations about one of the most specific objects of the age of migrations: the Zwiebelknopffibeln. Considered as a status symbol of the honestiores, this type of fibulae was the marker of some very complex relations between the barbarians and the Roman Empire. Discovered mostly in funerary contexts this fibulae are remarkable witnesses of the Roman craftsmanship , on the other hand they represent until now one of the most specific objects in power related representations. *Zwiebelknopffibeln, fibulae, Roman Empire, funerary rite

Al. Diaconescu n articolul su intitulat, Ornamenta dignitatis: gradabzeichen und symbole des sozialen status bei den lokalen eliten von Dakien nach den aurelianischen rckzug 1 , afirma c fibulele cu capete de ceap, inelele i garniturile de centur, toate realizate din metale preioase, n Imperiul Trziu erau insignia funciilor i gradelor deinute de honestiores. Ct privete zona din nordul Dunrii de Jos, este clar c aceste semne ale puterii au ajuns n mediul barbar n urma relaiilor (n special de alian) cu Imperiul. n acest context, autorul consider semnificativ faptul c numai n zona intracarpatic au fost descoperite patru fibule cu capete de ceap din argint, dou inele din acelai metal i cinci catarame. Fibulele de argint au fost scoase la iveal la Trnvioara, Porolissum, Potaissa i Micia.

* Lector Dr., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure

1

Al. Diaconescu, n Acta MN, 2003, p.203-239

Fibula de la Trnvioara a fost descoperit ntr-un sepulcru feminin, la punctul denumit convenional Cetate 2 , mpreun cu un inel. Ca datare s-a propus iniial a doua jumtate a sec. III 3 , ca apoi, lund n considerare forma i decorul fibulei (i tipul inelului) datarea s fie prelungit ctre primii ani ai sec. IV 4 . Fibula din Potaissa lung de 5,8 cm, lat de 4,1 cm, i nalt de 3,3 cm provine, de asemenea, dintr-un mormnt, este realizat din argint, cu corpul puternic arcuit i decorat cu triunghiuri incizate, nlnuite n tehnica niello. Prin forma capetelor de ceap se situeaz cronologic n prima jumtate a sec. IV. 5 Tot la Potaissa mai era consemnat existena unei fibule ce a aparinut coleciei Botr i era, se pare, tot din argint. 6 Din nefericire, dup mprtierea coleciei nu se tie nimic de soarta acestui exemplar 7 . Exemplarul de la Micia a fost descoperit n 1865 cu ocazia realizrii cii ferate Teiu-Arad, i a fost rupt n dou n vederea transformrii n inel. 8 n fine, fibula de la Porolissum este practic nepublicat fiind menionat ntr-una din observaiile lui M. Macrea. S-a pstrat doar o fotografie, pe care se menioneaz tipul descoperirii realizate de C. Daicoviciu nainte de cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial 9 . Azi fotografia fibulei de gsete la Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Transilvaniei, i contrar primelor analize nu este realizat din bronz sau alt aliaj ci din argint i numai butonii par a fi din bronz. Cele patru fibule aparin tipului Keller I: braele au un profil hexagonal i mici proeminene pe corp, butoni masivi i
N. Lupu, Ein Krpergrab aus dem 3 Jahrhundert bei Klein Probstdorf-Protea Mic (Bezirk Media), n Forschungen fr Volk und Landeskunde 5, 1961, p.153-163 3 D. Protase, Riturile funerare la daci i daco-romani, Bucureti, 1976, p. 128 4 K. Horedt, Die stdische Siedlungen Siebenbrgens n sptrmischen Zeit n Sargetia, XIV, 1979, p. 209 5 I. Mitrofan, Descoperiri arheologice la Potaissa, n AMN 6, 1969, p.521, pl.6 6 M. Brbulescu, Potaissa dup mijlocul sec.III, n Potaissa. Studii i comunicri. Vol. II, Turda, 1980, p. 175 7 R. Ardevan- A.A. Rusu, Botr Imre i colecia sa de antichiti, n Acta MP, III, 1979, p. 393. Lipsa informaiilor despre acest din urm exemplar l face probabil pe dl. Diaconescu s nu menioneze dect o singur fibul cu capete de ceap la Potaissa. Diaconescu, op. cit., p. 210 8 M.Macrea, Une nouvelle insrciption en Dacia datant du IVe siecle, n Dacia NS, 2, 1958, p. 467-472 9 Diaconescu, op. cit., p. 210
2

picior faetat. Exemplarul de la Trnvioara are butoni sub form de ou, cele de la Porolissum i Potaisa au butonii rotunzi. Fibulele de tip Keller 1 sunt databile ntre 290-310 p.Chr. Din punct de vedere tipologic cel mai timpuriu exemplar este cel de la Trnvioara, care are butonii puin mai mici dect al celorlalte exemplare dar mrimea este aproximativ egal cu a celorlalte fibule (cam 6,9 cm). 10 Din analiza comparativ a celor patru fibule, Diaconescu constat unele particulariti: toate exemplarele au corp hexagonal i nu trapezoidal ca cele din Imperiu; mai mult dect att, fibulele de argint, cu sau fr inscripii, nu sunt decorate numai cu un rnd de triunghiuri, ca exemplarele din Dacia, ci au pe laturi modele spiralate, dinate sau sub form de lujer, ceea ce confer fibulelor din Imperiu o anumit unitate decorativ. Fibulele din Dacia mai au cteva caracteristici specifice, cum ar fi sistemul de blocare al acului printr-o caset. Dei asemenea sistem de blocare exist i la unele exemplare din Imperiu, celelalte caracteristici duc pe autor la concluzia c aceste fibule nu sunt de import ci sunt realizate local. Aceasta este singura explicaie privitoare la forma fibulei i la sistemul de blocare specific numai acestei zone. 11 Mai mult ca sigur c aceste obiecte au fost realizate la comanda unor elite locale din materia prim furnizat (probabil) de client, de ctre meteri itinerani undeva n perioada cuprins ntre 290-320. n acest context merit de luat n discuie inscripia Quartine vivas de pe fibula de la Micia. Aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct ofer i cteva date importante privind statutul acestor Zwiebelknopffibeln i a purttorilor ei. Astfel, s-a constatat c n mormintele din secolul IV numai un numr redus de persoane purtau asemenea fibule, iar cele din metal preios erau i mai rare. De aici i concluzia c acest tip de fibul era un semn clar de privilegiu, de imunitate, de care se bucurau anumite categorii ale societii Imperiului Trziu. 12 Imunitate nsemna nainte de toate scutire de impozite, dar i alte privilegii de care se puteau bucura cei din mediul militar, marii latifundiari i membrii clasei curialilor. De pe vremea Tetrarhiei ncep s apar i inscripiile pe fibule, de data aceast fiind vorba probabil de cadouri de la prieteni (cum este exemplarul de la Salona cu inscripia Messor fecit/utere felix) 13 ,
10 11 12 13

Ibidem, p. 212 Ibidem, p. 212 Ibidem, p. 213, n. 57 CIL III, 10195, apud Ibidem p. 214

dar puteau fi i daruri de la subalterni cum este cazul fibulei de la Ansieres sur Seine ce prezint inscripia: Domine Marti vivas/utere felix 14 De altfel, urarea vivas precedat de numele destinatarului exist nscris (n total) pe patru fibule din cuprinsul Imperiului: un Septimius descoperit la Laci n Albania 15 , un Severinus din Flavia Solva (Leibitnzer Feld, Noricum) 16 , apoi un Maximus probabil din Singidunum ori Sirmium 17 i un Servandus de undeva din Pannonia (piesa se afl la muzeul Naional de Istorie din Budapesta, fr a se cunoate locul exact al descoperirii) 18 Se pare c urrile de vivas i utere felix apar ca semne distinctive ale unui statut social aparte. Inscripiile arat c este vorba de cadouri date cu ocazia unor srbtori unor persoane de rang nalt (i nu numai) de ctre prieteni i familiari, clieni i liberi. Alturi de aceste fibule inelele i garniturile de centur (aa cum se va observa mai ncolo) constituiau la rndul lor semne ale ncrederii de ctre autoriti,dar i semne de prietenie i alian. Alte exemplare de zwiebelknopffibeln provin din: Comalu, unde n epoca roman a existat o fortificaie, castellum sau burgus i unde, pentru epoca post-aurelian avem cteva urme ceramice i cele dou fibule cu capete de ceap realizate din bronz; 19 Hlmeag, localitatea unde a fost descoperit o alt fibul de acelai tip, fabricat tot din bronz. Circumstanele descoperirii nu sunt cunoscute, se tie doar c localitatea a fost locuit i n epoca romana ntr-o form oarecare 20 dovad fiind acel umbo de scut din bronz argintat al unui soldat din Legiunea XV Apollinaris;

CIL XIII 10027/46 Diaconescu, op. cit., p. 215 16 CIL III, 6016 17 Diaconescu, op. cit., p. 215 18 E. Toth, Rmische Metallgestnde mit Inschriften im Ungarischen Nationalmuseum: Instrumenta domestica, Folia Arheologica, 31, 1980,p. 131154, apud ibidem, p. 215 19 I.H. Crian, Fibule romane n muzeul din Cluj-Napoca, Acta MP, III, 1979, p.303 20 Ibidem, p. 303
14 15

10

 la Obreja, n condiiile existenei unei aezri de secol IV mpreun cu ceramica roman de factur provincial i descoperit i o fibul cu capete de ceap, realizat din bronz; 21 Ernei, n condiiile existenei unei aezri de tip Sntana de Mure-Cerneahov, n cursul anului 2004, printre alte materiale specifice s-a descoperit o fibul cu capete de ceap, realizat din bronz, cu decoraiuni bogate i fine. Dimensiunile obiectului: 8,5 cm lungime, 4,8 cm lime. 22 n fine pentru spaiul intracarpatic, cea mai reprezentativ fibul provine din mormntul princiar Apahida I. Este realizat din aur, cu o lungime de 11,5 cm i greutate de 50,35 g, fiind incadrabil n tipul Keller VI, databil ntre 400450 23 . n afar de valoarea propriu-zis, fibula reprezint un obiect important din punct de vedere al definirii statutului social al defunctului de la Apahida I. Aceast pies, alturi de alte piese de inventar (inele, cni de argint etc.) primite de personaj din Imperiu n virtutea unor relaii de amicitia, nu erau simple cadouri pentru a-i ctiga bunvoina, ci obiecte cu semnificaie social i politic. S-a vzut mai nainte care era statutul purttorilor unor asemenea fibule n Imperiul Trziu, n contextul n care funciile publice erau echivalate cu cele militare, iar uniforma oficial a ntregului personal al birocraiei imperiale cuprindea obligatoriu hlamida i fibulele cu butoni n form de capete de ceap. Ct despre importana politic a defunctului de la Apahida I, este mai mult dect elocvent faptul c n secolele VVI, fibulele de aur erau purtate de demnitarii curii imperiale, fiind acordate de ctre mprat. Un asemenea tip de fibul este purtat de Stilicho n reprezentarea de la Monza, precum i de ctre demnitarii lui Iustinian de pe faimosul mozaic de la Ravenna.

D. Protase, Problema continuitii n lumina arheologiei i numismaticii, Editura Academiei RSR, 1966, p. 123 22 Inedit. Informaie Coralia Crian, de la Muzeul Judeean Mure 23 C. Opreanu, art.cit., p.238
21

11

Tot o fibul de aur s-a descoperit ntr-un sepulcru, la Barboi 24 n anul 1978, mpreun cu trei monede de la Claudius II Goticus (268-270), un pahar de sticl, o cutie de plumb cu capac, o lam de cuit, catarame i bentie de la sandale. (care la fel de bine pot fi i elemente de cingulum). Fibula de tip timpuriu (incadrabil pe la anul 300), este realizat prin turnare, cu semidiscul ornat cu un decor incizat n form de semilun, traversa hexagonal i capete piriforme. Pe arcul semicircular au fost incizate, apoi umplute cu email negru, au niello nou ptrate, fiecare din ele fiind cu cte dou sau patru puncte nsumnd cifra 26. Sanie consider c dantura complet a defunctului, ar putea indica mpreun cu cifra ptratelor, vrsta decesului, i anume 26 ani. Pe arc, n partea opus fixrii arcului n portagraf, sunt incizate literele Innocens, considerat de autor ca fiind specific onomasticii cretine de la sfritul de secolului III. 25 Un alt set de fibule cu capete de ceap sunt cele descoperite n necropola de la Brlad-Valea Seac 26 Aici n 1979 a fost dezvelit o necropol bitirualde 538 morminte din care 295 erau de incineraie i 243 de inhumaie. n trei din mormintele de incineraie s-au gsit fibule cu capete de ceap. Mai precis dou fibule propriu-zise i un exemplar cu butoni pe capetele axului transversal i cu o prelungire semicircular la captul axului. Acest din urm exemplar, realizat din bronz,(dimensiuni: lungime: 7,6 cm, lungime picior:3,2 cm, diametru bulb: 1,2 cm),descoperit n mormntul de incineraie M.343 a fost gsit lng urn i, reprezint de fapt o verig de legtur ntre fibulele romane n form de T din sec. III i fibulele cu capete de ceap. Caracteristic este lipsa butonului central de la captul arcului, locul acestuia fiind luat de o prelungire semicircular, asemntoare cu a fibulei de la Fgra dar i cu fibulele cu semidisc.

S. Sanie, Civilizaia roman la este de Carpai i romanitatea pe teritoriul Moldovei (sec II i.e.n III e.n) Junimea, Iai, 1981, p.83 25 Ibidem, p. 83 26 V. Palade, Fibule cu capete n form de bulbi de ceap n necropola de la Brlad-Valea Seac, SCIV, 3, XXXII, 1981, p. 437-445
24

12

A doua fibul, provine din M253 al aceluiai complex. Este o construcie complex i de execuie ireproabil. Are arcul turnat dintr-o singur bucat, mpreun cu axul transversal i bulbii terminali (dimensiuni: lungime: 7.6 cm, lungime picior:3,7 cm, arc: 3,2 cm, ax transversal: 5,1 cm, diametru bulb 1,2 cm) 27 Bulbul din spate, prevzut cu tija de montare a fost turnat separat. Fibula este decorat cu nervuri pe ax, spaiul dintre grupele de nervuri este faetat, nclinat spre muchiile laterale, iar captul piciorului prezint un mic prag crestat. Ornamentaia relativ bogat, braul scurt i forma masiv, mpreun cu sistemul de asigurare al acului confer obiectului o valoare deosebit, chiar dac nu este realizat din metal preios. Fibula din M343 (dimensiuni: lungime total 7,3 cm, lungime arc: 3,6 cm, lungime picior: 2,7 cm, diametru bulbi:0,91 cm) se deosebete de exemplarul precedent prin faptul c bulbul din spatele arcului, este turnat mpreun cu ntreg corpul. Arcul are seciune trapezoidal (triunghiular spre capete), iar axul este n seciune pentagonal, prezentnd la capete bulbi sub form de capete de ceap, faetai, uor alungii i precedai de cte un disc puin reliefat. Ca elemente decorative, fibula, n afara bulbilor faetai, prezint cte o cresttur pe coama axului transversal, n timp ce piciorul este mprit n trei registre din care cele dinspre capete au faa orizontal, iar cel din mijloc, mai adncit, are marginile teite. Ct privete ncadrarea lor cronologic: exemplarul masiv din M253, prin forma caracteristic (lungimea piciorului fiind mai mare dect a arcului) se poate data spre sfritul sec. III. Cel din M343, cu piciorul trapezoidal i axul transversal i scurt i bulbii dezvoltai e ncadrabil spre mijlocul sec.IV, iar fibula din M342 este de asemenea incadrabil undeva la sfritul sec.III, nceputul celui urmtor. Din prezena acestui tip de fibule n spaiul norddunrean se pot trage cteva concluzii importante din punct de vedere istoric: apariia lor pe teritoriile oraelor romane ca Porolissum i Potaissa, precum i pe teritoriul unor localiti cunoscute din epoca roman: Micia, Hlmeag, Obreja dar i n contexte funerare ce aparineau migratorilor duce la concluzia c avem de-a face cu un artefact des folosit n perioada secolului IV, mai ales de ctre elitele locale, romanice sau barbare. Simbol al statutului social privilegiat sau al statutului
27

Ibidem, p. 443

13

de federat sau, pur i simplu, prad de rzboi, fibulele cu capete de ceap constituie una din produsele cele mai caracteristice, dar i cele mai fine, ale multiplelor relaii dintre lumea romano-bizantin i cea din nordul Dunrii de Jos.

14

ASPECTE DIN ISTORIA FEMEII I A FAMILIEI N EVUL MEDIU ROMNESC. FEMEIA N CADRUL FAMILIAL Georgeta Fodor * Abstract
The present study aims at revealing a small part of what the history of Romanian women is concerned. We tried to prove the importance of gender history, a domain not very popular among our historians. We choose only one aspect that is of the status that women had in their families. The reason is a very simple one: we tried to identify the role of women in the basic cell of a medieval society that is the family. The study is organised in four parts. The first one deals with the theoretical aspects of building a family having as a starting point the marriage; the second part deals with the actual status that women had in their husbands families, the third one is concerned with the feelings existing in a married couple and the fourth, but not the least, deals with the feelings between parents and children. * gender, Romanian women, family life

Societatea medieval a fost, dup cum bine se tie, o societate dominat de elementul masculin. Atare realitate rezid i din simplul fapt c majoritatea surselor medievale scrise aparin brbailor. Tocmai de aceea un subiect precum cel al femeii se las greu abordat. Nici studierea familiei nu pare mai lesne n condiiile n care o societate dominat de conflicte, de nesigurana zilei de mine, nu se arat preocupat de ceea ce se ntmpl n structura menajului. Excepie de la ceea ce pare a fi aproape o regul, tcerea documentelor, fac clericii sau Biserica, preocupat s impun normele de conduit, de via moral dup principii cretine. Dar, aceste dificulti nu au fcut dect s sporeasc interesul istoricilor pentru cercetarea acestui aspect. Importana sa este cu att mai covritoare cu ct cele dou faete femeia i familia nu pot fi tratate separat n condiiile n care principalul cadru de manifestare al femeii n societatea medieval i premodern a fost cel familial. Aadar, orice studiu care i propune s analizeze condiia femeii n perioada medieval trebuie s aib n vedere statutul acesteia n cadrul familiei att cea
* Asistent Drd., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure

15

originar ct i n cea a soului. Motivul e lesne de neles dac se ia n considerare caracterul societii medievale, fie ea de sorginte occidental sau bizantino-slav n care familia, relaiile familiale au jucat un rol esenial. Demersul are n vedere o abordare comparat a femeii i familiei romneti din ara Romneasc, Moldova i Transilvania secolelor XV-XVII. Dac pentru ara Romneasc i Moldova cercetarea nu ridic att de multe dificulti n condiiile n care avem de-a face cu o dezvoltare paralel i n linii mari similar, pentru Transilvania situaia se complic dat fiind statutul romnilor din acest teritoriu. Din perspectiva statutului femeii i familiei analiza se va centra pe zonele unde au supravieuit autonomii romneti. Pn n acest stadiu al cercetrii am putut identifica faptul c avem n fa o societate care i-a prezervat specificul etnic mai ales n ceea ce privete structura, celula ei de baz Familia, poate unul dintre elementele cel mai trziu atinse de suflul modernitii. Dar, pe msur ce stpnirea maghiar e tot mai puternic, elementele alogene se vor resimi i la nivel familial mai ales la nivelul nobilimii romneti de exemplu prin cstoriile mixte i cu precdere la nivelul discursului oficial asupra femeii i familiei pe care autoritile doresc s-l impun la nivelul ntregii societi transilvnene. Aadar cercetarea spaiului transilvnean impune pruden sporit tocmai datorit complexitii acestei societi. Totodat demersul centrat pe spaiul transilvnean reprezint i o provocare la adresa istoricului cci acestuia i se deschide un spaiu de interferen ntre Occident i Rsrit, altfel spus, un spaiu poate de sintez ntre dou lumi a cror valori nu sunt sau nu au fost ntotdeauna congruente. n ceea ce privesc sursele documentare care stau la baza acestui demers, dup cum aminteam anterior, izvoarele scrise reprezint sursa principal de informare. S-au avut n vedere izvoarele juridice textele cu valoare de lege emise de ctre autoriti, legislaia elaborat de ctre acestea cuprinznd informaii referitoare la nzestrarea fetelor, drepturile lor de motenire etc., toate izvoare indispensabile pentru un atare demers n condiiile n care n aceast categorie au fost identificate cele mai numeroase documente referitoare la raporturile dintre prini i copii, so i soie, frai i surori etc. O alt categorie de izvoare este aceea a surselor de factur narativ cronici, scrisori, relatri ale unor cltori etc. - a cror analiz aduce un alt tip de viziune i o alt perspectiv asupra faptelor istorice. Importana acestor izvoare este dat de exactitatea
16

informaiilor pe care ni le transmit dar i de capacitatea de observare a autorului atunci cnd este el nsui martorul evenimentelor consemnate sau cnd manifest o critic temeinic a mrturiilor primite 1 . Totodat avndu-se n vedere faptul c un demers de istorie a mentalitilor mai ales nu poate fi tratat izolat vom ncerca aadar s urmrim modul n care evul mediu occidental i cel rsritean au privit femeia n cadrul familial. I. Familia ntre norm i practic Orice studiu care i propune s analizeze condiia femeii n perioada medieval trebuie s aib n vedere statutul acesteia n cadrul familiei. Astfel, un atare demers apare ca fiind esenial pentru o cunoatere ct mai veridic a condiiei femeii a crui principal cadru de manifestare, n perioada medieval, a fost familia. Familia veche romneasc aa cum reiese i din terminologia de rudenie a avut un caracter nuclear i anume de familie butuc, copiii dup cstorie mutndu-se n propria cas cu excepia ultimului nscut. Aceast structur este specific familiei romneti fiind legat de ocupaia pastoral-agrar din evul mediu i deosebit de comunitatea casnic patriarhal, obinuit n unele zone la populaiile sud-dunrene i ntlnit pn n secolul nostru la ceangi, ttari etc 2 . La baza familiei sttea bineneles cstoria. Aceasta, motenire a tradiiei romane era precedat de logodn care se ncheia prin mrturisirea iubirii i promisiunea de cstorie, nsoit fiind de ritualuri simbolice srutarea tinerilor, schimbarea inelelor, darea minii de ctre viitorii soi. ncheierea logodnei ca de altfel i a cstoriei era reglementat printr-o serie de norme juridice care stabileau foarte clar modul i condiiile n care se puteau realiza. Asemenea norme juridice se regsesc n cele mai vechi pravile care au circulat n spaiul romnesc respectiv Syntagma lui Matei Vlastares i Nomocanonul lui Manuil Malaxos, n Cartea Romneasca de nvtur i ndreptarea Legii. Nu insistm ns asupra acestor prevederi ele fiind deja analizate ntr-unul dintre studiile noastre 3 . Astfel, precedat de logodn,
1 Istoria Romnilor. De la Universitatea cretin ctre Europa Patriilor, vol. IV, Ed. Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2001, p. 18-19 2 Coordonator I. Ceterchi, Istoria dreptului romnesc, vol. 1, Bucureti, 1980, p. 504 3 Vezi n acest sens Georgeta Chiril, Aspecte privind statutul juridic al femeii cstorite din ara Romneasc i Moldova reflectat n pravilele domneti din

17

cstoria reprezenta actul legal al constituirii familiei. Ea a fost definit de dreptul feudal scris ca fiind legtura dintre brbat i femeie i comunitatea ntregii viei, mprtirea dreptului dumnezeiesc 4 . Guvernat de cutume, de pravile i de unele hrisoave domneti ea apare ca fiind instituia care a fcut ca femeia s fie - n cadrul familiei - net inferioar brbatului. Prin cstorie femeia trecea de sub autoritatea tatlui sub cea a soului, deci un transfer ntre doi brbai, n care femeia nu pare a fi altceva dect un obiect de schimb. ntr-adevr, pravilele stipulau obligativitatea consimmntului viitorilor soi, fiind prevzute chiar i pedepse n cazul nerespectrii lui, ns e foarte greu s credem c fetelor li s-a cerut ntotdeauna s-i spun prerea fa de viitorul so. Acest ultim fapt apare ca fiind i mai puin probabil n cazul fiicelor de domn sau de boieri. E adevrat c societatea medieval romneasc era mai puin nchistat n reguli i conveniene dect societatea medieval din Occident sau dect cea Bizantin ns caracterul fundamental al cstoriei ca instituie de baza, ca afacere ncheiat aproape exclusiv de brbai este acelai. Cstoria nsemna nu att o uniune ntre un brbat i o femeie care se iubeau ct un transfer de putere, de proprietate ntre dou familii, transfer n care raiunile economice i sociale erau mult mai importante dect cele de natur sentimental. Atare fapt nu trebuie s ne determine a concluziona c toate cstoriile au fost ncheiate inndu-se seama doar de aceste raiuni economice, sociale, politice. Chiar dac documentele medievale nu las s se ntrevad prea multe chipuri, trebuie s fi existat i tineri curajoi care au reuit s treac peste prejudecile i convenienele societii pentru a-i mplini dragostea. Una dintre modalitile prin care s-a putut realiza aceasta a fost rpirea fetelor. Procedeul a fost remarcat chiar i de unii cltori strini. Unul dintre acetia este Anton Verancsics care nota: cci pe fetele pe care voiesc s le aib ca tovare de via ei mai adeseori le rpesc dect primesc s le fie date n cstorie, socotind c aa este mai de cale, i c n chipul acesta legtura ntre soi va fi mai tare dect dac ele le-ar fi fost druite de prini prin bun nvoire, sau de la prima peire. Iar dup ce lucrul s-a desvrit ei se prefac c le pare ru i se mpac fr greutate, prin mijlocirea prietenilor i rudelor celor dou pri 5 . Cazurile de acest gen nu
secolul al XVII-lea, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior. Series Historia. 3, TgMure, 2003, p. 63-85 4 M. Vlastarie, Syntagma, col. 1152, apud, D. V. Firoiu, Istoria statului i dreptului romnesc, Iai,1993, p. 120 5 Cltori strini despre rile Romne, vol. 1, Bucureti, 1968, p. 406

18

au fost ns consemnate de documentele vremii cu cteva excepii cum este i cazul unei fiice a lui Radu Mihnea i ca atare nu ne rmne dect s concluzionm c, n cele mai multe cazuri interesele economice, sociale prevalau, fapt atesta documentar i prin importana acordat nzestrrii fetelor. Familia se ntemeia deci odat cu ncheierea cstoriei i dup parcurgerea unor etape clar definite att n dreptul scris ct i n cel obinuielnic. Dac ne raportm la dreptul scris este clar c avem de-a face cu o inferioritate a soiei n raport cu brbatul. Considerat de pravile mai proast dect brbatul, mai uor coruptibil dect acesta este evident deci c n familie ca de altfel n societate brbatul era acela care domin i viaa de familie. Pn unde mergea aceast dominaie? Limitele erau foarte generoase spre exemplu pravilele secolului al XVII-lea stipula c soul putea s-i bat soia sau s o repudieze fr dificultate. n schimb ea era obligat s-l nsoeasc oriunde ar fi mers pe cnd el nu era obligat s fac acelai lucru deoarece nu iaste brbatul datoriu pentru vina muerei, aa cum iaste muiarea datoare pentru vina brbatului 6 . II. Raportul so soie. Femeia n familia soului Dup cum afirmam anterior raporturile create dup cstorie erau dominate de regula superioritii brbatului, a inferioritii femeii i a inferioritii copiilor n familie 7 . Aceast inferioritate era vizibil mai ales n dreptul scris, practica precum i consemnrile unor strini infirmnd de mai multe ori teoria. De asemenea ea se evideniaz nu doar la nivelul societii romneti ci la nivelul ntregii societi medievale i premoderne. Odat intrat n familia soului, femeia trebuia s i asume toate obligaiile care decurg din calitatea de soie. E clar faptul c este vorba de asumarea unor obligaii noi, suplimentare n condiiile n care ea este cea care trebuie s asigure pn la urm coeziunea menajului. n aceste condiii i mai ales n virtutea principiului inegalitii sexelor, responsabilitile din cadrul menajului sunt foarte clar i strict delimitate. Brbatul/soul este cel care trebuie s asigure un acoperi deasupra capului pentru el, soie i copiii care vor veni, s plteasc drile ctre domnie, s rspund n faa comunitii

6 7

Cartea Romneasc de nvtur, glava 26, p. 123 D. V. Firoiu, op. cit., p. 183

19

pentru faptele familiei sale 8 . n schimb soia este aceea care administreaz gospodria, conduce armata de slugi n cazul familiilor boiereti se ocup de creterea i educarea copiilor, pzete focul din vatr atunci cnd soul este plecat 9 . Din acest tipar nu iese nimeni. Toate familiile, mai ales cele boiereti i nobiliare, nu tolereaz nicio abatere de la norm. Au existat fr ndoial excepii vizibile mai ales n cazul pturilor sociale mai puin avute. Nesigurana, incertitudinea traiului au fcut ca unele soii s intre n slujba familiilor mai nstrite. Bineneles este vorba de slujbe tot specific femeieti: servitoare, doic etc. Fr a fi n mod necesar o deviere de la norm, nu putem s nu ne ntrebm dac atare situaie a fost sau nu tolerat de soi. Constana Ghiulescu considera ntr-unul dintre studiile sale c totui avem de-a face cu o situaie ingrat, cci soul este mai tot timpul suspicios n ceea ce privete fidelitatea conjugal a soiei 10 . i totui ne este destul de greu s credem c perceptele de moral au dominat pe cele ale insecuritii materiale. n condiiile n care oricum brbatul era cel care domina att societatea ct i menajul, de ce s-ar fi mai fi temut de conduita femeii? Acesta este probabil unul dintre cele mai interesante paradoxuri ale lumii medievale: brbaii doreau s controleze femeile camera doamnei, gineceul bizantin ne atest acest fapt, - s le supun unui control permanent, ei le considerau mai slabe n caracter i nu doar n for i totui ei se temeau de ele. Aceast team fa de femei, pe care o putem explica doar prin definiia impregnat de religios care i-a fost dat, explic poate i limitele, am spune foarte generoase, ale puterii brbatului asupra soiei i care se regsesc nc n pravilele veacului modernitii. Dup cum afirmam este vorba despre limite ce par foarte largi, soul primind putere aproape absolut asupra soiei. Atare situaie este probabil cel mai bine ilustrat de glavele care stabilesc limitele i modul n care soul putea folosi violena fizic mpotriva soiei, violen care n fapt era legalizat. Astfel pravilele stipuleaz urmtoarele: doo lucruri oaricari sprijinesc pre brbat s nu s cearte, cndu-i va bate muiarea: cnd o va fi btut pre vina ei <i atunci > cnd o va bate puintel fr vrjmie 11 . ntr-adevr sunt menionate limitele n care femeia putea fi btut de soul ei
Constana Ghiulescu, Evul mediu romnesc i istoria femeii (secolele XVIIXVIII), n vol. Direcii i teme de cercetare n studiile de gen din Romnia, Coord. Ionela Blu, Ioana Crstocea, Colegiul Noua Europ, Bucureti, 2002, p. 42 9 Ibidem 10 Ibidem, p. 43 11 Cartea Romneasc de nvtur, glava 26, p. 123
8

20

precum i sanciunile pe care le primete brbatul, dar cadrele n care violena conjugal este permis depesc chiar i limitele acceptate ale unei societi dominate de brbai. Cci de- va bate netine muiarea cu pumnul sau cu palma nu se chiam c iaste cu vrjmie de o are a bate ct de mult i de des 12 . Sancionat era doar acea btaie care se fcea cu vrjmie adic cu toiagul i mai vrtos cnd se va svrma lemnul sau s fac cu acesta rane s marg snge, sau cnd o va lovi cu lemnul n obraz, sau n cap 13 . Cu vrjmie se chem i btaia atunci cnd o va bate de pururi i de mai multe ori, fr de vin 14 . n plus soul mai avea i dreptul de a o nchide n temni n cazul n care ar fi fost suspectat de adulter sau cnd soul i simea ameninat viaa. n atare condiii ce mai putea s fac soia? Ea putea, n cazul n care se simea ameninat, s cear de la judector un zapis ca soului s nu i se permit s o mai bat. De asemenea soia putea s s se despart de soul ei invocnd motivul violenei conjugale, ns mrturia ei nu era suficient, deoarece potrivit normelor pravilelor vrjmia arat vecinii omului sau veastea cumu sau deac-l gresc oamenii 15 . n continuare pravilele stipuleaz faptul c boacetele muerii i ipetele ce se aud den cas, nu vor putea arta vrjmia brbatului, nice ochii ei ce vor fi vine<i>, sau obrazul ce va fi imflat: nu pot aceastea s arate vrjmia brbatului; mrturii trebuesc la lucru ca acesta pentru s cunoasc tot adevrul 16 . Violena conjugal constituie doar unul dintre elementele traiului ru, motiv de divor, frecvent invocat nc n secolul al XVIII-lea. Constana Ghiulescu notase acest fapt pentru ara Romneasc a secolului al XVIII-lea cnd din cele 209 de jalbe studiate n 168 se invoca drept motiv de divor tocmai traiul ru 17 . Termenii n care pravilele definesc limitele puterii soului asupra soiei sunt ntr-adevr foarte largi. Totui ele trebuie privite ca fiind o ncercare de a tempera elanul unor soi violeni. Atare ncercare, de a circumscrie sau cel puin de a limita
Ibidem, glava 23, p. 119 Ibidem 14 Ibidem 15 Cartea Romneasc de nvtur, glava 23, p. 119 16 Ibidem 17 Constana Ghiulescu, n alvari i cu ilic. Biseric, sexualitate, cstorie i divor n ara Romneasc a secolului al XVIII-lea, Bucureti, Ed. Humanitas, 2004, p. 252
12 13

21

manifestrile violente ale partenerului de via se nregistreaz i n Occident. n spaiul vest-european prescripiile de moral ecleziastic ajung n secolul al XVI-lea i al XVII-lea s considere c brbatul pctuiete atunci cnd i bate soia slbatic, dar nu i atunci cnd o dojenete cu blndee 18 . nsumnd, rezult deci faptul c tot soul era acela care conducea i distribuia dreptatea n familia sa. Drept urmare, femeia trebuia s i se supun n totalitate i doar atunci cnd situaia devenea insuportabil ea putea s apeleze la ultima soluie divorul. Aadar, construcia social a raporturilor dintre brbai i femei aparine i ea lumii masculine 19 . III. Sentimentele dintre soi Ele trebuie s fi fost atunci, ca i acum dintre cele mai felurite. Dar ntr-o societate tradiional, perceptele morale sunt cele care diriguiesc traiul comunitii. Ele cenzureaz viaa sexual a indivizilor ca i raporturile n cadrul cuplului 20 . De asemenea documentele studiate nu las s se ntrevad dect foarte rar i de cele mai multe ori n mod indirect aceste raporturi. Acest capitol al existenei este dificil de reconstituit datorit faptului c el este acoperit de un val de pudoare i transpare firav numai prin cteva nsemnri fcute de cltori strini, prin normele de conduit pe care le stipuleaz pravilele i prin mrturiile indignate ale cronicarilor fa de comportamentele unor personaje care depeau pragul admisibilului 21 . Fr ndoial c au existat i cazuri n care soii se iubeau cum a fost i cazul lui Petru Rare i al soiei sale Elena, precum i cazuri mai puin fericite de cstorii n care violena conjugal, dar mai ales adulterul erau prezente. Sugestive n acest sens sunt i cazurile multor domni att din ara Romneasc ct i din Moldova care au avut relaii extraconjugale cu soii, fete de boieri sau cu servitoare. Un astfel de caz este cel al lui Mihnea Vod, domnul rii Romneti, care lund puteareamulte ruti au fcut: boiarii i omora, i muncea, cu jupnesele, cu featele lor se culca 22 ; alt caz similar este cel al lui tefan Vod, fiul lui Petru
Ibidem, p. 254 Eadem, Evul mediu romnesc i istoria femeii (secolele XVII-XVIII), n Direcii i teme de cercetare n studiile de gen din Romnia, p. 43 20 I. ighiliu, Societate i mentalitate n ara Romneasc i Moldova. Sec. XVXVII, Bucureti, 1997, p. 226 21 Ibidem, p. 226 22 R. Popescu, Istoriile domnilor rii Romneti, Bucureti, 1963, p. 26
18 19

22

Rare, domn al Moldovei, care i el lua featele boiarilor de-i btea joc de dnsele 23 . Aceste relaii extraconjugale nu erau sancionate dect teoretic de pravile, cu excepia cazului n care femeia era cea vinovat i cnd aceasta era pedepsit. Acest fapt este cauzat de aceeai inegalitate dintre femeie i brbat, principiul inegalitii sexelor fiind cel care domina i raporturile conjugale. La aceast inegalitate mai trebuie s se adauge i clasa social din care fceau parte aceste femei deoarece relaiile n cuplu au fost mai riguros reglementate la nivelul clasei dominante, unde interveneau interese economice majore 24 . Pe de alt parte, n cazul pturilor de jos, unde ngrdirea averii nu era aa de mare precum nu era nici aceea a prestigiului sau a rangului social, mobilitatea a fost ceva mai mare. Acest fapt a fost confirmat i de Anton Verancsics: n privina ncheierii cstoriilor i a respectrii lor aceleai obiceiuri i aceleai legi sunt pentru toi, dar la oamenii de rnd nengrdirea este nc i mai mare 25 . IV. Sentimentele fa de copii Pare de neconceput ca n perioada n care cea mai popular imagine era aceea a Fecioarei cu Pruncul Isus s nu fi existat afeciune pentru copii n viaa de zi cu zi 26 . Lipsa sentimentelor, ignorarea copilului, sau tratarea sa ca un simplu adult n miniatur sunt toate aspecte ncadrabile n concepiile greite sau stereotipurile despre societatea medieval. n plus rata ridicat a mortalitii nu poate fi folosit drept argument n susinerea ideii c prinii nu se ataau de copii pentru c tiau c pot s i piard n orice clip. ntr-adevr evul mediu nu a cunoscut la fel cum sunt cunoscute astzi sentimentele, grija fa de copii. La nivelul, relativ superficial, al tratrii singurele manifestri ale afeciunii printeti par s se fi limitat, n genere, la preocupare de a-i crete, educa i apoi nzestra. Acestea sunt de fapt cele mai lesne identificabile manifestri ale afeciunii printeti n condiiile n care ele sunt tratate nu doar n documente ci i n normele autoritilor. n spaiul romnesc de exemplu pravilele obligau prinii s-i ntrein i s-i nzestreze. Totodat ei erau aceia care puteau s-i renege, s-i dezmoteneasc etc. cci dragostea nu venea gratuit ci mai mult ca i un contract de ntreinere i ajutor reciproc: prinii se preocupau de creterea,
23 24 25 26

Ibidem, p. 44 I. ighiliu, op. cit., p. 229 Cltori strini despre rile Romne, vol. 1., Bucureti, 1968, p. 406 Sophie Osterwijk, op. cit., p. 1

23

educarea, protecia copiilor iar acetia trebuia s le dea ascultare, iar la vreme de boal sau de btrnee a prinilor ei trebuiau s se ngrijeasc de ei. Grija pentru printe nu nceta nici dup moarte cci copii trebuiau s se ocupe de pomenile care s asigure mntuirea i linitea celor rposai. Cum se manifestau ns sentimentele obinuite ntre prini i copii? Fr ndoial c ele erau mult mai profunde ntre copii i mame a cror principal sarcin a fost tocmai aceea de a-i crete i de a-i educa. Mrturiile vremii nu se opresc ns asupra acestei realiti dect foarte rar i atunci n mod indirect sau n situaii ieite din comun. O astfel de situaie trebuie s fi fost suferina Margi, soia lui Dragomir postelnicul care i-a pierdut cei patru fii 27 ; sau durerea cu care Despina, vduva lui Neagoe Basarab, plnge moartea fiului ei Teodosie, mort prea timpuriu. Intensitatea sentimentului omenesc este sugerat de o reprezentare iconografic unic n aria sud-estului european: Despina inndu-i n brae feciorul, este nfiat alturi de Maria, plngnd pe Isus mort 28 . Nu toate femeile ns manifestau aceeai grij i dragoste pentru copiii lor ca i Despina. Au existat i femei care nu i-au dorit copii i ca atare au apelat la diverse metode contraceptive, sau la ntreruperi de sarcin. Acestea din urm se practicau n pofida faptului c normele juridice existente n principate le interziceau cu desvrire. Spre exemplu, Pravila Ritorului Lucaci prevedea pedepse pentru muiarea ceea ce va bea ierbi s nu fac feciori ca i pentru muiarea de va omor feciorul n sine 29 . Structura menajului apare deci ca fiind foarte complex i rmas nc sub multe aspecte nvluit n mister fapt datorat n mare msura lipsei unor documente concludente referitoare la acest aspect. Per ansamblu, n cadrul familiei romneti, dominaia masculin nu a fost absolut tocmai datorit rolului jucat de femei n cadrul domestic. ntr-adevr n cazul familiilor domneti sau boiereti femeile erau ntr-o msur mai mare controlate de membrii masculini ai familiei, n timp ce suratele lor din pturile de jos s-au putut bucura de o libertate mult mai mare. Fetele nu erau n niciun caz privite altfel dect ca fiind nite viitoare soii i mame ce trebuiesc inute sub control. Ca
27 28 29

D.R. H., seria B., I, p. 389 D. C. Giurescu, ara Romneasc n secolele XIV XV, Bucureti, 1973, p. 411 Pravila Ritoriului Lucaci 1581, Bucureti, 1971, p. 162

24

atare ele s-au aflat permanent sub autoritatea tatlui. Grija deosebit fa de ele transpare i din pravilele, astfel se prevedeau pedepse foarte severe n cazul rpirii, violrii unei fete, infraciuni considerate mult mai grave dect dac ar fi fost vorba de o femeie cstorit, prostituat etc. Grija printeasc fa de fete se explic i prin preocuparea prinilor de a-i apra numele familiei, de a evita ca fetele s fac de ruine familia. Aceasta pornete de la aceeai concepie specific medieval potrivit creia femeia era mai proast i mai leasne spre cdeare n pcat 30 i ca atare trebuia inut permanent sub observaie. Educaia lor fcut de mame se reducea n majoritatea cazurilor la nvarea ndeletnicirilor casnice: esut, tors, cusut, ndeletniciri care trebuiau s le pregteasc pentru cnd deveneau soii. n aceasta privin distincia dintre femeile din diferitele clase sociale aproape c dispare deoarece chiar i fiicele i soiile de domni i boieri nvau aceste deprinderi. Vorbind de Elisabeta Movil, C. Gane nota: Doamna Elisabeta i-ar fi petrecut primii ani ai domniei, cum se cuvenea pe acele vremuri unei neveste de voievod moldovean, mai mult n iatac, cosnd, esnd i crescndu-i copiii 31 . Ca atare preocuparea pentru a le conferi o educaie propriu-zis scris, citit nu pare a fi fost n prim-planul ateniei prinilor. Fr ndoial c au existat i femei tiutoare de carte. Ele ns aparineau ndeobte claselor de sus ale societii romneti din Moldova i ara Romneasc. Un astfel de caz este cel al Antimiei, fiica lui Grigore Ureche, cunoscut ca fiind n cri foarte nvat 32 . Ne-au rmas de asemenea i o serie de scrisori aparinnd unor femei, e vorba de Despina, soia lui Neagoe Basarab, care corespondeaz cu braovenii; de Teofana, mama lui Mihai Viteazul; de domnia Maria, fiica lui Petru chiopul etc. fapt ce atest existena unor femei educate i instruite. ntre ele se remarc i doamna Elena, soia lui Matei Basarab, care nu numai c era tiutoare de carte ci a desfurat i o aciune de tiprire a unor cri pe cheltuiala sa. Aceste cazuri sunt ns, dup cum am mai afirmat, excepii educaia majoritii femeilor limitndu-se doar la ndeletnicirile strict casnice. Meniunea din Cartea romneasc de nvtur cela ce- va da fata la vreo dscli muiare pentru s o nvea
Cartea Romneasc de nvtur, glava 41, p. 144 C. Gane, Trecute viei de doamne i domnie, vol. I, Chiinu, 1991, p. 124 32 E. Eftimiu, Antimia, fata vornicului Grigore Ureche. Contribuie documentar, n Revista Arhivelor, I, 1924 1926, nr. 1-3, p. 372
30 31

25

carte sau i alt metersug 33 nu e susinut documentar de nicio alt mrturie aa ca e greu s credem c au existat coli pentru fete chiar i n secolul al XVII-lea. Am fi mai nclinai s credem ca e vorba de anumite femei care tiind carte au fost solicitate s mediteze fetele de boieri i de domni a cror statut impunea asimilarea unor cunotine mult mai ample dect simplele ndeletniciri de a coase, a ese etc. Ca atare e foarte greu s acordm credit afirmaiei celor care au afirmat existena n Moldova a unor coli de fete conduse de femei cunosctoare n ale scrisului i cititului, coli n care prinii aveau de pltit ceva taxe pentru nvtura fiicelor lor 34 . Preocuparea pentru viitorul copiilor, deci tot o materializare a sentimentelor fa de copii, transpare i din testamentele prinilor. Nu formalismul lor ne intereseaz, dei acte cu valoare juridic ce se alctuiau n scris sau oral, ci mai ales informaiile pe care ni le transmit. Luate n ansamblul lor aceste acte ilustreaz preocuparea autorilor de a reglementa proprietile deinute i mai ales de a se asigura c ele vor rmne n posesia familiei. Din nou primeaz preocuprile cotidiene, pragmatice, din nou soarta averii este aceea care intereseaz n condiiile n care aceasta reprezenta sursa principal a puterii i prestigiului. Exist totui excepii care atest faptul c exist timp pentru copii atunci cnd se ntocmesc testamentele. Extrem de sugestive n aceast direcie sunt cteva testamente ale transilvnenilor n care preocuprile pentru asigurarea viitorului fiilor/fiicelor este evident. Se pare c pe lng interesul pentru securitatea lor prinii au fost preocupai i de educaia lor. Astfel transmindu-se totodat i valorile culturale ale familiei. Faptul este atestat pentru secolul al XVI-lea de ctre Kinga Tdos care atrgea atenia asupra faptului c pentru un testator de la jumtatea secolului al XVI-lea din Transilvania lucrul cel mai important era s indice modul de mprire i transmitere a bunurilor avnd n centrul ateniei grija pentru transmiterea valorilor culturale35 . Este aadar semnificativ faptul c preocuparea prinilor pentru viitorul copiilor nu se rezum doar la a le asigura securitatea material i financiar, testamentele atestnd i preocuparea pentru transmiterea
Cartea Romneasc de nvtur, glava 28, p. 124 125 Maria Magdalena Szekely, Structuri de familie n societatea medieval moldoveneasc, n Arhiva Genealogic, 1997, nr. 1-2, p. 59 117 35 Kinga Tdos, Recomandarea testamentar a prinilor cu privire la colarizarea orfanilor, (n continuare Recomandarea testamentar), n Revista Istoric, Tom XVII, 2006, nr. 5-6, p. 131
33 34

26

valorilor cultural-spirituale. De remarcat totodat este i c tocmai la acest nivel exist diferene de concepie n privina transmiterii valorilor ntre femei i brbai testatori ca urmare a stereotipurilor i a reprezentrilor sociale ale vremii asupra rolurilor de gen 36 . Astfel, dac brbaii au n vedere n principal asigurarea educaiei i nivelului cultural al copiilor, femeile rmn ancorate n pragmatic, n grijile cotidiene satisfcute de averea material 37 . Ele rmn preocupate mai curnd de prezentul odraslelor i creterea lor, dect de viitorul acestora38 . Exist, ns i clare similitudini ntre testamentele ntocmite de ctre femei i cele ntocmite de ctre brbai fiind evident aceeai preocupare pentru pstrarea averii n familia proprie 39 . Aadar testamentele pot s ne ofere informaii valoroase despre raporturile dintre prini i copii, despre sentimentele lor. Dezmotenirea copiilor este clar un indiciu al atitudinii unui printe nemulumit de conduita copiilor. n aceast categorie poate fi ncadrat testamentul fostului domnitor Petru chiopul din 10 mai 1594. Cu doi ani mai devreme, n 1592, la Tulme, bolnav fiind fostul domn i-a chemat la dnsul pe fiica, ginerele i nepotul dup sor, Gheorghe, cerndu-le s aib grij de fiul su i dndu-le, dup moartea sa toat averea. Motenitorii, dup cum ne las s nelegem testatorul, nu respect ns dorinele acestuia. Ca atare, dezamgit de comportamentul lor, Petru chiopul i dezmotenete n favoarea fiului: s nu se dea crezare nici fiicei mele ct privete scrisorile lor, deoarece m-au trdat i nu s-au inut de cuvnt cnd eram la strmtoare, precum nu trebuiau s lase i s prseasc pe tatl lor la vreme de nevoie" 40 . Dezamgirea tatlui este ct se poate de evident n condiiile n care fiica, ginerele i nepotul nu i-au respectat obligaiile ce decurgeau din nsi calitatea de fiu/fiic/nepot, adic aceea de a se ngriji de prinii vrstnici sau bolnavi. Testamentele conin ns i o altfel de concretizare a sentimentelor prinilor fa de copii de care aminteam anterior i anume: educaia. Astfel de surse ne parvin din Transilvania unde numrul testamentelor nobililor este considerabil. Se poate
Ibidem, p. 132 Ibidem, p. 132 38 Ibidem 39 Georgeta Fodor, Femeia n izvoarele istorice ale secolelor XIV-XVII. Testamentele ca surs documentar pentru istoria femeii, prezentat n cadrul Conferinei internaionale IETM, 2, Tg-Mure, 2007, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu Mure, 2008 40 Hurmuzaki-Iorga, Documente privitoare la istoria romnilor, vol. IX, p. 437438, vezi i t. Pascu, Vl. Hanga, Crestomaie, vol. II, p. 675
36 37

27

observa, i la acest nivel, o difereniere, de altfel specific timpului, ntre biei i fete la nivelul testatorilor. Se pare c i n ceea ce privete educaia tot bieii sunt aceia care dein ntietatea. Astfel dac educaia bieilor i a fetelor, din familiile nobiliare de prim rang urma pn la vrsta de zece ani aceeai traiectorie colarizare primar dup care accentul pe dezvoltarea educativ a bieilor devenea pregnant, fetele rmnnd oarecum ntr-un con de umbr 41 . Testamentele care atest aceast preocupare nu sunt deloc puine. Spre exemplu prescripiile testamentare ale lui Farkas Kovacsoczy 1591 ,cancelar al Transilvaniei, cer tutorilor s se asigure c fiii si minori vor beneficia de o educaie n strintate: Mria Ta, sprijin, rogu-te, trimiterea fiilor mei la coli nalte n strintate aa cum i pe mine m-ai sprijinit n viaa mea 42 . n acelai spirit se nscriu i prescripiile testamentare ale lui Gyrgy Vass 1585 -, consilier secret al principelui i cpitan al cetii Gherla. i n cazul acestui nobil educaia fiilor este esenial ntruct el cere ca acestora s li se asigure o educaie n strintate, la instituii de predare n limba latin i indiferent de costurile ei: nu conteaz valoarea costurilor de colarizare, ci principalul este ca fii si s fie oameni nvai a cror pregtire urma a fi pus n slujba statului: dac i Dumnezeu i va ine n via, atunci vor fi de mare folos rii 43 . La modul concret educaia unui fiu de nobil traversa, dup dobndirea primelor cunotine n cadrul familial, cam aceleai etape. Ioan Kemny de pild i-a nceput educaia cu un diac, Martinus Albissi, unitarian de religie, diac de frunte dar beiv din fire, apoi a frecventat coala din Alba unde a beneficiat de profesori buni, academici, iar la nici aisprezece ani, din nsi porunca principelui Gabriel Bethlen, pentru a-i desvri educaia 44 Dar educaia nu nsemna doar colarizare c i transmiterea unor percepte morale, a unor exemple de conduit, a unui model de via exemplar. Cel mai gritor exemplu n acest sens este reprezentat de nvturile lui Neagoe Basarab, un adevrat manual de conducere i conduit moral destinat viitorului domn. Un model similar, dei nu la aceeai scal, este
Kinga Tdos, Recomandarea testamentar, p. 132 Ibidem, p. 133. n mod cert tutorele a dus la ndeplinire dorina celui decedat ntruct fiul su Kristof, n 1597 se afla printre clericii(elevi) care studiau la Gratz, ca bursier iar fratele su studia la Cluj n timp ce cel de-al treilea va deveni cancelar al Transilvaniei. 43 Ibidem 44 Ioan Kemny, op. cit., p. 48-49
41 42

28

redat de testamentul aparinnd Elenei Cantacuzino. Testamentul fiicei lui Radu vod erban reprezint, conform lui N. Iorga, una dintre cele mai interesante i duioase contribuii la cunoaterea psihologiei femeieti la noi n veacul al XVII-lea 45 . Actul este cu att mai important cu ct ne spune multe despre sensibilitatea feminin dar i pentru c ncearc s lase fiilor recomandaii de via moral i religioas, de bun nelegere ntre fiii chemai de venerata btrn la casele ei din Mrginenii de Sus 46 . Conform testamentului, Elena Cantacuzino cere fiilor ei s se mbrace cu frica lui Dumnezeu i lui s v nchinai i s iubii unul pe altul, lcuind ntr-o dragoste freasc, dup cum st zis c, unde vor fi frai adunai n numele mieu acolo snt i eu prin mijlocul lor s lcuii mpreun ca i cum ai fi ntr-un suflet, s nu se despart unul de altul nici ct 47 . Din pcate tcerea testamentelor este unanim atunci cnd vine vorba despre fete. Nici cele transilvnene, mai elaborate, nici cele din ara Romneasc i Moldova nu atest preocuparea testatorilor pentru educaia fetelor. Aceasta nu nseamn c prinii nu au avut sentimente fa de ele sau c nu le-au nscris n prescripiile lor testamentare ci doar c acestea au beneficiat de alte prevederi n primul rnd de natur material. Cert este c educaia fetelor ca i prevedere testamentar nu reprezint o prioritate i nicio constant 48 . Faptul se explic prin modul n care fetele/femeile erau privite n societate. n condiiile n care rolul lor principal era acela de a procrea, interesele i deci i sentimentele prinilor mergeau n acest sens, adic nspre preocuparea de a le nzestra n vederea cstoriei. n ultim instan, rostul i viitorul era strict reproductiv i s asigure o atmosfer familial disponibil pentru so, cel care fusese colit i educat 49 . Testamentele ofer deci o alt perspectiv asupra raporturilor dintre membri familiei. Att femei ct i brbai aflai n faa examenului contiinei renun la formalism i i ndreapt gndurile/sentimentele spre ceilali membri ai familiei:

N. Iorga, Testamentele Domniei Elena Cantacuzino, n Analele Academiei Romne, sinne anno, p. 3-5. documentul a fost tiprit pentru ntia oar de A. D. Xenopol n adaosul la volumul IV din Istoria romnilor din Dacia Traian, p. 656-660. 46 Ibidem 47 N. Iorga, Scrisori de femei, Ed. Datina Romneasc, Vlenii de Munte, 1932, p. 22-23 48 Kinga Tdos, Recomandarea testamentar, p. 135 49 Ibidem
45

29

este unul dintre puinele momente n care e timp pentru sentimente. Ct privesc sentimentele copiilor fa de prini documentele sunt i mai puin generoase n informaii. i totui ele trebuie s fi fost la fel ca i acelea ale prinilor: iubire dar mai ales ascultare i respect. Relevant n acest sens este mrturia lui Ioan Kemny care descrie i descrie extrem de emoionant relaia cu prinii subliniind importana pe care acetia au avut-o n devenirea sa: cei ce studiaz firea <omului> trebuie s-i dea seama c omul nu aduce cu sine moravuri bune sau rele numai prin natere i asemenea porniri se propag nu numai prin printe i mam, ci copilul le soarbe i odat cu felul laptelui doicii 50 cu al crei lapte este crescut, iar dup aceea, el poate fi fcut bun sau ru i prin educaie, prin modul n care este crescut. Educatio enim est altera natura. Aa i este: att printele meu, ct i mama mea au fost nite oameni blajini, cu via pur, cu o fire cretineasc pioas, doica mea o secuic din scaunul Mureului, bun la cnt, bun dansatoare 51 . Aadar i pentru copii sentimentele pentru prini se concretizeaz n respectul i iubirea oarecum proporionale se pare cu grija pe care acetia au avut-o fa de ei. Condiia femeii n familie apare deci ca fiind foarte complex, n mare parte datorit faptului c n evul mediu romnesc Biserica i-a impus i pstrat permanent autoritatea asupra familiei. De aici a purces o inegalitate fundamental ntre so i soie care a fcut ca aceasta din urm s fie subordonat soului ei. Au existat fr ndoial i derogri de la aceasta situaie de drept n sensul c au existat i femei care au reuit si impun autoritatea asupra soilor lor. Documentele medievale romneti, probabil datorit preeminenei elementului masculin n societate, au trecut ns sub tcere astfel de cazuri. Singurele excepii le constituie anumite soii de domni care s-au dovedit energice i ambiioase i care au reuit s se impun n faa soilor lor precum i cazurile de divor n care apar uneori, printre motive, i violena feminin. Majoritatea femeilor au rmas ns n cadrul familial - sub autoritatea soilor lor care au putut dispune de ele dup bunul plac.

50 Este extrem de interesant importana pe care nobilul transilvnean o acord doicii i procesului alptrii pentru formarea i caracterul individului. 51 Ioan Kemny, op. cit., p. 47

30

TWO POSSIBLE INTERPRETATIONS OF MOLDAVIAN REPRESENTATIANS OF DONORS: POWER OF HUMANSPOWER OF GOD AND GENDERIZED DONORS Sabina Cismas* Abstract
The article examines the representations of Moldovian donors in three groups of sources: votive paintings, tomb veils and tapestries (occurring between XV-XVII). The concept offers a variety of order as a possible interpretation of the differences that arise in the representation of donors in these sources. The article examines in particular family relations and the man-deity speech, both concluding a shift from a rigid model currently in votive painting to personal reasons in tapestries and tomb veils. Votive paintings present the ruler and his family as the equal of the divine element, while tapestries introduce the model of untouchable divinity. Regarding family relations, only tapestries and tomb veils accept women as an equal element to the male item, although in the Moldavian law the woman was considered equal to the man. *votive paintings, tomb veils, tapestries, family relations, man-deity speech

The power of humans - the power of God The act of donation can be interpreted as an expression of individual religiosity 1 and as a possibility of the donor earning salvation 2 and as an approach to the divine. 3 On the other
*Referent bibliotecar, Biblioteca judeean Mure
1Crciun,

Semnificaiile ctitoririi n Moldova medieval. O istorie social a religiei (Meanings of founding in medieval Moldavia. A social history of religion) in Naional i universal n istoria romnilor. Studii oferite prof. dr. erban Papacostea cu ocazia mplinirii a 70 de ani, ed. Paul Cernovodeanu (Bucharest: Editura Enciclopedica, 1998), 137-174 (hereafter: Crciun, Ctitoria), 137. 2Maria Crciun, For they have faithfully served us through their prayers. The Role and Status of the Clergy in Moldavia as perceived by the elite Colloquia 3-4 (1997): 5-21 3From a document coming from 1583: every gift is rewarded with much more by the father, and we believe as well that every good advice returns with light from the same father (...orice dar savarsit este rasplatit cu mai mult de tatal, precum credem ca orice indemn bun se intoarce cu lumina de la acelasi tata.) in Documente privind istoria Romniei, 3 (sixteenth century): 224.

31

hand, this act followed certain patterns which proved important for the members for the upper social strata to remain in memory, to display their status and to reveal the importance of the dynasty. The appearance of the burial vault has been interpreted in various ways in historiography and it is important for this analysis because of the symbolism of the burial as the last rite on ones way from the earthly to the eternal life and the access towards the divine. The tomb vault thus became a sacred space par excellence, the space in which humans could communicate with the divinity through prayers and protective actions and whose primary function was to reveal the human-divinity relation.4 In the Byzantine Empire the favored place for burials was probably in the narthex or in special chapels and later the Byzantine emperors and the high clergy chose to be buried inside the church. 5 The same development can be proved for medieval Moldavia. One idea emphasized the importance of a certain founder or donor and, therefore, the necessity of burying him/her near the place where mass was held, 6 aiming to position of the deceased closer to the place where Gods name was invoked and prayers were raised. Other interpretations connected the tomb vault with the role of protection of the Church over its believers. 7 In one of her latest studies on the subject, Maria Crciun has analyzed the appearance of the burial vault in Moldavian churches during the rule of Alexander the Good and concluded that it appeared because of the princes desire to be buried somewhere close to the apse and that this idea was influenced by Catholic practices. 8 The burial vault appeared in the context
Apud Ecclesia: Inmormantarea in biserica in Moldova secolelor XV-XVI (Apud Ecclesia: The burial in the church in Moldavia in the fifteenth sixteenth centuries), in Confesiune i cultur in evul mediu. In honorem Ion Toderacu, ed. Bogdan- Petru Maleon and Alexandru-Florin Platon (Iai: Editura Universitaii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2004), 29-70, (hereafter: Crciun, Apud Ecclesia), 57 5Ibid., 36 6Paul Henry, Monumentele din Moldova de Nord de la origini pn la sfaritul secolului al XVI. Contribuie la studiul civilizaiei Moldovei (Monuments from North Moldavia from their origins until the end of the sixteenth century. Contribution to the study of Moldavian society) (Bucharest: Meridiane, 1984), 119-120 7Gheorghe Bal, Bisericile si mnstirile moldoveneti din veacul al XVI-lea (Churches and monasteries in the sixteenth century) Buletinul comisiunii monumentelor istorice 31 (1928): 278-279 8 Crciun, Apud Ecclesia 69
4Crciun,

32

of the religious experience of laymen, where death and burial, as the last rite of passing from the earthly to the eternal life, had became important in the salvation plan. 9 Similarities and differences appear between the representations chosen for the burial vault and the votive images found in the nave due to the presence of intercessors. Both types of representations adopted the formula of the intercessor but a difference in focus can be easily noted. In the burial vault Christ is not depicted; the prayers are not addressed to him but to the saints. The personal choice for a saint becomes the most important. If in the votive images in the nave different saints presented the donor to Christ, in the representations above the tomb vault the deceased kneels in front of a saint. Another difference that appears in the approach to the divine has to be mentioned: if the visual representations of the donor on the mural in the nave aimed towards the realization of an almost equal position of laymen with the divine element, in the depiction above the tomb vault piety has taken over symbolized by the deceaseds kneeling or humble stance before the saint. In the monastery of Probota one finds a good example of this phenomenon. A portrait of John Rare (Ioan Rare), the son of Peter Rare, is associated with his tomb (1530-1532). He is represented standing near the throne of Saint Nicholas in a humble position than the one we can see in the votive images in the naos. In the naos he is depicted with his father in a position equal to the intercessor and Christ. Visualized piety seems to contrast with worldly power. Turning from the naos to the tomb vault means moving from worldliness to devoutness. Similar depiction can be found in other Moldavian churches. 10 These depictions are closer to those of the donors on the tomb veils and tapestries that I will analyze below. They belong to the same category of individual representations which, of course implies a more personal choice of a saint and an amplification of the connection with a particular saintly individual or a certain religious scene.
9

10

Ibid., 70 Like, e.g., the images of the Bubuiog family in Dobrova (1530, 1535) (fig. 1) and that of the family of Luca Arbore in the monastery of Arbore. There are also representations of the clergy as the one in Rsca monastery where Stareul Silvester (Silvestru) is depicted praying to the Virgin Mary. The presence of two angels is more interesting, because the angels usually protect the ascetics. At Sucevita, Grigore Rasca and the monk John Movil (Ioanichie-Ion Movila) can be also understood as having a funerary function in Crciun, Apud Ecclessia, 59

33

The choice of renouncing the representation of Christ as a final aim in the plan of salvation can be understood as a renunciation of a rigid pattern and its replacement with a saint; it thus intended to show spiritual closeness to a familiar saint that was desired individually by a believer. Replacing Christ with a saint could also have intended an emphasis on the role of intercessors, 11 since the intercessor here is represented sitting on the throne in an identical position to that of Jesus in the votive images of the prince offering his church to Him. Making donors visual and showing acts of donations permit an analysis of a variety of other aspects of the dialogue of higher ranking lay people with God and his representatives.12 Some of them are still to be seen connected with the aspect of equality depicted. The prince and his family in the murals placed on the same level with the intercessor and Christ on the throne offer an image that strikes the eye of the beholder and aims towards the impact that this closeness might have on them (fig. 3). Self-display had an important function. The message of the votive images was loaded with a rather secular than with spiritual meaning. Thus, the prince wanted the public (either the common believer or the community of monks) to see him in a close relation to the divine element and recognize him as Gods favorite.13
Fig. 1 The image above the tomb vault of Tudosca Bubuiog in Humor Monastery (from Anca Vasiliu, Monastres de Moldavie (XIVe-XVIe sicles). Les Architectures de limage. (Paris:Mediterane, 1998).

Ibid, 58 Peters, The Relationship between the Human and the Divine: Towards a Context for Votive Images in Mural Painting in Moldavia and Wallachia Revue des tudes SudEst Europenes 32 (1994): 35-43 (hereafter: Peters, Votive images) 39: It is the specific relationship between the lay person and the divine, created by the act of donation of the church, monastery or scheme of frescoes, which represents the conception of the upper limit of communication possible for a member of the laity. 13Especially if one pays attention to the votive images in which the saint or Virgin Mary holds the prince by the hands or by the shoulders. This attitude could not have appeared in Wallachia because of the choice of representing God through the symbol of the divine hand.
11 12

34

Tapestries are closer to the depictions above the tomb vault in terms of piety. They present the donors rather isolated, humbly kneeling or standing. The donors do not actively participate in the scene. They seem to be passive characters, acting in a featured part; the stress is on the religious scene (fig. 2 and 4).

Fig.2 Alexander Lapusneanu in his Major Dvera (from Old Romanian Embrodery (Broderia veche romneasc) (Bucharest, Meridiane: 1985)

This leads to the other important question: which religious scenes were chosen for the donor images? From Stephan the Greats epoch a large number of embroideries and tapestries have survived 14 with a variety of religious scenes, especially coming from Christs life. 15 But there is only one left representing Stephan the Great as a donor together with his third wife, Mary Voichia, representing the Crucifixion. Since recent research has shown the attention that Stephan the Great paid to divine signs and the punishment humans received for their sins 16 there could be an explanation for this choice. The Crucifixion symbolizes Christs Passion and the absolution of the sins of all humanity. Thus, the scene could show Stephan the Greats sensibility for Christs Passion and may offer the acceptance of the punishment the sinner has to accept because of his sins in order to receive the salvation.

14Cristian Moisescu, Maria Ana Musicescu, Adriana Sirli, Putna (Bucuresti, Meridiane: 1982) (hereafter: Musicescu, Putna). 15The tapestry with the scene of Jesus Christs burial, the tapestry with the Eucharist, the tapestry with the descent from the Cross are all nowadays in Putna monastery. 16tefan S. Gorovei, Maria Magdalena Szekely, Semne si minuni pt. tefan Voievod. Note de Mentalitate Medieval (Signs and miracles for voievoda Stephan. Notes on medieval mentality), Studii si materiale de istorie medieval 16 (1998): 49-64

35

The scene of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary on Bogdan the Blinds dvera changes the focus to the cult of the Virgin Mary. The placement of Bogdan the Blind under Peters feet, as well as the presence of Saint Peter and Saint Paul carrying the church in the tapestries of Alexander Lapuneanu 17 could have the same importance as the presence of intercessors in the votive images in the naos. In both tapestries belonging to Alexander Lapuneanu the Transfiguration appears in the upper space and the two saints carry the church of the donor in the middle. The inscriptions on the tapestries and tomb veils do not reveal much about the intention of the donors. Often the only information refers to the name of the donor and to the date of his/her death. 18 Quotations from the Bible strengthen the visual representation of the religious scene. 19 Other kinds of tapestries without the image of the donors sometimes offer prayers and requests for the eternal memory of the souls of the deceased. Prayers are required for their own soul, the souls of their children, and the entire family. 20 A circuit is therefore set up whose beginning is found in the representation itself rising towards God, descending to the human intercessor and raising up again from the human intercessor to God for the donors sake. All the donor images offer a human as well a divine dimension that can be compared with the double body of the king. 21 This double nature represented eternity and thus it
Putna, 54 inscription on Mary of Mangops tomb veil (fig. 5) says: This is the tomb veil of the slave of God, the right believer and lover of the Christ, the loving princess of Io Stephan the Great, prince of Moldavia, Mary, who passed away in the year 6985 (=1477), in the month December 19, in the fifth hour of the day. (Acesta este acoperamantul mormantului roabei lui Dumnezeu, binecredincioasa si de Hristos iubitoarea doamna a lui Io tefan voievod, Domnul arii Moldovei, Maria, care a trecut in vesnicul lacas in anul 6985 (=1477), luna decembrie 19, in ceasul al cincilea din zi), Musicescu, Putna, 54 19All tapestries present quotations from the Bible describing the chosen scene. 20for his soul and the soul of his son, Michael (pt. sufletul sau si al fiului sau Mihail) on a tapestry coming from the seventeenth century; This tapestry is made by Mathew and Theodora for their remembering (Acest epitrahil este facut de Matei si Teodosia intru pomenirea lor) (on a tapestry that comes from the sixteenth century) Musicescu, Putna, 43 21Ernst Kantorowicz, The Kings Two Bodies: a Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 56 (hereafter: Kantorowicz: The Kings). Concerning the tomb veil of Mary of Mangop and the concept of the double body: Maria Magdalena Szekely, Mormntul de la Putna si acoperamntul sau (The tomb from Putna and its veil) in Maria Asanina
18The 17Musicescu,

36

symbolized also the continuation of the dynasty 22 and the immortality of kingship. 23 Donors and gender: A multiplicity of possibilities While written documents reveal only one reality of the status of women in medieval Moldavia, the symbolic language of art may create another equally important. Differences appear not only between documents and art but also among artistic representations themselves. A multiplicity of possibilities can be traced which may contribute to the (re-)construction of medieval society. George Fotino has analyzed the law concerning women in Eastern European space, concluding that only Moldavia admitted the equality of women and men before the law. Not even in Wallachia did women inherit, inheriting was the privilege of masculinity; 24 in the daily life in Wallachia the privilege of males was often declared publicly. 25 There was no equality of gender in Transylvania, either. For the aristocrats, King Andrew III issued a law on 5 August 1298 that declared the right of a daughter or sister to inherit as long as there were no sons: If an aristocrat died without a male who could inherit and thus, the fortune should belong to the king, then the right of son should belong to the daughters and to the sisters of the man who died. 26 All Slavic peoples belonged to the same tradition: women were excluded from inheriting if there were sons. 27

Paleologhina. O prines bizantin pe tronulMoldovei, Ed. tefan S. Gorovei and Maria Magdalena Szekely (Suceava: Editura Muatinii, 2006), 148 (hereafter: Szekely, Mormntul de la Putna). 22The principle of the continuation of the dinasty is clearly represented by the two tomb veils of Tudosca Lupu and John Lupu. 23Kantorowicz, The kings, 55 24Georges Fotino, tudes sur la situation de la femme dans l'ancien droit roumain (Paris: Librairie du Recueil Sirey, 1931), 31 (hereafter: Fotino, tudes), even if some historians have argued that in Wallachia women were equal to men before the law. 25arolta Solcan, Femeile din Moldova, Transilvania i ara Romneasc n evul mediu (Women in Moldavia, Transylvania and Wallachia in the Middle Ages) (Bucharest: Editura Universitaii din Bucureti, 2005), 50 26Documente privind istoria Romniei 3 (thirteenth century): 190-191 27Boris D. Grekov, ranii n Rusia: din timpurile cele mai vechi pn n secolul al XVII-lea (Peasants in Russia: from ancient times until the seventeenth

37

Therefore, Moldavia seems to have been exceptional. The eighteenth-century Calimach Code says in its article 916: When the dead person will leave sons, meaning direct descendants from a legal marriage, then his entire fortune belongs to them without any difference between males and females.28 This law attested the right of women acknowledged even in Alexander the Good's epoch.29 In analyzing the position of women as they are depicted in artistic representations, the material used in this study only offers information concerning females from the topmost strata of society. One of the most important questions concerns the participation of women in the donation process. Christine Peters has analyzed Moldavian murals and concluded that the woman is just a secondary character, especially when compared to the Wallachian murals. The prince alone offers the church either to the intercessor or to Christ himself (fig. 3). In Wallachia the prince offers the church together with his wife; she appears as an equal participant. 30 This is a pattern that one also sees in Byzantium. Why did this difference appear in Moldavia where women were equal to men before the law in the documents of the time? An answer could be that the presence of the ruler had to be stressed. One may speak about an intensification of the figure of the ruler for political reasons, he is God's protg, he is the one who should receive divine grace more than anyone else, he alone is the one whom God and the public have to see in the first place and not him and his family. In terms of self display, the beholders have to
century) (Bucharest: Editura Acanemiei Republicii Populare Romania, 1952), 319; Fotino, tudes, 13-14 28Codul Calimach (Calimach Code), ed. Andrei Rdulescu (Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romnia, 1958), 357: Cand mortul va lasa fii, adica pogoratori din spita intai nascuti din legiuita casatorie, atunci li se cuvine atunci intreaga avere a lui, fara deosebire de parte barbateasca si femeiasca. 29Alexandru I. Gona, Femeia si dreptul ei la motenire n Moldova, dup obiceiul pmntului (Women and their right to inherit in Moldavia, according to the custom of the country), Anuarul Institutului de Istorie i Arheologie A.D. Xenopol 17 (1980): 1-9. In 1411 he recognized the right of the sons and daughters of the boyar Plotun to own the village Strunga as a reward for fighting in battles for his country and for his voievoda: Mihai Costchescu, Documente moldoveneti dinainte de tefan cel Mare (Moldavian Documents before Stephan the Great) (Iai: Institutul de Arte Grafice Bravo, 1933), 84-86. 30 Peters, Votive Images, 54. See also Christine Peters, Access to the Divine: Gender and Votive Images in Moldavia and Wallachia, in Gender and Christian Religion 34, ed. Robert N. Swanson (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1998) 143-163.

38

see him as sole person the closest to God and receiving his entire grace. He is a privileged person because of his exclusive closeness to God, as he is halfhuman, half--divine. This situation must not be generalized too far. Tapestries and tomb veils offer other portrayals of royal women. There they are accepted and their status gets a different recognition. In tapestries the woman becomes an equal participant in the act of donation. Except for Bogdan the Blind' s dvera, all the other tapestries present the Moldavian ruler together with his wife, offering the donation with the same gesture as his (fig.4).

Fig. 3 Jeremiah Movila and his family in Sucevia (from a private collection of Elena Firea)

Moldavian tapestries do not present a different pattern of representations compared to Wallachia or to the rest of Eastern European. Some of the dveras represent the ruler on the right side and the wife on the left side, which should be regarded as the correct pattern, 31 both offering the donation to God with an identical pious gesture as can be seen, for instance, in Stephan the Great's dvera (fig. 4).

Fig. 4 Stephan the Great and his wife, Maria Voichita in the two corners of the Dvera (from Musicescu, Putna)

31I am referring to Stephan the Great's dvera (fig. 4) and to Alexander Lapusneanus Minor Dvera.

39

Chronologically, the first dvera that raises questions is that of Bogdan the Blind. He appears alone and on the left side. A woman could have been represented on the right side only if she had a higher status than her husband. 32 The only answer that can be given to the absence of his wife on the dvera is that he was in fact not married when he ordered it, 33 even if the date of his first marriage is uncertain in the historiography. I place the choice of being represented on the right side of the dvera in the same concept of varieties of order 34 . It seems that those involved in creating the dvera did not pay too much attention to the rules of the symbolic language in art that were obviously known in this space. The Major and Minor Dveras of Alexandre Lapuneanu raise the same problem of the varieties of order. On the Major Dvera the choice was to represent Alexandru Lapuneanu on the left side and Ruxandra, 35 his wife on the right side while on the Minor Dvera she appears on the left and Lapuneanu on the right side. This is probably the best example that can be given to illustrate the lack of interest in following the correct pattern. I regard the tomb veils as a rather special source not only because of the symbolism used in them but because of their usage also. The Moldavian tomb veils bearing an image of the deceased may be regarded as important for the analysis of the status of the women in medieval and Early Modern Moldavia.

note 48 the discussion around Bogdan the Blind's marriage project and the refusal of Elisabeth, the sister of King Alexander of Poland, in Giurscu, Istoria Romnilor (Bucharest: All, 2000), 77 (hereafter: Giurascu, Istoria); Cronica moldo-polon (The Moldavian-Polish chronicle) in Cronicile slavo-romne din secolele XV-XVI publicate de Ion Bogdan (Slavic-Romanian chronicles in the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries published by Ion Bogdan), ed. Petre P. Panaitescu. (Bucharest: Academia Republicii Socialiste Romnia, 1959), 182 (hereafter: Cronicile slavo-romne). 34Varieties of order are to be understood as variations on the same pattern that do not contradict the canon, and which cannot be defined as disorder. They express the interest in the creation of minor alterations of individual components without disturbing the correct pattern of the canon. 35Maria Magdalena Szekely considers Ruxandra to have been the princess with the most intense patronage activity. See Maria Magdalena Szekely, Femei-ctitor n Moldova medieval (Women-founders in medieval Moldavia) in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie i Arheologie A.D. Xenopol 32 (1995): 442-457, (hereafter: Szekely, Femei-ctitor), 445
33See

32See

40

Two of the five tomb veils (those of Mary of Mangop and that of Tudosca Lupu) are reflections of the princes through their wives. The tomb veil of Mary of Mangop (fig. 5) was probably made at the request of her husband, Stephan the Great, because of her Byzantine descent. There is also a tomb veil of Stephan the Great, 36 but it was made at the request of his son, Bogdan the Blind, and it displays only floral motifs. The tradition of tomb veils also includes tomb veils with portraits and tomb veils with floral motives. Bogdan himself ordered another similar one for his mother, too. From the sixteenth century another donation of this kind has survived, the tomb veil of Mary, the wife of Radu the Beautiful (Radu cel Frumos); 37 consequently, no gender distinction was made. The tomb veil of Mary of Mangop (fig. 5) not only shows her but is full of ostentatious imperial symbols: the red shoes, the Byzantine granata, the Byzantine crown, the monogram of the Paleologan dynasty, and the two-headed eagle. 38 They might refer to more than her origin. There is a debate in Romanian historiography about the imperial value of her husbands, Stephan the Greats, reign; some historians agree that one can speak of it having an imperial dimension. 39

Fig. 5 The tomb veil of Mary of Mangop (from Musicescu, Broderia)

36Musicescu, 37Musicescu,

Putna, 43 Putna, 32-34 38Dumitru Naste, tefan cel Mare mparat, in tefan cel Mare i Sfnt. Portret n istorie, ed. tefan S. Gorovei and Maria Magdalena Szekely (Suceava: Sfnta Mnstire Putna, 2004), 586 (hereafter Naste, tefan). 39See the discussion in Naste, tefan, 568-611

41

In the chronicles of the time he is often called emperor or tsar. Grigore Ureche records that after defeating the enemies he was received as an emperor. 40 In another chronicle there is a report of an earthquake when the tsar was sitting at the table. 41 In 1473-1474 he ordered the translation of Constantine the Great' s encomium, 42 and Constantine and Helen are depicted regularly on the walls of his monasteries. This seems to prove that Stephan the Great was interested in presenting himself as the heir of the Byzantine Empire. Thus, Mary of Mangop's tomb veil can be interpreted in the same direction: as an object offering him accreditation for inheriting Constantinople ideologically. 43 The tomb veils of Vasile Lupu's wife, Tudosca and of their son, John, are another interesting case. Vasile Lupu did not belong to an aristocratic Moldavian family 44 and there was a difference in rank between him and his wife. Tudosca Lupu came from an important Wallachian boyar family; her father held important positions under Gaspar Gratiani. 45 The reason for this tomb veil could be similar to that of Mary of Mangop and it appears even more revealing if one thinks that he also wanted to enthrone his son, John, as ruler of Wallachia. 46 The two tomb veils of Mary of Mangop and Tudosca Lupu are connected to each other and illustrate the prince through his family; Vasile Lupu continued his dynasty symbolically on the Moldavian and Wallachian thrones. John was Lupu's eldest son,

40Grigore Ureche, Letopiseul arii Moldovei (Chronicle of Moldavia) (Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Romnia, 1958), 102 41Cronicile slavo-romne, 17 42Naste. tefan, 572 43See the recent study Maria Asanina Paleologhina: O prines bizantin pe tronul Moldovei (Maria Asanina Paleologhina: A Byzantine princess on the throne of Moldavia), ed. tefan S. Gorovei and Maria-Magdalena Szekely (Suceava: Editura Muatinii, 2006) 44Constantin erban, Vasile Lupu, domn al Moldovei 1634-1653 (Vasile Lupu, prince of Moldavia 1634-1653) (Bucharest, Editura Academiei Romane: 1991), 21-41(hereafter: erban, Vasile). Vasile Lupu could have been born in Wallachia in 1593 in a Macedo-Romanian family that had only lived in Wallachia for three generations. See also Giurscu, Istoria 3, 158-159 45erban, Vasile, 27 46Miron Costin, Letopiseul arii Moldovei de la Aron Voda ncoace (Chronicle of the Moldovan Nation from Prince Aaron on) (Iasi: Junimea, 1986), 89.

42

and so the one who should have followed him on the throne, but who died from rickets in 1639. 47 I should mention here that one of the tomb veils, that of Simon Movila, was ordered by his wife, Marghita, 48 which shows the passive involvement of women in constructing the social status of the ruler. This is one of the many examples of donation on behalf of women. Maria Magdalena Szekely has analyzed the donations made exclusively by women. 49 The women who can be regarded as donors came from all social strata: they were the ruler's wives and daughters, wives of important aristocrats of the court, nuns, clergymen's wives, and simple women. She interprets their donations as being born out of their piety and Christian faith. 50 These women connected their names to everything from the building of monasteries and endowing of monasteries, making donations made to the Holy Mountain, copying and restoring manuscripts, and ordering liturgical tapestries; 51 to building churches and ordering the inclusion of the patron in the diptych of the church. 52 But piety was not the only reason that led to donations; the aspect of prestige or the expression of some political options was equally important and can be interpreted as an effort at an affirmation of power. 53 Many women offered gifts of various kinds serving either as financial support (for constructing and reconstructing churches or monasteries, or objects with liturgical purposes (icons, tapestries, iconostasis) or Books of Gospels. The first known Moldavian princess who was the patron of a church was Margareta-Muata in the second half of the fourteenth century. The church was built in Siret and she also chose it as her burial place. 54 It is not surprising that Mary of Mangop, the wife of Stephan the Great, because of her Byzantine
Vasile, 30 Broderia medieval romneasc (Medieval Romanian embroidery) (Bucharest: Editura Meridiane, 1969) (hereafter: Musicescu, Broderia), 45 49Szekely, Femei-ctitor, 441-457 50Ibid., 454 51Documente privind istoria romnilor 3 (sixteenth century): 47. Ruxandra, wife of Bogdan the Blind, donated the village Cuciurul to Putna: for her memory and for the memory of her saint deceased parents (pentru pomenirea ei si pentru pomenirea sfantrapostatilor ei parinti, ca sa-i fie pomenire). 52Szekely, Femei-ctitor 443 53Crciun, Ctitoria 141 54Szekely, Femei-ctitor 443
48Musicescu, 47erban,

43

origin, chose to make donations to the Grigoriu Monastery at the Holy Mountain. 55 Ruxandra, the wife of Alexandre Lapusneanu and daughter of Petre Rares, seems to be the best example of a Moldavian princess-patron. In 1569, she had the church of Precista built in Roman 56 and a Book of the Gospels in silver, dating from Stephan the Great's epoch, covered in silver. She was also interested in offering support to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain, inscribing her name in the long tradition of Moldavian rulers and their wives as protectors of the Holy Mountain. She offered her fortune to the Dochiariu Monastery: for helping to pay a debt ... for eternal memory; 57 she donated a sum of money to Caracalu for a debt the monastery owed to the Ottomans; she reconstructed parts of the Dionisiou Monastery and donated an iconostasis to it. 58 I have already mentioned Marghita, the wife of Simon Movil in connection with his tomb veil she ordered. This tomb veil is not the only gift she made to Sucevia, the burial place of the Movileti as her name is also found on another tapestry and on a silver salver. 59 I wanted to offer a picture of the princesses who were connected with visual representations on donor images, but the discussion had to be much larger. The great number of examples of patronage proves that, at least for the women in the princely families, one can talk about a true vocation for patronage. 60

55Petre S. Nsturel, Le mont Athos et les Roumains (Rome: Pont. Institutum Studiorum orientalium, 1986), 269 56Nicolae Stoicescu, Repertoriul bibliografic al localitailor i monumentelor medievale din Moldova (Bibliographic repertoire of medieval towns and monuments in Moldavia) (Bucharest: Directia Patrimoniului Cultural National, 1974), 723 57Documente privind istoria Romaniei 2 (sixteenth century): 236 58Szekely, Femei-ctitor 445 59Musicescu, Broderia, 44 60See Szekely, Femei-Ctitori 455

44

LE LIVRE ANCIEN ROUMAIN DANS LA BIBLIOTHEQUE GEORGE BARIIU BRAOV Viorica Bica * Abstract
Old writings are for the Romanian representative books, embodied with the national spirit and humanism. These characteristics have been animated and transformed by the Romanian Union under Michael the Brave, in factors of social and national resurgence. The Romanian printings did not know dividing borders, they have spread, and they kept together Romanian spirituality in the three provinces. National old books have been devoted to thorough study, which addresses issues in the context of bibliographic culture and national history. Researchers have shown the historical aspects regarding the writings paternity (authors, translation, the complex process of textwriting (patronage material, spiritual, auditors, printers, proofreaders), and the identification of the pattern used by the book authors. The book, regarded as a generic component defining cultural and spiritual heritage has fulfilled the function of an important tool for the dissemination of religious literature, reading instruction and scientific humanism. The George Bariiu Library of Brasov has incessantly enriched the heritage of Old Romanian books. The department of special collections has prints from different printing centers: Cartea de nvtur de la Iai (1643), ndreptarea legii de la Trgovite (1652), Evanghelia greco-romn de la Bucureti (1693). The oldest printing of Brasov is the New Testament, a bilingual edition, Greek-Latin, published in 1557 by the successor of Honterus, Valentin.Wagner. Of real interest are the copies individualized by their owners, adding their mark property, annotation or artistic links according to their taste or of the era they lived in. All this helps to retrace the route traveled by the books, from the printing, from an owner to another, until their arrival.on.public.library.shelves. Through all the ideas, through the area of spreading, through the humanist message and its formative cultural role, the civilization of the book emphasizes its contribution to the fulfillment of the cultural function. *old books, humanism, Romanian spirituality, printings, library

Muzeograf, Muzeul rii Fgraului

45

Lvolution de limprimerie associe lhistoire du livre, lhistoire de la langue et de la littrature roumaines, de mme, a ouvert un domaine ample dinvestigations dans lhistoriographie roumaine. Dans lhistoire de la culture roumaine, la littrature religieuse a la force de faire revivre dans la conscience, la rvlation chrtienne. Porteuses de sens sacrs, les textes religieuses touchent ces mystres de lme humaine qui sattachent lternit, se fondent sur le principe formul par Tertulian: Anima naturaliter christiana. La littrature chrtienne a la vocation dclaircir toute lhumanit la signification profonde des enseignements du Seigneur, dveiller le monde la conscience divine. Le but de cette dmarche scientifique est la rvaluation du fond du patrimoine des livres anciens roumains laide dune bibliographie rudite. Au XVI-me sicle Brasov tait un important centre conomique et culturel, la fois. La fondation de limprimerie en 1545 par Johannes Honterus a cr les prmisses dune activit typographique ditoriale soutenue. Par la suite, la Rforme a entran des modifications dans les domaines de lenseignement, le confessionnel, de mme. La Bible tait dclar le fondement de lenseignement chrtien, le culte tait moins complexe et le service divin tait clbr en allemand. Aprs que lactivit de Filip Moldoveanu cesse, on inaugure Brasov une nouvelle imprimerie, dont la production de plus dun quart de sicle est due au diacre Coresi. Entre 1560 et 1581,Coresi fait diter Braov dix ouvrages roumains: Tetraevanghelul, Catehismul ou ntrebarea crestineasc, Apostolul, Tlcul evangheliilor, Molitvelnicul, Liturghierul, Psaltirea, Psaltirea slavo-romn, Pravila et Evanghelia cu nvtur. La large diffusion de louvrage Evanghelia cu nvtur certifie lunit linguistique et spirituelle de la culture roumaine. La tradition typographique de Brasov du XVIme sicle laissera des traces indubitables dans la conscience des lettrs de la priode post-coressienne, de sorte que sa rsonance persiste dans leurs proccupations ultrieures. La conscience de lorigine commune de mme que celle de lunit du peuple roumain se prcisent ds la parution de lcriture roumaine et surtout des ouvrages imprims. Concluant cest le titre de la prface de louvrage Cazania de Varlaam, Cuvnt impreun ctre toat seminia romneasc o les dbuts de lhistoire du peuple roumain sont magistralement exposs. 46

Au long des sicles, les Roumains de la Moldavie, de la Valachie et de la Transylvanie ont eu toujours la conscience de leur origine romane et de leur unit ethnique 1 sur le territoire de lancienne Dacie. Les crivains byzantins et ensuite les humanistes occidentaux ont tmoign de la descendance des Roumains des colonisateurs, amens dans ces contres par lempereur romain, Traian. Afin de prouver par arguments leur origine commune, les Roumains ont t favoriss aussi par la situation gographique du pays, puisque les monts, les collines de mme que les eaux de la Roumanie nont jamais t des obstacles pour les montagnards, moldaves ou transylvains. Lunit du relief de notre pays a constitu un lment essentiel maintenir la langue unitaire. Les diffrences linguistiques ntaient pas essentielles dune rgion lautre. La langue roumaine a contribu de la sorte la propagation dun climat culturel unitaire, mais aussi au maintien dune physionomie morale semblable, la mme dans toutes les provinces, mme si des nuances spcifiques ont enrichi, grce aux circonstances historiques,quelques traits spirituelles du noyau originaire de lethnogense du peuple roumain 2 . Dans son ouvrage Scurta istorie a literaturii romne, Dumitru Micu allait relater la condition prliminaire de la participation dune communaut la cration historique de culture est, videmment, lcriture. 3 La spiritualit dun peuple est thsaurise dans ses ouvrages. Le pass des anciens livres roumains garde inaltre la mmoire du temps, sinscrivant dans les coordonnes de la culture et de la civilisation roumaines. Aux anciens livres roumains, on a consacr une recherche bibliographique, bibliologique minutieuse. Cette spcialit peut tre attache lhistoire de la culture,mais plus spcialement la bibliologie, science concernant le livre sous tous ses aspects :Il est naturel que la science sur le livre renferme son histoire de mme que ses tapes de dveloppement. Ce nest qu travers la connaissance de cette civilisation humaine crite quon peut passer ltude de lorganisation systmatique du livre dans les
chiau, Octavian, Crturari i cri n spaiul romnesc medieval, ClujNapoca, Editura Dacia, 1978, pag. 5 2 Joja, Athanasie, Profilul spiritual al poporului romn, Bucureti, Editura Politic, 1967, pag. 9 3 Micu, Dumitru, Scurta istorie a literaturii romne, Bucureti, Editura Iriana,1994,pag. 33
1

47

bibliothques,aux mthodes de connaissance du contenu du livre et ensuite , leur diffusion dans le monde des lecteurs jusqu'au dtachement des essences et leur codification dans le cerveau lectronique du moniteur 4 La bibliographie roumaine ancienne renferme dans le patrimoine national, les ouvrages dits entre les annes 15001830. Timotei Cipariu,dans ses Analecte literare (1858 ) a t le premier qui a essay une vue densemble sur la littrature roumaine ancienne. Al. Lambrior a fait un expos critique sur le dveloppement de la littrature roumaine dans ses cours du Lyce National de Iasi, entre 1880 - 1882.Ces cours ont orient V.A. Urechia dans la recherche de la documentation visant ldition de louvrage Schie din istoria literaturii romne. En 1888, A. Philippide publie Introducere n istoria limbei i literaturei romne, en mentionnant les ouvrages dits en 1821. N.Iorga a publi en 1901 Istoria literaturii romne n secolul al XVIII-lea (Bucureti). Elle a t suivie par Istoria literaturii religioase pn la 1688, Bucureti, 1904. Sextil Pucariu publie en 1921 Sibiu Istoria literaturii romne n secolul al XVII-lea (Bucureti). Elle a t suivie par Istoria literaturii religioase pn la 1688, Bucureti, 1904. Sextil Pucariu publie en 1921 Sibiu Istoria literaturii romne, qui renferme la priode Epoca veche jusquen 1780. Un autre ouvrage a approfondi, malheureusement, inachev, cause de la mort prmature de lauteur; cest Istoria literaturii romne, publi par N. Cartojan Bucuresti, 1940 1944 (volumes I-III). Des synthses gnrales, en rsumant des cours universitaires complts par les recherches des dernires dcennies, sont: Literatur romn veche, la troisime dition; Bucuresti; 1970 de Piru Al.et Istoria literaturii romne, Bucuresti, 1969 de G. Ivascu. Entre les annes 1903 et 1944 Ioan Bianu, Nerva Hodo et Dan Simonescu publient Bibliografia romneasc veche (B.R.V. I-IV). Les quatre tomes de plus de 200 pages, renfermant 2015 ouvrages roumains imprims, dits entre 1508-1530,

Simonescu, Dan, Bulu Gheorghe, Pagini romneti,Bucureti, Editura Ion Creang, 1981, pag. 9

din

istoria

crii

48

constituent un corpus documentaire dexception dans le cadre de la recherche scientifique. En ce qui concerne la Transylvanie, il y a une bibliographie impressionnante, qui totalise des centaines darticles et ouvrages dits au cours du dernier sicle ainsi quun grand nombre de catalogues, rpertoires, ouvrages monographiques, qui inscrivent la diffusion des dizaines de milles de volumes sur lentier territoire roumain. 5 Le trsor des valeurs bibliophiles, conserv dans le cadre des fonds du patrimoine culturel national de Cluj-Napoca, Sibiu, Oradea, Alba-Iulia, Timioara, Arad, Trgu-Mure ou Baia-Mare atteste la prsence prpondrante des livres dans la vie culturelle roumaine de la Transylvanie au cours des sicles passs. Au sujet du nombre des livres anciens, on doit avoir en vue, en particulier dans le contexte des valuations statistiques quon entreprend, les catastrophes du temps qui ont dtruit une bonne partie des anciens manuscrits et ouvrages imprims roumains anciens. Plusieurs exemplaires ont brl en mme temps que les glises la suite des incendies provoqus par les coups de foudre ou les guerres dsastreuses. Dautres en ont t subtiliss afin dtre rachets ou vendus. La valorisation du livre dans la socit roumaine moyengeuse de la Transylvanie impose la connaissance dans le contexte de lhistoire du livre et de la littrature, de la culture roumaine ancienne, du nombre des ouvrages imprims, du tirage ou du nombre des exemplaires en circulation, du prix, de leur diffusion et de leur protection. Lintrt manifest par la recherche bibliologique envers les notes anciennes, vise la vie et la fonction sociale des ouvrages, en mettant en vidence le rle des livres, du livre imprim en tout premier lieu, dans le cadre de la collectivit humaine, en tant crits, dhabitude aprs la reproduction exacte des textes ou leur dition, du moment o les volumes ont commenc leur voyage travers le monde, en suivant pareillement aux hommes, le destin, cest--dire, du moment o la socit les a connus et, en les utilisant, a bnfici de la lumire de la culture crite. 6

Duda, Florian, Vechi cri romneti cltoare, Bucureti, Editura SportTurism,1967, pag. 16 6 Ibidem, pag. 18
5

49

La bibliographie roumaine ancienne inscrite lapparition au long de plus de trois sicles, entre les annes 1508-1530, de plus de 2100 livres. Le tirage de plus de 2100 livres roumains anciens a t estim un total de 2.000.000 exemplaires, desquels on suppose quon aurait gard jusquau nos jours 150.000 volumes environ. Les textes imprims ont eu un rle prpondrant visant la perptuation du mme climat culturel dans les trois provinces roumaines. A la suite des recherches entreprises en Transylvanie, Florian Duda relate que dans cette province ont t diffuses 354 exemplaires du Cazania 7 de Varlaam. On y ajoute les exemplaires qui ont t diffus dans la Valachie et la Moldavie, en rsultant un tirage de 1.000, au minimum. Ltude bas sur la centralisation des enregistrements raliss jusquen 1979, conformment la loi no.63/1973, ont prouv que jusqu cette date-l on avait signal 206 exemplaires du Indreptarea legii,1652, 196 exemplaires du Nouveau Testament, Blgrad, 1648 et 206 exemplaires du Chiriacodromion, Blgrad, 1699. 8 Ldition des textes liturgiques est due en mme mesure aux seigneurs rgnants qui se sont impliqus assurer les livres ncessaires toutes les glises du pays. Les principaux textes liturgiques viss sont: Evangheliarul, Apostolul, Octoihul et Triodul. Dans ce cas, on a estim un tirage de 3.000 dexemplaires, approximativement. La diffusion des livres tait conditionne de leur contenu de meme que de la motivation de ldition. Lchanson erban Cantacuzino a fait publier Liturghierul, paru Buzu en 1702, pour que ces exemplaires soient diffuss aux glises. Dans lespace spirituel orthodoxe, la donation tait marque par le signe du sacr. Le sacr de lacte de donation tait soutenu par ses connotations spirituelles, par la tendance perptuelle dans le

7 8

Idem, Cazania lui Varlaam n Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca, pag.1983 Bdr, Doru, Tiparul romnesc la sfaritul secolului al XVII-lea i nceputul secolului al XVIII-lea, Brila, Editura Isros, 1998 , pag.33,apud Breazu M., Bneanu,R., Consideraii preliminare privind fondul naional de carte romnesc din sec. al XVII-lea, in Valori bibliofile, I, p.408

50

temps de lobjet donn et par le sacrifice matriel que lacte en soi supposait, car le bouquin cotait cher. 9 Constantin Brncoveanu fera des donations en Transylvanie. A cheii Braovului ont t offert Triodul, Buzu, 1700, Triod-Penticostal, Buzu, 1697, Mineele, parus Buzu, 1968, deux exemplaires du Apostol, Bucureti, 1683 et Biblia, Bucureti, 1688 10 . Au monastre Smbta de Sus, fond par Constantin Brncoveanu parviendra la srie complte des Minee, Buzu, 1968, Evangheliarul, Snagov, 1967, Triodul et Octoih, Buzu, 1700. 11 Les membres des familles rgnantes aussi font des donations aux glises de la Transylvanie. De la sorte, lcuyer tranchant du Prince rgnant, Constantin Cantacuzino offre Apostolul, Bucureti, 1683, Penticostarul, Buzu, 1701 et Octoih, Rmnic, 1706 dans le village, Recea. Le conntable Mihai Cantacuzino offre Ghiriul Roumain (Cluj) un exemplaire du Evangheliarul, paru Snagov, en 1697 Banat; Lugoj, un Antologhion,paru Ramnic, en 1705 et Scheii Brasov, fera donation dun Ceaslov Stefan Cantacuzino. De la mme manire, vont procder quelques boyards. Liturghierul et Molitvelnicul sont offert Schei par le marchal de la cour, Serban et aussi par le grand cuyer Stefan. Radu Izvoreanu offrait en 1704 un Molitvelnic, Buzu, 1699 au village Drgu. Les hauts prlats feront leur tour des donations. Les mtropolites rudits Dosoftei de la Moldavie offrent au Palais mtropolitain de Alba Iulia un exemplaire de Viaa i petrecerea sfinilor, Iasi, 1683 et Antim Ivireanul faisait donation Scheii Brasov un exemplaire de louvrage Carte sau lumin, paru Snagov en 1699 et un Molitvelnic, Rmnic, 1706. La donation de livres anciens vers la Transylvanie a contribu laffirmation et au dveloppement de lunit spirituelle, culturelle, linguistique des Roumains. Les donations princires ont t orientes vers les autres provinces roumaines. En 1682 Scieni (Prahova), tefan Cantacuzino fera la donation dun exemplaire de la Biblia, quil avait dit Bucuresti. En 1688 Constantin Brncoveanu offrira lui aussi, un exemplaire de la Biblia, au monastre Hurezi.
Bdr, Doru, op. cit., pag.37 Olteanu, V., Intia coal romneasc din Scheii Braovului, Braov, 1981, pag.46-47 i pag. 50 11 Duda, Florian, op.cit.,pag. 73
9 10

51

Les boyards et les prlats contribuent leur tour laccomplissement de la politique de dfense de lunit spirituelle du peuple par la diffusion des livres liturgiques avec des textes accessibles. Des donations impressionnantes sont aussi celles des popes, copistes, chantres, paysans. En 1684 Toma Fgranul achtera de Bucuresti un Molitvelni au prix de dix pices en argent quil offrira lglise de Besimac (Braov), Macovei et Nicolae Toma payeront Iosif Tipograful 23 florins pour une Evanghelia de 1682, quils offriront lglise de Feleac. Les communauts villageoises, partir de leurs propres ressources, acquraient elles-mmes les livres pour leur glise. Leurs noms taient inscrits pour perptuel souvenir sur les pages des livres. De la sorte Duda mentionne le cas dun exemplaire de la Biblia, parue en 1688, provenant de ara Haegului (Brasov) o la liste de ceux qui ont contribu son achat renferme plus de 150 de pages. 12 Une autre voie de diffusion du livre ancien est le colportage, qui slargit par suite de la prsence des Roumains de la Transylvanie en Moldavie et Valachie, au dveloppement de lactivit typographique et de la demande croissante des livres anciens. Les colporteurs occasionnels, popes, copistes, chantres, moines, typographes, paysans, se rendaient dans les centres typographiques et en procuraient les livres ncessaires leur communaut. En change, les colporteurs spcialiss, copistes et typographes, durant leurs voyages, emmenaient un certain nombre de livres. Une activit soutenue lont eue les colporteurs spcialiss tels que Vasile Sturza Moldoveanul, copiste, qui a vendu en Transylvanie le livre ancien Cazania, Iai, 1643,un exemplaire de Tlcuirea liturghiei , Iai, 1697 et un Octoih, Trgovite, 1712, Badea Cran de Crioara Fgraului, ayant le mrite davoir cr des ponts spirituels des deux versants des montagnes de Fgra et Bucegi. La donation et le colportage en tant que moyens de diffusion du livre de la deuxime moiti du XVII-me sicle, tmoignent de lintrt prpondrant que la socit roumaine de ces temps-l a manifest envers la lumire du livre.

12

Ibidem, pag.78

52

Ldition des livres tait une initiative coteuse: Sachez que ce fut avec de gros frais quon a procur ce livre 13 , on mentionnait dans le prologue de lAntologhion, paru Cmpulung, en 1643. A lpoque, il ny avait pas lhabitude dinscrire sur le livre ancien le prix, lexception de Pravila, paru Govora en 1640, o lon mentionne le prix de ce livre a t valu 21 pices dargent, y compris les frais 14 On a affirm que le prix de ces livres tait fix en fonction du cot de lentier processus typographique 15 . Dans ce sens un exemplaire de Cazania du Varlaam, provenant du village Cmraul, dpartement Cluj, a t achet par Miere avec sa femme, Ispira et leur fils, Popa Ion, conformment une note date de 1643 16 . Les prix en taient marqus sur les pices: argents, florins,cus, zlotys, ducats. Ce fait rend difficile lquivalence de prix exact. On a signal des cas o Chiriacodromion, Blgrad, 1699, a t vendu en 1711 Oradea la foire aux bestiaux au prix dune paire de bufs 17 , un autre exemplaire du mme ouvrage, a t vendu Sngeorgiu de Mures, dpartement Mures, en 1717 pour un buf, un morceau de lard, 72 kilos de grains de bl et un srindar 18 (livre religieux). Tout ceux-ci tmoigne de ce que la vente des livres anciens la foire, tait une action individuelle. Malgr de telles difficults Florian Dudas a essay lestimation de certains prix, surtout en Transylvanie et Banat. Par exemple, Cazania de Varlaam, Iai, 1643, a eu un prix moyen, estim 21-28 florins, Indreptarea legii, Trgovite, 1652,50-60 florins. Au mme prix on pouvait acqurir Biblia, Bucuresti, 1688, pendant que les ouvrages anciens imprims dAntim Ivireanul auraient eu un prix estimatif de 10-12 florins. 19

Bianu, Ioan, Hodo, Nerva, Bibliografia romneasc veche, 1508-1830, Bucureti, Editura Academiei Romne, 1903 14 Duda , F., op. cit., pag.40 15 Ibidem ,pag. 113 16 Papacostea-Danielopolu, C., Demeny, L., Carte i tipar n societatea romneasc i sud-est european, secolele XVII-XIX, Bucureti, Ed. Eminescu, 1985, pag.113 17 Duda, F., op.cit., pag.61 18 Ibidem, pag.61 19 Ibidem, pag.66
13

53

Au-del des variations de prix dtermines par ltat de lexemplaire, les conditions de la vente, le temps coul ds lapparition du livre, on peut remarquer nanmoins une certaine uniformit de ces prix, surtout dans la priode immdiatemet suivante des ditions. 20 On confre au livre une position sociale toute particulire, grce sa valeur. Il y avait des cas o le livre tait fait donation lglise, afin de racheter le plus lourd chtiment: le crime. Un exemplaire dun ouvrage dit, Chiriacodromion, Blgrad ,1699, est achet et offert au dbut du XVIII-me sicle, Crpini par Irimie Groza, pour racheter la faute davoir tu Filimon Mihai, il a fait la paix avec le fils de Filimon Mihai et avec tous les siens devant le village entier quaux autorits locales dans le but de reconqurir sa libert 21 . Le livre reprsentait galement un bien successoral. La donation tait une condition sine qua non, destine empcher toute revendication ultrieure de celle-ci par les parents, pareil au cas de lexemplaire Evanghelia, paru Snagov, en 1697, offert par Toader Cutil dans le village Curtele (Bihor), avec la mention quil ne soit pas alin. 22 La valeur et le prestige du livre valaient en gage. Les deux attributions offraient aux crditeurs des garanties fermes pour la rcupration de largent ou des biens emprunts. Un Penticostar, paru Trgovite en 1649 est donn par le pope Radu de Gabrul (Dolj) en 1678, en gage, jusqu' ce quil acquitte le payement du nouvel tendard de souverainet et le crditeur le spcifiera sur les pages du livre. 23 Les exemplaires taient gards dans les stalles des glises, dans les bibliothques des monastres ou confis aux popes et aux chantres; par consquent, elles taient exposes aux facteurs de risque: feu, inondations, attaque biologique ou les pillages dus aux invasions et aux guerres du temps. Quant leur conservation, elles taient cartonnes. Comme ornements on utilisait des vignettes simples ou des motifs floraux, gomtriques ou des scnes bibliques imprimes. Pour la protection du volume on utilisait des fermetures en peau de veau ou mtal. Ce type de reliure sexcutait en monastres ou par des relieurs plerins.
20 21 22 23

Bdr, Doru, op.cit.,pag. 41 Duda F, op.cit., pag.82 Duda, Florian, Vechi cri romneti, pag. 109 Bdr, Doru, op. cit., pag. 42

54

Le problme de la diffusion des livres anciens roumains imprims a constitu un sujet important dinvestigation pour les chercheurs de lhistoire et de limprimerie roumaine. Les itinraires des rudits et de lancien livre roumain constitue un argument convaincant afin de dmontrer lexistence de lide de lorigine commune de toutes les provinces roumaines: la Moldavie, la Valachie et la Transylvanie. Les ditions imprimes ont contribu la maintenance dun climat culturel qui a accd la Union. Lexpansion des livres a connu un si grand nombre de titres et exemplaires, partir ds premiers ouvrages imprims de Macarie entre les ans 15081512 24 . A la suite des recherches rcentes on a signal 206 exemplaires de Cazania de Varlaam, Iasi, 1643, 117 exemplaires de Indreptarea legii,Trgovite, 1652, 196 exemplaires du Nouveau Testament, Blgrad, l699. La seconde moiti du XVII-me sicle, lglise orthodoxe passe du service divin en slavon celui en roumain. Lintroduction de la langue roumaine dans lglise impose lassurance dun nombre croissant de livres. Le service divin suivait certaines normes unitaires. On accde vers la gnralisation de la langue culte 25 cultive par les uvres des rudits. Cest ainsi que lunit de langue saffirme, se cultive consciemment. Les mentions spcifies sur les pages des livres relvent un autre aspect dfinitoire en ce qui concerne la fonction sociale du livre imprim au XVII-me sicle. Ils tmoignent de ce que les possesseurs de livres taient les glises ou les communauts villageoises. Mme sil tait achet par quelquun, le livre devenait un objet de donation. Celui qui la achet, la offert lglise de la localit respective ou un monastre. De cette manire-ci, il devenait un bien accessible pour la communaut entire. Le XVII-me sicle le livre roumain imprim poursuit le maintien et le renforcement de la foi orthodoxe en tant que protection contre les tendances de proslytisme: protestantisme, luthranisme, calvinisme ou unitarisme. Le livre roumain de la seconde moiti du XVII-me sicle devient pour les Roumains une composante de lide de lindividualit spcifique nationale. En Moldavie et Valachie, lglise orthodoxe tait la seule dominante. En change, les quatre glises-catholique, luthrienne, calviniste et unitarienne de Transylvanie imposaient
24 25

Simonescu, Dan, Bulu, Gheorghe, Pagini din istoria crii romneti, pag. 80 Papacostea Danielopolu, C., Demeni, L., op. cit., pag. 119

55

leur autorit, lglise roumaine tant considre une confession tolre. Les Roumains dici taient exposs un proslytisme, surtout calviniste et luthrien, ce qui a entran la promotion de lide dappartenance de tous les Roumains la mme communaut religieuse. La production de limprimerie roumaine a t dcisive dans ce sens, en acqurant un caractre prpondrant laque, humaniste. Les anciennes imprimeries, sont pour les Roumains, des livres reprsentatifs, pntrs par lesprit national et humaniste, caractristiques qui les ont animes et transformes aprs lUnion des provinces roumaines sous Mihai Viteazul, dans des facteurs de renaissance sociale et nationale. Les ouvrages anciens roumains nont pas connu de frontires, ils ont rpandu et conserv la spiritualit roumaine dans les trois provinces. Aux ouvrages nationaux anciens, on leur a consacr des tudes minutieuses qui abordent les aspects bibliographiques dans le contexte de la culture et de lhistoire nationales. Les chercheurs ont mis en vidence les aspects historiques, visant la paternit des crits (auteurs, traductions) et de ldition des textes (le patronage matriel, spirituel, censeurs, typographes, corrigeurs), lidentification du modle et des sources utilises par les auteurs des livres: la paternit de la graphique, de lactivit des graveurs, respectivement du registre ornemental ralis, la prcision du lieu, de la typographie et de la date de ldition. Le livre, en tant que gnrique culturel et composant du patrimoine spirituel, a acquis le rle de la diffusion de la littrature religieuse, de lecture et formation humaniste scientifique. La Bibliothque Dpartementale George Bariiu de Brasov a enrichi incessamment son patrimoine du livre ancien roumain. La section de collections spciales possde des ouvrages imprims des diffrents centres typographiques: Cartea de nvtur de Iai (1643), ndreptarea legii de Trgovite (1652), Evanghelia greco-romn, de Bucureti (1693). Le plus ancien ouvrage imprim de Braov est Noul Testament, en dition bilingue, grecque latine, dit en 1557 par le successeur de Honterus, Valentin Wagner. Dun rel intrt sont les exemplaires individualiss par ses possesseurs; ceux-ci y ont ajout des marques de proprit, annotations ou des reliures artistiques. Tout ceux-ci dcouvre le trajet parcouru par les livres, de limprimerie jusquaux rayons de la bibliothque publique. 56

La section de collections spciales dtient des fichiers par catgories de documents, publie des catalogues, valorise les fonds par llaboration des ouvrages de spcialit. Les valeurs bibliophiles des sicles XVI-XVIII remarquables pour lhistoire du livre et de limprimerie, lhistoire littraire et linguistique, sont renfermes dans Catalogul tipriturilor romneti existente la Braov (1539-1750). Les 264 titres des trois provinces roumaines de la priode 1539-1750 sont conservs dans les bibliothques du municipe Brasov:La Bibliothque Dpartementale Brasov, La Bibliothque du Muse Dpartementale, Le Muse de la Premire Ecole Roumaine de chei, La Bibliothque des Archives de lEtat et la Bibliothque Documentaire de lEglise Noire. Les livres reprsentent un intrt tout particulier tant par leur contenu thmatique vari et la richesse linguistique, car elles sont rdigs en roumain, latin, grecque, allemand, hongrois, que pour lart typographique. La principale source pour la procuration des dates ncessaires la description de la publication est la page de titre. Lorsque celui-ci manque, on a utilis les informations offertes par le texte: prface, titre de chapitre, les notes de lditeur ou du typographe. Chronologiquement, jai mis en vidence les publications suivantes: les ouvrages anciens roumains coressiens-TriodPenticostar slavon. Trgovite (1558), Sbornic slavon. Braov (1569), Octoih slavon, Braov (1574), Psaltire slavon. Braov (1577), Octoih slavon, Blgrad (1578), Evanghelie cu nvtur. Braov (1581), Evanghelia nvtoare. Govora (1642), Carte romneasc de nvtur. Iai, Tipografia Mitropoliei, 1643, Noul Testament. Blgrad (Alba Iulia). 1648, ndreptarea legii. Trgovite (1652), Biblia. Bucureti (1688), Antologhion. Rmnic (1737), Molitvenic. Bucureti (1741), Cazanii. Bucureti (1742), Penticostar. Rmnic (1743), Evanghelie. Bucureti (1750), reprsentatives pour le processus volutif de pntration de la langue roumaine en tant que langue officielle crite et du remplacement du slavon. Triod-Penticostar est le livre o apparaissent pour la premire fois les gravures en cycle pareillement aux livres allemands ou hollandais du mme sicle (Die grosse Passion) 26 . Il y a onze gravures sur bois, qui reprsentent des scnes de la vie, des souffrances et du supplice du Christ: Rstignirea pe
26 Simonescu, Dan, Petrescu, Victor, Trgovitea-vechi centru tipografic romnesc, Trgovite, Muzeul Judeean Dmbovia, 1972, pag.26

57

cruce, Inmormntarea, nvierea, Artarea lui Christos naintea Mariei, Vindecarea paraliticului, Christos n templu ntre nvtorii legii, Christos cu Samariteanca la pu, nlarea Domnului, Pipirea lui Toma necredinciosul, Vindecarea orbului, Coborrea Sfntului Duh. Admirant ces admirables xylogravures coressiennes, on sent une profonde motion jaillie du pittoresque et de la simplicit des scnes parfois populaires, pareille la scne de la Rsurrection du Christ, qui reprend les lments de sa Descente aux Enfers, comme dans lEvangile apocryphe, attribu Nicodim 27 , allait mentionner Dan Simonescu. Reprsentative est la scne Artarea lui Christos naintea Mariei, qui mane une grce des mouvements moins utilise dans liconographie hiratique orthodoxe. Le dcor prsente de hautes montagnes en terrasses semblables aux peintures mdivales italiennes. Les lettres initiales sont pares dornementations florales. Tout est encadr dans un quadrilatre sur un fond noir, suggrant lart de la Renaissance italienne. Carte romneasc de nvtur reprsente le premier livre en roumain. Cest louvrage dit en 1643 par un rudit humaniste, le mtropolite Varlaam. Le tirage en a t estim 1000 exemplaires, grce la destination initiale et lexistence de plus de 254 exemplaires seulement en Transylvanie, conformment la statistique de Florian Dudas. La premire partie renferme 54 nvturi (Enseignements) du Triod, Penticostar et ceux des 32 dimanches suite la clbration de La Descente du Saint-Esprit, la deuxime partie, 21 de sermons, des textes contenu hagiographique et pangyrique. Les pages du Cazania attestent la forme soigne que la langue roumaine littraire possdait la premire moiti du XVII-me sicle. Riche en comparaisons expressives, la phrase de Varlaam a un charme tout particulier. Synthse des normes de la langue roumaine littraire, la langue de Varlaam est unitaire, en ce qui concerne la phontique, le lexique et la syntaxe. Les vers du mtropolite comptent parmi les premiers ouvrages de versification publis en roumain. Les trois compositions versifies, totalisant vingt-huit vers, reprsentent: la premire, un loge ddi au pouvoir princier, les deux autres, hymnes caractre religieux.
27

Simonescu, Dan, Petrescu, Victor, op.cit., pag.26

58

En tant que ralisation graphique, Cazania reprsente un vnement dexception dans lhistoire de limprimerie roumaine. Cet ouvrage excelle par la varit des initiales, vignettes, frontispices rectangulaires, pars de motifs phytomorphes et lments figurs byzantines, selon les motifs de la renaissance baroque reprises par filire ukrainienne. Les vingt-cinq xylogravures, ralises par lillustre graveur de vocation europenne, Ilia Anagnoste, constituent llment artistique dfinitoire de ce livre. Ldition du livre a connu deux sries dexemplaires, types ou tirages, nots conventionnellement A et B. Les diffrences consistent dans laspect graphique des pages de titre, la numrotation, lillustration des exemplaires. Les xylogravures, identifis et dcrites par Florea Murean et Atanasie Popa sont les suivantes: la gravure de la page de titre type A, 1643/type B, 1643; Stema Moldovei (page 1); Intrarea n Ierusalim, 1641(page 96); nvierea (pag. 124), Rusaliile (page. 198), Toi sfinii (page. 209), Simion Stlpnicul (page.1), Sf.Dimitrie (page.16), Sf. Mihail (page.21), Sf. Nicolae (page.28), Naterea Domnului (page.36), Tierea mprejur (page.42), Botezul Domnului (page.46), ntmpinarea Domnului (page.52), Sf. Teodor Tiron (page.58), Buna Vestire (page.67), Sf. Gheorghe (page.71), Sf. Ioan cel Nou de la Suceava (page.79), Naterea Sf. Ioan Preaditeci (page.85), Sf. Apostoli Petru i Pavel (page.90), Schimbarea la fa (page.96), Adormirea Maicii Domnului (page.103), Tierea capului Sf. Ioan Boteztorul (page.110), Cuvioasa Paraschiva (1641-1643variantes-page 116). Cazania a servi en tant que modle aux nombreuses ditions, ayant une large diffusion et multiplication en copies manuscrites. Noul Testament. Blgrad (Alba Iulia, 1648) est une oeuvre orthodoxe remarquable, suprieure toutes les traductions de textes bibliques publis jusqu cette date. On retient les suivantes lments significatives : la ralisation de la traduction et ldition du texte du Nouveau Testament dans les conditions dune existence dune puissante offensive du calvinisme en Transylvanie, concrtise par lexercice, sous le patronage mme de lautorit princire de Gh.Rkoczi I, de lactivit de proslytisme confessionnel calviniste, des consquences de la Dcret-loi du 10 octobre 1643, visant la reconnaissance du mtropolite orthodoxe de Alba-Iulia et du Diplme princier de lan 1647 pour lEglise Roumaine de la 59

Transylvanie, implicitement pour laccomplissement dune action culturelle ditoriale des livres destins au service divin. A la fin de lan 1647 le mtropolite orthodoxe Simeon tefan a men bien le desideratum de lglise et de la culture roumaine: une nouvelle dition testamentaire complte en roumain, anticipant celle de la Bible intgrale de 1688. On a attribu au Nouveau Testament une importance thologique ditoriale, rudite, notestamentaire et exgtique. La tenue graphique de ldition du texte et de lornementation relve un ouvrage remarquable, labor par lune des typographies roumaines du XVII-me sicle. Par la qualit de sa traduction, Noul Testament a eu un rle primordial, visant le renforcement de lunit de la langue et de la culture, en contribuant limposition dune norme, surtout lexicale. ndreptarea legii. Trgovite, 1652 savre tre une importante loi du vieux droit roumain dit jusquau XVIII-me sicle. Louvrage renferme deux parties distinctes: 1. La loiJudecata arhiereasc i mprteasc de toate vinile preoeti i mprteti (417 chapitres); 2. Catastihul (103 chapitres). La premire partie contient une suite de normes pnales, agraires et civiles, prceptes des Pres de lEglise et rgles dorganisation religieuse, y compris quelques formules ncessaires la pratique de la Chancellerie ecclsiastique. Linsertion du formulaire pistolaire, utile lpoque, est le premier en roumain, destin rglementer les modles littraires de correspondance entre ecclsiastiques et mettent en vidence les formules adresses aux laques. Parmi les textes de la premire partie se trouve un rudit expos historique, visant les sept conciles cumniques de lEmpire byzantin. La deuxime partie contient des extraits des Canons des aptres, des Conciles cumniques et de Pres de lEglise, en sachevant des conseils pour les services divins. Intressants du point de vue des rglements sont les articles qui se rapportent la proprit, au vol, la falsification des monnaies, lincendie des manoirs, la calomnie. Biblia, Bucureti (1688) est loeuvre qui marque un progrs substantiel, visant lenrichissement de la langue roumaine littraire. Par sa monumentalit, elle reste un modle culturel littraire et une criture spirituelle roumaine, ayant un rle prdominant dans la culture orthodoxe nationale et lactivit de traductions et dition des textes religieux, surtout du texte biblique dans une langue nationale. 60

On a attribu la traduction du texte biblique aux frres erban et Radu Greceanu. Le mtropolite Teodosie a rdig les deux Prfaces. Parmi les coauteurs, rdacteurs rviseurs des textes prts tre imprims, on mentionne lcuyer Constantin Cantacuzino, qui a eu le rle de consultance, tant donn son rudition, et sa place dans la famille princire et llite culturelle de la socit valaque de lpoque. Ce qui surprend vis--vis de la structure phontique de la langue de cet ouvrage, cest le nombre considrable dalternances phontiques. Cela tmoigne de labsence des normes phontiques stables et unitaires de la langue roumaine littraire de lpoque, tout au moins en Valachie. Quant au vocabulaire, on remarque que le nombre des mots religieux dorigine slave est trs rduit. Apparaissent en change des mots nombreux dorigine latine, grecque, hongroise, polonais, qui confrent un caractre spcifique lexpos. Ldition de la Bible a connu lempreinte de lactivit en quipe, assurant les modalits pratiques pour que le texte soit imprim, grav et corrig. Les ralisateurs techniques dun tel livre ont consacr le nom de Mitrofan, vque de Hui, en qualit de typographe, Athanasie Moldoveanul, collaborateur de lvque rudit Mitrofan, traducteur qui soutiendra ldition de lEvangile grecque roumaine, Bucureti, 1693, Damaschin Gherbest, graveur, le futur prlat Antim Ivireanul, possesseur dun intressant et symbolique blason et Ioan Bacov. Le texte de Biblia de la Bucuresti excelle par concision. Les noncs en propositions simples, se succdent naturellement, introduite par les particules dictiques: voil et tout de suite, donc, nouveau etc. Drago Morrescu attribue la ralisation de lornementation de la Bible Damaschin Gherbest, qui aurait excut les initiales et lornement final en collaboration avec les typographes Andrei (Antim Ivireanul) et Ionachie Bacov. Damaschin Gherbest est lexcutant du registre ornemental: frontispices, initiales, en reprenant le modle de la Bible, Ostrog, 1581. Lornement linaire gomtrique situ la fin des chapitres des pages 69, 152, 240, 264, 234, 334 etc., dans la priode moderne et contemporaine chez nous, a lorigine dans le modle cr par le matre graveur allemand Jost Amman et inclus dans louvrage imprim In Studiosorum gratim Amendis omnibuz probe expurgatorum, Pars secunda, Francofurti ad Moenum MDLXXII (1572) dans la Typographie de Sigismund Feyrabend, repris par la Bible, Ostrog, 1581. 61

Biblia a t identifie en Transylvanie, dans les localits: Abrud (Alba), Arad, Avrig, Beiu, Boiu (Cluj), Braov, Bungard (Sibiu), Deva, Dup Piatr (Hunedoara), Oradea, Poiana Sibiului, Rinari, Salite (Sibiu), Smbta de Sus (Braov), Trgu-Mure, Teliu (Braov), Vitea de Jos (Braov). Autres exemplaires sont conservs dans le cadre des fonds documentaires: trois des dix exemplaires de la Bibliothque de lAcadmie proviennent de Transylvanie. La Bibliothque documentaire de Cluj-Napoca en dispose de quatre exemplaires. Mineiul pe luna septembrie. 7206, anul de la zidirea lumii,Buzu Mineele sont des livres destins la clbration de la messe. Ils renferment les cantiques fixs aux ftes des Saints, assembles dans douze livres, selon le nombre des douze mois de lanne (Mineul pe septembrie, Mineul pe octombrie etc.). Liturghie . Rmnic.1733 caractres cyrilliques._Vignette orne._Gravures, frontispices, ornements de composition typographiques, initiales ornes. Les xylogravures sont signes par Dimitrie Pantovici et Mihail Rmniceanul Molitvenic.Bucureti. 1741_Caractres cyrilliques._Le blason de la Valachie et de la Moldavie sur la page de titre, verso._La reliure en carton et en cuir. Apostol. Rmnic. 1747_Caractres cyrilliques._La page de titre encadre de motifs floraux._Le blason de la Valachie et de la Moldavie sur la page de titre, verso._Frontispices, vignettes, initiales ornes._La reliure en bois et cuir. Evanghelie.Bucureti.1750_Caractres cyrilliques._Texte deux colonnes ._Gravures, frontispices, vignettes, initiales ._La reliure en bois et cuir. La page 184-Maica Domnului cu pruncul , identique celle de lAcatist, Rmnic,1747; Catavasier, Rmnic, 1747,1750,1753,1759,1769; Psaltire, Rmnic, 1751,1764, Ceaslov, Rmnic,1753,1787,1792. Le rle du livre ancien roumain pour la maintenance de la conscience nationale est, sans doute, relevant. A une poque o lunit de foi reprsentait un facteur de cohsion nationale, obstacle face aux armes trangres et aux influences spirituelles, le livre a t le reflex matriel de la conscience de

62

dfense, manifestation culturelle une puissante force de pntration 28 . Except le registre idique, le livre tait en mme temps produit de la matrise de lartisan artiste et tmoignage du niveau atteint par les artres adjacentes de limprimerie-la gravure, en tout premier lieu, lart de la reliure et ensuite,un objet apprci pour tous ses composants : contenu, impression, papier, graphique, qualit de la reliure 29 . Lillustration et lornementation des anciens ouvrages imprims refltent une nouvelle vision dorientation dans lesprit du sicle. A travers les ides quelle transmet, par sa diffusion, par le message humaniste et son rle culturel, formatif, la civilisation du livre met en vidence son apport essentiel laccomplissement de sa fonction: le culturalisme de la socit.

Bibliographie 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Andreescu, Ana, Arta crii, Bucureti, Ed. Integral, 1997 Bdr, Doru, Tiparul romnesc la sfritul secolului al XVIIlea i nceputul secolului al XVIII-lea, Brila, Ed. Istros, 1998 Bianu, Ioan, Hodo , Nerva, Bibliografia romneasc veche, 1508-1830, Bucureti, Ed. Academiei romne, 1903 Duda, Florian, Cazania lui Varlaam n Transilvania, Ed. Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1983 Duda, Florian, Vechi cri romneti cltoare, Bucureti, Ed. Sport-Turism, 1987 Joja, Athanasie,Profilul spiritual al poporului romn, Bucureti, Editura Politic, 1967 Micu, Dumitru, Scurt istorie a literaturii romne, Bucureti, Ed. Iriana, 1994 Olteanu, Vasile, ntia coal romneasc n cheii Braovului, Ed. Aula, 2000 Papacostea-Danielopolu, Cornelia, Demeny Lidia, Carte i tipar n societatea romneasc i sud-est european, secolele XVII-XIX, Bucureti, Ed. Eminescu, 1985

Andreescu, Ana, Arta crii (Cartea romneasc n secolele XVI-XVII), Bucureti, Editura Integral, 1999, pag. 7 29 Ibidem, pag.7
28

63

10. Pascu, tefan, Desvrirea unificrii statului naional romn. Unirea Transilvaniei cu vechea Romnie, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i pedagogic, 1968 11. Simonescu, Dan, Bulu, Gheorghe, Pagini din istoria crii romneti, Bucureti, Ed. Ion Creang, 1981 12. Simonescu, Dan, Petrescu, Victor, Trgovite-vechi centru tipografic romnesc, Trgovite, Muzeul judeean Dmbovia, 1972 13. iadbei, L., Istoria literaturii vechi, Bucureti, Ed. Albatros, 1975 14. Tiprituri romneti existente la Braov (1539-1750), Biblioteca Judeean Braov, 198

64

REACTIONS PRO-EUROPEENNES ET ANTIEUROPEENNES DANS LA CULTURE ROUMAINE DU TOURNANT DES XVIII ET XIX SIECLES Laureniu Vlad * Abstract
Starting from the writings of some Romanian chroniclers (Naum Rmniceanu, Ioan Dobrescu, Grigore Andronescu, Manolache Drghici etc.), compared with those of other scholars which were comtemporary with the former (Chesarie of Rmnic, Grigore Rmniceanu, Dinicu Golescu etc.), our essay tries to elucidate the way in which the European civilization was percieved in the cultural imaginary of the Romanian Principalities during the last half of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, as well as the rejections produced by this civilization. We shall particularly insist on two of the ideas that can be found in these writings: the admiration towards the old continent's civilization on the one hand, and the embryonic, but developing, anti-europeanism of that period, on the other. If, during the 17th century, the Romanian humanists talked about the prestigious Latin origins of the Romanian people and language, a century later, the scholars of the Enlightenment tried to place these scientific findings in a European context. Thus, Europe wasn't perceived only as a geografic or religious entity anymore, with a slight emphasis on the political factor. It had acquired a cultural connotation as well, and it had become a model: the Enlightened Europe. Some of the 19th century chroniclers (Naum Rmniceanu or Manolachi Drghici) eulogized Western Europe, conscious, like many of their fellows, of the cultural and political superiority of this civilization in comparison whith that of the Romanian Principalities. On the contrary, for others like Grigore Andronescu or Ioan Dobrescu, the European influences could be destructive. They were leading to the decay of institutions, of customs and even of the native Christian tradition. This intransigence, which can be attributed to the lack of education of the two chroniclers we mentioned, prevented them to make the subtle distinction operated in 1798 by the clergyman Grigore Rmniceanu between the inside world, essential according to the orthodox tradition, and the outside world, which could be still praised inasmuch as it enriched the earthly life of the Europeans. The two chroniclers we recalled can be considered among the first Romanian anti-europeanists of the 19th century. * humanism, chroniclers
*Profesor

anti

European

attitudes,

enlightenment,

Romanian

dr., Universitatea din Bucureti

65

Si, au XVIIe sicle, les humanistes roumains se sentaient lintrieur de lEurope chrtienne, quils percevaient comme une communaut (voir les cas des savants Constantin Cantacuzino et Dimitrie Cantemir), au sicle phanariote ce sentiment fut constamment sap et les hommes de lettres des Principaut furent isols et contraints de supporter les rigueurs du rgime 1 . Cet isolement, la connaissance indirecte de la civilisation europenne, double sans doute dune rflexion accentue sur lorthodoxie, firent natre dans limaginaire culturel drudits roumains (lis, pour la plupart, lglise) lide que le vieux continent tait un espace de civilisation nettement diffrent de lespace autochtone 2 . Les Lumires apportrent le contact direct avec le monde occidental et stimulrent les rflexions comparatives; par consquent, llite culturelle et politique de la fin du XVIIIe sicle et du dbut du XIXe sicle insista sur la manire dattnuer le dcalage technologique entre les deux mondes, souvent en dveloppant, par del ladmiration pour le modle occidental, un sentiment aigu dinfriorit 3 . Nous essaierons, dans ce qui suit, danalyser, partir des textes de chroniqueurs roumains (Naum Rmniceanu, Ioan Dobrescu, Grigore Andronescu, Manolache Drghici, etc.) associs un certain nombre de rflexions appartenant dautres savants de lpoque (Chesarie de Rmnic, Grigore Rmniceanu prfaces au livres de culte, Dinicu Golescu relations de voyages, etc.), la manire dont fut perue la civilisation europenne, ainsi que les ractions quelle provoqua dans limaginaire culturel des Principauts la fin du XVIIIe sicle et au dbut du XIXe. Notre dmarche suivra la voie ouverte dans lhistoriographie roumaine par les tudes magistrales de Vlad Georgescu (Istoria ideilor politice romneti, 1369-1878 [Histoire des ides politiques roumaines, 1369-1878], Ion Dumitru Verlag, Mnchen, 1987), Adrian Marino (Pentru Europa. Integrarea Romniei. Aspecte ideologice i culturale [Pour lEurope. Lintgration de la Roumanie. Aspects idologiques et culturels], Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995) ou Alexandru Duu (Ideea de Europa i evoluia contiinei europene [Lide dEurope et lvolution de la conscience europennes],
1 Vlad Georgescu, Istoria ideilor politice romneti, 1369-1878, Jon Dumitru Verlag, Mnchen, 1987, p. 73 2 Ibidem. Ides retrouves aussi dans les tudes d'Alexandru Duu concernant ce problme. 3 Ibidem, p. 74. Ides retrouves aussi dans les tudes d'Adrian Marino concernant ce problme.

66

Editura All, Bucureti, 1999), tout en insistant sur deux ides: ladmiration pour la civilisation du vieux continent (voir l'Europe occidentale) et les ractions anti-europennes (anti-occidentales) qui se dveloppent dans les Principauts la fin du XVIIIe sicle et au dbut du XIXe. Nous prcisons que certaines ides de notre prsente intervention se retrouvent dans un article publi en roumain dans Revista de Politic Internaional [Revue de Politique Internationale], I, 5-6, pp. 175-178 / ( Evropele Romnilor de odinioar [ Les Europes des Roumains de jadis ]). LEurope claire . Mais la vision la plus complte de la gographie politique europenne est celle de Naum Rmniceanu et de Nicolae Stoica de Haeg au dbut du XIXe sicle. Le premier voquait dans sa chronique une image de lEurope emprunte aux gographes les plus rcents (influence sans doute par lune des nombreuses versions de lIconologie de Cesare Ripa, dont la premire dition parut Rome en 1593 4 ), limaginant comme une femme assise sur un trne: la tte, cest lEspagne, le cou la France extrieure, comme une partie qui stend au pied des Pyrnes; la poitrine la France elle-mme; les bras lItalie et la Bretagne; le ventre lAllemagne; le nombril la Bohme; et lautre corps, couvert de vtements longs autour du trne, cest la Norvge, le Danemark, la Suisse, la Finlande, la Livonie, la Lituanie, la Prusse, la Pologne, la Hongrie et la Slavonie, la Croatie, la Dalmatie, la Grce, la Roumlie, la Serbie, la Bulgarie, la Transylvanie, le Banat, la Valachie, la Moldavie, etc. 5 . LEurope tait galement un rservoir de science, que les natures studieuses se devaient dexplorer, linstar de monsieur
The History of the Idea Europe, edited by Kevin Wilson, Jan van der Dussen, Routlege, London and New York, 1996, pp. 53, 55, 57 5 tefan Bezdechi, Cronica inedit de la Blaj a protosinghelului Naum Rmniceanu, Cluj-Sibiu, 1944, pp. 67-68. Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, Cronica Banatului, tude introductive, dition, glossaire et indice de Damaschin Mioc, 2e dition rvise, Editura Facla, Timioara, 1981, pp. 56-57, apportait des prcisions: Notre Europe, il est plus facile den retenir limage si on se la reprsente sous les traits dune jeune femme assise, savoir: 1o, lornement de la tte, cest le Portugal; 2o, le visage, cest lEspagne; 3o, le bras, cest la France; 4o, la main gauche, cest lAngleterre; 5o, la main droite, cest lItalie; 6o, laisselle gauche, ce sont les PaysBas; 7o, laisselle droite, cest la Suisse; 8o, les cuisses, cest lAllemagne, la Pologne et la Hongrie; 9o, les genoux, cest le Danemark, la Norvge et la Sude; 10o, le vtement, descendant jusquaux pieds, cest la Russie; 11o, le dos, cest la partie europenne de la Turquie . Nous avons repr dans la Chronique du Banat de Nicolae Stoica de Haeg plus de vingt occurrences du terme Europe , dont la plupart avaient des sens gographiques et politiques.
4

67

Preda Drugnescul, fils du vel vornic [chef de la cour du prince] Drugnescul, qui, parti en 1710 ltranger pour faire des tudes, a voyag dans presque toute lEurope 6 . Plus dun sicle aprs Nicolae Costin, un autre chroniqueur, Naum Rmniceanu, reprenait lpisode biblique du partage de la terre. Selon lui, Japhet hritait strictement de la rgion occidentale de lEurope (une trentaine doccurrences de ce terme et de ses driv dans le texte de la chronique), cest--dire la rgion o les bonnes qualits resplendirent toujours, pour ce qui est des murs, de la science acquise par ltude, de lart militaire et de tout ce qui est utile la vie des gens , cest--dire la rgion qui possde beaucoup de sagesse et de savoir-vivre, comme cela se voit chez les Grecs, les Macdoniens ou les Romains si bien que dautres gographes la disent pare de toutes les bonnes qualits et ne manquant de rien de ce qui est ncessaire tant la prosprit de lhomme qu son divertissement 7 . Le mme point de vue se retrouve chez Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, qui, dans les annes 20 du XIXe sicle, voyait lEurope comme une cole des sciences et du savoir 8 . Naum Rmniceanu nest pas le premier avoir fait lloge de la culture et de la civilisation europennes. Il convient de mentionner le hirarque Chesarie ou larchimandrite Grigore Rmniceanu. Ceux-ci furent influencs par les textes dhumanistes comme Constantin Cantacuzino ou Dimitrie Cantemir9 , qui portaient sur les origines daco-romaines de lhistoire des Roumains et quils ont d connatre par lintermdiaire de miscellanes copies Rmnicu-Vlcea par le hirodiacre Anatolie vers 1774 10 . Dans ce manuscrit, le copiste avait insr lHistoire de Constantin Cantacuzino dans une Cosmographie, ce qui permettait de dessiner une carte de lEurope o lespace roumain occupait une place distincte11 . La rflexion sur lEurope tait dsormais possible, et
6 Apud Rzvan Theodorescu, Civilizaia romnilor ntre medieval i modern. Orizontul imaginii, 1550-1800, I, Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1987, p. 140 7 Stefan Bezdechi, op. cit., pp. 59, 67. Fragment cit dans la mme perspective par Adrian Marino, Pentru Europa. Integrarea Romniei. Aspecte ideologice i culturale, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1995, p. 160 8 Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, op. cit., pp. 56, 59 9 Alexandru Duu mentionne galement Miron Costin (voir Romanian Humanists and European Culture, Editura Academiei RSR, Bucureti, 1977, p. 155, ou Europes Image with Romanian Representatives of the Enlightenment , in Enlightenment and Romanian Society, edited by Pompiliu Teodor, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1980, pp. 144-145) 10 Ctlina Velculescu, ntre scriere i oralitate, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1988, p. 96 11 Ibidem, p. 103.

68

Chesarie, Grigore et, plus tard, Naum Rmniceanu, qui ont connu plus ou moins directement les fragments consacrs lEurope dans les miscellanes dAnatolie, les rsumrent et les interprtrent dans leurs textes12 . Ainsi, en 1779, dans sa prface aux Mnes (offices pour chaque jour de lanne) pour le mois de janvier, Chesarie se montrait proccup par la grandeur et la dcadence politique de lEurope, selon la volont de la providence divine (ce thme se rapproche des rflexions humanistes), puisque cela stait dj pass dans lhistoire avec dautres empires 13 . Dans un texte semblable de 1798, Grigore Rmniceanu dpassait la dimension politique du thme de la grandeur et de la dcadence dvelopp par son prcurseur, pour sarrter sur lexcellence europenne en matire de sciences , de techniques et de bonnes murs 14 . Ctait la principale raison pour laquelle lEurope mritait dtre appele le joyau du monde 15 . Mais Grigore apprciait plus le zle religieux de ses compatriotes, quil rangeait parmi les Europens, que la science pratique de ces derniers: beaucoup de nos jeunes, anims par le dsir de se rendre utiles leur patrie, sont alls, non sans efforts ni sans dangers, dans des pays lointains, afin dtudier dans des coles de renom ; mais ce qui les intressait, ce ntait ni les technique, ni la gomtrie ou laltimtrie, ni lastronomie, mais ce qui concernait la dfense et le renforcement de la sainte chrtient; et, une fois de retour, ces jeunes gens dmontraient leur ferveur dans linterprtation des saintes critures (), et ce quils avaient acquis ailleurs, ils le faisaient fructifier chez eux 16 . Ainsi, les Rmniceanu logiaient lEurope des Lumires ( lEurope claire ), quils dcouvraient continuellement, mais restaient fidles ce monde intrieur qui tait, selon la pense dinspiration orthodoxe, un monde des essences, des constantes, des permanences, en un mot, du sacr17 . videmment, dans de pareilles conditions, il y avait une distinction trs prcise par rapport ce monde extrieur , domin par les calculs et par les passions
Ibidem, pp. 104-106. Pour dautres donnes significatives de ce point de vue, voir Alexandru Duu, Coordonate ale culturii romneti n secolul XVIII, 17001821, Editura pentru Literatur, Bucureti, 1968, pp. 143-167. 13 Prface aux Mnes pour le mois de janvier (1779), in Alexandru Duu, Coordonate ale culturii romneti n secolul XVIII, 1700-1821, p. 183. 14 Prface au Triode (1798), n ibidem, p. 192. 15 Ibidem. 16 Ibidem, pp. 192-193. 17 Idem, Ideea de Europa i evoluia contiinei europene, Ed. All, Bucureti, 1999, p. 107
12

69

humaines 18 , que semblait tre celui de lEurope occidentale. Cependant, leur loge de la civilisation occidentale des Lumires ne resta pas sans cho. Il conduisit lidalisation de lEurope or, de cette idalisation au complexe culturel des Roumains par rapport la civilisation du vieux continent il ny avait quun pas19 . Ce complexe, quAdrian Marino appelle, dans ses Carnets europens, le complexe de Dinicu Golescu , ainsi que la perception de plus en plus aigu des dcalages, exprime par les efforts obsessifs pour les rcuprer et pour obtenir la reconnaissance europenne des Roumains, a marqu la premire image historique dun dbat qui a, depuis, revtu diffrentes formes ( traditionalisme versus modernit , autochtonisme versus europanisme , nationalisme versus humanitarisme , Orient versus Occident , etc.). Il sagissait, au fond, de la conscience de lappartenance ou de la non appartenance des Roumains lEurope. Le problme se posait en des termes trs clairs dans lesprit des Roumains de la fin du XVIIIe sicle et du dbut du XIXe sicle: pour les savants et les politiciens de lpoque Ienachi Vcrescu, Petru Maior, Ioan Budai Deleanu, Gheorghe incai, Gheorghe Lazr, Gheorghe Asachi, Ion Heliade Rdulescu, Vasile Alecsandri, Mihail Koglniceanu, Cezar Bolliac, etc. il tait vident que les Roumains se situaient, gographiquement, lintrieur du vieux continent, quils faisaient partie de la chrtient europenne, mais que, du point de vue culturel et politique, ils devaient se donner dautres ambitions pour pouvoir se sentir europens20 . Lappartenance politiques des Principauts lEurope turque entranait, de toute vidence, le retard culturel des Roumains par rapport lEurope des Lumires ( lEurope claire ), selon lexpression de Dinicu Golescu21 . Les chroniqueurs du XIXe sicle lont eux aussi bien compris; ainsi, mme sil incluait les Principauts roumaines parmi les entits politiques continentales, Naum Rmniceanu tait bien conscient de leur position marginale: () nous [sommes] un petit pays de lEurope, et notre territoire ne saurait se comparer aux royaumes et aux empires de lEurope! 22 . Dailleurs, les Pays roumains figuraient parmi les onze duchs du continent,
Ibidem. Adrian Marino, op. cit., pp. 157-158 20 Ibidem, pp. 158-159, 160-188 21 Dinicu Golescu, Scrieri, dition tablie, tude introductive, notes, commentaires, bibliographie, glossaire et indice de Mircea Anghelescu, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1990, pp. 3-4, 61. 22 tefan Bezdechi, op. cit., p. 99
18 19

70

lesquels sajoutaient trois empires et dix royaumes pour constituer lEurope politique de lpoque 23 . Une trentaine dannes plus tard, Nicolae Stoica de Haeg numrait, parmi les pays qui composaient la carte politique du vieux continent ( notre Europe , selon lexpression du chroniqueur), quatre empires ( notre Autriche, lempire des Russes, celui des Turcs et celui du pape de Rome ) et treize royaumes ( lAngleterre, la France, la Prusse, la Sude, le Danemark, lEspagne, le Portugal, la Sardaigne, Naples, la Bavire, le Wurtemberg, la Saxe, la Hollande 24 ). Enfin, au milieu du XIXe sicle, un chroniqueur, assez rserv quant aux innovations trangres, mais adversaire des influences asiatiques ou turques, Manolachi Drghici, prcisait, en valuant la situation de la Moldavie aprs le rgne de Mihail Sturdza, que son pays avait pris un aspect europen 25 . Le point de dpart de ce processus tait, selon lui, lune des stipulations du trait dAndrinople (1829), qui avait t ralise: la cration dune institution organique reprsentative, sur le modle des tats de lEurope civilise, qui serve de fondement ladministration princire 26 . LEurope de Voltaire, celui hat par Dieu . Mais l Europe a engendr dautres ractions galement. Une partie de cette socit ferme, isole, fidle, ne serait-ce que formellement, aux traditions religieuses, qutait la socit roumaine dancien rgime ne pouvait rester indiffrente aux influences trangres, rejetait en bloc toutes les innovations, plus ou moins audacieuses, qui pouvaient tre identifies de manire plus ou moins explicite comme provenant de lEurope. Ainsi, pour le chroniqueur valaque anonyme de la fin du XVIIe sicle et du dbut du XVIIIe sicle, la dtrioration des murs autochtones tait due la mode allemande : par exemple, le capitaine Preda de Prooroci portait des cheveux longs, lallemande, quil attachait au sommet de la tte, sous son islic [grosse coiffure de mode orientale], et des bottes allemandes

Ibidem, p. 65 Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, op. cit., p. 56 25 Manolachi Drghici, Istoria Moldovei pe timp de 500 de ani pn n zilele noastre, transposition en roumain contemporain et commentaires de Constantin Mihescu-Gruiu, II, Gruparea cultural Europa n Romnia , 1999, pp. 307, 326. Nous avons repr dans le texte de Manolachi Drghici une trentaine doccurrences du terme Europe et de ses drivs, avec des sens culturels, gographiques ou politiques (parfois, le contexte permet de dceler galement des significations confessionnelles). 26 Idem, op. cit., II, ed. 1857, p. 181
23 24

71

perons (); la mode allemande ou plutt folle quil suivait lavait corrompu 27 . Un sicle plus tard, Ioan Dobrescu voyait les choses de la mme faon. Il avait limpression que les Roumains staient rvolts contre Dieu , croyant davantage aux murs, aux vtements (), aux soleries et surtout la fornication ; il remarquait ensuite que les femmes apparaissaient en cheveux courts , ou bien avec la poitrine dcouverte , portant toutes sortes dornements diaboliques , et que les hommes avaient renonc leur costume traditionnel, pour prendre des vtements trangers, comme les paens certains lallemande, dautres la franaise, etc., et portaient leurs cheveux courts et friss comme les femmes auparavant 28 . Mais les murs et la mode ntaient pas les seuls entrer en contradiction avec les coutumes et les traditions roumaines, identifies par notre chroniqueur avec la juste foi ( cela convient aux paens, pour lesquels il ny a pas de salut, et non pas nous autres chrtiens ) il y avait aussi les lectures en franais, en allemand ou en italien de ses contemporains, qui prfraient la doctrine de cet athe de Voltaire, quils vnraient, les paens, comme un Dieu 29 . Prcisons que les ouvrages de Voltaire, trs connus dans certains milieux socio-politiques et intellectuels des Principauts Roumaines30 , avaient suscit lhostilit des cercles clricaux orthodoxes du sud-est de lEurope, la principale accusation tant prcisment celle quinsrait dans son texte Ioan Dobrescu31 . Lide de dchance morale, institutionnelle ou politique, fruit pourri de lengouement pour ce qui vient de ltranger 32 , apparat trs
Istoria rii Romneti de la octombrie 1688 pn la martie 1717, dition tablie par Constantin Grecescu, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1959, p. 40. Le fragment est cit dans la mme perspective par Rzvan Theodorescu, op. cit., I, p. 169 28 Ilie Corfus, Cronica meteugarului Ioan Dobrescu, 1802-1830, in Studii i Articole de Istorie , VIII, 1966, pp. 309-403 / p. 341 29 Ibidem. 30 Cit dans la mme perspective par Alexandru Duu, Crile de nelepciune n cultura romn, Editura Academiei RSR, Bucureti, 1972, p. 146. Voir, par exemple, Ariadna Camariano, Spiritul revoluionar francez i Voltaire n limba greac i romn, Institutul de Studii i Cercetri Balcanice, Bucureti, 1941, pp. 131-170 ou Alexandru Duu, Explorri n istoria literaturii romne, Editura pentru Literatur, Bucureti, 1969, pp. 65-85 31 Voir, par exemple, Vlad Georgescu, Ideile politice i iluminsmul n Principatele Romne, 1750-1831, Editura Academiei RSR, Bucureti, 1972, pp. 67-68 (qui renvoie, entre autres, au volume dAriadna Camariano dj cit). 32 Manolachi Drghici, Op. cit., I, ed. 1857, p. 3.
27

72

souvent dans la pense politique roumaine de lpoque33 . Ses prcurseurs sont Miron Costin (avec son pome La Vie du monde) et Constantin Cantacuzino, et, aux XVIIIe-XIXe sicles, Dimitrie Cantemir, Ion Neculce, Mihai Cantacuzino, et, en partie, Naum Rmniceanu ou Manolachi Drghici. Les deux derniers se rapportaient l ge dor antique ou mdival, et trouvaient que ltat dplorable des Principauts tait d la nfaste influence ottomane ou phanariote 34 . Les petits chroniqueurs Ioan Dobrescu ou Grigore Andronescu partageaient aussi ce point de vue. Mais, pour eux, le modle culturel continental tait une cause de la dchance, et non pas un lment normatif35 , ce qui sinscrivait dans toute une srie des justifications anti-europennes, reprsente travers le XIXe sicle, comme prcisait Vlad Georgescu, soit par les crits de Gheorghe Asachi ou ceux du prince Gheorghe Bibescu, soit par les articles de Mihai Eminescu publis en Timpul [Le Temps] dans les annes soixante-dix ou par les discours des hommes politiques conservateurs de lpoque 36 . Voici, par exemple, la faon dont Grigore Andronescu percevait les choses en lan de grce 1838: Aujourdhui, 20 avril, en lisant la gazette roumaine, je suis tomb sur cette statistique tablie pour la France, que jai copie pour que lon puisse voir comment sont ces honntes Franais que lon dit clairs, savoir: 1132 femmes chasses par leurs maris; 2348 maris ayant quitt leurs femmes; 4175 divorces; 17345 mnages spars ouvertement; 13279 mnages spars en cachette; 55240 mnages o aucun des poux ne se soucie de lautre; 3157 mnages considrs comme heureux; 127 mnages presque heureux; 13 mnages vritablement heureux; sur un total de 96834 enregistrs en cette anne. Comment oserions-nous nous appeler europens, nous autres, alors que nous vivons dans nos mnages une vie tranquille et de tout repos?37 . Deux Europes. partir de la seconde moiti du XVIIIe sicle, lide dEurope senrichissait de nouveaux sens dans la pense des Lumires des Principauts Roumaines, qui essayait de rvaluer les
Vlad Georgescu, Istoria ideilor politice romneti, 1369-1878, pp. 43-69. Ibidem, pp. 44, 47, 51. Voir aussi Manolachi Drghici, Op. cit., I, ed. 1857, p. 3; II, ed. 1999, p. 307. 35 La formule appartient Adrian Marino, op. cit., p. 159. 36 Vlad Georgescu, Istoria ideilor politice romneti, 1369-1878, pp. 80-81. 37 nsemnrile Andronetilor, publies avec une tude introductive dIlie Corfus, Institutul de Istorie Naional, Bucureti, 1947, p. 81.
33 34

73

concepts humanistes dvelopps dans la culture roumaine un sicle auparavant (Alexandru Duu). Si les humanistes voquaient les origines latines prestigieuses du peuple roumain et de la langue roumaine, les partisans des Lumires, eux, essayaient de placer les nouveaux acquis scientifiques dans un contexte europen. Il tait dsormais ncessaire de se rapporter lEurope, mais celle-ci ntait plus perue comme une entit gographique ou confessionnelle, o le facteur politique jouait le rle dterminant. Lidentit de lEurope acqurait une connotation culturelle, les caractristiques dun modle dans ses acceptions fondamentales: ddal normatif, de systme idologique et de schma thorique autonome (Adrian Marino). Par consquent, une partie des chroniqueurs du XIXe sicle (Naum Rmniceanu, Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, Manolachi Drghici) faisaient lloge de lEurope, conscients, comme de nombreux autres savants, de la supriorit culturelle et politique de la civilisation europenne par rapport la situation des Principauts roumaines. Ils taient galement conscients de la ncessit dinclure dans la vie des Roumains les valeurs europennes et le mode de vie des Occidentaux, afin de rcuprer les dcalages existants (Adrian Marino). Cependant, selon lopinion de Grigore Andronescu ou de Ioan Dobrescu, les influences europennes ne pouvaient tre que pernicieuses. Elles contribuaient la dchance des institutions, la corruption des murs et mme de la tradition chrtienne autochtone. Cette intransigeance, issue dun niveau dinstruction plus modeste, les empchait de faire la distinction subtile quoprait Grigore Rmniceanu en 1798, entre le monde intrieur , primordial dans la pense orthodoxe, et le monde extrieur , apprciable dans ce qui enrichissait la vie terrestre des Europens. Grigore Andronescu et Ioan Dobrescu sinscrivent donc parmi les premiers anti-europens ( anti-occidentaux ) du XIXe sicle. Prcisons toutefois que cette vision antieuropenne ( anti-occidentale ), dveloppe soit dans les milieux monastiques, soit dans les milieux lacs proches des institutions de lglise orthodoxe aux XVIIIe-XIXe sicles (Alexandru Duu, Vlad Georgescu), avait ses prcurseurs au sicle prcdent, bien que leur faon de le dire ne ft pas directe; sinon, comment expliquer les notations de lHistoire de la Valachie doctobre 1688 mars 1717 portant sur la mode occidentale quavait adopte une partie de llite politique valaque?
(Traduit en franais par Laureniu Zoica, Universit de Bucarest)

74

A BRIEF HISTORY OF NINETEENTH CENTURY BRITISH TRAVEL WRITING ON THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
Abstract

Atalay Gunduz *

The British travelers writing about the Ottoman Empire are important sources for the image of the Ottoman society in the West. The perception of the British travelers is, of course, subjective, being influenced by political events, the political and economic interests of London, but also by the value system of the authors (prejudice that the West's upper East).The analyze of confrontation between traditionalism (conservatism, Islamism) and modernism (reformism, secularization) is significant, as also the interethnic relations problems. Since memoirs and personal diaries were not written by Ottomans until the late nineteenth century, these foreign descriptions give us the kind of personal observation that cannot be found in any of the Ottoman sources available to us. . . . [A]uthors exhibit a sense of superiority in viewing the Ottomans, so that even when the veil came off on the Ottoman side, the European veil of prejudice persisted to cloud many of their judgments and observations. (Shaw 13) * Ottoman Empire, British travelers writings, interethnic relations, traditionalism, modernism

Although the English were a traveling nation even before the sixteenth century, we do not come across many travel accounts in English literature until the Reformation. It was partly because, as Sara Warneke points out in her Images of the Educational Traveller in Early Modern England (1995), travel mostly had a religious motive, similar to designs of painting and other arts. Eric J. Leed states that during the Middle Ages, theologians like St. Augustus, St. Bernard and St. Aquinas, among others, considered curiosity toward the material world a venial sin. According to the hegemonic world view of medieval Christian Europe, to be too curious about the material world indicated a misleading love for a non spiritual world, which was getting away from one=s real aim in this life: the salvation through an inner journey into one=s soul and spirit. Even pilgrimage was considered suspicious; Thomas a Kempiss reflections on pilgrimage epitomize the way travel had been conceived before the sixteenth century: Many run to sundry places to visit the relics of the Saints. . . . Oftentimes seeing those things, men are moved with curiosity and the novelty of the sights, and carry home but little fruit of amendment (qtd. in Warneke 22).
*

Lecturer dr., University Izmir of Turkey

75

Leed argues that it was only in the sixteenth century that the motive of curiosity was first legitimized, then deified and even sacralized (179). According to the historian Christian Zacher, with this legitimation, people felt free to admire the mountain=s peaks, giant waves in the sea, the broad courses of rivers and the circuits of the stars (qtd. in Leed 179). Renaissance brought a redefinition of travel and traveler, which made him a conscious and disciplined observer of nature and humanity. Furthermore, the new cannons of objectivity and methods of observation deified the traveler who swore allegiance to them, thereby becoming endowed with a higher purpose and a heroic cultural dimension (184). Another important development Leed sees in the sixteenth century, which contributed to the legitimization of curiosity as an appropriate motive of travel, was the great development of printing. This development led to the publication and circulation of travel accounts which revealed the value and profits of travel as part of ones education. Apart from that, the more people read travel books, the more curious they became about seeing foreign lands. England was not the only Western country who had grasped the value of travel. There was such a competition and rivalry about traveling that it had become a matter of national pride. In his Stirrings and Searchings (1500-1720) William H. Sherman notes that Richard Hakluyts motive to publish travel accounts by British travelers1 , Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589), was to challenge European perceptions of English inaction and to promote new initiatives by showing that the English had been men full of activity, stirrers abroad, and searchers of the remote parts of the world (19). Hulme and Youngs pinpoint the relation between empire building and travel accounts in the sixteenth century and maintain that documentation had become an essential part of traveling and an integral aspect of the activity (3). They note that travel accounts were used by political and commercial sponsors of voyages to attract investment and settlers to the colonies. In that historical context, rivalry between European nation-states meant that publication of travel accounts was often a semi-official business in which the beginnings of imperial histories were constructed (3). According to Sherman, the first Englishman who traveled for the sake of travel writing was Thomas Coryate, also called Topographical Thomas, who walked through Western Europe and
1

Hakluyt gathered ninety-three accounts of voyages spanning 1,500 years which he published in 834 folio pages.

76

traveled to India in the 1600s (20). Before the seventeenth-century travel was mostly for the sake of business or official errands. Two of the most notable travelogues written on Turkey in the sixteenth century are Ogier Ghiselin Busbecqs2 Turkish Letters and Thomas Dallams3 An Organ for the Sultan. Both Busbecq and Dallam visited Turkey on official errands. Busbecq was the Hungarian ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, and in his letters he wrote about the customs of people living under the Ottoman rule, Istanbul of his time, the departure of Sultan Suleyman for military expeditions and his reflections on Suleyman the magnificent. Dallam was the maker of the organ Queen Elizabeth sent to Mehmet III. In his account Dallam gives us details about his voyage, his presentation to the Sultan and his reception. Both accounts focus on aspects of the Ottoman Empire which were unknown or unfamiliar to the West. Sixteenth century was the beginning of the Grand Tour in England. The classical itinerary of the Grand Tour included cities like Rome, Florence, Venice, Paris, Geneva, Berlin, and Amsterdam (Buzard 39). As Barbara Korte, in her English Travel Writing from Pilgrimages to Postcolonial Explorations (2000), states Turkey was beyond the traditional domain of a Grand Tour. It was a destination for travelers whose curiosity was not satisfied by the standard trip (Korte 44). Sir Henry Blount of the seventeenth century was a man whose curiosity was not satisfied by the Grand Tour of Italy, Spain and France. He wanted to know more about Turkey and Turks who, according to Blanton were the only people, great in action, and whose Empire so suddenly invaded the world, and fixed itself such firm foundations as no other did (Early Tales of the Orient, 176). Contrary to the scholastic idea (hegemonic in his time) that whatever worth knowing can be learned through books, Blount was aware of the value of the firsthand information. He would not sit down with a book and learn about Turkey and Turks. Despite all the dangers and travail of the road, he preferred eyewitness since he believed that above all other senses, the eye, having the most immediate and quick commerce with the soul, gives it a most touch to the rest, leaving in the fancy somewhat unutterable; so that an eyewitness of things conceives them with an imagination more complete, strong, and intuitive (176-177). Lady Montagu is one of the most famous travelers who visited Turkey in the eighteenth century. Billie Melman points out
2 3

Austrian-Hungarian imperial ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1554-1562 He brought the organ he made as a gift from Queen Elizabeth to Mehmed III in 1599.

77

that her Turcophile account suggests a cultural relativism that challenges Orientalist essentialism (112). She was probably the first Western traveler to gain access to the Turkish harem and to describe it with a really fond sympathy. Montagu defies previous travelers and contests the idea that Turkish women of the time did not have any freedom and they led the lives of slaves. She describes the pleasures of Harem life and the dignity of the Turkish women. She cites Turkish poems and compares Turkish music with Western music. She is one of the first Turcophiles who challenged most of the assumptions that were built by previous travelers such as Rycaut. She blames them for inventing stories about places like the harem to which they could not possibly have had access. It was not until the nineteenth century that Turkey became a really important travel destination for the British travelers. As Said maintains the capacity to represent, portray, characterize, and depict is not easily available to just any member of just any society (Culture and Imperialism 95). Nineteenth-century British subjects were capable of traveling to oversea lands under the protection of the British Empire. The proliferation of British travel accounts on Turkey and other countries can be best understood within these terms. The Empire enabled the British travel for official errands, business or just for pleasure and education. The travelers knew that they would be welcomed and protected. Turkish historian Uygur Kocabaolu draws our attention to the fact that starting with the seventeenth century the concessions the European countries such as France and England gained in Turkey reached such a point after the Balta Liman convention4 that there emerged an imperium in imperio or state within a state situation (51). Foreign subjects who were protected by these capitulations could not be held responsible for anything at the Ottoman courts. They could only be judged at consular courts. Kocabaolu notes that while there were only 19 British consulates in the Ottoman Empire in 1834, in 1846 there were 36 of them. 5 If we keep in mind that Busbecqs, Rycauts and Lady Montagus accounts owe their compositions to these diplomatic missions, we see that the increase in the number of consulates also brings the proliferation in travel accounts. The officials and their dependents did not only write accounts but also hosted travelers under their consulates.
Signed between the Ottoman Empire and England (1838) and the same rights granted to other European countries in the following a few years. 5 The largest number of consulates England had in the world. The other countries that hosted British consulates: Spain (15), France (14), the USA (10), Portugal (9), China (9) etc. (Kocabaolu 58)
4

78

When Burnaby arrived in Ankara, for example, he did not have to look for a hotel or an inn. He knew that he would be cared for and protected under the roof of his countrys mission. Nineteenth-century British travelers to Ottoman Turkey play a crucial role in our understanding of modern travel writing as well. Modern travel writers like Philip Glazebrooks Journey to Kars (1984), Eric Lawlors Looking for Osman (1993), and Jeremy Seals A Fez of the Heart (1995) express a great admiration and respect for the nineteenth-century British travelers. Glazebrook states that he wants to write a novel about nineteenth-century travelers. He takes his journey to be able to imagine himself like a nineteenth-century traveler. His account is full of references to travel writers like Warburton, Kinglake, Vambery, Burnaby, Wolff, Austen Henry Layard etc. In Looking for Osman, Lawlor is in search of Osman, Frederick Burnabys Turkish servant in his On Horseback Through Asia Minor (1877). What Jeremy Seal claims is that he is searching for the origins of the fez; which was in fact used only as a symbol of Turkish modernization efforts. He attempts to understand to what extent Turkey has changed since the nineteenth century. In this comparison, Seal uses nineteenth-century travel accounts to reconstruct the previous century. Thus he aims to highlight the similarities between nineteenth and twentieth century Turkey and Turks, implying that they have not changed as much as they claim. Reinhold Schiffers Oriental Panorama: British Travelers in Nineteenth Century Turkey (1999) can be considered as the most comprehensive work on the nineteenth-century British travel writers to the Ottoman Turkey. To give us a broad panorama of the era, Schiffer uses one hundred and sixty nineteenth-century travel accounts on Ottoman Turkey. He notes that negative representations of Turkey occurred especially at times of conflict between Turkey and England. He states that during the Greek Independence War, 1822-1829, these representations were predominantly negative. Yet with the end of the war they improved significantly. Schiffers observation epitomizes how travel accounts are influenced by the contemporary political issues. Frederick Burnabys On Horseback Through Asia Minor (1877) is an interesting travel account which conveys the conflicting discourses of his time and demonstrates how political issues may determine the politics of representation. He states that in England, Turkey was usually represented as the persecutor of the Eastern Christians; the Bulgarians, Armenians and the Greeks. Burnaby maintains that these misrepresentations were so widely believed that there were people who genuinely suggested that 79

Turks should be expelled to Central Asia, to their homeland from where they had set off some nine centuries before. Burnabys account gives the hope that as travelogues can be used as a weapon to blacken the image of a people, they can also be used as an apparatus to contest misrepresentations. His travelogue reveals that the representations which give a distorted account of what had been happening in the Ottoman Empire were used for political ends in the nineteenth century. Burnaby draws our attention to the tensions between Turkey and Russia. According to him, all the misrepresentations of Turkey were used by the Russian Empire to rob Turkey of Englands support. In the winter of 1876, when Burnaby arrived in the cities where allegedly Eastern Christians were being massacred by the Turks, he saw that nothing was as reported in England. Burnabys account is a constant contestation of ideas that were held in England of his time: Those people in England who have declared that it is impossible to reform the Turks would do well to learn the Turkish language, and travel in the Sultans dominions. Human nature is everywhere much the same. There is more good in the world than bad, or otherwise, as a French philosopher once said, the bad would have destroyed the good, and the human race would no longer exist. (323) Unfortunately, Burnaby and a few writers like him stand as exceptions in the predominantly biased, othering and stereotyping field of travel writing. According to Said, for anyone who writes on the Orient, it is almost impossible to avoid the heavy racist, chauvinist, imperialist and Eurocentric vocabulary of Orientalism. Said maintains that influential writers like Nerval, Flaubert and Burton determine the way to talk about, for example, Egypt. Though Schiffer agrees with Said as far as Egypt is concerned, he notes that travel books written on Turkey are not under the influence of such writers. Reinhold argues that there are only a few determining individual writers existed as far as Ottoman Turkey is concerned. He maintains that from the eighteenth century Lady Mary Montagus Turkish Embassy Letters (1763) and Alexander Kinglakes Eothen (1844) can be considered as the two most significant works from these two centuries. Schiffer furthermore observes that Eothen set a fashion for young men giving themselves an air of imperviousness to the East (2). Yet he underestimates the influence of other nineteenth-century travelers on the twentieth-century travel writers. Kinglakes Eothen is only one of the nineteenth-century travel accounts whose influence is still traceable on the modern travel accounts. The fact that some of 80

these accounts are still in print indicates that they are still read and circulated. Thus their influence on the readers-travelerswriters of the modern times is prevalent. The superior West-inferior East paradigm is one of the Orientalist assumptions that Said severely criticize, in his Orientalism. Schiffer agrees with Said on the point that most of the nineteenth-century British travelers shared a set of cultural assumptions (questionable naturally) as regards superiority: Christianity over Islam, British institutions over Ottoman ones, British morals over those of the Turk (2). Schiffer also maintains that Orientalist attitudes were neither altogether dominant in the course of the nineteenth century nor an inevitable part of the cultural baggage of individual travelers (2). He adds: The number of contrasts, fractures, differences, modulations and nuances of the Ottoman experience is equally surprising and not to be denied. Varieties of judgment and attitude possess their synchronic extent and diachronic extension (2). In other words, as the nineteenth-century travel accounts consolidate the hegemonic ideas of their time on Turkey synchronically; they still, diachronically extend their influence to our age through modern travel writers who are in constant conversation with the previous travel writers. According to Schiffer, the Victorian travel accounts can be classified under three main groups: Those who look at Ottomans with possibly too much eighteenth century enlightenment confidence that human beings are universally similar; those who revel patent Victorian honesty in grappling with the vices and virtues of a Muslim society, and those who know (throughout the nineteenth Century) that British is the best and are proud to flaunt their belief. (2) Though Schiffer quite persuasively puts forward the diversity of opinions and representations regarding the Ottoman Turkey in British travel accounts, it is difficult to make clear-cut distinctions between these attitudes. As far as Victorian travel accounts on Turkey are concerned, it is clearly seen that the first and the second groups are intertwined most of the time. Burnabys account is a good example of how these two tendencies meet. Burnaby, on the one hand, reveals the vices and virtues of the Ottoman society; on the other hand, with eighteenth century enlightenment confidence he argues that the vices that are inherent in the Ottoman society can be found anywhere else in the world. His mostly anti-Russian, pro-Turkish attitude leads him to focus more on similarities than differences between cultures. He 81

recognizes the differences between the cultures, but we also see him trying to understand these differences by giving them the voice to speak in his account. Moreover, he tries to gain an insight into these different cultures. For example, he does not simply declare the Yezeeds as devil worshippers; Burnaby explains the Yezeeds structure of feeling6 (Williams 53) setting forth why they attribute more importance to the devil than God. 7 Despite his strenuous efforts to give a balanced account of the people he represents in his travelogue, Burnaby still holds an imperialist attitude. At some point he says that There is one thing which would be very popular with all classes, and that is, an English army of occupation in Constantinople (9). He is not against the Russian expansion for the reason that Central Asian peoples would lose their independence, but because Englands imperial existence in India could fall under threat. He was a captain in the English army at the time of his visit to Turkey so, in a sense, his travels in Turkey can be regarded as intelligence work. Nevertheless, unlike Warburtons or Kinglakes accounts, Burnabys account is not dominated by superior West-inferior East, Islam-Christendom paradigms. Eliot Warburtons The Crescent and the Cross, or Romance and Realities of Eastern Travel (1848) is a good representative of how Schiffers second and third group of observers may go together in some accounts. In Warburtons account, on one side we come across the representations of many vices like the maltreatment of women, laziness and fatalism that are attributed to the Islamic society; there are virtues such as camaraderie, piousness and contentedness with ones circumstances, on the other. Meanwhile, Warburton takes it for granted that British is the best and he is proud to flaunt his belief on that. There is, however, one point that Schiffer does not mention and it is the role of religious consciousness. For example, Warburton structures his account on this Islam-Christendom dichotomy and, as Schiffer puts it, he takes it for granted that Islam, or the East, is inferior to the West or Christendom. He does not try to understand what appeals to Muslims in Islam. He draws such a picture of Muhammed that it is impossible to suppose that his followers could be in their right minds. According to him, Muslims are under the influence of the spell that Muhammed cast over them.
Raymond Williams explains structure of feeling as the shared values of a particular group or society (53). 7 According to the Yezeeds belief, Burnaby reports, as God is good there is no need to be afraid of Him, but the devil is to be feared for its wickedness; it should not be provoked (293-96).
6

82

Visiting Egypt, he suggests that Egypt is too precious to be left to the mercy of Mehemmet Ali Pasha, but England should get involved taking care of this strategically important country. Then in Palestine, referring to Crusades, he laments that those good old days were gone while he identifies himself within Christianity and resents Muslim rule over this land. Kinglakes account, read in the light of these three groups, would fall into the third group since his account starts as an escape from the Western civilization and ends as the recognition of the superior nature of British institutions and values. In Kinglake, we observe a less religious tone, but still the account emphasizes the difference of the East from the West. As Schiffer justly phrases, it sets a fashion for young men giving themselves an air of imperviousness to the East, which is quite closely imitated by Glazebrook in 1984. Kinglake represents the people he visits in such a backward and noncivilized way that we do not feel surprised when he suggests that the only decent way to treat the Orientals is to use the power of the authority on them (115-19). One more important point about the nineteenth-century travel accounts is that in spite of their constructedness and politically charged narrations, they are considered to be the transcription of the nineteenth-century reality about the Ottoman Empire. Selecting the parts which best befit their arguments while suppressing the counter-discourses, the modern travel writers attribute a great amount of authority to these accounts. Thus this reconstruction built on the nineteenth-century narratives is used as a testimony of the survival or reemergence of the nineteenth-century Ottoman Turkeys conflicts in the secular Turkish Republic (Schiffer 4). For Schiffer, there are mainly two major problems Turkey faces today. The first problem he notes is how governments should deal with the ethnic minority of the Kurds (4). The second is the Islamist movements which contest the secular identity of the Republic of Turkey as they try to turn Turkey into an Islamic state. He draws our attention to what foreign observers then and today recognized as symbols of the opposing parties (4): the headdress. Prohibiting the turban, Sultan Mahmud II introduced fez as a symbol of reform in 1826. Almost a century later in 1925, introducing European caps, Mustafa Kemal Atatrk banned the fez since he considered it a symbol of Islamic fanaticism. In todays Turkey, Schiffer sees the reemergence of the same issue in the fight started by Islamic female students to be permitted to wear headscarves inside the universities. Just 83

like Schiffer who sees the roots of modern Turkeys two important problems in the nineteenth century, Eric Lawlors Looking for Osman (1993) and Jeremy Seals A Fez of the Heart (1995) (as well as Tim Kelseys Dervish (1996)) reveal that British travelers are highly interested in the tensions that Turkish Westernization and modernization have created.
Works Cited
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Burnaby, Frederick. On Horseback Through Asia Minor. 1877. Pref. Peter Hokirk. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996 Busbecq, Ogier Chiselin De. Trkiyeyi Byle Grdm. Ankara, Elips, 2004 Buzard, James. The Grand Tour and After (1660-1840). Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing. Ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. pg. 37-52 Glazebrook, Philip. Journey to Kars: A Modern Traveler in the Ottoman Lands. New York: Atheneum, 1984 Kinglake, Alexander. Eothen. 1844. London: Century, 1982 Kocabaolu, Uygur. Majestelerinin Konsoloslar: ngiliz Belgelerinde Osmanl mparatorluundaki ngiliz Konsolosluklar [1580-1900] [Her Majestys Consuls: English Consulates in the Ottoman Empire in the Light of English Documents]. stanbul: letiim, 2004 Korte, Barbara. English Travel Writing from Pilgrimages to Postcolonial Explorations. Trans. Catherine Matthias. New York: St. Martin=s, 2000 Lawlor, Eric. Looking for Osman: One Mans Travels through the Paradox of Modern Turkey. New York: Vintage, 1993 Leed, Eric. J. The Mind of the Traveler: From Gilgamesh to Global Tourism. Basic Books, 1991 Melman, Billie. Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718-1918. Sexuality, Religion and Work. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992 Montagu,Lady Mary Wortley. The Turkish Embassy Letters. London: Virago, 1996 Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. 1993. London: Vintage, 1994 Schiffer, Reinhold. Oriental Panorama: British Travellers in Nineteenth Century Turkey. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999 Seal, Jeremy. A Fez of the Heart: Travels around Turkey in Search of a Hat. San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1995 Shaw, Ezel Kural. The Double Veil: Travelers Views of the Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. English and Continental Views of the Ottoman Empire, 1500-1800. University of California, Los Angeles: William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 1972. 3-29 Sherman, William H. Stirrings and Searchings (1500-1720). Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing. Ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge UP, 2002. 17-36 Warburton, Eliot. The Crescent and the Cross, or Romance and Realities of Eastern Travel. London: Henry Colburn, 1848 Warneke, Sara. Images of the Educational Traveller in Early Modern England. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995. Wiliams, Raymond. Culture and Society 1780-1950. Victoria: Penguin, 1963

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19.

84

ENLIGHTENED MYSTICISM: IVAN VLADIMIROVICH LOPUKHIN AND THE CRITIQUE OF RUSSIAN ORTHODOX INSTITUTIONS Andreas Berg *
Abstract The author explores the mystical thinking of Lopuhin (scholar and statesman), proving that he was a personality with a determining role in the formation of the religious Enlightenment in Russia. The religious influence was important for the Russian Enlightenment. *Enlightenment, Russia, Lopuhin, religion

In this paper I will explore the mystical thought of Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin (1756-1816) and suggest that he was one of the key figures in the formation of mystical religious enlightenment in late Eighteenth-century Russia. In the first part I will argue that contemporary Anglophone scholarship on the Russian enlightenment is limited by its superficial treatment of the mystical dimension and needs to take into greater consideration more recent debates on the enlightenment at large. In the second part I will discuss Lopukhins criticisms levelled against Russian Orthodox institutions in an attempt to provide a more critical appraisal of individual spirituality. In the third part I will briefly examine implications of a reassessment of the mystical religious topoi in Eighteenth-century Russian intellectual history. In this paper I will base my discussion on Lopukhins Some Characteristics of the Interior Church 1 which has been recognised as one of the most important mystical texts in late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth-century Russia. Anglophone historians have recognised Lopukhin as one of the leading figures amongst the Russian mystics broadly

* 1

PhD., Student at Griffiths University, Australia

I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty o vnutrennei tserkvi, o edinom puti istiny i o razlichnyh putiah zabluzhdeniia i gibeli in Lopukhin, I.V. Masonskie Trudy: Duhovnyi rytsar. Nekotorye Cherty o vnutrennei tserkvi (Moscow: Aletheiia, 1997): 77-149. The Interior Church has been composed in 1789 and published in 1798 in Russia as well as in France and Germany. In Russia, this text went through two further editions in 1801 and 1816.

85

cognised as the Rosicrucians. 2 However, Lopukhins role in the development of the Russian enlightenment has not yet been clearly understood. Lopukhins heritage has been obscured partly because his mysticism and rejection of European rational discourse, to some historians, seemed to negate The Enlightenment, and represent the Anti-Enlightenment in Russian intellectual history. 3 Contemporary approach towards the study of enlightenment, which has continued to see a panEuropean process 4 , located in the works of radical intellectuals committed to a generally similar set of philosophical categories, has made it difficult to accept an intellectual who represented the anti-thesis to the New Philosophy. On the other hand, whilst the supporters of national enlightenments approach have been able to draw out greater diversity in the varied Russian Eighteenth-century intellectual streams, 5 their categorisation has continued to be dominated by a focus on rational and secular trends within the Russian enlightenment. Consequently, existing model of the Russian enlightenment does not completely support new scholarship that continues to reveal more evidence

To date, the most authoritative, if somewhat outdated Anglophone discussion of Lopukhins thought is by A. Lipski, A Russian Mystic Faces the Age of Rationalism and Revolution: Thought and Activity of Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin Church History 36, 2 (June 1967): 170-188. For other references in Anglophone scholarship underscoring Lopukhins importance see R. Neuhsuer, Freemasonic Concepts in Essays on Sentimental and Preromantic Literature in Russia (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1974), p. 24; A. Walicki, A History of Russian Thought From the Enlightenment to Marxism tr. H. Andrews-Rusiecka (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979), pp. 21, 74; K.A. Papmehl, Metropolitan Platon of Moscow, (Petr Levshin, 1737-1812): The Enlightened Prelate, Scholar and Educator, Russian Biography Series 16 (Newtonville, Mass.: Oriental Research Partners, 1983), p. 71; C. McIntosh, The Rosicrucians: The History, Mythology, and Rituals of an Esoteric Order (York Beach, Me.: Samuel Weiser, 1997), p. 83; I. de Madariaga, Freemasonry in Eighteenth-Century Russian Society in Madariaga, I. Politics and Culture in Eighteenth-Century Russia (London: Longman, 1998), pp. 159, 162; A. Gleason, Ideological Structures in Rzhevsky, N. ed. The Cambridge Companion to Modern Russian Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 107; D. Smith, Working the Rough Stone: Freemasonry and Society in Eighteenth-Century Russia, Russian Studies Series (De Kalb, Ill.: Northern Illinois University Press, 1999), pp. 113, 116, 167 3 J.H. Billington, The Icon and the Axe (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966), 213, 270 4 J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650-1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 22. 5 P. Dukes, The Russian Enlightenment in Porter, R. and Teich, M. eds. Enlightenment in National Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981): 176-191
2

86

about the degree to which Eighteenth-century Russians turned to religious mysticism to fulfil their ethical and religious needs. 6 It may be argued that the methodological difficulties attendant to construing mysticism and enlightenment as mutually supporting processes make this attempt implausible, given that mysticism has traditionally been seen as an obstacle in the enlightened effort to reform and rationalise organisational and spiritual forms. Yet over the past decade approaches towards the enlightenment have been subjected to some modifications which have allowed a guarded reconsideration of the role of mysticism in enlightenment debates. Firstly, the institutional and intellectual contribution of religious discourse towards the diffusion of enlightenment has been recognised, as it is becoming clearer that enlightened attitudes have been in some cases occurring within, and facilitated by, the confines of organised religion.7 This conceptual advance have raised the possibility of evaluating religious gestures towards reform on the basis of the religious context which has produced them and given them a distinctive trajectory. Secondly, contemporary historiography has gone some way in negating a unitary pan-European enlightenment model or a single enlightenment accruing within the confines of the nationstate to a pluralised conception, underscoring the existence of several enlightenments within a single domain.8 This in turn has enabled one to rethink the typology of the intellectual processes in a way which gives them the possibility of making an account of themselves without undue deference to contemporaneous movements.

For an outstanding discussion on the prevalence of mysticism in Eighteenthcentury Russian culture see R. Faggionato, A Rosicrucian Utopia in EighteenthCentury Russia: The Masonic Circle of N.I. Novikov (Dordrecht: Springer, 2005). 7 See W.R. Ward, Christianity Under the Ancien Rgime:1648-1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 171; J.E. Bradley, D.K. Van Kley eds. Introduction Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001): 1-45; S.J. Barnett, Historians, Religion and the Historical Record in The Enlightenment and Religion: The Myth of Modernity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003): 45-68; D. Beales, Enlightenment and Reform in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2005), pp.81-82 8 J.G.A. Pocock, Enthusiasm: The Antiself of the Enlightenment in Klein, L.E. and La Vopa, A.J. eds. Enthusiasm and Enlightenment in Europe, 1650-1850 (San Marino, Cal.: Huntington Library, 1998): 7-29; I. Hunter, Multiple Enlightenments: Rival Aufklrer at the University of Halle, 1690-1730 in Fitzpatrick, M., Jones, P., Knellwolf, C., McCalman, I. eds. The Enlightenment World (London: Routledge, 2004): 576-596
6

87

These trends have implications for the study of the Russian enlightenment. In many cases, Anglophone historians have analysed the Russian enlightenment according to its appropriation of Western European rational and predominantly secular discourse, without taking into account its relevance in relation to the debates occurring at a local level and addressing local concerns. 9 Yet, post-Soviet Russian literature on the topic has made this approach problematic as it suggested that Orthodoxy was an important factor which shaped the enlightened discourse. It was also quite unanimous in theorising the Russian enlightenment as a process during which religious intellectuals, were concerned with highly introspective ways of realising spiritual regeneration as a precondition for institutional reform. 10 To this end, the more rational figures such as M.V. Lomonosv and A.N. Radishchev, much lionised as they were by Soviet and Anglophone historiography on account of their progressive scientific and philosophical thought, have nevertheless exhibited a consistent positive interest in religious issues to make a purely rational, secular and Westernised reading of the Russian enlightenment implausible. Paradoxically, the deep dissatisfaction and alienation from Orthodox institutions has led many lay Russian intellectuals to conceive of an alternative spiritual order. Whilst there were few cases of outright rejection of Orthodox beliefs, there was nonetheless a desire to circumvent exterior religious arrangements in favour of a more immediate, Pietist-like reception of the Divine. This
For some examples of this approach see J.H. Billington, The Troubled Enlightenment in J.H. Billington, The Icon and the Axe, pp. 213-259; M. Raeff, The Enlightenment in Russia, in Garrard, J.G. ed. The Eighteenth Century in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973): 25-48; A. Walicki A History of Russian Thought From the Enlightenment to Marxism tr. H. Andrews-Rusiecka (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979) W.G. Jones in Nikolay Novikov: Enlightener of Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). More recent commentators such as Jonathan Israel are still tempted to see the process in generic Westernised terms, see J. Israel, Enlightened Despotism: Autocracy, Faith, and the Enlightenment in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (1689-1755) in Israel, J. Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man 1670-1752 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006): 295-325 10 This shift from a secular Marxist-Leninist interpretation of the Russian enlightenment towards a more complex discussion of spirituality was apparent in late Soviet works, see N.F. Utkina, ed. Russkaia mysl v vek Prosveshcheniia (Moscow: Nauka, 1991); T.V. Artemeva, Mysli o dushe: Russkaia metafizika XVIII veka (St. Petersburg: Nauka, 1996); T.V. Artemeva, Istoriia metafiziki v Rossii XVIII veka (St. Ptersburg, Aletheia, 1996); T.V. Artemeva, Ot slavnogo proshlogo k svetlomu budushchemu: Filosofiia istorii i utopiia v Rossii epohi Prosveshcheniia (St Petersburg: Aletheia, 2005).
9

88

dynamic was evident within and without the Orthodox fold. From within, some of its leading monastic thinkers such as Bishop Tikhon Zadonskii (1724-1783) made an effort to return to and develop an ascetic ideal which depended less on objective institutionalisation of spirituality and more on a subjective illumination of the self. From without, the spread of the Masonic belief in the corrigibility of the internal man further weakened the ethical validity of socio-political institutions. Yet there was little in a way of an official Orthodox response towards the spread of competing enlightened discourses which has led scholars to largely ignore religion as an aspect of the Russian enlightenment. 11 This was partly due to the state of the Russian Orthodox establishment which did not have the institutional, nor intellectual resources to maintain a clerical estate capable of absorbing and moderating enlightened thought. These considerations attesting to the difficult state of religious affairs in Eighteenth-century Russia make a careful reassessment of the mystics more plausible. Given Orthodoxys inability to contain and reroute enlightened thought in a way which would on the one hand bracket individual spirituality, whilst on the other promote its own patristic heritage, it inadvertently created a demand for an intellectually meaningful form of devotion. In characterising the spread mystical Freemasonry, Father Florovskii, has been quite perceptive in suggesting that it represented a return, albeit a surrogate one, towards some kind of integral spirituality in order to alleviate alienation from the Catherinian state. 12 I want to suggest that the mystical religious enlightenment can be located in the debates on the need to develop spiritual forms at a time when official religious and state bureaucratic conventions on the one hand, and dissatisfaction with rational enlightened discourse on the other stifled individual religious self-expression. Mysticism, at times deeply irrational and exhibiting heretical tendencies, seemed to provide greater concreteness to the literate elite attempting to alleviate spiritual insecurity outside of the confessional framework. These contradictions which compelled the emerging Russian intelligentsia to inflict on themselves a combination of Western mystical and theosophic precepts with elements of Eastern asceticism seemed to climax in the latter
11 This gap is being filled, see O.A. Tsapina, Secularization and Opposition in the Time of Catherine the Great in Bradley, J.E. and Van Kley, D.K. eds. Religion and Politics in Enlightened Europe, 334-391 12 G. Florovskii, Puti russkogo bogosloviia (Paris: YMCA Press, 1983), p. 114

89

part of the Eighteenth-century. Lopukhin was only one of several Russian mystics writing in that period and who tried to combine different spiritual traditions into a coherent worldview. A focus on his critique of Orthodox institutions suggests that this type of enlightenment sought new ways in reinvigorating late Eighteenth-century Russian spiritual experience. Lopukhin did not entirely reject external religious arrangements. So in this case, his critique of Orthodoxy belied an attempt to redirect its profound hold over a large proportion of the Russian population towards a more meaningful role which would be more agreeable to his mysticism. To a degree, Lopukhin has recognised that an attachment to Orthodoxys ceremonial content, at an imaginative level is unavoidable, but it must not be equated with the truth. Thus, at an institutional level, Orthodoxy had genuine claims on an external expression of the Divine, but could not vouch for its embodiment. Consequently, Orthodoxy was perceived as an inherently limited repertoire of institutional practices, unable to fully complement the range of human spiritual experiences. Nonetheless, Lopukhin has pointed out the social and ethical importance of exterior religious institutions was vested in their potential to provide a preparatory step towards a deeper internal experience of Christianity: Varieties of dogmas and forms of religion, particularly the Greek one, which above all has adhered to its honourable statutes, thus benefiting those who observe them, could and must prepare for the most righteous and efficacious application of spiritual exercises of internal [my emphasis] Divine Service. 13 The Greek religion in this case refers to Russian Orthodoxy which has been singled out for its attachment to its traditions. It can be assumed that Lopukhin has meant more than lip service to Russian Orthodox institutions which despite the curtailment of their authority by the state, continued to play a major socio-political role. 14 Here Lopukhin may have referred
I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye cherty pp. 88-89 This is partially evident in Catherine the Great's use of Orthodox institutions for internal control. When Catherine initiated her campaign against the Moscow Rosicrucians, she ordered Metropolitan Platon of Moscow to test N.I. Novikov's beliefs in 1785, as well as examining the books published by Novikov's printing presses for signs of heresy. See K.A. Papmehl, Metropolitan Plato of Moscow (Petr Levshin, 1737-1812): The Enlightened Scholar, Prelate and Educator, pp. 44-46
13 14

90

to some positive aspects of the type of religious experience endemic to Orthodoxy which was to be redeveloped at an individual level. The consistency with which Orthodox traditions were maintained in spheres which were untouched by crude reading of Western freethinking suggested that religion was in need of a critical aspect which would enable it to regain its consistent hold over that part of the population which was no longer convinced of its validity on intellectual and experiential grounds. In segregating the external and purely ceremonial aspect from the real spiritual processes occurring in the subjective realm, Lopukhin sought to relocate spirituality from a rhetorical domain, which was always open to contestation, to an irrefutable set of internal experiences of the Divine. In this case Orthodoxy served as an example of the type of regularity which must be achieved in the internal domain. In approaching Orthodoxys exterior aspect, Lopukhin adumbrated its limitations, which he thought the individual must be capable of recognising. Here the cognitive implications of Orthodox comportment became apparent as Lopukhin indicated ways through which exterior arrangements could lead towards a more positive ascertainment of the Divine. Lopukhin, naturally weary of the vigilant sensors presented this aspect in only the faintest of outlines: Most forms of observance and symbols of ancient Judaic and contemporary Christian external religions enact Divine sacraments that have been borrowed from the images of God's sacred works in the human soul, in the sacred body of Christ's church and in nature and can reveal them [God's works] to those who have the eyes to see them. 15 Given this approach, Orthodoxy appears to be beneficial or harmful in the formation of the mystical religious enlightenment, depending upon the varying ends that predetermine the projection of Orthodox institutions. The importance of Orthodox form of observance partially stemmed from its historical grasp of preceding attempts at integrating the Divine principle into human life. As such, Orthodoxy underscored the intention towards a historically quantifiable attempt at ordering religious life. Yet, Lopukhin has undermined the historicity of religion by drawing upon alternative reflections of Divinity either through direct insight (of God's works) in nonquantifiable dimensions such as the soul, the body of Christ's
15

Ibid. p. 88

91

church and nature. Suggesting that the historical development of religion is merely a reproduction of the directly available insight, Lopukhin proposed that reform of religion must involve an emphasis away from the historical development of dogma, which did not exhaust the totality of religious life, towards the development of direct insight into spiritual reality. Thus, behind Lopukhin's reference to the person who can see God's works, lies a conviction that if the person sees the limited nature of religious historicity, then the very limitedness may compel the believer to seek a more direct route to God. Herein lie the positive and the negative attributes of external religion: on the one hand there is the possibility that the recognition of its exteriority can lead towards its interior assimilation, whilst on the other, a mistaken assumption that historically given religious principles exhaust the wholeness of spiritual experience is akin to blindness. A veiled focus on an erroneous path leading towards the truth indicates that Lopukhin has gone some way in assimilating the thought of Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin (1743-1803), whose Des erreurs et de vrit was held in high esteem by many Russian Freemasons and particularly by the Moscow Rosicrucians. 16 The interrelationship between error and truth in intellectual inquiry has been discussed by David Bates in his attempt to relate Saint-Martin's mystical thought to the mainstream European enlightenment. 17 Pointing out that viewing error as "an obstacle and a path to a hidden and elusive truth", 18 Bates has suggested that in this case, Saint-Martin could be read from a rational enlightenment standpoint as a philosopher who was aware that the nature of progress is dependant upon realising the "absence of truth". 19 Hence,
16 Some of the most prominent Russian Freemasons, such as Prince Nikolai Vasil'evich Repnin (1734-1801) and possibly Prince Aleksei Borisovich Golytsin (1732-1792) have corresponded and met Saint-Martin. See N.P. Kisilev, Iz istorii russkogo rozenkreitserstva (St Petersburg: Izdatelstvo imeni N.I. Novikova, 2005), pp. 304, 317. The founder of the first Russian Masonic union, Ivan Perfil'evich Elagin (1725-1793), has undertaken a thorough study of Des erreurs et de vrit, which he considered to represent a major advance in man's ability to cognise the unity of universe and God. See G.V. Vernadskii, Russkoe masonstvo v tsarstvovanie Ekateriny II (St Petersburg: Izdatelstvo imeni N.I. Novikova, 1999), pp. 224-228 and T.V. Artemeva, Ot slavnogo proshlogo k svetlomu budushchemu: Filosofiia istorii i utopiia v Rossii epohi Prosveshcheniia (St Petersburg: Aletheia, 2005), pp. 314-319 17 See D. Bates, 'The Mystery of Truth: Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin's Enlightened Mysticism' Journal of the History of Ideas 61, 4 (2000): 635-655. 18 Ibid. p. 637 19 Ibid. p. 655

92

Lopukhin's emphasis on exterior religious institutions as reflective of a fundamental error which enables one to detect the absence of truth can be interpreted as an attempt to bracket the mystical religious enlightenment. The moment of realisation of the error, or insight, can be seen as representative of a specific starting point, signalling the beginning of an interior spiritual development. Thus, Lopukhin has separated the exterior church which was essentially, an exoteric framework, from its esoteric kernel. Generally, such a radical reduction of the claims of Orthodox authority is reflective of the historical condition of Russian Orthodox institutions in late Eighteenth-century, whilst specifically, it is indicative of the Russian Rosicrucian critique of its current social role. A conceptual rethinking of the location of Orthodoxy looses its radical tone if it is remembered that its institutional rearrangement and integration into the state apparatus has already been occurring for over a century. Moreover, with the inception of Archbishop Feofan Prokopovich's (1681-1736) 20 Spiritual Regulation in 1721, it was clear that whilst Russian Orthodoxy was formally denied independence form the state, its civic responsibility in ideological and educational spheres has been extended. Thus, the most radical transformation Orthodoxy in Russian religious, social and political contexts has already been undertaken. Lopukhin has merely confirmed these changes which underscored the exterior, that is the official function of the church, and suggested that Orthodoxy must further adapt to them. It may then be argued that insofar as Lopukhin has spoken in favour of a purely functional Orthodoxy, he represented an enlightened response towards the continued resiliency of Orthodox institutions. At this stage, Lopukhins de-sublimation of religious institutions has opened the possibility of cognising their social and intellectual contribution without being restricted by their
20 A.V. Muller, ed. The Spiritual Regulation of Peter the Great (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972); J. Cracraft, 'Feofan Prokopovich' in Garrard, J.G. ed. The Eighteenth Century in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973): 75-106; J. Cracraft, 'Feofan Prokopovich and the Kiev Academy' in R.L. Nichols, and T.G. Stavrou, eds. Russian Orthodoxy Under the Old Regime (Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 1978): 44-67; For a discussion of Prokopovich's Pietism see C. Yannaras, 'Pietism as an Ecclesiological Heresy' in Yannaras, C. The Freedom of Morality tr. E. Briere (Crestwood, NY.: St Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1984): 119136. For a more recent study of Prokopovich which links his activity to the emerging interest in the occult in Russia see R. Collis, 'Freemasonry and the Occult at the Court of Peter the Great' Aries 6, 1 (2006): 1-26

93

supposed sanctity. The implications of this type of mystical critique involve a partial divestment of superstition from traditional religious forms of observance. Indirectly, this implied that credulity and enthusiasm are harmful insofar as they disable the individual from focusing on his internal spiritual condition in favour of outward display of piety. Whether Lopukhin has intended for these paradoxical outcomes of his thought is not quite clear given the generalised nature of the discussion in The Interior Church. Lopukhin has indicated that: Amongst those who dwell in the vestibule [of the church], most can be divided into different wisdoms and schisms caused by the wandering of reason of the psychic man, which does not grasp the purity of spiritual and divine endeavour, and does not know the ways to it. 21 The intent here may have been to illustrate the adverse effects evident when reason has been led astray. Given the present ambiguity which may have resulted in Lopukhins desire to avoid open criticism in the face of strict censorship, it is necessary to focus on the textual connotations of difference and schism. Emphasis on difference most probably refers to the manifold paths which can lead man into error. As such, it is indicative of a lack of certainty which is unattainable insofar as man is unwilling to re-ground his existence on a selfintrospective basis. From this perspective, credulity inhibits the development of a self-relationship because the credibility of the self, as the beginning and the result of a difficult attempt at reformulating ones interior condition has been questioned. Hence, the problem posed by institutional religion is not only evident in its erroneousness, but also in its inability to properly account for an individualistic, and to a degree subjective grasp of religious principles. Consequently, differing ways of approaching religious principles attest to a relatively pluralistic attachment to external conventions which have derived their authority from popular credulity, rather than from a singular dependence on the self. 22 Dissent in other words was equated with the fragmentation and multiplication of the original errors
I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye cherty p. 87 For a discussion of how this distinction between the private inner church and the popular outer church was taken up during the reign of Alexander I, in what is now known as the mystical and religious revival, see D. Pospielovsky, The Orthodox Church in the History of Russia (New York: St. Vladimirs Seminary Press, 1998), pp. 134-136
21 22

94

permeating external religion. In practical terms, this meant that external Orthodoxy could not become functional until the problem of credulity has been dealt with. Lopukhin has not considered that a marked lessening of superstitious attitudes may lead to a collapse of religious institutions before they would have a chance to subsist on the basis of their practicality. This may not have been seen as a threat by Lopukhin because given his elitist attitude; he probably located the reform of religious attitude within a relatively select group of the intellectual elite and not the society at large. Yet the subsequent revival of mysticism and religiosity in the first two decades of the Nineteenth-century indicates the crystallisation of this type of disbelief into an attitude which almost synonymously equated superstition with the Russian Orthodox Church. 23 Paradoxically then, Lopukhin attempted to make room for disbelief amongst the cultural elite (which can in some cases be considered equated with the Moscow Rosicrucians) and contemporaneously argued that Orthodox institutions must be maintained. This may be partly explained by the moderate enlightened ambivalence towards the masses when faced with the possibility of social disorder. In this case, Lopukhin attempted to distance himself from the possible upheavals by promoting his conservative credentials given his well-known stance against social and political equality. At a deeper level, Lopukhins continued support for institutional Orthodoxy may suggest that its maintenance was important for the continued management of disbelief. Unlike in Western European enlightened discourse (particularly in Britain and France) at its core, disbelief represented a fundamental reformulation of religion, whether by way of Deism, scepticism or atheism. Whilst confessional specificities have rarefied these general trends, the telos of these attitudes has usually been located beyond the dissatisfaction with the given confession in the very nature of religious impulse. Whilst in Eighteenth-century Russia these trends were known and shared by some of the leading intellectuals, philosophy of religion, as a critical rather than a devotional apparatus was in its infancy. Consequently, it was difficult to articulate disbelief by way of providing a radically new categorisation of religion which did not depend on some kind of reorganisation of the dominant confession.
23 See V. Sakharov, Prosveshchennyi mistitsizm Aleksandrovskoi epohi in V. Sakharov, Russkoe masonstvo v portretah (Moscow: AiF Print, 2004), pp. 199-200

95

Hence disbelief in the Russian context did not reach such a degree of analytical sophistication that it could completely dismiss dominant religious conventions as superstitious. There was not yet a system of belief which could replace Orthodoxy if it were to be disbelieved completely. Hence, whilst the state of conventional Orthodoxy has repelled Lopukhin to the point where he sought an alternative conduit for his spirituality, complete separation was impossible because attachment to Orthodoxy as an intellectual (that is mystical) has never waned. Further evidence of Lopukhins assault on credulity can be detected in his reference to schism. Far from being a neutral term, in Eighteenth-century Russia it was almost synonymous with such negative aspects as mass self-immolation practiced by Old Believer enthusiasts. As such, schism could be seen as a metaphor for enthusiasm. In a sense, here enthusiasm indicated a radicalisation of credulity or superstition leading to the emergence of an alternative social or institutional structure. In the first instance this represented a negative trend as it attested to fragmentation of authority, a notion which Lopukhin, given his strict adherence to hierarchy and the disciplinarian bent of his Rosicrucian brethren could not accept. Concurrently, enthusiasm, with its strong connotations of ecstatic experiences where in the words of Hume every whimsy is consecrated 24 appears to be at odds with Lopukhins distinction between a conscious internal reorganisation and a muted attitude towards external conventions. Thus, dissenting movements indicate a point at which the unruly passions have gained ascendancy and have therefore reinforced the transient and the idolatrous and have further removed man as a spiritual being from the true object of his contemplation and reform. On historical grounds, Lopukhins focus on credulity and enthusiasm can be seen as part of a larger process of disenchantment effecting the intellectuals stance towards the Russian church. The increasing familiarity with the new science 25 has compelled some of the leading Russian intellectuals such D.S. Anichkov (1733-1748), V.T. Zolotnitskii (1743-1797) and I.M. Kandorskii (1764-1838) to express their
24 Hume in R. Porter, Rationalizing Religion in Porter, R. The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British Enlightenment (New York: Norton, 2000), p. 125 25 See N.F. Utkina, Sotsialno filosovskie idei v period petrovskih preobrazovanyi in Utkina, N.F. ed. Russkaia mysl v vek Prosveshcheniia (Moscow: Nauka, 1991), p. 43

96

religiosity in philosophical, rather than theological terms. 26 Several decades prior to the publication of the Interior Church, emerging Russian scientific discourse has already began to develop models of man and universe which seemed to exclude an active God and marginalised Orthodoxy into a repertoire which was primarily cultural and devotional. 27 As a consequence, divinely created universe was being tentatively replaced by a divinely engineered one necessitating a shift from credulity in the miracle of creation to wonder at its mechanical perfection. From this standpoint, Lopukhin has merely contributed towards intellectual and institutional secularisation of Orthodox worldview which was already proceeding for almost a century at the behest of some of the clergy, the intellectuals and the state. Naturally, Lopukhin was against the increasingly rationalised discourse, which seemed to transfer too much responsibility on rational rather than a spiritual grasp of the cosmos. By responding with an anthropological conception of the universe which seemed to represent an outdated Renaissance infatuation with Neoplatonism and Hermeticism, Lopukhin was in actual fact contributing to a wider debate on reform of spirituality which was proceeding along rational, Orthodox and mystical lines. That Lopukhin has found at least some common ground in his critique of superstition with the type of intellectuals, who are usually labelled the representatives of a rational and secular enlightenment, indicates that the Russian enlightenment process did not see spirituality in oppositional terms, as it is proposed by some modern commentators. 28 Rather it may be suggestive to see spirituality as being appropriated differently by an enlightenment which has been rarefied into different ideational domains. In this light, Lopukhins exterior-interior rhetoric gains further credence because it becomes a realistic assessment of the historical outcome of Orthodox institutions. Their continued existence as believable institutions was impossible without their categorical reassessment on religious and philosophical grounds.
26 For a collection of their metaphysical and religious essays see T.V. Artemeva, ed. Mysli o dushe: Russkaia metafizika XVIII veka (St. Petersburg: Nauka, 1996). 27 For a historical analysis of the development of science Russia see N.F. Utkina, Estestvennonauchnyi materializm v Rossii XVIII veka (Moscow: Nauka, 1971); E.A. Mamchur, N.F. Ovchinnikov and A.P. Ogurtsov, Otechestvennaiia filosofiia nauki: predvaritelnye itogi Nauchnaia filosofiia (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1997). 28 L. Engelstein, Holy Russia in Modern Times: An Essay on Orthodoxy and Cultural Change Past and Present 173, (November 2001): 129-156.

97

Consequently, without causing social upheaval, exterior Orthodoxy could be surrendered to vicissitudes of rational critique. Hence, Lopukhin has recognised that its current historical condition has reached a point where its historicity could become apparent given its partial loss of legitimacy. Notwithstanding his disparaging attitude towards rationalism and the pursuit of science, it has nevertheless served Lopukhins purpose in uncovering the interior, not historically framed spiritual reality. By locating a point beyond which rational discourse could not proceed without revealing its falsity, Lopukhin has located the methodological demarcation line separating the exterior from the interior cognition of mans spiritual condition. Not being too conversant with modern science, preferring the writings of the German and French mystics, Lopukhin has nevertheless pointed out that his basic criterion for evaluating the intellectual content of any proposition depended on whether it proceeded from a person who is already internally illuminated, or still fixed in the falsity of the exterior: ...Amongst these there may be the means for apostolicism, prophets and miracle workers and divinely enlightened authors... But when they [the authors] have not actuated themselves in the renewal of the inner man, then in relation to the shortcomings in the purity of [their] Christian life; matter, which has not yet been affixed to the cross and impressions... can intrude into their deeds, words and writings, and can eclipse with lies and errors the truth which they reveal. For this sake, circumspection and scrutiny are useful when examining the deeds and reading the writings of even the most enlightened. 29 Despite the abstruse language, it is apparent that Lopukhins criticism stemmed from his belief that unreformed matter (corporeality) represents a barrier to intellectual and spiritual inquiry. Insofar as matter can be interpreted to be the substance of exteriority, scientific discourse is incapable of being utilised beyond its purely mechanical sphere of application to reform mans natural condition. Hence, the problem with science is that its telos (to know more about matter) is identical to the ground from which it proceeds. This seemingly tame critique has allowed Lopukhin to bracket the extent of discursive intrusion into matters of faith as the corporeal nature of the method has
29

I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye cherty p. 86.

98

inadvertently demarcated its limit. Paradoxically this way of thinking can be interpreted as an attempt to allay fears that spirituality itself, as an expression of divine truth, was threatened by rational discourse. Corporeal infringement into spirituality could obscure and distort, but it could not subsume the knowing subject. The implications for conventional Orthodoxy are such that the latter seems to be responsible for its own gradual intellectual disestablishment as it attempted to sacralise its corporeal component. Effectively, a purely intellectual mode of cognition, whether by way of a rational analysis or visionary affectations of the divine, have intimated to Lopukhin that the irreducible remainder of mans true spiritual ground must be undergirded by an equally irreducible set of religious and theosophical principles. Lopukhin has been critical of mysticisms which he thought were merely representative of imaginative states, rather than revealing mans spiritual structure. This erroneous type of mysticism resulted due to a forced sanctification of purely exterior religious comportment as was the case with all organised religions including Orthodoxy. Attempting to extend mysticisms critical aspect, and dismantle its associations with rapturous states, Lopukhin sought to clarify the conception of matter and the place it occupied in mysticism. The critical aspect implied that the knowing subject was not immune from the demands of his own corporeality and the latters dependence on the natural world. Here, the common mystical notion of a flight from the world has been given a different trajectory because the recognition of the world as a primarily material construct lacking the Good, inadvertently suggested that one must be involved in it to recognise its true nature. It is then the task of the mystic to negate exteriority in a way that does not deny its existence and leaves open the possibility of its reform. In this case, mystical contemplation determined by a visionary grasp of reality appeared to be insufficient, as the object that is enraptured over is indistinguishable from the method underpinning such a mystical state. Thus Lopukhin had expressed the danger of a meltdown into ecstasy by way of matter intruding into the reception of the Divine. In a sense, Lopukhin may have been suggesting that mystical spirituality, merely understood as an imaginative grasp of Divinity, in itself does not mitigate the erroneousness of conventional social and religious arrangements. Rather, there is a possibility that the presence of a mystical approach may create an illusion that 99

exteriority has been circumvented if the challenge posed by matter and its continued manifestation has not been dealt with. To meet this challenge, Lopukhin has adumbrated mysticism which acted like a register and an evaluator of ones own internal processes. Divorced from its dependence on the experiential datum, mysticisms public and to a degree objective expression was to be located in the Masonic establishment which focused on meticulous scrutiny practiced by the brotherhood to regulate their behaviour outside (that is in the exterior) of the exclusive Lodges. Nonetheless Freemasonry could be seen only as a parable attempting to provide a visible (that is structural) expression of the spiritual processes which occurred within the individual at a finer level than that operating in Orthodoxy. The seeming disjunction between an internal discovery of the ineffable on the one hand, and a legalistic Rosicrucian brotherhood providing procedural support on the other, denoted a paradox in Lopukhins understanding of the role of mysticism. In relation to the exterior, mysticism acted like a categorical grid to enable the individual to coexist, ethically (rather than to unreflectingly exist within, or attempt a complete withdrawal from exterior affairs) with a predominantly evil world. From this perspective the necessity of institutional arrangements becomes apparent as the Masonic establishment exemplified a set of institutional practices that were least prone to material degradation and as such served as an example to other institutional forms. Yet in the same instance its institutional framework has made it liable to the same set of criticisms levelled against Orthodoxy and the gulf separating them from the Divine. In this case, mysticism attempted to surmount the gulf by approximating exteriority as intimately as possible to its own principles without encroaching on the necessary critical distance. In this case Lopukhins detractors have been right in accusing him of attempting to extend inter-confessional Freemasonry at the expense of Orthodoxy 30 , but were wrong not to note that Freemasonry was only an improved institution which nonetheless possessed some of the shortcomings seen in organised religion. In this light, mysticism was assumed to be primarily concerned with providing the individual with the ability to
For criticism of Rosicrucian activity on these grounds see I.H.L. Ryu, Moscow Freemasons and the Rosicrucian Order in J.G. Garrard, The Eighteenth Century in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973): 198-233.
30

100

recognise, but withhold ones affirmation, to critique exteriority, but not limit oneself to it. The emerging tension brought about by these contradictions suggested that Lopukhins primary concern at this stage was to demonstrate that these anxieties were not only necessary, but needed to be fostered as it was through them that exteriority could be kept at arms length. Clearly, this type of critique implied that Orthodoxy was not capable of utilising these contradictions to a positive end as it obscured their very existence. Hence Lopukhin considered psychological mediums which closed the gap between the self and the exterior and consequently constricted the scope of these tensions to be dangerous as they appeared to disqualify man as a corrigible being. Broadly identifying these concerns under the rubric of imagination, Lopukhin has suggested that: It is necessary to be fearful of giving full scope to ones imagination and, [after] creating images to gaze on them: irrespective of what these mental images are, harmful impressions can pass through anything and imprint themselves on the imagination. To dispose oneself towards the service and the worship of the heavenly Father, it is necessary... to with all ones thought and... in the most mysterious depth of ones heart to exercise in prayer amidst internal silence; turning away from exteriority and entering inside oneself supplicating to God. 31 This rhetoric seemed to undercut Orthodoxys coalescence around agreed upon symbols and questioned their validity. In this quotation which clearly denotes the influence of Johann Arndt on Eighteenth-century Russian religious consciousness, Lopukhin has gone some way in bringing out epistemological issues associated with cognising the Divine, unaided by any external means. It may be instructive to read the reference to mysterious depth and silence not as states to be reached as one would ascend towards a mystical state of exaltation, but rather as normative conditions pertaining to basic human nature. Thus, whilst a progression from institutional Orthodoxy, to the realisation of error and towards an awareness that spirituality must be detectable an internal level is a kind of ascent simply because qualitative change has been registered, it is nevertheless not an induced state. Rather, it indicates that the type of consistency and regularity Lopukhin admired in the way Orthodoxy upheld its traditions has been replicated at a
31

I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye cherty pp. 115-116

101

qualitative level. In a sense, Lopukhin may have believed that a substantial critique of religious conventions was necessary in order to firstly clarify some problems with religion which were becoming apparent in late Eighteenth-century Russia and secondly to facilitate the development of new spiritual forms. At a practical level, this philosophically unrefined critique of Orthodoxy has contributed towards a growing interest amongst Russian thinkers towards theosophy and ways of reintroducing the internal man at a socio-political level. This was partly illustrated by the rapid expansion of the Russian Bible Society which aimed at providing religious and mystical literature to individuals whose definition has been relocated from a confessional, to a purely spiritual one. 32 Notwithstanding the criticism, the relationship between the Rosicrucian mystics and the leading Russian Orthodox clergy has not been as antagonistic as one would expect. For instance Lopukhin was on excellent terms with Platon, the Metropolitan of Moscow. Since there was no outright rejection of Orthodoxy, coupled with an encouragement to study the patristic heritage on the part of Rosicrucians, Orthodoxy has entered the mystical polemics amongst Russian thinkers at quite an unexpected level when theosophical interest has matured in late Nineteenth-century. Hence, the successors to the Rosicrucians, the Silver Age thinkers, despite their highly critical stance towards the state of the Russian church were very much concerned with reinvigorating the Orthodox experience. Paradoxically, as much as Lopukhin wanted to develop a new form of religious consciousness, he inadvertently underscored the inalienability of Orthodoxy even when its institutional dimension has been sidestepped. The Neoplatonic elements, as well as the influence of the Eastern ascetic tradition have entered his discourse in way which would become symptomatic of the later theosophists. Thus, it can be argued that the mystical religious enlightenment was an important factor in reintroducing Orthodoxy when the philosophical apparatus available to the subsequent generations of Russian thinkers has become more sophisticated.

32 S.R. Tompkins, The Russian Bible Society: A Case of Religious Xenophobia Slavic and East European Review 7, 3 (1948): 251-268; J.C. Zacek, The Russian Bible Society and the Russian Orthodox Church Church History 35, 4 (1966): 411-437. Naturally, lack of sensitivity to confessional differences has led to serious frictions with the Orthodox hierarchs which led to the society being closed down.

102

OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICKING VERSUS LIBERALISM IN ROMANIA. THE GOVERNMENTAL ANTI-SEMITIC POLICIES BETWEEN 1866 AND 1868 Octavian Silvestru * Abstract
In 1848, revolutionaries of Wallachia and Moldova have included among their demands the emancipation of the Jews. How to explain, then, the adversity shown by many of them in the face of such a project for social reform in 1866? Starting from this interrogation, in this article we reviewed the intellectual and political Romanian context from the first years of the reign of Carol I in an attempt to discover the circumstances of the occurrence of anti-Semitism and its political functions. According to the political context, anti-Semitic discourse and practice of the liberal politicians invoice must be seen not so much as an avatar of religious antiiudaismului of medieval source, as some historians have suggested but, as a final expression of a political strategies aimed to secure political power in the state.

*anti-semitism, political power, liberalism, political strategies In accordance with a broader tendency in the 19th century history of Europe 1 , the intricate political process that led to the creation of the modern Romanian national state is roughly synchronous with the outburst of anti-Semitism in this newly emerged country. However, although the process of nation state building and the emergence of anti-Semitism are inherently tied together in the second half of 19th-century Romania, only a limited number of historians devoted their efforts to the study of this matter. Consequently, in spite of the massive popularity and the obsessive media coverage attained at that time, few studies have hitherto addressed the issue of 19th century Romanian Jewish question and its subsequent political solution. Among them, it must be mentioned Les Juifs en Roumanie, 1866-1919.

* 1

Drd., Central European University, Budapest, Hungary

For the relationship between nationalism and anti-Semitism, see Shmuel Almog, Nationalism and Antisemitism in modern Europe, 1815-1945 (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1990).

103

De 1'xclusion l'mancipation 2 , the capital monograph by Carol Iancu, and also a remarkable essay entitled A Providential AntiSemitism. Nationalism and Polity in Nineteenth century Romania 3 , written by William Oldson, which, even if it analyzes only the political and intellectual anti-Jewish reactions following the 1878 Congress of Berlin, offers indubitably an interesting perspective upon the functions of anti-Semitism in the building of Romanian nationalist ideology. In both works, anti-Semitism is perceived as an endemic phenomenon in emerging Romania with strong socioeconomical and ideological underpinnings. Furthermore, unlike its western counterpart, which it formally imitates, Romanian anti-Semitism was supported by, and also supportive for, the local political establishment. In different manners, the abovementioned authors have insinuated that the Jewish problem emerged in Romania as a consequence of the conflict between a harsh and intense modernization of the political system and the persistence of an obsolete, archaic economic situation. The issue of the Romanian Jewish question was also analyzed in the works of other authors, like Beate Welter 4 and Fritz Stern 5 . However, having the same perspective upon the phenomenon and using a corpus of historical sources consisting for the most part in diplomatic and foreign documents, they reached more or less the same conclusions 6 . If the role of political anti-Semitism in the building of nationalist ideology was to some extent underscored by the researchers in the domain, the consequences and the
2 Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 1866-1919. De 1'xclusion l'mancipation (Aix-en-Provence: ditions de lUniversit de Provence, 1978). In the same respect, Carol Iancu edited Bleichrder et Crmieux. Le Combat pour lmancipation des Juifs de Roumanie devant le Congrs de Berlin. Correspondance indite, 1878-1880 (Montpellier: Centres de Recherches et dtudes Juives et Hbraques, Universit Paul Valry, 1987), in which he retraces the Romanian debates occasioned by the Jewish question from an external, western European perspective. 3 William Oldson, A Providential Anti-Semitism. Nationalism and Polity in Nineteenth century Romania (Philadelphia : American Philosophical Society, 1991). 4 Beate Welter, Die Judenpolitik der Rumanischen Regierung, 1866-1888 (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Peter Lang, 1989). 5 Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichrder, and the Building of the German Empire (New York: Knopf, 1977). 6 To my knowledge, no recent Romanian historian approached the problem of Anti-Semitism in 19th century Romania. The communist restrictions and the post-communist historiographical interest in the 20th century anti-Semitism and Holocaust may have contributed so far to this situation.

104

instrumentalization of anti-Semitism on the Romanian political scene itself were less studied. Without contesting the findings of previous works, a historical explanation of this phenomenon should also comprise a thorough investigation of the circumstances and politicking character of the anti-Semitic actions of that time. Since an exhaustive contextual analysis of anti-Semitic discourses and policies occurring in that period would exceed the limits of this article, the focus will be mainly set on a specific historical moment, namely the adoption of the 1866 Constitution and the ensuing anti-Jewish governmental actions up to 1868. These events set the context for a re-emergence of the Jewish question in Romania and marked a clear-cut point of inflection in the discourses and practices of local political actors as regards the status of the Romanian Jewry. In the pages below, I claim that manifest anti-Semitism - in discourses and practices - was also used as an opportunistic strategy of politicking in order to assure necessary political coherence and support in the late 1860s Romania. This of course entails a thorough contextualization of the balance of power between distinct sociopolitical sides which will eventually permit me to clarify the role of anti-Semitism among other political practices. For these reasons, this article is divided in three major parts. First, I will provide a brief description of the social and political context in which different political groups actions should be situated focusing on the description of the actors involved in political decision. Next, the governmental anti-Semitic policy will be analyzed and its place in the larger context will be seized. Finally I will examine the international reactions to this policy in order to determine their repercussions upon internal politics and nationalist ideology. The dynamics of the Jewish population In order to appreciate the stake of the Jewish question in Romania of that time, some historical background data are needed. The Jews settled in the Romanian Principalities in the Middle Age but grew in population from the 18th century onwards. Prior to the modernization era of the 19th century, the Jews, alongside Armenians, Greeks or Bulgarians, played the role of economic intermediaries between the social elite, the boyars, and the majority of peasants 7 . Although subjects to a religious anti-Semitism, the Jews were accorded a recognized and distinct
7

Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 23, 31-46.

105

status, that enabled them to thrive. After 1830, when the Principalities fell under the Tsarist influence, the situation of the Jews changed dramatically since the new legislation (Regulamentele Organice) considered all of them strangers, exploiters of the resources of the country and furthermore prohibited them from farming land or owning any rural properties 8 . Later on, the liberal revolutionaries of 1848 tried to fully emancipate Jews, but in spite of their intentions 9 , the status of Jews remained unchanged even after the unification of 1859. Throughout the first half of 19th century, the continuous influx of Jews from Russias Pale of Settlement and Galicia had a deep impact upon the demography and economy of Romania, especially in Moldova, which was in the immediate vicinity of the Russian border. In this respect, the 1859 census of the population gives suggestive data. In Moldova alone, the Jews represented 8.16 per cent of the total population 10 . Further, Jews, because of the specific legislation directed against them, were mostly concentrated in the urban centers, representing 35.10 per cent of the whole urban population of Moldova 11 . In Jassy, for instance, the 1859 census counted 46.33 per cent Jewish population. The proportion of Jews was even higher in the northern Moldavian towns of Flticeni (62.97 per cent) or Dorohoi (50.10 per cent) 12 . Jewish presence in southern part of Romania (Wallachia) was much weaker. From a total population of almost two and a half million, only 9234 were Jews that is, 0.38 per cent. Overall, estimates of the Jewish population in Romania for the second half of 1860s varied from 200,000 to 300,000 (that is 3 per cent) out of a total population of about 5 million 13 . Comparatively, at the same epoch in all England there were only 46,000 and in all France around 50,000. The numerical significance of the Jewish population was backed, from a religious perspective by a considerable number of synagogues in Romania, reaching more than 600. The Jews formed therefore the second largest religious community in the country, after the Christian orthodox 14 .

Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 46-49. Ibidem, 50-53. 10 See the detailed tables provided by Beate Welter, Die Judenpolitik der rumanischen Regierung, 216-220 11 Beate Welter, Die Judenpolitik der rumanischen Regierung, 218. 12 Ibidem, 219. 13 Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 142. 14 Cf. Ion Bulei, O Istorie a Romnilor, 121.
8 9

106

The Jewish demographic presence also translated into a strong economic activity. In Moldova, for instance, more than two thirds of the local craftsmen and merchants were Jewish 15 . In a parliamentary speech of September 1879, the deputy Constantin Cristodulo-Cerchez, former mayor of Jassy in 1870-1871 and in the first months of 1879, offered some statistical data on the Jewish economic influence in the ex-capital of Moldova. Thus, it seems that in 1866, the Jews represented 42.5 per cent of the Jassy real estate owners (that is 1,146 from a total of 2,698) and 78.3 per cent the craftsmen and merchants (namely 2,209 as compared to 613 Romanians) 16 . Foreign observers as well disclosed the overwhelming Jewish influence on the Moldavian economy. After a voyage in Romania, the French historian Ernest Desjardins wrote: The Jews are foreigners in Romania, not only because of their language and habits, but also due to their spirit. And they want to remain strangers. They do not send their children to Romanian schools, although education is free of charge for them. The totality of the small retail commerce with milk, meat, and fruits is in their hands, and they especially excel in alcohol production. In Moldova, the Jew is tailor, cobbler, clockmaker, tinker, and chiefly pawnbroker. The Jew charges a monthly interest up to 50 per cent, and because of the lack of credit institutions, everybody comes to them in case of a bad harvest 17 . Furthermore, a German consul arriving in Jassy in that period remembered that all trade was in the hands of Jews. By hard work, frugality, economy, and tight cohesion they prevented the rise of the Romanian merchants 18 . The young prince of Romania, Carol I most likely already more anti-Semite than the historians tend to portray him depicts the Jews almost in the same manner. After his first voyage in Moldova in 1866, he wrote that the Jews were unpleasant and living in small and dirty towns. Moreover, they were growing in numbers in a remarkable rhythm, while the Romanian population was decreasing. Beside that, the Jews were
Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 141. In the case of real estate owners data, Cristodulo-Cerchez warned that due to the restrictions imposed on them, the Jews bought real estates through the agency of Romanian citizens, therefore the number of Jewish owners was perhaps much bigger. Cf. his discourse in the Assembly of Deputies in Romnul, XXIII, September 30, 1879. 17 apud. Memoriile regelui Carol I al Romniei de un martor ocular [The Memoirs of King Carol I of Romania by a an eye witness], edited by Stelian Neagoe, Vol. 1 (Bucharest: Editura Scripta, 1992), 232. 18 Cited in Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichrder, and the building of the German empire, 372.
15 16

107

considered a real calamity for the Moldavian villages: Only the Jew is taverner and grocer; he tempts the peasants to drink his falsified spirits and he is always ready to credit them, in order to totally ruin them afterwards 19 . It is no wonder that the young prince, after his own confession, came soon to comprehend Romanians dislike for the Jews 20 . To conclude, during the 1860s and 1870s, the Jewish population of Romania was considerable. Established predominantly in Moldova, the Jews were generally city-dwellers with a substantial influence on local economy. Polarized between a small upper stratum possessing real estates and capital, and the vast, poor and uneducated majority who had to eke out a living by peddling or manufacturing diverse goods, the Jews were generally perceived as unassimilable and unwanted outsiders and stirred the overt antipathies of the Romanians. The fragile political balance of power adoption of the article 7 of the 1866 Constitution and the

Prior to 1866, under Alexandru Ioan Cuzas regime (18591866), the Romanian United Principalities underwent a rapid and socially painful process of modernization mainly by means of legislative measures. However, Cuzas authoritarian tendencies determined the members of the political elite to ally against him irrespective of their conservative or liberal orientation. Cuza was thus forced to abdicate by the so-called Monstrous Coalition of conservatives and radical liberals 21 . The latter were lead by Ion C. Brtianu. Descending from an old boyar family of Wallachia, he completed his studies in Paris and was a former revolutionary of 1848, militating, among other things, for the immediate and full emancipation of Israelites and political rights for all compatriots of other religion 22 . Later on, after the unification of 1859, he got involved in politics being a strong proponent of radical liberal reforms. Equally, alongside his influential friend C. A. Rossetti, Brtianu founded a radical liberal political group (the Reds) in the Parliament, advocating the acceleration of modernization in
Cf. Memoriile regelui Carol I al Romniei, 100-110. Ibidem, 100. 21 Apostol Stan, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 1859-1918 [Political Power and Democracy in Romania, 1859-1866] (Bucharest: Editura Albatros, 1995), 35-37. 22 Ion C. Brtianu, Din scrierile i cuvntrile lui I. C. Brtianu [The Writings and Discourses of I.C. Brtianu] (Bucharest: Imprimeriile Independena, 1921), 16.
19 20

108

Romania. In spite of his liberalism, Cuza kept Brtianus group in a quasi-perpetual opposition, therefore the impossible coalition between the Reds and the conservatives furthered his deposal and the election, in 1866, of Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen to the throne of Romania. Brtianus role in these events was crucial as he was the one sent to negotiate in the western capitals the legitimacy of the new foreign prince 23 . From his first days in Romania, Carol realized the economic and political backwardness of the country 24 and finally gave the liberals - in fact, the ones who supported the most his advent to the throne the chance to form the government. For the next five years Romania was governed by liberal dominated cabinets. However, the Romanian political establishment was highly instable and fragmented at the time. The lack of a party system and the unsteadiness of the political elite (divided on personal and arbitrary grounds, rather than principles) undermined the implementation of the measures taken by governments 25 . Liberal politicians were not organized into a proper party, instead distinct liberal factions were fighting each other for political power in the state 26 . Among them, the Reds led by Brtianu and Rossetti and situated at the left of the political spectrum, were relatively well organized. Having a network of local branches in the important cities of Wallachia and their own official gazette (Romnul The Romanian), this political group had a strong popular impact but still lacked the necessary parliamentary support in order to impose its views 27 . Therefore, the radicals sought to form alliances with other political groups having similar liberal orientations. After a long period of vacillating negotiations, in March 1867, Brtianu reached an agreement with Mihail Koglniceanu, the Cuzas former right hand and the leader of a center faction, having moderately liberal conceptions 28 . As the experience have shown, this alliance was not enough to secure
Ion C. Brtianu, Din scrierile i cuvntrile lui I. C. Brtianu., 579-581. In the first months after his advent, Carol found out that Romania was a completely disorganized country from a moral and financial point of view. Cf. Memoriile regelui Carol I al Romniei, 90. 25 See Apostol Stan, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 1859-1918, 67-87. 26 Idem, Grupri i curente politice in Romnia ntre Unire i Independen: 1859 1877 [Political Groups and Currents in Romania between Unification and Independence: 1859 - 1877] (Bucharest: Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1979), 177-208. 27 Idem, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 1859-1918, 71-76. 28 Idem, Grupri i curente politice in Romnia ntre Unire i Independen, 190191.
23 24

109

the support of the legislative bodies, hence the need to find even more upholders predisposed the Reds to major concessions. On relatively similar radical positions as the radical liberals of Wallachia were the peculiar Moldavian liberals grouped around Nicolae Ionescu 29 . The essence of their political doctrine was inspired by the teachings of Simion Brnuiu, an ancient Transylvanian 48 revolutionary who, after studying law in Vienna and Pavia, moved to Jassy as a professor of philosophy at the local university. His teachings, based on the Latinists thesis stating the Latin purity of Romanians, aimed the restoration of Roman Law in the Unified Principalities. Therefore, Ionescu militated for a republican system, a radical agrarian reform and against the foreign prince or any interference with the foreigners 30 . After his death in 1864, his disciples perpetuated in the political sphere his ideas by creating the so called Liberal and Independent Fraction (Fraciunea liber i independent) which soon gained a great deal of authority all over Moldova. Nicolae Ionescu was one of the few to vote against the election of Carol in 1866 31 . Subsequently, as it will be illustrated in the pages below, the Fraction clearly manifested its anti-Semitic stance. In order to govern the country radical liberals of Wallachia had to cope in a way or another with the Liberal and Independent Fraction of Moldova. The rapports between these two political factions will prove decisive in shaping the destiny of Romanian Jewry. The 1866 parliamentary debates around the new Constitution offered the perfect occasion for the eruption of the Jewish question. The impetus for the emergence of the Jewish question was given in the eve of the advent of Carol. Still keeping up with their 1848 agenda and in order to adjust the image the new regime in Bucharest had in Western Europe, the Wallachian liberals maintained a position favorable to the emancipation of Jews. A first draft of Romanian Constitution, sketched in the spring of 1866 by a commission formed by Reds and conservatives, stipulated full political emancipation for the Jewish population 32 . However, in the eyes of Romanian political elite, the emancipation of Jewish population was not self-evident. The
For an in depth description of their political agenda, see ibidem, 178-180. See Lucian Boia, Evoluia istoriografiei romne [The Evolution of Romanian Historiography] (Bucharest: Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 1976), 167-168. 31 Apostol Stan, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 41. 32 See Constantin Iordachi, The Unyielding Boundaries of Citizenship: The Emancipation of Non-Citizens in Romania, 1866 1918, European Review of History Revue europenne dHistoire (Vol. 8, No. 2, 2001), 167-168.
29 30

110

public opinion, influenced by a several influent journalists and politicians began an intense protest against such scandalous proposal. This attitude was motivated by the alleged alarming socio-economical situation of the Jewry and by the general condition of the country. Romanian society was deeply polarized between the landlords, from whom almost the entire political elite emerged, and the vast majority of illiterate, semi-emancipated peasants. In-between, the appearance of a local bourgeoisie was endangered, the politicians feared, by this large Jewish cluster. The Fractionists from Moldova were afraid that the Romanian nationality itself would be menaced by the emancipation of Jews, as this political statement would allegedly trigger an even greater invasion of foreigners in the country. Through the voice of the deputy Nicolae Voinov, the Moldavian radical liberals expressed their concern regarding Jewish emancipation and urged the adoption of restrictive laws against all sorts of foreigners in order to enforce the nationality 33 . The massive presence of Jews in Moldova and their increasing economic influence nevertheless strengthened the opinions of Moldavian radicals. Their envisaged national identity project, greatly influenced by Simion Brnuius xenophobic stance, drew on the idea of ethnic purity. In this respect, any officially sanctioned form of heterogeneity was seen as questioning the social cohesion and, ultimately, the power of the nation. From this perspective, the Jews became the domestic enemy, the other that could not be integrated. Several journalists and politicians in Bucharest obdurately maintained the same idea. Among them Cezar Bolliac, a member of the Parliament and the owner of the newspaper Trompeta Carpailor (The Trumpet of the Carpathians) stood out as the most prominent. In the pages of this journal, the anti-Jewish statements had a large coverage. The liberals were constantly accused of intending to sell the country to the Jews, while the Jews themselves were portrayed as assailants on the point of a Consequently, Trompeta Carpailor hideous invasion 34 . anathematized the governmental project, allowing the emancipation of Jews under certain conditions. The reasons put forth set a high standard on the nascent Romanian anti-Semitic discourse. The Jews were not Christians, they did not contribute to the welfare of Romania, and instead they invaded it and sucked

33 34

See Apostol Stan, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 49. Cf. Trompeta Carpailor, IV, no. 426, June 7, 1866.

111

its blood. Furthermore, the Yids 35 do not give anything, do not do anything for the country; they do not have patriotic feelings. They only know the traffic, they only come among us to ruin, demoralize and denationalize us 36 . Instead of emancipating Romanian Jewry, Bolliac hence proposed a constitutional article that would prevent any Romanian government or Parliament to grant Jews such rights for a hundred years 37 . In addition, the same proposal suggested that the Jews should be barred from settling in rural areas and from possessing any provision of food or alcohol, other than what is necessary for their community 38 . The latter measure was evidently meant to stop Jews from commercial activities with Romanians. Predictably, the debates that followed in the Constituent Assembly around this point were, to say the least, fierce. As it was expected, there were the Moldavian liberal deputies who opposed an arduous parliamentary resistance to the project. In their speeches, Jews were portrayed as a plague for the country, having economic dominance over the Romanian economy and literally invading the country, especially Northern Moldova. Instead of granting them emancipation, the radicals from Moldova suggested, through the voices of Nicolae Ionescu, Pan Buescu and Nicolae Voinov, that the Russian and Galician vagabond Yids should not be allowed to enter Romania or to purchase properties in the countryside 39 . The Fractionists realized just in time that undue anti-Semitic discourse was also easy to be transformed in an electoral and political weapon in towns with an overwhelming Jewish population. Accordingly, an efficient propaganda movement in Moldavian towns accompanied and emphasized their anti-emancipation position in the Assembly. Because of their intense media campaign and direct political actions, urban population in Moldova was stirred and some Jewish quarters were pillaged. Even in Bucharest, with the

35 Throughout this article, the term Yid translates the Romanian pejorative apellative Jidan or its forms Jdan and Judan, very much used in the public discourses of the time. The non-pejorative appellation was Evreu (sometimes Ebreu), here in translated as Jew. 36 Trompeta Carpailor, IV, no. 427, June 14, 1866. 37 Un secol de acum nainte, nimeni, nici guvern, nici corpul constituit al Statului nu poate s propun a se da drepturi politice Jidanilor n Romnia., ibidem. 38 Ibidem. 39 Frederick Kellogg, The Road to Romanian Independence (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 1995), rom. trans. Drumul Romniei spre Independen (Iai: Institutul European, 2002), 78.

112

mediation of influential, liberal, but anti-dynastic 40 journalists like Cezar Bolliac and Ion Eliade Rdulescu, a violent anti-Semitic riot culminated with the depredation of the Choir Temple. Bolliacs Trompeta Carpailor played a decisive role in instigating the mob. While the members of the Constituent Assembly who opposed the emancipation of Jews were considered, real Romanian men and enlightened patriots, the mob that participated in the anti-Jewish riot was described in the pages of this gazette as the most fine-looking and distinguished people of Bucharest: students, merchants, craftsmen, artists, priests. More than 10,000 took part in this demonstration, which had nothing to do with the impulsive some who pillaged a synagogue 41 . Simultaneously, the gazette obsessively published the petitions received from various regions in Romania especially Moldova in which the possible Jewish emancipation was fiercely opposed. The majority of the petitions proposed drastic measures as regards the Jews: interdiction to settle in rural areas, to lease domains, to produce or sell alcohol or food, to peddle, to live near or own a shop in the city centers. Their initiators justified the measures with economic, social and even sanitary reasons. Ultimately, this discourse was intended to thwart the alleged plan of the Jews to build a new Palestine in Romania 42 . For example, a petition signed by some citizens of Brlad, a small Moldavian town, protests against the Jewish polycephalic hydra endangering the welfare and the existence of the Romanian nation. The same petition lays the blame not only on the Yids, but on those who are more Yids than the Yids themselves, those stepsons of the fatherland 43 . This is a clear indication that in the public space, the Jewish question was already instrumentalized with very precise political ends. National feelings and politicking made the instrumentalization of the Jewish question a powerful and effective political weapon. As foreign eyewitnesses would later testify, politicians and public figures deliberately orchestrated this
Therefore, in good relations with the Fractionists. Trompeta Carpailor, IV, 434, July 8, 1866. 42 Trompeta Carpailor, IV, 435, July 11, 1866. In this nationalist, exclusionist framework, anti-Semites considered their action a work of justice: We ask to be protected from a tyrannical oppression besetting us from all sides. We ask for the right to dispose of our property. We ask for the right to enjoy the fruits our work. We ask for the right to keep our religion unsullied our own faith which is today dishonored by the denomination Romanian of Jewish rite consecrating on the altar of our national church the Judaism, alongside Christianity. We humbly ask for a place under the Sun who warms our Romanian land that was bought with the blood of our forefathers. Ultimately, we ask for justice. 43 Trompeta Carpailor, IV, 433, July 5, 1866.
40 41

113

series of anti-Jewish attacks. Emile Guimet for instance, considered that no one was really against the Jews, except the aristocracy who stirred the intolerance for its own interest 44 As strange as it may look for a scholar habituated with the idea that the periphery of Europe appropriated its forms of public discourse exclusively by imitation of a western center, in terms of anti-Semitism, Romanian intellectuals of the 1860s seem to chronologically surpass in radicalism their western homologues. Many of the ideas conveyed by German anti-Semitism in the late 1870s, were already, as I have shown above, part of the public discourses around the new Romanian Constitution in the 1866. Intellectuals also took sides. In that same year, B. P. Hadeu, a prominent historian of his time and also a liberal activist at odds with the Romanian political establishment due to his republican sympathies, characterized the Jews as a hideous synthesis of three negative traits: the tendency to get rich without really working, the lack of dignity and the hatred towards all the nonJews 45 . For him, trade implied dishonesty; and the Jewish merchant, turned into the generic Jew, lived in the absence of any form of morality: Yids only know no shame: the tender mirror of ones feeling of dignity. Mocking the others respect, the Yid uses fraud in everything: the brandy is poisoned, the weight counterfeit, the merchandise putrid Mocking the others respect, the Yid gets fat from speculations banned by the legislator or disapproved by the peoples conscience: moneylending, contraband, prostitution Mocking the others respect, the Yid spreads around him the seeds of corruption: bankruptcy, espionage, bribe 46 . With such a portrait, the issue of granting them civil rights could of course no longer be subject to debate; instead, this description identified the culpable for all the evils in the social and economic life. Insisting on the notion that Jews helped each other at the expense of the other peoples, a notion later adopted by all partisans of the conspiracy theories, Hadeu, launched the most serious accusation of all, accusing Jews of ingratitude and disloyalty to the very state whose citizenship they were asking for: The Yid only shall never be a patriot! The Yid
44 Emile Guimet, LOrient au fusain. Notes de voyage (Paris, 1868), cited in Andrei Pippidi, Ieri cu vedere spre azi. Bucuresti in 1868, Dilema Veche, no. 180-181, July, 2007. 45 See Bogdan Petriceicu Hadeu, Studiu asupra iudaismului. Industria naional, industria strin fa cu principiul concurenei [Study on Judaism. National industry, foreign industry and Jewish industry facing the competition principle] (Bucureti: Editura ziarului Aprarea Naional, 1901), 109. 46 Ibidem, 111.

114

only shall not forget his blood! The Yid only repeats everywhere, invoking Gods name, the ungrateful synagogal prayer: Next year in Jerusalem! considering the country whose bread he is eating a simple stop on his way, where he rests a day or two, until he has left his innocent host with nothing; then he goes on, hunting for a new prey! 47 . In the eve of the parliamentary session that had to solve the status of the Jews living in Romania, this type of discourse was already widespread and cherished by the public opinion. As a liberal, as well as a member of the government, Ion Brtianu tried unsuccessfully to stop the anti-Semitic agitations in the country 48 . The fact in itself proves that by 1866, he did not yet become an anti-Semite. However, the inflection point of the attitude of the Reds toward emancipation occurs during the constitutional debates of 1866. Aware of the balance of forces in the Constituent Assembly, Ion Brtianu, although considering that the anti-Semitic movement was concentrating all the intrigues and passions in the country, with the sole aim of deceiving the people, adopted a more defensive point of view. He declared that the government does not have the intention to give the country to the Jews nor to grant them rights which will affect or affront Romanians interests 49 . What caused this sudden change of heart with regard to the Jewish question? According to Titu Maiorescu, a young conservative intellectual of that time, the reasons for such an attitude were all the way political. Brtianu, as the head of the radical liberals in Wallachia, noticed that only some conservatives, with serious financial motivations, favored the emancipation of the Jews. Conversely, the Reds utterly differed from the conservatives on the basis of their specific political platform, which instead had a lot of points in common with the program of the Fractionists. Therefore, Brtianu decided not to risk transmitting a negative message to some potential allies, as Moldavian radical liberals were perceived, and chose to support the non-emancipation of Jews 50 . Ultimately, the famous article 7 of Romanian Constitution, adopted in 1866, denied non-

Bogdan Petriceicu Hadeu, Studiu asupra iudaismului, 112. Carol Iancu, Les juifs en Roumanie, 67. 49 Quoted in Apostol Stan, Putere politic i democraie n Romnia, 49. 50 Titu Maiorescu, Istoria politic a Romniei sub domnia lui Carol I [The political history of Romania under the reign of Carol I] (Bucharest : Humanitas, 1994), 19.
47 48

115

Christians access to naturalization 51 , permanently barring Jews from citizenship on religious grounds 52 . In other words, against the Great Powers opposition, the first liberal Constitution of 1866 stated that Jews living in Romania were foreigners not protected by a foreign power, thus forbidding them the citizenship and all the civil and political rights deriving from it. Subsequent political anti-Jewish policy instability and governmental

Besides diverse and, nevertheless, pertinent economic and social reasons, the emergence of an anti-Semitic political discourse in Romania must be also linked with more prosaic political imperatives. The political instability was at that time a problem that could not be ignored. In the first five years of Carols reign, equating more or less the first period of the cooptation of liberal factions into the government, there were ten distinct cabinets and another 30 ministerial reshuffles. In this context, and considering the already mentioned lack of party system, in order to resist in power one needed to establish a vast network of political alliances. Although a great politician highly appreciated by Carol of Hohenzollern, Brtianu was vulnerable and had to seek the support of the Moldavian Fraction. As the latters political platform assembled, besides non-negotiable anti-Semitic ideas, some other subversive stances as it militated for Moldavian separatism, republicanism and the rejection of the foreign prince the Reds had no choice but to go along with what it seemed to be the least harmful of their political priorities, that is the antiJewish legislation. In this light, the 1867 anti-Semitic decrees of Brtianu originate in political opportunism. Sensing that in this way radical liberal cabinet could gain the support of the Moldavian Fractionists, in April 24th / May 6th 1867, Brtianu, as Minister of Interior, ordered all the prefects to fully apply the previous legislation regarding the helpless, filthy Jews who could not
The exact formulation was: The status of Romanian citizen is acquired, maintained, and forfeited in accordance with rules established through civil legislation. Only foreigners belonging to a Christian confession can obtain naturalization. 52 See Keith Hitchins, Rumania, 1866-1947, 16. Nevertheless, religion in itself was not an important point of concern in the debates regarding the Jewish question; instead it represented a juridical tool designed to keep up with purely political preoccupations and the concern for social preservation. See Emmanuel Crezzulesco, Les Israelites en Roumanie (Paris: Dentu, 1879), 51.
51

116

provide for themselves the material means to survive 53 . Basically, this meant the expulsion of all Jews who did not have an occupation or lived in the countryside. Such a measure meant a reenactment of some stipulations from the Organic Laws, which, as mile Picot noticed at the time, were already abolished by Romanian state in its further laws 54 . Simultaneously, the Wallachian liberals performed a strategic discursive inflection. Under public pressure, they adopted a rabid anti-Jewish type of discourse. Through the voice of their uncontested leader, Ion C. Brtianu, Jews were portrayed as a social plague for Romania, that simply, because of their large number, threaten, as everyone acknowledges, our nationality.... Only strong administrative measures can save us from this calamity and prevent this foreign underclass from invading our country 55 . Furthermore, as his anti-Semitic stance sharpened, Brtianu laid blame on Romanians who hired Jews for creating a situation in which they have latched on to our land so tightly that we will never be able to get rid of them 56 . Likewise, he laid blame on the Jews for bringing down the wrath of the Western Great Powers on Romania and serving as agents of the nations enemies 57 . In 1870, he would still maintain in accordance with the majority of Romanian political elite that the goal of the Jews is nothing less than to put an end to our national existence 58 . In addition to the expulsion decree, Brtianu implemented also some legislative measures concerning the interdiction of certain civil rights to Jews and their sanitary state. The decrees of May 1867, restated that Jews were barred from holding land, from living in villages, or from owning inns, thus seriously afflicting their economic situation. Consequently, visiting a
Frederick Kellogg, Drumul Romniei spre Independen, 84. Emile Picot, La question des isralites roumains au point de vue du droit, Revue historique de droit franais et tranger, no. 14, 1868, 77. 55 Monitorul Oficial, June 19 and 20, 1866. 56 Again the Jewish question is used with political ends, since those accused by the liberal leader, were, for the most part, conservatives. Brtianu, Din scrierile i cuvntarile lui Ion C. Brtianu, Vol. 1 (Bucharest: Carol Gobl, 1903), 441. 57 Jews, even when they commit crimes, are better treated than others.... Not because Jews have greater morality than Christians, at least when it comes to fraud, but because whenever you lay a hand on a Jew, all Israelites, not only in Romania but abroad as well, come screaming.... If you lay a hand on a Jew, even one caught in a crime, a Consul comes to you and says, This is my subject. Whether he is or is not a foreign subject, a Consul always appears to say he is.... This is what the enemies of our nation are doing today; they are taking the Jews and using them to attack us., ibidem, 445-446. 58 Monitorul Oficial, January 4, 1870.
53 54

117

Jewish hospital in Jassy, Brtianu was badly impressed by the poor hygienic situation of the establishment and of the Jewish quarter in general, and ordered that security and sanitary measures should be immediately be taken 59 . Although the sanitary measures were motivated by the crude reality of the cloaques funestes in which Jews were living in the towns of Moldova 60 , they were nevertheless applied in an abusive way. Jassys local authorities, in fact Fractionists, soon declared the Jewish quarter a health hazard and expelled some Jews, including wealthy ones, as vagabonds. This official policy encouraged the liberals in Moldova to take firmer actions against the Jews. Politically instigated anti-Semitic riots, which included pillages and violence directed against Jewish communities, emerged in many Moldavian towns - Jassy, Tecuci, Galai etc. Some Jews died during these riots or in the course the expulsions that followed 61 , triggering the unanimous protest of all foreign powers, except, quite obviously, Tsarist Russia. Why did Brtianu, as the Minister of Interior, initiate this legislation? As a very astute politician he could have instantly realized that his action would certainly trigger a vehement response from the part of the Great Powers, thus jeopardizing the stability of the internal political regime - based on the election of a foreign prince - that he was so ardently trying to impose, from 1866 onwards. The only rationale for such a course of action was the perceived far more dangerous risk represented by internal political instability and general opposition to his liberal government. Without the parliamentary help of Moldavian Fractionists, his own liberal faction could not form the cabinet. Observers of the time also noticed this reason behind governmental anti-Semitic actions. For the editorialist of Le
Frederick Kellogg, Drumul Romniei spre Independen, 84 Emile Picot, the French private secretary of Carol at the time and also an advocate of the emancipation of Romanian Jews, wrote in this respect: Ces quartiers juifs se composent dun assemblage de maisons et de baraques construites sur des fondrires dune fange immonde. Dans ces affreux cloaques, les voitures ne peuvent pas avoir accs, et les immondices slvent une hauteur considrable. Des porcs [sic] se tranent dune boue ftide, nayant pour nourriture que le fumier et la chair des animaux morts. Ces quartiers existent Jassy et dans toutes les villes de Moldavie ; partout on voit plusieurs familles sentasser dans une mme chambre. En 1866, cest dans ces foyers dinfection que le cholra prit naissance, et on se rappelle avec quelle rapidit il se propagea dans toute la Moldavie. (Emile Picot, La question des isralites roumains, 53). Picot argues with good reasons, that Jews were not different in that matter from the Romanian majority, the peasants. 61 See Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 73
59 60

118

Temps, Brtianus decision was triggered, among other factors, by the need to thwart the separatist movement in Moldova by gaining popularity for the government 62 . Emile Picot also, noticed the political pragmatism behind anti-Jewish legislation of 1867. He advised the Romanian government to follow the general trend in European law regarding Jewish emancipation but still admitted that generally it is not the observance of justice that makes the ministers popular 63 . Later on, Ernest Desjardins would conclude that the Jews and the politics directed against them in Romania were seen as political weapons used in the fierce internal polemics of the ruling elite 64 . Titu Maiorescu too seized the role of politics in the adoption of a anti-Jewish legislation, considering that the planned alliance of the Reds with the Moldavian radical liberals was the major cause behind it. Brtianus Realpolitik is though sanctioned as being paradoxical - a contradictio in adjecto - and, ultimately, imprudent and disastrous, because it did not solve the political problems in Romania 65 . Conversely, the governmental antiSemitism was soon counteracted by a strong international protest that will add more pressure on the political establishment already full of tensions in Romania. The international consequences diplomatic pressure and its

Simultaneously to the emergence of political anti-Semitism in Romania, the western Jewish associations and governments deployed an unprecedented effort to determine the Romanian political elite to cancel the already adopted anti-Jewish legislation. Already in 1866, in the context of the debates around the new Constitution, Jewish associations in the West, especially
62 Inquiet des aspirations sparatistes qui se manifestent en Moldavie depuis quelques temps, et dsireux de donner un autre cours aux tendances populaires, le ministre roumain na pas craint de flatter les instincts les plus fcheux des masses, en organisant des perscutions contre les juifs. , Le Temps, June 4th, 1867. 63 En un mot, ce quil faut recommander avant tout, cest le respect de la justice. Il est vrai que ce nest pas toujours le respect de la justice qui rend les ministres populaires., Emile Picot, , La question des isralites roumains au point de vue du droit , 76. 64 Mais ce quil faut savoir pour juger une semblable mesure, cest que le Juifs en ce pays sont un instrument dont les partis hostiles au gouvernement, et dont le gouvernement lui-mme sont amens se servir. Ernest Desjardins, quoted in Carol Iancu, Les juifs en Roumanie, 127. 65 Titu Maiorescu, Istoria politic a Romniei, 19.

119

Alliance Isralite Universelle 66 , urged the governments of the Great Powers to compel Romanians to grant emancipation for Jews. In that context, Adolphe Crmieux, the founder and the president of the Alliance, also known as a reputed French politician of the time, even came to Bucharest and gave a touching proemancipation discourse in front of the Constituent Assembly 67 . Moses Montefiore 68 , another prominent defender of the Eastern European Jews, came to Bucharest in August 1867 69 in an attempt to alleviate the condition of his coreligionists living in Romania. His goal was to make sure that the Jews dwelling in all parts of the United Principalities shall enjoy perfect protection in all which concerns the safety of their persons and their property 70 . In spite of his assurance that the Jewish bankers of all Europe would credit Romanian economy if the emancipation would be granted, Montefiores, as well as Crmieuxs efforts were in vain. Hence, the governmental decrees of 1867 represented the last straw for the western public opinion and the negative discourses regarding the Romanian way of dealing with the Jewish question reemerged more arduously as before. Western newspapers condemned vigorously Brtianus political actions all the more as he was seen as a democrat and a partisan of liberalism. For the western public opinion, or at least for the editorialists of the major journals, the Romanian anti66 Founded in 1860 by a group of French Jews, this organization aimed to the goal to protect the rights of the Jews as citizens of countries where they live through education, professional development and international political lobbying. For a concise presentation of the organization and its activity, see Michael Graetz, The Jews in Nineteenth-Century France. From the French Revolution to the Alliance Isralite Universelle. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 249-288 67 Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 65. However, the journal Trompeta Carpailor reflected the event differently. Some prominent political leaders who received Crmieux with this occasion, including the conservative president of the Deputy Assemly, M. C. Iepureanu, and the liberal minister of the Cults C.A. Rossetti, were qualified as traitors who sell our country to the Yids. Cf. Trompeta Carpailor, IV, 433, July 11, 1866. 68 Baronet Moses Montefiore was one of the leading figures of the British Jewry and a very active philanthropist, militating the cause of his coreligionists. A detailed account of his philanthropic and militant activity may be found in Sonia Lipman and V.D. Lipman, The Century of Moses Montefiore (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 1985. 69 In the viewpoint of the Romanian press, the real aim of the visit was to make here a new Palestine, to take away the land and its wealth from Romanians, see Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 84 70 Cf. Special Service to celebate the safe return of Sir Moses Montefiore, baronet, from Roumania and the Success of his Mission (Synagogue of Spanish and Portuguese Jews: London, 1867), 3, cited in ibidem

120

Jewish legislation was a barbarous act. For example, Le Temps clearly showed disappointment with the radical liberals of Romania and doubted the capacity of the Romanian people to modernize its society; therefore, a favorable, modern solution of the Jewish question, would lie exclusively in the concerted action of Great Powers 71 . All western liberal press, who saw in the Romanian anti-Semitic policy rather a sign of backwardness and religious intolerance than an effect of political instability and opportunistic politicking, shared this vision. Referring the situation of Jews in Romania, Adolphe Crmieux made, in 1867, a harsh indictment of the Romanian liberals, who were erroneously considered already an unified party: I am obliged to say that in Romania, the liberal party, who highly defends the most advanced visions and who sympathizes the most the principles of the 1848 revolution, is still, in respect to religious and social issues, in the 15th or 16th century 72 . Willing to correct this state of affairs, Crmieux lobbied the French emperor against the Romanian government and for the emancipation of the Jews there. As a result, the French government, and the emperor personally, used their influence to bully prince Carol and Romanian authorities. For example, Emperor Napoleon himself telegraphed to Carol: I cannot leave your Highness unaware of how public opinion is troubled by the persecutions of which it is reported that the Jews have been victim in Moldavia. I can still not believe that the enlightened government of your Highness is authorizing measures which are so contradictory to humanity and civilization. 73 Furthermore, there were not only the French asking for a change in the Romanian policy towards the Jews. All major Jewish lobby groups in Europe militated for the same goal. Persuaded by very influential and financially potent Rothschilds and Bleichrders, British and Prussian governments also warned the Romanian

71 Il ne faut pas oublier que le ministre qui vient de se laisser aller ces actes de perscution sauvage, se pique dtre dmocrate et libral, et semblait offrir ainsi plus de garanties quaucun autre. En ralit, il ny a de garantie, que dans le droit. Les puissances europennes se doivent dagir de concert auprs du gouvernement roumain pour obtenir que le principe de la libert religieuse soit reconnu par la Constitution des Principauts. En refusant plus longtemps aux Isralites lgalit devant la loi, la Roumanie reculerait devant lapplication du principe premier des socits modernes et dsintresserait de ses destines lEurope librale , Le Temps, June 4, 1867 72 Quoted in Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 68 73 Ibidem, 71

121

authorities about the potential risks that the country might encounter while the anti-Jewish policy was still enforced 74 . For the Romanian liberal side, it seemed that the entire world was trying to instruct the government on how to behave with the local Jews. Brtianu realized that without gaining support in Western Europe the position of his government was highly vulnerable. However, even as a sharp politician, he was unable to understand that his delicate political position was in fact the direct result of his own idiosyncratic perception of modernity, which, albeit encompassing Realpolitik, was disregarding the true balance of power in Europe and its influence upon Romania. As early as the autumn of 1867, as a member of the government, he visited at his own expense 75 the western capitals in order to seek support for his government. From the letters he sent to his wife, it is obvious that Brtianu did not realize the deep impact that his legislation had upon western governments. He even underestimated the power of Jewish lobby, considering that the cause for his negative image was the result of the intrigues orchestrated by the boyars, in other words, by his political enemies, the conservatives 76 . While for Brtianu, the anti-Semitism was a measure of politicking, in order to assure the parliamentary majority and the public support for the Reds reforming project, the governments of the Great Powers saw Romanian anti-Semitism as an insolent defection from the liberal principles on which modernity itself was built. For the moment, Brtianu did not seem to realize that different perspective and stubbornly continued to stick to a very narrow vision of politics, seeking for internal enemies and trying to revert the propaganda. In this respect, he pointed out Emile Picot, the private secretary of Carol, otherwise an outward friend of his family, as one of his hidden personal enemies, who was dishonestly compromising the image of his master in Paris 77 . Also, realizing the power of the press in western political affairs, Brtianu used all his influence to persuade the major French liberal newspapers (Le Sicle, Le Temps, LOpinion nationale, La Libert etc.) to support his cause 78 .

See Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron, 355-357 Because the state was not able to cover the cost of his diplomatic tour, he even sold one of his richest domains just to assure the financial needs for it. See Ion Nistor (ed.), Din corespondena familiei Ion C. Brtianu (Bucharest: Imprimeriile Independena, 1933), 85 76 Ion Nistor (ed.), Din corespondena familiei Ion C. Brtianu, 88 77 Ibidem, 91 78 Ibidem
74 75

122

Since he started from a wrong premise, his efforts have also proven to be in vain. The reality was that Romania was not in the position to freely state a politics of its own. The state ruled by Carol was extremely vulnerable to Great Powers pressure. The anti-Semitic policy of the liberal government determined a strong reaction in Western Europe, which could ultimately endanger even the status of the country. As a consequence, of the protests of Alliance Isralite Universelle, Carol was obliged to order some formal governmental reshuffles each time the repression of Jews in Moldova reached a peak. Although the Great Powers demanded the resignation of I.C. Brtianu, Carol kept him, and his faction, in power. The prince really believed that the radical liberal project, as the Reds sketched it, was best suited for Romania. Additionally, he considered that Brtianu was the most capable politician in the country, the man of the context and of the future and saw in him his only trustworthy confidant 79 . Again, the internal perspective upon the situation differs from the external one. While for the Great Powers, Brtianu and his group of radical liberals represented a big disappointment because of the anti-Semitic policies they initiated, in Romania they were perceived by the prince and by a good deal of the public - except for the conservatives - as a prospect for the future. That happened exactly because they were able, even in a political turmoil, to assure themselves a relatively large support albeit through anti-Semitic measures. In 1868, the western point of view would finally triumph over the internal perspective. The occasion was given by an even harsher anti-Semitic draft legislation that the Moldavian Fractionists, encouraged by the government, brought to the attention of the Parliament. Supported by 31 parliamentary representatives of the Fraction, the new legislation was intended to prevent the Jews from settling in villages, possessing real estates or exercising any form of commerce or industry without a special authorization, subject to repeal at any times by the local authorities 80 . Even if rejected in Parliament, the project had a huge impact in Moldova where in some regions authorities started expelling or confiscating the properties of the Jews. These measures determined an unprecedented reaction from the part of Alliance Isralite Universelle and Western governments upon
See Dan Berindei, Societatea romneasc n vremea lui Carol I (Bucharest: Editura Elion, 20022), 166 168 80 Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 87 95
79

123

Romania. Adolphe Crmieux wrote to several ambassadors of the Great Powers in Paris, asking for their intervention on this issue 81 . For example, in a letter to the French Foreign Ministry, he even asked for the prosecution of all those who persecuted the Jews in Moldova and the dismissal of political leaders who instigated it 82 . All these concerted actions destabilized even more the position of the Romanian liberal government. Realizing that the future status of Romania was in stake, and the necessity to find some foreign capital to sustain the ongoing economic modernization plans for the country, prince Carol finally renounces to count on radical liberals. In November 1868, Brtianu and his faction were forced into opposition and a new government, controlled by moderate conservatives and liberals was instated 83 . Alliance Isralite Universelle with the help of the Western cabinets managed to convey a genuine warning to the Romanian politicians. The policy on Jewish question was essential in maintaining a good relationship with the West. The action of the Alliance, together with the Western cabinets slowly but firmly determined a change of the party in power in Romania. This forewarning was understood by Romanian politicians who thenceforth treated the Alliance Isralite Universelle as an important factor conditioning the stability of the political hierarchy in the country. Although the measures taken by Brtianu would never be canceled and the anti-Semitic stance would be informally maintained, the next governments made less use of manifest anti-Semitic practices 84 . Nevertheless, the policy of discrimination vis--vis the Jews did not stop; instead it became a common governmental practice. This was justified not only by the obsessive anti-Jewish feelings cherished by the large majority of Romanian elite, but by a
Ibidem, 92 Ibidem, 89 83 Dan Berindei, Societatea romneasc n vremea lui Carol I, 167 84 However, as early as 1869, the minister Mihail Koglniceanu, a former 1848 revolutionary who militated at the time for the political emancipation of Jews, took up the policy of expulsions from the rural areas, initiated by Brtianu. His discourse also sharpened to the point that the Jews were envisaged as the scourge of the countryside. Synchronically, Koglniceanu identified with his predecessor in this matter, aiming thus to achieve an equal level of political capital. In December 1869, he declared proudly during a parliamentary speech: According to everything he (Brtianu) says, I believe that as a Minister of Interior I have done much more than him or anyone of you; yes, gentlemen, I have ordered everything a minister could order; I have cleared the villages of the Jews by every means Cf. Carol Iancu, Les Juifs en Roumanie, 95-97 and Monitorul Oficial, December 21, 1869.
81 82

124

political necessity also. Different governments needed support in the Parliament for their envisaged reforms, therefore, in order to assure the collaboration of the Moldavian deputies, were ready to pass anti-Semitic measures. Consequently, in the same line with the previous liberal governments, subsequent cabinets enacted discriminatory measures as regards the Jews 85 . To conclude, the solution given to the Jewish question in 1866, reasserted several times in the following years, should be also envisaged as the result of the political instability of the country. For the liberals and their political adepts, anti-Semitism provided the means to assure the necessary coherence needed to make the post-1866 Romanian state governable. Born out of opportunism and necessity, political anti-Semitism was in the late 1860s a reliable way to assure governmental support, at least in the Moldavian districts of Romania. As one scholar showed, in the case of the liberals, the need to politically unify the country became more urgent as the state faced pressure and humiliation from outside 86 . The solution given to Jewish question in 1866 and the ensuing governmental measures adopted by the liberal cabinet out of a strategy of politicking sharpened the divergences between Romania and Western European states. What started out as a strategy of assuring a certain internal coherence, ultimately turned out to be as well a way of asserting a specific identity. In this respect, the Jews were caught in the middle between the aspirations of a patriotic Romanian elite, the exponent of the emerging modern state, and the discourse practiced in the West, based on principles like nationalism, liberalism and Realpolitik, for instance. In this respect, practicing an internal Realpolitik in Romania came inevitably in contradiction with the western imperatives of liberalism. What was possible for the center became impossible in the aspiring periphery. Because of the external interference, this political project apparently failed. In fact, the intervention of the Great Powers in the Jewish question offered the means for the Romanian
85 It worth to mention that not all the legislative or governmental measures that were perceived as discriminatory by the Jews, were exclusively directed against them. Some measures had broader means and stakes, but their stipulations implied also limitation of the few rights civil rights the Jews have had. For an overview of the Romanian legislation as regards the Jews, see Isidore Loeb, La situation des isralites en Turquie en Serbie et en Roumanie (Paris: Paris: Joseph Baer et Cie, 1877), 112-127 86 See Edward Kanterian, The Malaise of Modernity: The Case of Romanian Intellectuals, in Bogdan Murgescu (ed.), Romania and Europe. Modernization as Temptation, Modernization as Threat (Bucharest: Allfa, 2000), 98

125

intellectuals to establish a connection between anti-Semitism, independence and nationalism. The failure of 1868 will precipitate the creation in 1875 of the first Romanian party, in the modern sense the National Liberal Party led by I.C. Brtianu, supposedly uniting all the liberals in the country. The political platform of this party will consider the answer to Jewish question as an exclusive prerogative of Romanian politicians and a decisive issue of the nation. In the 1870s the liberals would maintain an overt anti-Semitic stance whenever the question of the Jewish emancipation would be again raised. Most probably, the opportunistic practices of 1866 and 1867 and the frustration produced by their failure, contributed a great deal to this state of affairs.

126

L'UNIT ALLEMANDE Gheorghe Bichicean * Abstract

The unity of Germany was not the result of a popular decision, but it was a top level agreement. The prevalence of Prussia was undoubtedly crushing. Therefore the new Empire may be view as a "Great Prussia. Victorious over Austria and France, Germany will exercise its dominance on Europe for two decades, under the clever direction of Bismarck. Astute diplomat, Bismarck has practiced with skill and ability the diplomacy. Before starting the war with Austria, Bismarck tried to convince it to leave the German Confederation, offering in exchange the annexation of Romania, Bosnia and a part of Serbia. France should have been maintained in a state of friendly neutrality. To do this, in a personal discussion at Biaritz in the autumn of 1865, Bismarck suggested to the Emperor Napoleon III, that he would not object to the annexation of Luxemburg in exchange of France neutrality. Guise a "bad management" of the Duchy of Holstein, entrusted to the Austria, Prussia invaded the territory, starting in this way the war with the Hapsburgs. The victories of Sadova lead to the creation of the North German Confederation. Then, victories over France (1870-1871), have allowed the founding of the Second German Empire (1871). * international politics, internal interest, unity, diplomacy, war

Au contraire de l'unit italienne, l'unit allemande ne fut pas l'uvre de la nation tout entire. Ce fut la Prusse qui, par l'habilet diplomatique de Bismarck et la valeur de l'arme prussienne organise par Moltke, l'imposa au reste de l'Allemagne - souvent contre la volont des habitants. L'unit allemande se fit en deux tapes, aux dpens d'abord de l'Autriche, ensuite de la France. La victoire de Sadowa sur l'Autriche (1866) aboutit la cration de la Confdration de l'Allemagne du Nord. Puis les victoires sur la France (1870-1871) permirent la fondation de l'Empire allemand (1871). Les dix annes qui suivirent le triomphe de l'Autriche sur

Prof. dr., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu Mure 127

la Prusse aprs la reculade d'Olmutz 1 furent pour l'Allemagne une priode d'abaissement politique, mais aussi de grand essor conomique. Vers 1860 l'Allemagne presque tout entire faisait partie de l'Union douanire (Zollverein) 2 , fonde par la Prusse vers 1825: elle formait ainsi un march unique, tout prt absorber les produits d'une industrie en progrs. Elle disposait galement d'un rseau dj dense de voies de communication. Sur le Rhin, circulaient les grands chalands en fer remorqus par des bateaux vapeur; d'autre part, on avait raccord les diffrents tronons de voies ferres construits depuis 1835. L'abondance des capitaux et de la main-d'uvre contribua aux progrs de l'industrie. Comme en France, de grandes banques se constiturent entre 1850 et 1860 et l'Allemagne adopta pour monnaie fdrale le thaler prussien 3 . Des hommes d'affaires actifs, d'esprit ouvert utilisrent les derniers progrs techniques de l'tranger. De 1850 1870, la mise en valeur des gisements de la Ruhr quadrupla la production de la houille et favorisa l'essor de l'industrie sidrurgique Essen chez Krupp, et Berlin chez Borsig, grand fabricant de locomotives. La dcouverte des mines de potasse de Stassfurt dveloppa l'industrie chimique, pour laquelle l'Allemagne devait, depuis lors, rester sans rivale. L'industrie cotonnire progressa galement et, plus encore, l'industrie sucrire grce la culture de la betterave. Tous ces progrs profitaient surtout la Prusse, l'tat de beaucoup le plus tendu, le plus peupl, le plus industrialis de l'Allemagne. La prminence conomique de la Prusse a prpar sa prminence politique. Les gouvernements de l'Allemagne du Sud n'osrent jamais rompre avec elle, car, en s'excluant du Zollverein, ils auraient port la richesse conomique de leur tat un coup fatal. C'est pour mieux dominer l'Allemagne, que la Prusse se refusa toujours admettre l'entre des pays autrichiens dans le Zollverein. L'essor conomique contribua fortifier dans la bourgeoisie allemande le dsir dunit. La mfiance contre la France lors de la guerre d'Italie en 1859, puis lors de l'annexion
Jacques Le Rider, Mitteleuropa, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 1997, p. 55. Mary Fulbrook, O scurt istorie a Germaniei, Institutul European, Iai, 2002, p. 153. n acest sens a se vedea i Gh. Bichicean, Germania. Scurt istorie, ed. II, Ed. Burg, Sibiu, pp. 110-117. 3 En 1871 le tiers du thaler devint, sous le nom de mark, l'unit montaire du nouvel Empire allemand. 128
1 2

de Nice et de la Savoie (1860) le renfora encore. Une Socit Nationale (Nationalverein) fit campagne en faveur d'une Allemagne unie. Mais tous les plans de rforme fdrale chourent, par suite de la msentente entre Berlin et Vienne. Depuis 1850, en effet, un violent antagonisme opposait l'Autriche et la Prusse l'intrieur de la Confdration. Griss par la reculade d'Olmutz, les ministres de Franois-Joseph entendaient imposer leurs volonts la Dite, alors que jusquel ils y avaient trait la Prusse en gale de l'Autriche. Mais ils s'y heurtrent au dlgu de la Prusse, Bismarck, qui pendant la guerre de Crime sut les tenir en chec Francfort. Quelques annes plus tard la guerre d'Italie envenima les rapports entre Vienne et Berlin, Franois-Joseph accusant la Prusse de vouloir profiter des dfaites autrichiennes pour prendre le commandement de toutes les forces militaires de l'Allemagne. Aussi le Nationalverein demandait-il que l'Autriche ft exclue de la Confdration. Cette tension dans les relations entre Berlin et Vienne concidait avec une grave crise intrieure en Prusse. En 1861 le frre de Frdric-Guillaume IV tait devenu roi, sous le nom de Guillaume Ier (1797-1888). Trs loyal, il tait dcid appliquer scrupuleusement la Constitution de 1850, mais il entendait que dans les questions militaires et diplomatiques, le roi et toujours le dernier mot. Or, au moment de son avnement, le problme de la rforme de l'arme opposait violemment le Gouvernement et la Chambre des dputs. En Prusse, l'arme de ligne comprenait l'active, la rserve et le premier contingent de la territoriale. Pour avoir une arme plus homogne et toute dvoue au roi, le ministre de la guerre, Roon, proposait de ne plus faire appel la territoriale, moins bien entrane et dont les officiers se recrutaient le plus souvent dans la bourgeoisie librale. Pour compenser l'affaiblissement numrique qu'entranerait cette mesure, on enrlerait chaque anne un plus grand nombre de conscrits. La mobilisation de l'arme en 1859, pendant la guerre d'Italie, fournit Roon l'occasion de raliser la rforme avant mme qu'elle ft vote par les dputs. Mais les libraux, qui constituaient alors la majorit de la Chambre, y taient profondment hostiles. Ils commencrent par n'accorder les crdits militaires qu' titre provisoire, puis, en 1862, ils les refusrent une norme majorit. Dcourag, Guillaume Ier tait prt abdiquer. Mais, sur les instances de Roon, il se dcida confier le pouvoir son
129

ambassadeur Paris, Bismarck (septembre 1862) 4 . Otto de Bismarck 5 tait n en 1815, d'une vieille famille noble de Brandebourg. Aprs avoir pass quelques annes dans l'administration, il avait dmissionn et s'tait consacr, comme Cavour, l'exploitation de ses proprits. Puis il s'intressa la vie politique. Dput en 1847 et en 1849, il se signala tout de suite par la violence de ses opinions conservatrices et son mpris pour le rgime constitutionnel. Ne pourra tre ministre, notait Frdric-Guillaume IV, que si la baonnette est matresse absolue . Bismarck professait alors une grande admiration pour l'Autriche qui avait su dompter la Rvolution en 1849. Ces sentiments austrophiles le firent choisir en 1851 comme reprsentant de la Prusse la Dite de Francfort. Mais, trs vite, il comprit que l'Autriche et la Prusse ne pouvaient plus coexister en Allemagne et que l'une devait vincer l'autre. Ds lors, il ne cessa de conseiller la lutte contre l'Autriche. II n'y a pas place pour deux; il faut que l'un de nous plie ou soit pli. La monarchie des Habsbourg est un trois-mts vermoulu auquel il serait insens d'attacher la fine corvette prussienne. II crivait en 1856 : Il me faut exprimer la conviction o je suis qu'avant peu il nous faudra lutter contre l'Autriche pour notre existence mme... . Et ce patriote qui, ds sa jeunesse, parlait de reprendre Strasbourg la France, allait jusqu' suggrer - au grand scandale de son ministre et de ses amis ractionnaires - une alliance avec Napolon III pour mieux triompher de l'Autriche 6 . La hardiesse de ces ides et de ces propos effrayait Guillaume Ier: rappel de Francfort, Bismarck fut envoy comme ambassadeur Saint-Ptersbourg (1859), puis Paris (1862). Il tait en France quand le roi, dans les conditions que l'on sait, se rsigna lui offrir le pouvoir (septembre 1862). Bismarck avait alors quarante-sept ans. Bti en colosse, c'tait un homme d'action, au temprament de lutteur. Quand j'ai mon ennemi en mon pouvoir, avouait-il un jour, il faut que je le dtruise.
P. Milza, S. Berstein, Istoria secolului XX, vol. I, Ed. All, 1998, p. 59. Gh. Bichicean, op. cit., pp. 129-134. 5 Arriv Paris en mai 1862, Bismarck y avait pass quelques semaines seulement, puis il avait pris ses vacances dans le Midi de la France. C'est dans la rgion d'Avignon qu'il avait reu le tlgramme qui le rappelait Berlin. Amnunte privind activitatea lui Bismarck ca i cancelar al Reich-ului: Fr. Avemari, Otto von Bismarck Kanzler und Christ, Brunnen: Gieen und Basel, 1937, passim. 6 Istoria diplomaiei, Bucureti, 1962, vol. I, pp. 624, 626-627. 130
4

Esprit lucide, pratique, prt utiliser toutes les occasions favorables, il ne s'embarrassait d'aucun scrupule quand la grandeur de son pays tait en jeu. Quelques jours aprs son arrive au ministre, il disait aux dputs comme une chose toute naturelle: Les grandes questions ne se dcideront pas par des discours et des dcisions de majorit, mais par le fer et par le sang. Ds qu'on me prouvera, disait-il, que la politique prussienne l'exige, je ferai tirer nos troupes avec la mme satisfaction sur les troupes franaises, russes, anglaises et autrichiennes. - L'intrt de la Prusse est pour moi le seul poids normal qui doive entrer dans la balance de notre politique. Appel la Prsidence du Conseil pour tenir tte la Chambre des dputs et, au besoin, gouverner sans elle, Bismarck instaura un rgime de dictature. Il leva illgalement les impts et ralisa, malgr les dputs, la rforme militaire: Roon, aid du chef d'tat-major gnral Moltke, organisa rapidement et silencieusement une arme nombreuse et bien entrane. Pour justifier sa conduite, Bismarck exposa cette thorie que, la Constitution ayant partag le pouvoir lgislatif entre le roi et les Chambres et ne prvoyant aucune solution en cas de dsaccord, on devait d'abord chercher un compromis. Mais, si le compromis est rendu inutile parce qu'un des pouvoirs veut imposer ses solutions avec un absolutisme doctrinaire, alors... au lieu des compromis arrivent les conflits qui deviennent des questions de force. Celui qui a la force en main va de l'avant dans son sens . La dclaration de Bismarck fut aussitt condense par un dput dans une formule devenue fameuse: La force prime le droit. Au-dehors aussi Bismarck agit avec rsolution. Sous prtexte que la Prusse n'y obtenait pas la mme place que l'Autriche, il fit chouer un projet autrichien de rforme fdrale. Il se gagna la sympathie de Napolon III en signant avec la France un trait de commerce qu'il fit ensuite, malgr les efforts de l'Autriche, accepter par tous les membres du Zollverein Enfin, en prenant parti contre les Polonais alors soulevs contre la Russie, il s'acquit la reconnaissance d'Alexandre II, sans la bienveillance de qui il n'aurait pu raliser l'unit allemande. En arrivant au ministre, Bismarck dsirait runir les Etats allemands en un tat fdral fort sous la direction de la Prusse, mais il n'avait aucun plan arrt. Il attendait seulement une occasion favorable. La premire qui se prsenta fut l'affaire
131

des duchs de Slesvig et de Holstein 7 . Les deux duchs taient proprit personnelle du roi de Danemark: le Holstein, peupl d'Allemands, faisait partie de la Confdration germanique; le Slesvig, de population miallemande mi-danoise, n'en faisait pas partie. Les patriotes allemands dsiraient faire des duchs un tat indpendant l'intrieur de la Confdration, sous la direction d'un prince allemand, le duc d'Augustenbourg; les Danois, au contraire, demandaient l'annexion du Slesvig au Danemark. En 1852, les grandes Puissances avaient dcid que les duchs resteraient proprit du roi de Danemark mais conserveraient leurs lois propres sans jamais pouvoir tre annexs au royaume. Or, ds son avnement (1863), le roi Christian IX incorpora le Slesvig au Danemark. Immdiatement, la Dite de Francfort puis, peu aprs, la Prusse et l'Autriche lui dclarrent la guerre 8 . Aprs une brve campagne, Christian IX, vaincu, dut remettre Guillaume Ier et Franois-Joseph le Slesvig et le Holstein (1864). Des deux duchs conquis en commun qu'allaient faire la Prusse et l'Autriche ? Bismarck les voulait pour la Prusse et il ne reculait pas devant l'ide d'un conflit avec Vienne pour les acqurir. Mais Guillaume Ier rpugnait rompre avec Franois-Joseph. Finalement, par la convention de Gastein (une petite ville d'eaux des Alpes autrichiennes), les deux adversaires se partagrent l'administration des duchs: l'Autriche celle du Holstein, la Prusse celle du Slesvig et mme du port de Kiel situ dans le Holstein (1865) 9 . Contrairement ce qui s'tait fait en Italie, les populations ne furent pas consultes. La convention de Gastein n'tait pour Bismarck qu'un arrangement provisoire. Elle lui laissait le temps d'achever les prparatifs militaires de la Prusse, et elle pourrait lui fournir une occasion de conflit avec l'Autriche, s'il se dcidait la guerre. Il pouvait compter sur la neutralit russe. Il entreprit de s'assurer la neutralit de la France et l'alliance de l'Italie. Comme l'une et l'autre dpendaient de Napolon III, Bismarck alla trouver l'Empereur Biarritz (octobre 1865). Or Napolon laissa entendre qu'il ne s'opposerait pas aux ambitions de Bismarck;
H. Schulze, Klein deutsche Geschichte, Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, Mnchen, 2003, pp. 94-95. 8 H. Helmet, H.-J. Usczeck, Preussisch-deutsche Kriege von 1864 bis 1871, Berlin, Deutscher Militrverlag, 1967, passim 9 Istoria diplomaiei, I, pp. 623-624. 132
7

bien plus il offrit ses bons offices pour faire conclure un trait d'alliance italo-prussien, valable pour trois mois (avril 1866). Comme l'avait fait Cavour en 1859, Bismarck sut, par une habile politique de provocations, pousser bout le gouvernement de Vienne. Il proposa une rforme de la Confdration: l'exclusion de l'Autriche et le remplacement de la Dite par un Parlement lu au suffrage universel. Franois-Joseph refusa et, pour se gagner l'opinion de l'Allemagne, se dclara prt remettre la Dite de Francfort le soin de dcider du sort des duchs: il autorisa mme dans le Holstein la propagande en faveur du duc d'Augustenbourg. Bismarck riposta que la convention de Gastein tait viole et il fit envahir le Holstein. Franois-Joseph demanda alors la Dite de mobiliser l'arme fdrale contre la Prusse: sa proposition fut adopte (14 juin 1866). La Prusse avait l'alliance de l'Italie, mais l'Autriche avait celle de la Saxe, de la Bavire, du Hanovre, de Bade, du Wurtemberg, et elle tait assure de la neutralit de la France depuis que Franois-Joseph avait promis Napolon d'abandonner la Vntie, quel que ft le sort de la guerre. La balance des forces semblait en faveur de l'Autriche. La guerre, que tout le monde pensait devoir tre longue, dura un mois peine (fin juin-fin juillet 1866). Les forces des princes allemands furent partout battues par les troupes prussiennes et l'arme autrichienne elle-mme, renforce des Saxons, fut crase en Bohme Sadowa (3 juillet 1866) 10 . Sadowa dcida du sort de la guerre et du sort de l'Allemagne. Les victoires des Autrichiens en Italie ne leur servirent de rien. Moins de trois semaines aprs Sadowa, le gros de l'arme prussienne cantonnait 60 kilomtres de Vienne, Nikolsbourg, quand l'armistice y fut sign (22 juillet). La Prusse devait sa victoire d'abord au ministre Roon, qui avait constitu l'arme, puis au chef d'tat-major Moltke qui l'avait entrane et l'avait commande. Roon et Moltke avaient dot les troupes prussiennes d'un excellent fusil tir rapide; ils avaient combin dans les derniers dtails les plans de mobilisation, enfin ils utilisrent trs habilement les chemins de fer et les lignes tlgraphiques. D'autre part, les officiers prussiens firent preuve d'un sens de l'offensive, d'un esprit d'initiative et de solidarit, d'une confiance dans la victoire qui manqurent entirement leurs adversaires. Si Bismarck dut Roon et Moltke les succs militaires
10

H. Schulze, op. cit., p. 97. 133

de la Prusse, c'est la bonne volont extraordinairement complaisante de Napolon III qu'il dut de pouvoir rorganiser l'Allemagne son gr aprs sa victoire sur l'Autriche. Napolon se refusa en effet mobiliser au lendemain de Sadowa, en sorte que les troupes prussiennes purent, en toute scurit, continuer leur marche sur Vienne. Bien plus, l'insu de ses ministres, par ngociation personnelle avec l'ambassadeur prussien Paris, Napolon accepta tous les projets de Bismarck: annexion de plusieurs tats allemands la Prusse, organisation sous la direction de celle-ci d'une nouvelle Confdration allemande, d'o l'Autriche serait exclue. Il exigea seulement que les quatre tats situs au sud du Main (Bade, Hesse-Darmstadt, Wurtemberg, Bavire) ne fissent pas partie de la Confdration. Une Allemagne divise en trois tronons: Allemagne du Nord sous l'gide de la Prusse, Allemagne du Sud sous l'influence franaise, Autriche isole telle tait la conception de Napolon. Fort de cet appui inespr, Bismarck put exploiter sa victoire. Il annexa a la Prusse le Slesvig et le Holstein, le royaume de Hanovre, le duch de Nassau, l'tat de Hesse-Cassel et la ville libre de Francfort sur le Main - soit plus de quatre millions d'habitants. Contrairement ce qui avait lieu en Italie, les populations ne furent pas consultes et c'est contre leur gr qu'une partie d'entre elles, notamment dans le Slesvig, le Hanovre et Francfort, devinrent prussiennes. Quelques dputs prussiens manifestrent des scrupules: La force toute nue ne suffit plus aujourd'hui pour fonder les droits et les tats. Bismarck rpondit: Notre droit, c'est le droit de la nation allemande d'exister, de respirer, de s'unir; c'est le droit et le devoir de la Prusse de donner la nation allemande la base ncessaire son existence. Le principe des annexions fut vot une crasante majorit, 273 voix contre 14: la victoire avait scell la rconciliation de Bismarck et des libraux de la Chambre. Pour la premire fois dans son histoire, la Prusse formait un tat d'un seul tenant, qui allait de la frontire russe la frontire franaise. En revanche, Bismarck n'enleva aucun territoire l'Autriche: il se contenta de l'exclure de l'Allemagne. Guillaume Ier avait des ides toutes diffrentes. Sou prtexte d'exercer la justice de Dieu , il voulait annexer la Silsie autrichienne et la Bohme septentrionale. Bismarck estimait au contraire que l'on n'avait pas exercer de justice distributive, mais faire de la politique . Or, comme devait l'crire Moltke: La guerre de 1866 n'a pas t appele par l'opinion et par la voix du peuple. C'tait
134

une guerre qui avait t reconnue ncessaire par le cabinet... et prpare de sang-froid. Elle n'avait pas pour objet la conqute, l'extension du territoire ou un avantage matriel - mais un idal: l'accroissement de puissance. II suffisait donc que l'Autriche ft exclue de l'Allemagne. La Confdration germanique fut dissoute. Les 21 tats qui subsistaient au nord du Main constiturent une Confdration de l'Allemagne du Nord (Norddeutsche Bund), dont l'organisation fut rgle en 1867 aprs entente entre Bismarck et les princes. Au-dessus des 21 gouvernements, fut cr un gouvernement fdral. Il tait form d'un Prsident, qui fut le roi de Prusse, assist d'un chancelier fdral qui fut Bismarck, et de deux Assembles. L'une, lue au suffrage universel, le Reichstag, reprsentait le peuple allemand, l'autre, le Bundesrat, semblable l'ancienne Dite de Francfort, reprsentait les gouvernements des tats. Le Gouvernement fdral dirigeait souverainement tout ce qui touchait la diplomatie, la guerre et aux questions conomiques. La Confdration avait une arme, compose des armes de tous les tats, organises sur le modle prussien et places sous le commandement direct du Prsident, c'est--dire du roi de Prusse. Ainsi, tout en conservant leurs souverains, leurs gouvernements particuliers et leur lgislation propre, les tats allemands au nord du Main formaient un tat fdral qui avait son chef, sa diplomatie, son arme, ses finances. Seuls restaient en dehors de la Confdration les tats situs au sud du Main: Hesse-Darmstadt, Bade, Wurtemberg, Bavire; encore avaient-ils sign des traits d'alliance qui plaaient en cas de guerre leurs armes sous le commandement du roi de Prusse. De la sorte l'unit militaire de l'Allemagne tait peu prs ralise. D'autre part, l'unit conomique subsistait, car le Zollverein n'avait pas t supprim: Bismarck avait cr un Parlement douanier o des reprsentants des tats du Sud sigeaient ct de ceux de la Confdration de l'Allemagne du Nord. On a vu comment l'attitude bienveillante de Napolon III avait favorise laction de Bismarck aprs Sadowa. Pourtant la victoire prussienne eut pour consquence immdiate un violent antagonisme franco-allemand. L'opinion publique en France s'tait montre fort mue de l'accroissement de la puissance prussienne. Dj, avant la rupture entre Berlin et Vienne, Thiers s'tait cri au Corps Lgislatif: [Si la Prusse parvient ses fins] elle aura une partie des Allemands sous son autorit directe et l'autre
135

sous son autorit indirecte; et puis on admettra l'Autriche comme protge dans ce nouvel ordre de choses... Et alors, permettez-moi de vous le dire, s'accomplira un grand phnomne, vers lequel on tend depuis plus d'un sicle: on verra refaire un nouvel empire germanique, cet empire de Charles Quint, qui rsidait autrefois Vienne, qui rsiderait maintenant Berlin, qui serait bien prs de notre frontire, qui la presserait, la serrerait et pour complter l'analogie, cet empire de Charles Quint, au lieu de s'appuyer comme [au] XVIe sicle sur l'Espagne, s'appuierait sur l'Italie. (Thiers, Discours parlementaires, t. X.) Aprs Sadowa, Thiers dclara que la France n'avait pas eu de plus grand malheur depuis huit cents ans . Napolon voulut apaiser l'opinion publique franaise en obtenant de Bismarck quelques compensations. Mais, alors qu'il n'avait pos aucune condition quand il tait en situation de le faire, au lendemain de Sadowa, il prsenta ses demandes quand les armes prussiennes, dj victorieuses, pouvaient se retourner contre lui. De l l'chec de ce que Bismarck appela ddaigneusement la politique des pourboires . An dbut d'aot 1866, Napolon demanda les territoires hessois et bavarois situs sur la rive gauche du Rhin, au nord de l'Alsace. Non seulement il se heurta un refus catgorique, mais il dchana dans toute l'Allemagne une indignation universelle. Alors, Napolon proposa a Bismarck une alliance offensive et dfensive: les Etats du Sud entreraient dans la Confdration; en compensation, l'Allemagne aiderait la France, au besoin par les armes, acqurir le Luxembourg et, plus tard, la Belgique. Bismarck ne rpondit pas. Napolon reniait ainsi sa thorie du droit des peuples disposer d'eux-mmes; il reniait mme la signature de la France qui avait, en 1839, garanti l'indpendance et la neutralit belges. Il disait dans une note secrte: II importe d'tablir ds prsent qu'il n'existe pas Une nationalit belge et fixer ce point essentiel avec la Prusse... Une circulaire diplomatique affirma qu'une puissance universelle... pousse les peuples se runir en grandes agglomrations en faisant disparatre les tats secondaires... . Les dmarches maladroites de Napolon III renforcrent les sentiments antifranais en Prusse. Ds la fin de 1866, en France comme en Allemagne, les esprits clairvoyants sentaient qu'un conflit entre les deux pays tait presque invitable.

136

BALKANKOMPETENZ ALS FORSCHUNGSPROBLEM: STERREICH-UNGARN ALS BESATZUNGSMACHT IN RUMNIEN 1916/18 Harald Heppner * Abstract
The question regarding a state jurisdiction over certain areas is at first glance political calculation. In such a situation the most important role is played by the operative use of those powers. Therefore, the definition and assessment of a critical term pass automatically to the second plan or are not considered at all. The debate validity about the competence and the birth of efficiency in the political-military speech causes the presentation of the situation in critical and scientific terms. Given the fact that state, and its jurisdiction, could not be considered out of date in a given moment, without taking into account the development factor, it is appropriate to examine the theme from an historical point of view. In view of the author interest for the history of the South east Europe, and his interest of the military history, in this article he analyses the presence of Austro Hungarian Empire as an occupation force in the First World War. *occupation force, jurisdiction, political interest, historical approach

Einleitung Die Frage nach der Kompetenz eines Staates in Hinblick auf bestimmte Rume gehrt auf den ersten Blick in das Kalkl der Politik; in so einem Fall spielt die operative Ausnutzung einer solchen Kompetenz die wichtigste Rolle, weshalb Definition und kritische Evaluation des Begriffs automatisch im Hintergrund bleiben oder berhaupt gar nicht erst analysiert werden. Die Aktualitt der Debatte um Kompetenz- und Effizienzsteigerung im politisch-milirischen Diskurs rechtfertigt, den Sachverhalt kritisch-wissenschaftlich zu beleuchten. 1 Da weder Staat noch
* 1

Dr., Institutul de Istorie din Graz, Austria

Beispiele dafr sind: Herbert Strunz: Management im Militr: In: sterreichische Militrische Zeitschrift 2/2007, S. 149166; Franz Edelmann: Der Einsatz erfordert denkende Soldaten. ber die Ausbildung des Soldaten im 21. Jahrhundert. Ebenda 5/2007, S. 549558; Wolfgang Taus: Imperiale

137

Kompetenz Momente des Augenblicks darstellen, sondern allemal ohne den Faktor Entwicklung nicht auskommen, ist die Themenstellung geeignet, auch aus dem Blickwinkel der Geschichtswissenschaft betrachtet zu werden. Ein Staat zu einem solchen geworden und von einer gewissen ueren und inneren und hiermit auch territorialen Kontinuitt hat, wenn er sich nicht auf eine einsame Insel in einem der Weltenmeere beschrnkt, unwillkrlich Nachbarschaften, die zur so genannten normativen Kraft des Faktischen gehren, zu denen besagtes politisches Gemeinwesen zwangslufig friedliche oder kriegerische Beziehungen pflegt. Jede Staatsfhrung (die militrische Komponente eingeschlossen) ist demzufolge darum bemht, die Verhltnisse in den benachbarten Lndern zu kennen, um fr das eigene System schtzende Manahmen zu setzen oder das eigene System oder Teile davon auf den Nachbarsbereich auszudehnen. Umso mehr dann, wenn derartige Beziehungen (womglich wiederholt) kriegerische Phasen enthalten, denen der Charakter einer auergewhnlichen Belastungsprobe fr beide Seiten anhaftet, erwachsen daraus Erfahrungen. Daraus lsst sich ableiten, dass ein Staat (im Sinne unternehmerischer Fhrung) in einem solchen Fall ber eine gewisse Kompetenz verfgt, die anderen Staaten, denen es an vergleichbaren Erfahrungen mangelt, fehlen. Eine solche Kompetenz kann jedoch nicht auf das Sediment passiv gemachter Erfahrung reduziert werden, sondern bedarf, um mehr als oberflchlichen Wert zu besitzen, einer weiteren Grundlage des systemgesteuerten Strebens nach Speicherung und Auswertung sowie Anwendung der gemachten Erfahrungen, die in Summe zum Ziel haben, konstante und variable Faktoren in ein Gleichgewicht zu bringen, um weder die Optimierung der Kompetenz in Frage zu stellen noch die Fundamente des eigenen Systems zu Fall zu bringen. Derartige berlegungen bleiben graue Theorie, solange sie der historischen Wirklichkeit nicht gegenbergestellt werden, wodurch man nicht nur definieren kann, wie sich der konkrete Fall am Hintergrund einer allgemeinen Hypothese darstellt, sondern auch, inwieweit es berhaupt sinnvoll ist, derartige Fragestellungen mit Erfolg aufzuwerfen. Das Ergebnis hngt jedenfalls von drei Faktoren ab von der zeitgenssischen
Parallelen. Die Weltmacht USA im Urteil der Geschichte. Ebenda6/2007, S. 689695

138

Selbst- sowie Fremdzuweisung von Kompetenz sowie von der retrospektiven Evaluierung der beiden anderen Faktoren. Fallbeispiel Erster Weltkrieg Dass sterreich-Ungarn im Ersten Weltkrieg auf eine viele Jahrhunderte anhaltende Verbindung zu den Lndern des europischen Sdostens zurckblicken konnte, bedarf keiner nheren Erluterung. Auch der Umstand, dass diese Nhe kriegerische Kapitel eingeschlossen hat, darf als bekannt gelten. Nicht untersucht worden ist bislang jedoch, inwieweit die unzhligen Kontaktnahmen militrischer und ziviler Krfte mit Rumnen, Serben, Bosniern etc. eine spezielle Kompetenz nach sich gezogen hat, d.h. ob das k.u.k. System hinzugelernt hat oder nicht. Eine solche Fragestellung erfordert ein groflchiges Forschungsprojekt, zu dem es vorerst nicht einmal namhafte Vorstudien gibt; der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich auf blo ein Fallbeispiel bezieht, greift das Thema jedenfalls auf. Die nhere Kenntnis des ungeheuer groen Quellenbestandes sowie die Komplexitt der Fragestellung zwingen, mit groer Vorsicht vorzugehen, um weder das zentrale Thema aus den Augen zu verlieren noch zu bereilten Schlussfolgerungen zu kommen. Obwohl der Generationen lange Umgang der Donaumonarchie mit Serbien eine Flle von Wissen und Erfahrung erbracht hat, reichten jene nicht aus, um jenes Balkanland 1914 nach dem Ablauf des Ultimatums rasch zu besiegen. Die Hauptursache fr das schnell augenscheinlich werdende Scheitern lag darin, dass man die Komplexitt der Verhltnisse in Europa unterschtzt hatte und daher in eine ausweglose Situation schlitterte, die mit Sicherheit nicht gewollt worden war. 2 Der Angriff Rumniens auf sterreich-Ungarn Ende August 1916 schuf an den sdstlichen Grenzen zwar eine weitere Front, bot jedoch den Vorteil, dass die betroffenen Soldaten bereits zwei Jahre Kriegserfahrung besaen, die den Angreifern abging. 3 Der zweite Vorteil bestand darin, dass die Kriegserklrung nicht berraschte, weil sie zwar nicht
Manfried Rauchensteiner: Der Tod des Doppeladlers. sterreich-Ungarn und der Erste Weltkrieg. 2. Aufl. Graz-Wien-Kln 1994, passim. 3 Eine Auswahl der rezenten Literatur: La Roumanie et la grande guerre. Iai 2005; Romnia n primul rzboi mondial 19141918. Bucureti 2006; Axel Bader: Das Wrttembergische Gebirgsbataillon. Eine Alltags- und Sozialgeschichte im Rumnienfeldzug 1916/1917. Potsdam (Magisterarbeit) 2006
2

139

abwendbar, aber absehbar war und daher, wenn auch bereilt, eine gewisse Vorsorge mglich war. Jene baute zwar auf der unverbrchlichen Bndnispartnerschaft mit dem deutschen Kaiserreich auf, dessen Truppen dann auch den Rammbock gegenber den Rumnen abgaben, whrend die k.u.k. Kontingente nur als Verstrkung dienten, schloss aber von Anfang der Eroberung der Walachei an den weiteren Vorteil ein, fr die unmittelbaren Schattenseiten der Besetzung des Landes nicht verantwortlich zu sein. 4 Aus den zeitgenssischen Amtsquellen sterreichischungarischer Provenienz ber die Besatzung Rumniens im Ersten Weltkrieg geht summarisch die Ansicht der mageblichen Militrs und Diplomaten hervor, man glaube Land und Leute aus Tradition besser kennen und beurteilen zu knnen als die im Besatzungsregime dominanten Deutschen. Um diesen Vorsprung abzusichern, betrieb Wien nicht nur eine Politik, hinter dem Bndnispartner nicht zurckstehen zu wollen, sondern neben die militrische Reprsentanz auch eine zivile zu installieren, die nicht nur den Zweck haben sollte, die eigenen militrischen Stellen unauffllig zu beobachten, sondern auch einen Brckenpfeiler zu rumnischen zivilen Elite zu bilden. Die Tendenz, am aktuellen Geschehen ganz nahe zu sein, fhrte auch zu einer intensiven nachrichtendienstlichen Ttigkeit, die 1917/18 in der besetzten Walachei, aber auch in der nicht besetzten Moldau betrieben worden ist. 5 Der zweite Eckpfeiler selbstdefinierter Kompetenz als Besatzer beruhte auf dem Bemhen, mit der Landesbevlkerung ein korrektes Einvernehmen zu suchen, d.h. streng, aber fair zu sein. 6 Fehlverhalten der eigenen Soldaten gegenber den Zivilen wurden ebenso wie Kollaboration mit dem rumnischen Feind geahndet. 7 Die enorm groe Ausfuhr wirtschaftlicher Ressourcen
Vgl. Harald Heppner: Im Schatten des groen Bruders. sterreich-Ungarns Anteil an der Militrverwaltung Rumniens 1916/18. In: sterreichische Militrische Zeitschrift 03/2007, S. 317322; derselbe: Die Rumnen im Spiegel sterreichischer Quellen aus der Zeit der Okkupation Rumniens 1917/18. In. Festschrift Nicolae Bocan. Cluj 2007, S. 807812 5 Siehe Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien, Politisches Archiv I Allgemeines, Karton 10431046, 10551057, XL (Interna) Karton 274275; Kriegsarchiv Wien, Armeeoberkommando Operationsabteilung, Evidenzgruppe Rumnien, Karton 834842 6 Z.B. Kriegsarchiv Wien, Armeeoberkommando, Verbindungsoffiziere, Karton 4006, f. 409 7 Die im Kriegsarchiv Wien lagernden Militrgerichtsakten sind bislang noch nicht diesbezglich untersucht worden.
4

140

aus Rumnien ins Hinterland 1917/18 verlief unter Wahrung gesetzlicher Regeln und lag in den Hnden des von zivilen Professionisten dominierten Wirtschaftsstabs, um den Eindruck nicht aufkommen zu lassen, Rumnien sei eine auszubeutende Quasikolonie. Soweit mglich, wurde auch Bedacht genommen, an die Schlsselstellen geeignetes Personal zu setzen, das fr den Umgang mit der Zivilbevlkerung ausgewiesen war. Fr die Fremdzuschreibung von Kompetenz sterreichUngarns gegenber Rumnien kommen im vorliegenden Fall zwei Faktoren in Betracht einerseits die Rumnen selbst und andererseits der deutsche Bndnispartner, der sich die Besatzung der Walachei mit k.u.k. Organen widerwillig teilen musste. In beiden Fllen ist aus politischer Logik nicht mit allzu viel Belegen zu rechnen, denn aus deutscher Sicht waren die sterreicher ein hinderliches Beiwerk, whrend die besiegten Rumnen einem fremden Besatzungsregime gleich welcher Herkunft zwangslufig nur begrenzt Sympathie entgegenbringen konnten. Deshalb macht die Erforschung der Fremdzuschreibung von Kompetenz ein aufwendigeres analytisches Repertoire erforderlich. Die beiden Besatzer aus dem Lager der Mittelmchte verband kein freundschaftliches Verhltnis miteinander, und so lassen sich aus den sterreichischen Quellen kaum Hinweise entnehmen, wonach man den kleinen Bruder eine hhere Erfahrung im Auftreten gegenber den Besatzten akkreditierte. Feldmarschall Mackensen z.B. meinte nach dem Abschluss des (nie ratifizierten) Friedensvertrages von Bukarest (Mai 1918), sterreich-Ungarn habe seine Interessen jedenfalls besser zu sichern vermocht als das deutsche Kaiserreich. 8 Es liegt auf der Hand, dass erst eine breite Analyse von Quellen deutscher Herkunft brauchbare Antworten zulassen wird. Etwas mehr Einblick bekommt man, wenn man die Quellen rumnischer Herkunft einsieht. Sowohl aus den Aufzeichnungen ber die rumnischen Gesprchspartner als auch aus den Konfidentenberichten geht hervor, wonach die sterreicher im Vergleich zu den hart auftretenden und wenig flexiblen Deutschen mehr Geschick im Umgang mit den Rumnen besen. Die Bedeutung derartiger Hinweise darf jedoch nicht berbewertet werden, denn zwischen der Bescheinigung hherer Akzeptanz fr sterreich-Ungarn von Seiten der Rumnen und dem Mittel der Schmeichelei, um die
8

Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien, Politisches Archiv I, Karton 1072, f. 102

141

beiden Besatzungskrfte gegeneinander auszuspielen, lag nicht viel Spielraum, und ab Sommer 1918 kippte die allgemeine Stimmung sowieso zuungunsten der Besatzer, die sich im Oktober fluchtartig zurckziehen mussten. 9 Schlussfolgerung Allein schon ein Fallbeispiel fhrt vor Augen, dass der Forschungsgegenstand aus dem Kontext der Zusammenhnge vorsichtig herausgelst werden muss, um erkenn- und beurteilbar zu sein. Im vorliegenden Fall ist es unverzichtbar, deutsche und rumnische Quellen einzubeziehen, um eine ausgereifte Antwort zuzulassen. Um Hypothesen zugunsten der Erforschbarkeit von Kompetenz zu ermglichen, bedarf es des Vergleichs mit mehreren Fallbeispielen zunchst auf einen Staat bezogen, um den Zeitverlaufsfaktor ermessen zu knnen, und dann des Vergleichs mit analogen Untersuchungen zu anderen Staaten. Das schwierigste Problem besteht allerdings in der Definition von System: Der theoretische Ansatz fut darauf, dass der funktionale Zusammenhang zwischen einer Gesellschaft, deren kulturellem Profil und deren politischorganisatorischen Formen eine Art Organismus darstellt, der mehr als fr Momente denkt und handelt. Ob dieser Ansatz fr die Realitt anwendbar oder nur eine gedankliche Fiktion ist, kann im vorliegenden Rahmen nicht beantwortet werden. Daneben gilt es jedoch noch eine zweite Frage zu beachten, die in Hinblick auf eine eventuelle Anwendbarkeit wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse fr die Praxis von erstrangiger Wichtigkeit ist: Selbst wenn es so etwas wie ein System geben sollte, das an seiner Verbesserung arbeitet welche Rolle spielt das Individuum darin, insbesondere Schlsselpersonal in bestimmten Momenten und fr bestimmte Sachzusammenhnge, die in gutem Glauben ihrem System dienen, ihr Handeln realiter jedoch eine systemschdigende Wirkung hervorruft?

Anschaulich geschildert bei Curt Treitschke: Der Rckmarsch aus Rumnien. Mit der Mackensen=Armee vom Sereth durch Siebenbrgen nach Sachsen. Dresden 1938.

142

MIRCEA ELIADE, ORTHODOXY, AND THE TRANSFIGURATION OF ROMANIA IN THE 1930S

Abstract

Keith Hitchins *

This study aims to highlight Mircea Eliades theory concerning the implications of orthodoxies upon the spiritual and political evolution of Romania between the two world wars. The 30s of the last century disclose Eliade in full Romanian period, with his passion for philosophy that he teaches at the University of Bucuresti, as an assistant to N. Ionescu, his interest in Eastern religions and spirituality in general, his clear thinking and concepts relating to paths to be followed to create a "Romanians us," the spiritual foundations, that turns him into a leader of his generation - the so-called "new generation". Being convinced that the spiritual vitality is the one who determines the destiny of a nation, and not the political or the economic progress, Eliade looks back on orthodoxies, becoming aware of the role it had in the past of the Romanians. Moreover, he considers Orthodoxy as a mark of Romanian ethnic solidarity, a defining element of Romanians in relation to "others". His attention does not go to the church, too weak to contribute to the spiritual rebirth, but on a more powerful force - Legion of.the.Archangel.Michael. In shaping his conception of the Romanians spiritual revive and cultural reorientation toward elite values based on traditional orthodoxy the model anti-rationalist, who considered that only the country man has preserved the purity of mind - Eliade was based on ideas of Cioran and N. Ionescu,to whom he was strongly spiritually linked.He shared their enthusiasm and was eager to transform Romania, even at the cost of personal sacrifice. His hopes were focused on intellectual force of the "new generation", whose devotion to the self taken mission - is to ensure "the unity of Romanian spirit" - is very strong. At the end of the fourth decade, against the backdrop of internal political crisis increasingly enhanced, Eliade became aware of the lack of original vision of political leadership, the incapacity to revive their country and nation. A convinced follower of radical solutions, like violent, risky revolt, but the only one able to bring the balance lost by the Romanian nation, revolt that only" new man "has the will power and necessary qualities to lead - Eliade became staunch supporter of the Legion of the Archangel Michael. His links with the organization and its commander, C. Zelea Codreanu, is based on the belief that the Legionary movement is not a political but spiritual, aimed at the Romanian nation
*

Profesor Dr., Urbana Illinois SUA, membru de onoare al Academiei Romne

143

purification.and.reconciliation.with.God. The deterioration of relations between the Legionnaires and the Royal House and the famous political assassinations in which they were involved (Iorga, Madgearu etc.) convinced him that the Legionary movement has exceeded the limits of spirituality and causes to apart from their cause. *Orthodoxy, spiritual rebirth, Romanian spiritual unity, new generation

In the l930s Mircea Eliade (1907-1986) was in the fullness of his Romanian years. 1 He was teaching philosophy at the University of Bucharest; he was exploring Eastern religions, and he had traveled to India to pursue his studies of Yoga and Hinduism; he was playing the role of chief of the young generation, his generation; he was writing essays, novels, and newspaper articles; and he was performing the duties of a public intellectual. Behind these multiple preoccupations lay a unique mission he had set for himself, a higher calling, for whose achievement all his mundane engagements served as instruments. Throughout the decade he had constantly before him the vision of a new Romania, all its fibers transformed by the revival of spiritual values that harked back to much earlier times. As he surveyed the long history of the Romanians, he had no doubt that their fate had been determined not by politics or economic progress, but by their spiritual vitality. It was precisely this vitality that he found lacking in contemporary Romanian society. In his quest for the sources of Romanian spirituality and, hence, for the key to renewal he turned to Orthodoxy. He acknowledged the paramount role it had played in the life of the Romanian people in the past, and he was certain that it could do so again. But he warned that the impetus for a national spiritual revival must come not from the official church, which he saw as weighed down by formalism and bureaucracy, but from an Orthodoxy energized by evangelical zeal and a sense of mission. Seeking everywhere for signs of a revival, he was drawn slowly but inexorably to the Legion of the Archangel Michael.

Fundamental works on the period are: Mac Linscott Ricketts, Rdcinile romneti ale lui Mircea Eliade, 2 vols., Bucureti, 2004, and Mihaela Gligor, Mircea Eliade. Anii tulburi: 1932-1938, Bucureti, 2007. Among other works to be consulted are: Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreapt romneasc, Bucureti, 1995, especially pp. 132-220, and Florin urcanu, Mircea Eliade. Le prisonnier de lhistoire, Paris, 2003, especially pp. 168-301
1

144

I Eliade was very much a man of his own time, and thus he shared the aspirations and apprehensions of the generation that came to maturity in the aftermath of the First World War. Committed to the task of changing Romanian societys spiritual foundations, he and his friends could not but be caught up in the great debate of the era about Romanian identity and paths of development past and future. They also shared the anxieties and expectations of European intellectuals everywhere. In the years immediately after the First World War their search for authentic Romanian values, especially in the countryside, was overlaid by more general European currents of thought opposed to the rationalism and scientific positivism of the latter half of the nineteenth century. Many Romanian intellectuals shared the crisis of the European consciousness of the 1890s, which signaled a geological shift in patterns of thought and artistic expression and came to be known as modernism. If they were advocates of tradition, they found their opposition to the values that had predominated for much of the nineteenth century fully confirmed. The war was in great part responsible because its brutality and destructiveness has discredited reason in their eyes and had undermined the prestige of Western civilization. These intellectuals rejected rationalism as a means of understanding the world because such an approach struck them as hopelessly out of touch with the real world. They turned, instead, to Nietzsche, whose anti-rationalism fascinated them; to Dilthey and Einstein, whose relativism converted them from Darwins determinism; to Spengler, whose theories about the inevitable decline of civilizations, especially the West, offered them new analytical tools; to Heidegger and his praise of nothingess as the only reality; and to Freud, who revealed to them the vast creative domain of the unconscious. Thus, everything seemed to these intellectuals to be in flux, to be temporary and unstable. Their anguish at the transitoriness of things overwhelmed them at times, and their search for new spiritual values became an obsession. Many intellectuals embraced all things Eastern, and a wave of mystical and irrationalist ideas seemed to break across Romanian cultural life. These ideas came from Asia, especially India, but from Europe, too. Alongside Yoga and Buddhism, Christian and mystical philosophy, as expounded by the Fathers of the Church, by Kierkegaard and Berdyaev, exercised a profound influence on Romanian thought. For still other intellectuals, a fascination with the philosophy of the East 145

reinforced their admiration for the Romanian village. Their immersion in both cultures resembled a return to the Rousseaustic vision of the healthy man of nature, uncorrupted by the vices of a cosmopolitan, rationalist civilization. At home they discovered in Eastern Orthodoxy the eternal source of this unspoiled way of life. Some of them fused Eastern Christian spirituality with the Romanian rural world in original ways and thereby laid the foundations of a new doctrine of identity and development, Orthodoxism. II Within this environment of intellectual excitement and great expectations Eliade and his companions sought to make their mark and give a new direction to the great debate and, no less important, hasten the transformation of Romania. They were the ones who in the latter 1920s, in defiance of the old order and those who had made it, styled themselves the young generation. Deeply indebted to the teachings of Nae Ionescu (1890-1940), a charismatic professor of philosophy at the University of Bucharest and the theorist of trirism, the Romanian variant of existentialism, they sought to escape the frightening emptiness of positivism and modern technology and to achieve a new spiritual equilibrium. Although Nichifor Crainic (1889-1972), the leading theorist of Orthodoxism, applauded their restlessness as the sign of a new orientation in intellectual life and opened the pages of his cultural and literary monthly, Gndirea, to them, the young generation had its own agenda. They were indeed intent on discovering the true sources of Romanian spirituality and anxious to set Romanian culture on a new course, but they shunned established circles. Instead, they formed their own association, which they called Criterion. Among its most prominent members were Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran (1911-1995), later on the philosopher of mans tragic destiny, the philosopher Constantin Noica (1909-1987), and Mircea Vulcnescu (1904-1952), philosopher and sociologist. 2 The Criterionists enthusiastically embraced Nae Ionescus exhortations to experience life rather than reduce it to abstract formulas. Eliade, Cioran, and their companions had no doubt that they were missionaries of a new spirituality. They read Swedenborg, Kierkegaard, Shestov, Heidegger, Unamuno, and Berdyaev; they explored orphism, theosophy, Eastern mysticism,
2

For an account of its goals and activities, see Liviu Antonesei, Momentul Criterion un model de aciune cultural, in Idem, Nautilus, Iai, 1998, pp. 53-98

146

and archaic religions; and they condemned the mediocrity of bourgeois society and denounced materialism in all its forms. Their mission, as Mircea Vulcnescu defined it, was to assure the unity of the Romanian soul, that is, to bring about the spiritual reconstruction of Romania, just as the preceding generation had accomplished the task of political unity. 3 Most of the Criterionists were drawn to the village as the locus of Romanian spirituality, and they acknowledged the role that Orthodoxy had played in shaping the development of the Romanians. But they could never be Orthodoxists. In their rejection of the positivism and materialism bequeathed by the nineteenth century they turned to things of the spirit, but not to Orthodox doctrine. Emil Cioran was in some ways typical of their approach to fundamental issues, and in other ways he demonstrated the stark individualism of the associations members. He shared many of the traditionalists dissatisfaction with the state of things in contemporary Romania. But unlike them, he thought the Romanians themselves, not outside influences and those who propagated them, were responsible for their countrys misfortunes. He was merciless in his criticism of Romanian politics, society, and religion, and he was determined to bring about drastic change. The numerous articles he published between 1931 and 1935 reveal the extent of his disenchantment with the course of Romanias history, but it was in his book, Schimbarea la fa a Romniei (The Transfiguration of Romania), published in 1936, that he gave full vent to his despair at what he thought was a failed Romania. First of all, he thought the Romanians and Romania belonged on the periphery of great cultures and had been slumbering there for a thousand years. Their own small culture, he complained, lacked an original style and monumentality, a condition that seemed natural for a people indifferent to great culture. He went further: they had lived as mere spectators, not makers, of history, and he pronounced their deficiencies organic. 4 He expressed disdain for Orthodoxy, which, he thought, revealed the Romanians lack of originality, and he blamed it for the Romanians inertia in the past. He saw no hope that a contemplative and passive Orthodoxy could initiate the changes necessary to rescue Romania from her vegetative state.5 He
3 4 5

Mircea Vulcnescu, Generaie, Criterion, Anul 1, No. 3-4 (1934), p. 6 Emil Cioran, Schimbarea la fa a Romniei, Bucureti, 1936, pp. 33-34, 85. Ibid., pp. 76-77

147

reserved even harsher criticism for Romanian democracy. Although he found that it had played a certain positive role in mobilizing the countrys energies in the first half of the nineteenth century, he condemned the form it had taken in his own day: it was too rational and was more concerned about quantity than quality, and it lacked grandeur, a will to power, a national vision.6 Although such ideas would seem to place Cioran among the traditionalists, his attitude toward Europe provides a measure of the distance that separated him from them. He expressed unbounded admiration for the material achievements and sophisticated culture of the West, and he insisted that Romanias only hope of salvation lay in modernization following the Western example. To enter history at long last and to end her humiliation as an underdeveloped country, she had no other course than to assimilate Western culture and develop a Western-style economy based on industry and the city. 7 But the change he proposed would not take place by democratic means. What he called a national revolution would be the task of a dictatorship, which, he thought, would bring all members of society together and would thus enable them to achieve their highest aspirations. The dictatorship would be brutal and would use every means available to accomplish its tasks as it gave free rein to the earthy impulses within the masses and allowed the full expression of the irrational in man. Only apocalyptic events, he admonished, could bring about the transfiguration of Romania. 8 Ciorans model for dictatorship and revolution was Hitlers Germany. He enthusiastically recommended the new order he observed there during his stay in 1933 and 1934 as the ideal model for Romania to follow. The creative barbarism of the German revolution struck him as indispensable for success, and he urged his fellow Romanians to adopt the productive terror of the totalitarian state as the sole instrument capable of saving the country from disintegration. 9 In Romania he discovered in the Legion of the Archangel Michael the same type of force that would rescue Romania from collapse and bring about the transfiguration he yearned for. He was impressed especially by the Legions appeal to young people and, with the Hitler Youth
Ibid., pp. 193-194 Ibid., pp. 200-201, 227 8 Emil Cioran, Spre o alt Romnie, Vatra, No. 7-8 (2004), pp. 55-56 (originally published in Vremea, No. 376, February 17, 1935); Ciorans letter to Petru Comarnescu, December 27, 1933, Manuscriptum, Vol. 29, No. 1-2 (1998), p. 234. 9 Cioran, Spre o alt Romnie, p. 56
6 7

148

evidently in mind, he praised their irrational merging of themselves into the nation and their heroism, which began in brutality and ended in sacrifice. 10 Mircea Eliade shared many of Ciorans enthusiasms. He, too, was anxious to transform a Romania that had failed to live up to its promise and thought that she must undergo a revolution carried out by new men prepared to sacrifice themselves, if necessary. But his revolution was to be of the soul, not of the sword. In the general atmosphere of expectation reflected in Ciorans ideas about revolution and transformation Eliade had high hopes that his generation would succeed in accomplishing the singular tasks for which he thought it had been destined: the moral and spiritual revival of Romania. He was heartened by his colleagues renunciation of positivist specializations and skepticism and the accumulation of mere facts, and he praised their eagerness to amass experiences, out of which, he was certain, unique personalities would form and authentic culture emerge. 11 He drew a sharp distinction between his generation and the one that had preceded it, because he found the spiritual foundations of each utterly divergent. He complained that the older generation was too beholden to the West, and thus what inspired them owed nothing to the Romanian earth. By contrast, his generation was experiencing a spiritual effervescence marked by the revival of authentic religiosity, by which he meant a robust, evangelical Orthodoxy. 12 III Eliades personal quest and the spiritual strivings of other intellectuals of his generation coincided with the passionate interwar exploration of the role Orthodoxy had played in endowing the Romanians with their unique ethnic and spiritual identity. Orthodoxism, the doctrine that emerged from this search, helped to shape the contours of the broader debate about national identity. Although it attracted few adherents among the young generation, it provided Eliade with the mental

10 Emil Cioran, Contiina politic a studenimii, Vatra, No. 7-8 (2004), pp. 60-61 (originally published in Vremea, No. 463, November 15, 1936); Idem, n preajma dictaturii, Vatra, No. 7-8 (2004), pp. 62-63 (originally published in Vremea, No. 476, February 21, 1937) 11 Mircea Eliade, Final, Itinerariu spiritual. Scrieri de tineree, 1927, Bucureti, 2003, pp. 361-362 (originally published in Cuvntul, November 16, 1927) 12 Ricketts, Rdcinile, I, p. 243, citing Eliade, O generaie, Cuvntul studenesc, December 4, 1927

149

climate that encouraged his own far-reaching investigation of Orthodox spirituality. Orthodoxism of the interwar period was in certain respects the heir to various currents of traditionalist thought going back to the middle of the nineteenth century that had opposed the restless adoption of Western political and economic forms and the uncritical assimilation of Western cultural values. Orthodoxism also extended into the interwar period the advocacy of authentic Romanian values and an organic development of society rooted in the patriarchal, unspoiled village. At the same time Orthodoxism made an original contribution to Romanian traditionalism by placing Orthodox spirituality at the moral center of the new Romania. The creation of Greater Romania at the end of the First World War with the acquisition of Transylvania, Bukovina, and Bessarabia with large ethnic minorities who were Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish seemed to many traditionalists to threaten the very foundations of Romania. Orthodoxy thus occupied a more crucial place than before the war as a mark of ethnic solidarity among Romanians. For many Romanians it became a means of distinguishing them and their essence from the others and their essences. The chief animator of Orthodoxism was Nichifor Crainic, who had made it his mission to impose a new religious direction on Romanian intellectual life based on a revival of Orthodox spirituality. Like many of his generation, he was anxious to provide the Romanian nation with a new ideal with which to fill what he perceived as the spiritual void in the postwar world. For him, that ideal could only be religious, since, as a practicing Christian, he was certain that spiritual rather than economic or political forces shaped the development of a people. Sensing that Romanian society lacked an inner harmony and was suffering a general breakdown caused by the relentless pursuit of material goods, he made the strengthening of religious consciousness the cardinal point in a reorientation of Romanian society. 13 Convinced that Romanian society was in the throes of a severe crisis, he urged as a solution a return to the native genius and the autochthonist spirit, in other words, a revitalization of spiritual life based on the Eastern Orthodox tradition. The native genius, for Crainic, was synonymous with Orthodoxy. But he understood Orthodoxy in a particular way. It did not mean the official Romanian Church, with which he was at
13

Nichifor Crainic, Parsifal, Gndirea, Anul 3, No. 8-10 (1924), pp. 181-182

150

odds, but rather it signified a fusion of the ethnic tradition and Eastern Christian spirituality. According to his interpretation of Romanian history, the two elements had evolved together, reinforcing and enriching one another. He went so far as to claim that the Romanians had been born Orthodox Christian, since they had never undergone a formal, mass conversion as had the Slavs and Germans. Rather, he insisted that a fusion had occurred between Orthodoxy and the Romanian soul, and thus the Romanians had made their appearance in history simply as an Orthodox people. Among the proofs he adduced was the inability of both Roman Catholics and Protestants to gain converts among the Romanians, a failure he attributed to the fact that Orthodoxy had not been imposed on the Romanians, but was, rather, an inherent expression of their religious consciousness. 14 The ideal Romanian, the bearer of the nations distinctive character, who emerged from Crainics elaboration of Orthodoxism belonged to the village. He was a peasant who worked the land and stood in an intimate organic relationship with the land, and who interacted naturally and spontaneously with his fellow man. Above all, he was Orthodox, a quality, he insisted, which was ingrained in the peasants very nature. Here, in this noble rustic, contemplative and lacking the work ethic of capitalism, he found the antithesis of the bourgeois spirit of the West, with its rationalism and pursuit of worldly goods. IV Eliades commitment to Orthodoxy as the path to national salvation and personal redemption owed more to Nae Ionescu than to Nichifor Crainic. Of all the members of the young generation, Eliade was the closest to this singular and enigmatic figure. It was he who served as Ionescus teaching assistant in metaphysics and logic at the University of Bucharest between 1934 and 1938, and it was he who gathered together Ionescus newspaper articles and essays in a volume, Roza vnturilor, the only book of Ionescus published during his lifetime. He was attracted to Ionescu especially by a teaching style and a commitment to ideas that fascinated student audiences. Eliade has left us an striking image of the master at work: He [Ionescu] sat down on the chair, looked over the audience all the way to the rear of the auditorium, and started to speak. Suddenyly, there was an unnatural silence, as if everyone were holding his breath.
14 Nichifor Crainic, Spiritualitate i Romnism, in Idem, Ortodoxie i etnocraie, Bucureti, 1940, p. 135

151

Nae Ionescu did not speak like a professor: he was giving us neither a lesson nor a lecture. It was a conversation that he had begun, and he seemed to be addressing each of us directly and individually.You felt that what Nae Ionescu had to say could not be found in any book. It was something new, freshly conceived and organized right there in front of you. It was an original kind of thinking, and if this sort of thought interested you, you knew that you could find it nowhere but here, at its source. The man at the desk was speaking straight to you: opening up problems, teaching you to solve them, and forcing you to think. 15 Not surprisingly, Eliade and his fellow Criterionists found Ionescus exhortations to experience life rather follow a set of rules and to create their own philosophies of life based on their experiences exhilarating. Eliade also shared Ionescus strictures on the shortcomings of contemporary Romanias political and cultural condition and heeded his admonitions about the urgent need for a moral and spiritual rebirth. Ionescu was one of the leaders of the anti-rationalist current in Romanian thought in the interwar period. He proclaimed the bankruptcy of positivism and insisted that the world was guided by forces intractable to mans cognitive faculties, that nature concealed within itself latent virtues whose operations were unpredictable, and that all life was a spontaneous gushing forth of the human spirit which readon was powerless to contain. For him, true reality lay in action, and his belief in the primacy of exuberant life over the intellect led him to religious faith. Only the existence of God and His intervention in phenomena, he taught, relieved the world of its character as an absurd anarchy. 16 It was religion, or a mystical attitude, then, that allowed man a realist comprehension of the world. 17 Ionescu sought refuge from the absurdities of the modern world in the Romanian village because he thought it was here that the soul prevailed over the mind and the peasant therefore stood in direct communion with the true nature of things. He also discovered an intimate relationship between this rural world and Orthodoxy, and he judged the influence of Eastern Christianity to have been so dominant that it became a part of
Mircea Eliade, Autobiography, Vol. 1: 1907-1937. Translated into English by Mac Linscott Ricketts, Cambridge, 1981, p. 102 16 Nae Ionescu, Roza vnturilor, 1926-1933, Bucureti, 1937, pp. 26-27 17 Nae Ionescu, Metafizic, Vol. 1, Bucureti, 1942, pp. 148-161
15

152

the Romanians very being, or, as he put it: We are Orthodox because we are Romanian, and we are Romanian because we are Orthodox. 18 This blending of ethnicity and Eastern spirituality led Ionescu to conclude that unbridgeable structural differences separated the Romanians from Western society. He found in Roman Catholic and Protestant Europe the antithesis of Romanian peasant society. The west was individualist in social relations, rationalist in intellectual preoccupations, and bourgeois capitalist in its economic structures. 19 By contrast, he thought the institutions of the Romanian village were organic and had preserved the Romanians easy integration into nature and his community and had enhanced his receptivity to the mysteries of existence. For him, then, the true Romanian belong to the village, which was the center of Orthodox spirituality. He discerned a perfect fusion between the peasant and Orthodoxy, 20 and he made Orthodox spirituality the foundation of the harmonious [Romanian] community of thought and deed. 21 Ionescus teachings on the role of Orthodoxy in Romanias religious development left a deep impression on Eliade. He accepted Ionescus conclusions about the vital contribution Orthodoxy had made in shaping the moral and spiritual character of the Romanians and in determining their view of the world around them and the hereafter. Like Ionescu, he also recognized Orthodoxy as fundamentally different from Western Christianity, and thus he used it as the primary means of explaining how the specific Romanian outlook on life and their path to salvation differed from those of Western Europeans. In elaborating his arguments, he seems anti-modern and very much in the mold of Ionescu and Crainic. Like them, too, he was critical of the official Romanian Orthodox Church, especially what he interpreted as its eagerness to look uncritically to the West for theological guidance. Thus, the reforms and renewals that official church theologians promoted seemed to him merely to reveal the spirit of the Westernizers of the 1848 revolution and, especially, the corroding influence of Protestantism. 22 These theologians, he complained, had committed the sin of introducing secular logic
Ionescu, Roza vnturilor, p. 206 Ibid., p. 261; Niculae (Nae) Ionescu, Individualism englez, Gndirea, Anul 4, No. 2 (1924), pp. 36-37 20 Ionescu, Roza vnturilor, p. 35 21 Nae Ionescu, Naionalism i ortodoxie, Predania, No. 8-9 (1937), p. 3 22 Ricketts, Rdcinile, II, pp. 249-250, citing an article by Eliade, O revist de critic teologic, Snzana, December 31, 1937, p. 5
18 19

153

into debates over theological questions. On the other hand, he praised Predania, a new theological journal with Nae Ionescu as principal collaborator, because it represented nothing less than the autochthonist, that is, the true Romanian Orthodox, spirit rising in opposition to modern ways of thinking about religious matters. Like the Orthodoxists, he urged a return to the primary sources of Orthodox spirituality, and he went even further because he insisted that religious questions be autonomous,, that they not be diluted by political ambitions and social reforms. In any case, like Crainic and Ionescu and many other Romanian intellectuals of the time who were not Orthodoxists, such as the poet and philosopher Lucian Blaga, Eliade was convinced that Orthodoxy was structurally different from the universalism of Roman Catholicism and the atomism of Protestantism. 23 Despite a general harmony of views, Eliade differed from Ionescu on such fundamental issues as the nature of Orthodoxy and who could become Orthodox. As we have seen, Ionescu recognized Orthodoxy as an inevitable, irreversible way of being in the world, if one were born Romanian. His dictum, To be Romanian is to be Orthodox, is eloquent testimony to his stand. To be Orthodox, for him, meant to live an authentic Romanian life, and he could not accept the proposition that Orthodoxy could be achieved through ones life experiences. In his commentary on Eliades discussion of Orthodoxy in his series of essays, Itinerariu spiritual (Spiritual Itinerary), published in 1927, he admonished Eliade: I believe youre mistaken. You say one is born a Catholic or a Protestant, but one becomes Orthodox. I think just the opposite: you can become a Catholic or a Protestant, but if you are Romanian, Greek, or Russian, you are born Orthodox. Orthodoxy is a natural mode of being in the world: one which you either have or do not have, but one which you can only with difficulty construct. I dont quite see how, if you were born Romanian, you could convert to Orthodoxy, but I understand the process of converting to Catholicism. However, with you I think its another matter: you consider Orthodoxy to be like a shore to which you hope to return after a series of adventures on the sea. Yet you wont return to the shore of your own free will, but only when you escape from a shipwreck, or when you want to avoid a shipwreck. For me, every existence is
23

Mircea Eliade, De unde ncepe misiunea Romniei, in Idem, Textele legionare i despre romnism, Cluj-Napoca, 2001, p. 49 (originally published in Vremea, February 28, 1937)

154

equivalent to a shipwreck, so that a longing to return to the shore is virtually inevitable. For you, existence means in the first place a series of spiritual adventures. I think youre wrong, but that doesnt matter. The only thing that matters is what you will do, what you will create, before and after you have understood that you were wrong. 24 By contrast, Eliades view of the matter bordered on the mystical. In some of his earliest writings on the subject, in 1927, he expressed the belief that Orthodoxy was the true, authentic Christianity, which made itself known in warm spiritual acts. 25 He insisted that an effective Christianity was based on the experiences of the individual; it was a Christianity that was fresh and full of meaning and vibrant with life; it was a Christianity that transformed human beings into men of God. Inevitably, he had to confront the question of who was or who could be Orthodox? He put the answer simply: someone was Orthodox who possessed a mystical knowledge of Christian love and who thus revealed that he had been transformed. Orthodoxy, then, for Eliade, was a spiritual force that transformed the inner self. As he explained it, the process was purely voluntary because Orthodoxy did not constrain one to follow a set of rules or impose some model of behavior. Rather, the achievement of Orthodoxy was an individual quest. It made no difference whether the Orthodox believer was an ascetic or a sinner because his religious experience and his devotion to Christ were the same in both cases. In some sense, Eliade did share Ionescus belief in the inevitability of Orthodoxy for Romanians, since he was certain that the members of the young generation through their accumulated experiences of life and meditations on those experiences would eventually become Orthodox. They would discover, in other words, that to live without Christ meant to live without hope, to be continually overwhelmed by a tragic sense of existence. Only Orthodoxy, Eliade argued, could free man from that tragic sense that burdened life. These were Eliades early ideas about the nature and meaning of Orthodoxy. He later admitted that the essay on Orthodoxy, which he included in his manifesto of the young generation, Itinerariu spiritual, in 1927, lacked the necessary foundation: Only after talking to [Mircea] Vulcnescu and [Paul]
24 25

Eliade, Autobiography, I, p. 133 Mircea Eliade, Ortodoxie, in Idem, Itinerariu spiritual. Scrieri de tineree, 1927, p. 358 (originally published in Cuvntul, November 12, 1927)

155

Sterian did I realize how ignorant I was regarding Eastern Christianity and Romanian religious traditions, to say nothing of the Orthodox experience, which I did not have at all. Orthodoxy had seemed to me very precious to Romanians because it was there and had been there for a very long time as an integral part of Romanian history and culture. Personally, although I felt attracted to this tradition, I did not live it. Now, at twenty years of age, I had barely freed myself from the consequences of my adolescent scientism and agnosticism. 26 Eliade deepened his understanding of Orthodoxy through assiduous study. A measure of his devotion to the subject is revealed in his polemics with his friend and fellow Criterionist, Gheorghe Racoveanu in 1934. The matter at issue had to do with the possibility of eternal salvation for Jews according to the dogmas of the Christian Church. Racoveanu argued that salvation was impossible, but Eliade insisted that the Church had not made a clear pronouncement in the matter, and he pointed out inconsistencies in Racoveanus thesis through precise citations and reasoned interpretations of Scripture 27 that revealed the depth of his own meditations on Orthodox theology. V As the 1930s wore on Eliade became increasingly anxious about how the spiritual revolution he awaited could be brought about? Who would accomplish it? He devoted more and more attention to the mission that Romania was destined to fulfill as a nation, a mission, he insisted, chosen for it by God. It was spiritual and indissolubly linked to Orthodoxy and would, he thought, find expression in the production of works of universal value. As the creators of these works he nominated the intellectual elite, the young generation, whom he endowed with a unique sensitivity to the mental climate of the age and a deep understanding of their responsibilities before the nation and history. 28 Like many critics of modernism, he could discern only two creative classes in Romanian society the intellectuals and the peasantry. It was they alone, he argued, who assured the

Eliade, Autobiography, I, p. 133 Mircea Eliade, Cretinitatea fa de iudaism, in Dosarul Eliade, Vol. 2 (1928-1944). Ed. by Mircea Handoca, Bucureti, 1999, pp. 100-106 28 Mircea Eliade, Cultur sau politic, in Idem, Profetism romnesc, Vol. 2, Bucureti, 1990, pp. 62-65 (originally published in Vremea, February 21, 1935), and Destinuri romneti, in Idem, Profetism romnesc, II, pp. 150-152 (originally published in Vremea, March 15, 1936)
26 27

156

continuity of the true Romanian spirit in the modern era of flux and instability of values and commitments. Eliade had little hope that the conditions for Romanias renewal and then the fulfillment of her mission could come from the existing political order. As the 1930s progressed, he became more and more disheartened by what he perceived to be a corrupted system run by politicians of little vision or originality. Yet, in a sense, he and his fellow Criterionists bore some responsibility for this grim state of affairs because they had steadfastly rejected involvement in politics as unworthy of those, namely themselves, who were intent on leading a spiritual revolution. Only years later did Eliade acknowledge his error. In any case, by the mid-1930s he had lost all confidence in the democratic process because it had failed to produce the leaders capable of carrying out the grand design he had elaborated for the nation. In his disillusionment he wrote of moral decline in somber phrases that recall Ciorans indictment of modern Romania: Never in the history of contemporary Romania have we reached such an abject level, such a degraded moral condition.Fifteen years of full democracy, of dissoluteness, and a state of siege have transformed the Romanian citizen into someone without civic courage, without initiative, without revolutionary enthusiasm, merely a skeptic and resigned to his fate. 29 He complained that democracy had neither created a powerful state nor impressed upon Romanians a consciousness of their greatness. Democracy, he concluded, had given Romania a slothful, larva-like evolution that had made her a joke among her neighbors. 30 Eliades solution to Romanias ills was similar to Ciorans: revolution and the emergence of the new man. He demanded a violent revolution, full of risks, which alone could restore the faith of Romanians in the destiny of their nation. 31 Whereas Cioran wrote approvingly of the German revolution inaugurated by Hitler, Eliade at the end of 1936 had only praise for what Mussolini had accomplished in Italy. Taking note of accusations that Mussolini was a dictator or tyrant, Eliade expressed complete indifference to the matter. What impressed him was a single fact: that Mussolini in fifteen years had transformed Italy from a third-rate state into one of the powers
Mircea Eliade, 1918-1921, in Idem, Profetism romnesc, II, p. 132 (originally published in Vremea, No. 411, October 27, 1935) 30 Mircea Eliade, Democraia i problema Romniei, Vremea, December 18, 1936, cited by Gligor, Mircea Eliade, p. 115 31 Ibid., p. 115
29

157

of contemporary Europe. Thus, he confessed, it didnt matter to him what happened in Romania after the liquidation of democracy. What was essential was that Romania become a powerful state, national in its being, and conscious of its strength and destiny. He could not agree with those who argued that the evolution from democracy to dictatorship was a step backward from modern civilization to tyrany. On the contrary, he insisted, it was a step forward to power and dignity. Yet, for all his speculation about the violent nature of the coming transfiguration of Romania, Eliade held fast to the idea the forthcoming revolution must be spiritual. As late as the end of 1935 or the first half of 1936 Eliade continued to confess discouragement at the delay of the spiritual revolution he yearned for, of the messianic movement he expected the young generation to lead. But in an article in December 1935 he praised what he had discerned as a mission to reconcile Romania with God. It was led by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, the leader of the extreme-right, nationalist, antiSemitic Legion of the Archangel Michael, or Iron Guard. Yet, almost a year passed before Eliade could be persuaded that Codreanus movement was truly spiritual and not political. From then on it became clear to him that the Legion represented the Christian revolutionary movement he had been seeking to carry out the spiritual transformation of Romania. Eliade gave the Legion his full moral support. He was drawn to it by what seemed to him Codreanus attachment to the same spiritual aspirations that he and many of his fellow Criterionists professed and especially by Codreanus charismatic will to transform ideas into reality. Between 1937 and 1939 Eliade was now certain that he was witnessing the fulfillment of the hopes he had expressed a decade earlier that the young generation would devote itself to spiritual issues and would, therefore, lead the nation toward spiritual renewal. He sensed that a fundamental change was taking place in Romania: that political strife had given way to mystical action, as he discovered in the Legions goals a frightening will to Christianize. 32 He likened the actions of the Legion to the civil campaign for justice led by Gandhi in India, which struck him as abounding in the Christian and Tolstoyan spirit, and the Oxford Movement in England, which, however, lacked the

32

Eliade, De unde ncepe misiunea Romniei, p. 48

158

almost monastic asceticism that characterized the Legion. 33 The deaths of two young intellectual leaders of the Legion, Ion Moa and Vasile Marin, who were killed in Spain fighting on the side of the Right led by General Franco, moved him deeply. He saw them as martyrs for the cause of Christianity, for they embodied the spirit of the legionaries who were willing to sacrifice themselves at any moment for their faith. It struck him as a Christian ascetic view of existence characteristic of monks. 34 If only the Legion could succeed in drawing the whole Romanian nation into their crusade, then he was certain that they would bring forth the new man and fulfill Romanias holy mission. 35 VI Eliades hopes for the transfiguration of Romania slowly dissipated in the late 1930s It was for him a time of trials. As relations between King Carol II, who had proclaimed a royal dictatorship in February 1938, and the Legion steadily deteriorated, those who supported the Legion became suspect. Nae Ionescu was dismissed from his teaching post at the University of Bucharest and was later arrested and held at an interment camp in Miercurea Ciuc, in Transylvania. Eliade, consequently, lost his teaching position as Ionescus assistant and in July 1938 followed him to Miercurea Ciuc, where he remained for four months. At first, he refused to sign a declaration disassociating himself from the Legion because he would not turn against his friends, his generation. 36 At this critical time he continued to think of the Legion as a spiritual movement promoted by intellectuals who were destined to fulfill the holy mission of Romanias regeneration. In the end, he relented, and he was released from internment on health grounds in November 1938. The violence in which the Legion became involved seem not to have moved Eliade away from his conviction that the Legion was a mystical sect bent on achieving spiritual goals,
33 Mircea Eliade, Comentariu la un jurmnt, in Idem, Textele legionare i despre romnism, p. 45 (originally published in Vremea, February 21, 1937) 34 Ibid., pp. 44-46; Mircea Eliade, Ion Moa i Vasile Marin, in Idem, Textele legionare i despre romnism, pp. 36-38 (originally published in Vremea, January 24, 1937) 35 Mircea Eliade, Noua aristocraie legionar, in Idem, Textele legionare i despre romnism, pp. 72-74 (originally published in Vremea, January 23, 1938) 36 Mircea Eliade, Autobiography, Vol. 2: 1937-1960, Chicago, 1988, p. 66; see also, Sorin Alexandrescu, Paradoxul romn, Bucureti, 1998, pp. 228-229

159

not a political movement with more mundane ambitions. Many years later Eliade persisted in viewing Codreanu as the leader of a moral and spiritual crusade, not as a politician: For him, the Legionary movement did not constitute a political phenomenon but was, in its essence, ethical and religious. He repeated time and again that he was not interested in the acquisition of power but in the creation of a new man. 37 The assassination of Codreanu in November 1938, on the orders of King Carol, must have shocked Eliade, but he did not reveal his feelings in any contemporary writings. A few months later he told Cioran that he regretted nothing that had happened. 38 Then came the assassination of Prime Minister Armand Calinescu in September 1939 by a legionary death squad and the execution shortly afterward of some 250 legionaries as revenge exacted by Carol II. Eliade persisted in ignoring the Legions violence and, in general, the political side of its activities until the assassination of Nicolae Iorga, Romanias most eminent historian, and Virgil Madgearu, the economist and theoretician of democratic peasantism, by legionary death squads in November 1940. He expressed horror on hearing the news of these killings, and thought that those who had carried them out had completely nullified the religious meaning of sacrifice held by those legionaries executed at Carols orders. But he thought that this tragedy, too, was part of the destiny of the Romanian people, a people without luck, which was not even allowed to preserve undefiled the most recent of its innumerable sacrifices. 39 VII Eliades debt to Orthodoxy to the spirit rather than to the doctrinewas crucial as he fashioned his thesis about the Romanian national character and historical development as a fusion of the sublime and the autochthonist. Orthodoxy, as taught by Nae Ionescu and practiced by Corneliu Codreanu, offered him precious insights into the nature of spiritual revolution and justified the radical replacement of the prevailing social order with one presided over by the new men. Eliades transfigured Romania, like Ciorans or that of the Orthodoxists, was not to be. Their vision of the future was

Eliade, Autobiography, II, p. 65 Mircea Eliade, Europa, Asia, America.Corespondena, Vol. 1, Bucureti, 1999, p. 158: letter to Cioran, February 27, 1939 39 Eliade, Autobiography, II, pp. 69, 85
37 38

160

overtaken by events after 1940, by war and a regime alien to revolutions of the soul.

161

FASCISM AS POLITICAL RELIGION A CRITICAL SURVEY Ionu Biliu * Abstract

This article intends to present the development of the political religion concept in studies devoted to European fascism and totalitarianism. From Eric Voegelin to Emilio Gentile and Roger Griffin this theory has undergone numerous development and strategic regrouping: applied only at the beginning of fascism, he began to describe other ideological phenomena in the period of communism and Islamic fundamentalism. Also, the definition of religion suffered a change, influencing the definition of political religion. A brief addenda dedicated to the Iron Guard comes to complete the presentation concerning the theoretically Western Canon.

*political religion, fascism, totalitarism, ideology, communism The present essay is intended as a critical analysis regarding the usage of the concept of political religion in fascist studies. More exactly, starting from different definitions of numerous scholars in this particular field of interest I will present different understandings of this concept and the changes operated by scholars like Eric Voegelin, Robert O. Paxton, Roger Eatwell, Emilio Gentile, Roger Griffin, George Mosse, and others in their use of the phrase. Another issue on the agenda will be to understand the relevance of the contemporary debate between Roger Griffin and Emilio Gentile, and to compare Griffin and Gentiles views on fascism as political religion with a new approach of Richard Steigmann-Gall who criticized the misinterpretation of the concept of religion by the afore mentioned scholars. The debate between Roger Griffin and Emilio Gentile lies in a different perspective regarding human history in general and fascism in particular. Roger Griffin considers that fascism must be studied using an ideal type meaning a virtual concept of fascism with which other movements must be compared in order to see if they are fascist or not. The ideological core is the most important issue at stake. However, for Emilio Gentile
*

Drd., Universitatea Central European, Budapesta

161

fascism and especially Italian fascism is not the incarnation of a strong theoretical concept as in Roger Griffins view. He always takes into account the whole issue by starting from a political view over fascism and not from a historical scrutiny about what caused the emergence of the fascist movement in Italy. The debate with SteigmannGall is even more interesting since he apparently challenged the Durkhemian understanding of religion, based on a sociopolitical framework. Against Roger Griffin, he has pointed out that German Nazis were committed Christians and fascism was a direct consequence of certain Christian apocalyptical myths which were reinterpreted by the Nazis in order to criticize modernity and the present state of facts during the Weimar Republic in Germany (1918 1933). Last, but not least the concept of fascism as political religion will be applied to a case study: the Romanian Iron Guard to see if this particular movement can be labeled as political religion. The importance of religion and the aesthetisation of politics (Walter Benjamin) represent two main characteristics of the Romanian fascist movement. I emphasize that although the Iron Guard had several key concepts linked with the official fascist ideology, there are several differences between the Italian German understandings of fascism as a political religion. The first lies in the opened relationship between the Iron Guard and the Romanian Orthodox Church. Secondly, the leaders cult was built mainly on the Christian understanding of the saint or chosen man to save Romania. Political religion or civil religion? The historianss debate The origins of this concept can be traced according to Stanley Payne 1 and Michael Burleigh 2 to the French Revolution when a new approach of politics was built by the Jacobin regime. In order to shape a different understanding of
Stanley Payne, On the Heuristic Value of the Concept of Political Religion and its Application, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions vol. 6, no. 2, p. 166 2 Earthly Powers. Religion and Politics in Europe from the Enlightenment to the Great War, (New York: Harper &Collins, 2006), p. 48. For an interesting deconstruction of the myth of atheist Nazis, please see Richard Steigmann Gall, The Holy Reich. Nazi Conception of Christianity 19191945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)
1

162

the political reality and to secularize any perception of politics, the Jacobins fabricated a religion based on Reason which was used on political purposes. This tendency was also speculated in the German political environments. The Kulturprotestantismus was the German reply to the French. All these phenomena were nothing more than signs of the times. The first scholar who applied the term political religion to the German fascist movement was Eric Voegelin in his epochmaking book, The Political Religions (1938). He defined the fascist ideology as a political religion inspired by the gnostic heresy of the Church. Chiliasm, apocalyptic literature and other anti modern Christian myths were drawn into consideration by Voegelin in order to explain the rise of the Nazi Party. The main ideologue of the concept related to Italian fascism was Emilio Gentile. Inspired by the efforts of George L. Mosse 3 Emilio Gentile, in an article from 1990, named Fascism as Political Religion. 4 Gentile stated that fascism constructed its own system of beliefs, myths and rituals, centered on the sacralization of the state. 5 In other words, fascist religion placed itself alongside traditional religion, and tried to synthesize it within its own sphere of values as an ally in the subjection of the masses to the state, although it did stress the primacy of politics. 6 This primacy of politics that Gentile is speaking about is nothing more than a lay religion which was a consequence of the historical development of Italy. Elements like faith, the quest for a secular religion in order to break up with the Conservative Catholic Party, experience and rebirth of the nation were present for quite a long time in the Italian history. When Mussolini came to power in 1922, this lay religion became a political religion 7 . Fascism as a political religion was depicted in the leader cult and the need for a regeneration of the Italian race. Other elements were a secularized political liturgy inspired by the Fiumes ceremonies developed by the Italian poet DAnnunzio. Characterized by rituals and beliefs, the fascist secularized
George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movements in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars through the Third Reich (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). 4 Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 25, no. 2/3, 1990, p. 229251 5 Gentile, op. cit., p. 230 6 Ibidem 7 Ibidem
3

163

liturgy tried to be centered on the nations rebirth and veneration and belief in il Duce. Another important feature was the cult of the martyrs. Even if they were dead for the fascist cause or had fallen in the WWII, the cult of the martyrs was present during fascist ceremonies. All these features tried to emphasize according to Emilio Gentile a certain sacralization of politics and had as purpose the socialization of the fascist religion 8 in which the nation, il Duce and the State became one entity. The concept of fascism as political religion was bitterly challenged by different scholars. A skeptic scholar about Gentiles understanding of fascism as a political religion was Roger Griffin. In The Nature of Fascism 9 Roger Griffin proposed another model of understanding fascism as an ideal type 10 which describes a stream of political movements in the interwar period. In other words, the Italian fascism is not a sufficient example for starting a new general/ universal theory, but rather a complete definition of fascism ought to be constructed by taking into account the paradigmatic expressions of fascism. 11 Another poignant critique of Emilio Gentiles view on fascism as a political religion is Roger Eatwell. 12 He argues that there are several issues Gentile has lost on his way to shape up his theory. First of all, he states directly against Gentiles view that fascism-as-a-politicalreligion thesis is not simply about issues such as ritual and creed. It also raises the question of how people continued to view the churches. 13 In other words, to speak about concepts like fascist religion and fascism as a political religion was not sufficient regarding the fact that religion does not imply only politics, but also the relevance of the Italian Catholic Church. Eatwell goes further and he says that even this issue is not clear because the ways in which different people regarded the Church and the attitude of the Church towards fascism are ambiguous. Roger Eatwells final statement leaves no space for a perspective about fascism as political religion: to the extent that a linking essence can be identified, fascism was a political

Gentile p. 248 Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1993). 10 Roger Griffin, op, cit., p. 29 11 Roger Griffin, op. cit., p. 12 12 Roger Eatwell, Fascism. A History (London: Pimlico, 2003). 13 Roger Eatwell, op. cit., p. 160
8 9

164

ideology rather than a political religion. 14 It seems that for Roger Eatwell the most important feature of fascism is represented by the connection with a certain political ideology and not to a sacralization of politics. How Emilio Gentile has pointed out with another occasion 15 , the whole debate was related to understanding the concept of religion: The fundamental assumption of the scholars who deny the validity of the concept of political religion is the same as the one we have already seen in the case of civil religion, that is, we do not deal with a true religion, but only with a political use of metaphors, symbols and rituals of a religious kind in order to reach utilitarian goals. Consequently, these scholars do not consider the use of the term religion legitimate in order to define totalitarian political regimes which, in their turn, either openly or secretly, were effectively anti-religious or political anti-religions, according to Hermann Lbbes expression. It is obvious that the answer to the question of whether political religion and civil religion could be considered true religions depends on the definition of what a true religion actually is. Not even the definition of true religion enjoys an extensive consensus among scholars. In 2001 Emilio Gentile published another cornerstone monograph on the relation between religion and politics refining his understanding on political versus civil religion. La religioni della politica: Fra democratie e totalitarismi (Roma: Gius. Laterza&Figli, 2001) 16 Emilio Gentiles book provides a new definition of fascism as political religion in connection with a different understanding of civil religion. The distinction between the two concepts represents a direct answer to some of Gentiles critiques who accused him for not defining accurately a distinction between democratic and totalitarian regimes. A political scientist, Emilio Gentile draws this particular distinction between the two in order to encapsulate in one of his definitions the whole political specter. Accordingly, a political religion is a form of sacralization of politics that has an exclusive and fundamental nature. It does not accept the coexistence of other political ideologies and movements, it denies the autonomy of the individual in the relation with the
Roger Eatwell, op. cit., p. 163 TMPR, 1, 2005, p. 27 16 For us it was available the following English translation: Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
14 15

165

collectivity, it demands compliance to its commandments and participation to its political cult and it sanctifies violence as a legitimate weapon in the fight against its enemies and as an instrument of regeneration. In the relation with traditional religious institutions, it either adopts a hostile attitude and aims to eliminate them, or it attempts to establish a rapport of symbiotic coexistence by incorporating the traditional religion into its own system of beliefs and myths while reducing it to a subordinate and auxiliary role. 17 As Stanley Payne has showed in his essay review to the Italian edition of Gentiles book, in order to transform the political religion concept into a universal ideal type he had accepted the criticisms of Roger Griffin and Roger Eatwell and has enlarged the framework of debate. 18 More clearly, Payne identified the principal problem of the ancient concept of political religion used by Gentile in the misinterpretation of the concept of religion: The concept of political religion, whose usage has became increasingly frequent, has nonetheless been criticized as confusing and conflating. Critics contend that religion refers to a transcendent spiritual reality, and hence cannot be used coherently to describe secular political movement, or that religion refers to a code of personal and spiritual conduct that should not be conflated with the official state organization. 19 Stanley Payne implies that Emilio Gentiles view of the concepts of religion and political religions become larger because at a certain stage of the research Emilio Gentile noticed the criticisms of different scholars about the narrowness of his investigation. Somehow he had to take into account also a secularized reality that has nothing in common with the totalitarian movements. Therefore, Gentile issued a new definition of civil religion, differentiating political religion from civil religion in order to draw a sharper distinction between different understandings of the concept of religion and between secularization of politics in totalitarian and democratic regimes. Consequently, he clarified the terms for the scholar involved in this debate by splitting his definition into two and enriching the context of the debate through a

Gentile, Religion as Politics, p. 140 Stanley Payne, Emilio Gentiles Historical Analysis and the Taxonomy of Political Religions in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 3, No. 1, 2002, p. 123 19 Stanley Payne, op. cit., p. 125
17 18

166

clear separation taken from Political Sciences between totalitarian and democratic ideologies. Accordingly, for Emilio Gentile, a civil religion is a form of sacralization of a collective political entity that does not identify with the ideology of any particular political movement, acknowledges the separation between Church and State, and, although postulating the existence of a supernatural being in the theistic sense, it coexists with the traditional religious institutions without identifying with any particular religious confessions. It acts as a shared civil creed that is above all parties and all religions. It tolerates a high degree of individual autonomy in relation to the sacralized collectivity and generally elicits spontaneous consent for compliance with its commandments of public ethics and collective liturgy. 20 Applied to the democratic regimes, Gentiles definition solves out the differences between different understandings of religion. Civil religion is the democratic view of the political religion. Gentile needs this concept of civil religion to clear up a misunderstanding and to enlarge the context of his theory. As Stephen R. Di Rienzo has pointed out, If civil religion is a religion with choice, than modern politics is, as asserted above, nothing more than religion with the element of choice. In this way, all democratic political systems are in fact civil religions: that is, an organizational religion based on choice that respects a varying amount of opinion, but it is unified in a civic code. This code can be anything: a flag, a person, or even an event such as 11 September 2001. 21 What Stephen R. Di Rienzo is accurately stating can be formulated through a single statement: fascism as a political religion can be applied to different totalitarian movements and regimes, but in order to achieve a minimum consensus in order to sustain an ideological debate this concept of political religion must have a counterpart which has to describe the other part of the story. It also means that Gentile attempts to achieve a form of consensus and scholarly equilibrium between the two sides involved in this debate regarding the ideological utility of the concept of political religion to the democratic regimes. Roger Griffin reply to Emilio Gentiles theory was surprising. First, Roger Griffin theory abdicates from his
Gentile, Religion as Politics, p. 140 Stephen R. Di Rienzo, The NonOptional Basis of Religion in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 3, No. 3, 2002, p. 81

20 21

167

rejection of a direct relation between fascism and religion and tries to enlarge the framework of debate by accepting the political religion approach of Emilio Gentile. 22 Nevertheless, Griffin points out that a certain emphasis on clustering the theory and make it interdisciplinary becomes a mandatory task for any scholar from the field. 23 Furthermore, he stresses a difference between civil religion and political religion in order to bring into discussion issues which never came out before. He is not content only with fascism, but rather he prefers to obtain universal credit for his theory regarding the relation between religion and politics. He argues that: the important contribution of Gentiles cluster to clear up the many misunderstandings of the aspects caused by this aspect of totalitarianism (and hence of political religion) is that it specifically links the horrific human destructions involved in these campaigns to the revolutionary quest to create a new civilization based on the palingenetic myth. Nevertheless, Griffins critique comes almost instantly: Once Gentiles concept of political religion is applied to generic fascism it becomes possible to see it in its disparate manifestations as a totalitarian movement driven by a revolutionary variant of ultranationalism. As such is manifest itself, at least in the inter-war Europe and some of other Europeanized societies, as a political religion, by the utopia of regenerated national community saturated with mythic and palingenetic thinking reminiscent of the early modern forms of European millenarianism without being a direct perpetuation of them. 24 Roger Griffin reads Emilio Gentiles theory through the lens of his own theory trying to integrate it into his own view regarding fascism and his understanding of fascism as a core myth of the reborn nation 25 which is nothing more than

22 For a rsum of the critiques addressed to Emilio Gentiles understanding of fascism/ totalitarianism as political religion, please see Roger Griffin, Introduction: Gods Counterfeiters? Investigating the Triad of Fascism, Totalitarianism and (Political) Religion in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 5, No. 3, 2004, p. 304 23 Cloister or Cluster? The Implication of Emilio Gentiles Ecumenical Theory of Political Religion for the Study of Extremism in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 6, No. 1, 2005, p. 41 24 Roger Griffin, Cloister or Cluster?, p. 46 25 Roger Griffin, Fascism in Roger Griffin (ed.), International Fascism. Theories, Causes and the New Consensus (London: Arnold Publishing House, 1998), p. 37

168

a revival of the palingenetic myth 26 Roger Griffins main contribution to fascist studies. What Roger Griffin has in mind is a different target than Emilio Gentiles. If Gentile proposed his theory starting from the field of political studies which gives him the opportunity to research any ideological phenomenon, the fascist studies are linked to a certain historical age and are not able to extend their range of interest. Starting from a historical background, Roger Griffin understood that Emilio Gentiles separation between political and civil religions represents the celestial manna which the narrowed fascist studies needed in order to extend their target of research. By using Gentiles theory and stressing up the importance of his personal contribution to the field of fascist studies namely the concept of palingenesis 27 , Griffin was able to actualize and to apply his theoretical insights regarding Italian and German fascisms to different totalitarian movements and regimes like Islamic Iran or Communist Korea 28 . Although Gentiles theory proved successful, there are critics 29 who underlined the fact that fascism as a political religion became more a politicized religion rather than a political religion. So far, there is no clarifying answer from Emilio Gentile to this critique. 2. Iron Guard as a political religion

26 For the palingenetic myth and its relationship with fascism as a political religion for Roger Griffin, please see Martin Durham, The Upward Path: Palingenesis, Political Religion and the National Alliance in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 5, No. 3, 2004, p. 454 468 27 For Roger GriffinEmilio Gentiles understandings of the whole issue at stake and personal contributions, please see Martin Blinckhorn, Afterthoughts, Route Maps and Landscapes: Historians, Fascist Studies and the Study of Fascism in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 5, No. 3, 2004, p. 510 28 For a critique against this attempt of Roger Griffin who tried to consider Communism as a political religion, please see Francois Furet, Trecutul unei iluzii. Eseu despre ideea comunist n secolul XX (Bucharest: Humanitas, 1996), p. 108 29 For example, Renato Moro, Religion and Politics in the Time of Secularization: The Sacralization of Politics and the Politicization of Religion in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 6, No. 1, 2005, p. 7186 & Roger Eatwell, Reflections on Fascism and Religion in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol.

169

The emergence in 1927 of the Romanian fascist movement has been highly researched 30 and has been regarded by the scholars as one of the most puzzling fascist movement from the 20th century. There is no scholarly consensus regarding the fascist involvement of the Romanian fascist movement 31 . Coming back to the issue at stake, the present section will attempt to find out if the Iron Guard can be labeled as a political religion or not. 32 On theoretical grounds, it would be challenging to compare the two contemporary understandings of the political religion in Roger Griffins and Emilio Gentiles view in order to see the possible similarities and dissimilarities between their theories on fascism and the Iron Guards case study. Some interrogations must be voiced in order to define more clearly the context of the debate. Is it the Iron Guard a classic example of a political religion or not? Or is it a clear example of a secularized religion used in political purposes by a fascist movement? The present essay will start with Roger Griffins understanding of the Romanian Iron Guard. According to him, the possibility of the Iron Guard to be labeled as a political religion are weak regarding the fact that Codreanu and his followers never gain absolute power 33 . Constructed as a nationalist organization with terrorist means to achieve power, The Legion of the Archangel Michael was suppressed several times (1933, 1938 and 1941) and although gained power for a short time (6 September 1940January 1941) was never able to control and revolutionize the Romanian society. Therefore, although the ideological core of fascism as political religion was present, Roger Griffin considered the Romanian fascism movement an incomplete fascist movement 34 because they were never able to gain absolute control over the Romanian society and to

30 Nicholas M. NagyTalavera, The Green Shirts and the Others. A history of Fascism in Hungary and Romania, Stanford, 1970, Radu Ioanid, The Swords of the Archangel, (New York, 1990), Armin Heinen, Die Legionen Erzengel Michael in Rumnien, Soziale Bewegung und Politische Organization. Ein Beitrag zum Problem des internationalen Faschismus, (Munchen: R. Oldenburg Verlag, 1986), Romanian edition Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1999). 31 Armin Heinen, op. cit., p. 15 32 According to Mihai Chioveanu in Legionarismul ca religie politic, Idei n dialog 9 (24), September 2006, p. 48-49 it seems that Iron Guard was a classic example of political religion. 33 Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, p. 126 34 Roger Griffin, op. cit., 125

170

implement the palingenetic myth from the stand of the highest chair in the Romanian State. The most interesting definition of fascism as a political religion which can be applied to the Romanian Iron Guard is Emilio Gentiles definition. Taking into account the elements which characterize fascism as a political religion it can be stated that The Legion of Archangel Michael is a political religion. Theoretically speaking, considering the Romanian blend of fascism a political religion represents a possible answer to the mystical character attributed which made the According to Guard so unique by different scholars 35 Gentile 36 , fascism as a political religion is described by several element: leaders cult and the importance of leaders charisma, the cult of martyrs, the importance awarded to ceremonies and symbols, the cult of the Nation, the subordination of the society, the belief in the movement, etc. A comparative approach between these elements and the characteristics embodied in the Iron Guard will be most helpful. Regarding leaders cult and leaders charisma in the Iron Guard, there are several attempts which proves without any doubt that Iron Guards leader, Corneliu ZeleaCodreanu was the incarnation of the values present in the person of other fascist leaders 37 meaning a certain God given mission to reform history and to lead the Romanian people into a new age. Codreanus charisma was also cultivated by Nae Ionescu and Ioan Moa who were the main ideologues of the Iron Guard. In his Testament 38 he invested Codreanu with a certain investiture which was considered to be almost messianic. Codreanu was depicted as the true leader of the Romanian people, as a providential person sent from above to bring relieve to the Romanian people. Codreanus charisma was reinforced also by Nae Ionescu statements which passed into the intellectual environments in which he was the main figure.
Francisco Veiga, La Mistica del ultranacionalismo. Historia de la Guardio de Hierro, (Bellaterra: Publications de la Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, 1989)/ Romanian edition (Bucharest: Humanitas Publishing House, 1995). 36 Emilio Gentile, Fascism as a Political Religion in Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 25, no. 2/3, 1990, p. 229 251 37 Please see Stephen FischerGalai, Codreanu, Romanian National Traditions and Charisma in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 7, No. 2, 2006, p. 245 250 or Constantin Iordachi, Charisma, Politics and Violence: The Legion of the Archangel Michael in interwar Romania, Trondheim: Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies, 2004. 38 Ioan Moa, Testament, (Salzburg: Colecia Omul Nou, No. 8, 1951), p. 17
35

171

When God does not send to his people a King, he sends a Captain was one of many statements which made Codreanu and Nae Ionescu charisma in the students environments infectious. Another feature which gathers together all the features of the Iron Guard as a political religion was the burial of the Iron Guards martyrs Ioan Moa and Vasile Marin (13 February1937) 39 . Although uniforms were prohibited by the Romanian government, this event had all the characteristics which enable any scholar to consider the Iron Guard as a clear example of fascism as political religion. Leaders cult, the request addressed by Codreanu to the Romanian Orthodox Church to consider Moa and Marin as martyrs and saints dead for Christianity, the ritual and fascist symbols (the flags, the fascist salute, the swastika, the black leather costumes and green shirts, the militarist hymns sung by the Iron Guards members), the cult of death for the Nation 40 were all richly displayed into a secularized liturgy of the nation. Nothing was spared in order to depict the Iron Guard as a political religion trying to offer a different alternative of making politics. Final Considerations The Iron Guard seen as a political religion according to Emilio Gentiles definition represent a typical way of applying to the Romanian fascism movement an ideal type inspired by the fascist studies. Nevertheless, someone can argue that the Legion of the Archangel Michael has some peculiarities which were not common to other fascist movements from Europe. The importance given to Orthodoxy and the close relation with the Romanian Orthodox Church are categories which cannot be simply explained through the formal categories of
39 For details, please see Armin Heinen, op. cit., 293295 and Valentin Sndulescu, Sacralised Politics in Action: the February 1937 Burial of the Romanian Legionary Leaders Ion Moa and Vasile Marin in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 8, No. 2 (2007), p. 259 and following. In the last article sacralization of politics seems to be the historical metaphor describing the event and not political religion. 40 Among other hymns sung by the Legionnaires the most interesting was the Deaths Squads Hymn: With a smile on our lips We look death in the eye For we are the Death team That must win or die.

172

fascism as a political religion. More precisely, Roger Griffin and Emilio Gentile based their views about fascist as a political religion on a Durkhemian concept of religion in which any form of transcendence was rejected and the term used in order to shape up a link between different layers of the social corpus. For the two scholars involved in the debate religion is nothing more than social glue which assures the connection and the adherence of different individuals into one holistic representation of the social organism. Despite their way of interpretation, there is another question which remained undelivered: what happens when the followers of a fascist movement are members of a Church and they act politically according to their Christian involvement? More precisely, when the members of a fascist movement are committed Christians can someone still speak about a totalitarian secularized religion? To these question which can be applied also to the Romanian fascist movement I believe that the best answer was delivered by Richard Steigmann-Gall when he stated bluntly that Nazism was not the result of the Death of God in secularized society, but rather a radicalized and singularly horrific attempt to preserve God against secularized society. 41 By shifting the whole concept of religion, Steigmann-Gall shifted also the understanding of the concept of political religion. Into an article 42 , Steigmann-Gall explains why the concept of political religion becomes totalitarian in itself: Far from being a secularist movements replacing Christianity with a new object of worship, Nazism sought to defend German society against secularization. 43 In other words, fascism as a political religion was not caused by the secularization of politics present in Gentiles understanding of political religion, but rather for SteigmannGall, Nazism was no political or secular religion, but religious politics, that is, politics in conformity with Christian (Protestant) precepts. 44 The same goes in the case of the Romanian Iron Guard which
The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919 1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 12 42 Nazism and the Revival of Political Religion Theory in Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions Vol. 5, No. 3, 2004, p. 376 396 43 Richard Steigmann Gall, Nazism and the Revival of Political Religion Theory, p. 376 44 Milan Babk, Nazism as Secular Religion in History and Theory 45 (2006), p. 381
41

173

can be depicted as a form of religious politics at least until 1938. The strong Christian commitment of its members and the highly fueled critique addressed by Iron Guards intellectuals against modernity and secularization brought up by the Romanian State 45 in order to achieve a different political discourse represent a direct application of Richard SteigmannGalls theory regarding the construction of fascism/ Nazism as a political religion from the Christian roots of its members. Nevertheless, this path of interpretation can offer a new interdisciplinary perspective on the Legion of Archangel Michael by emphasizing the direct connection with the Romanian Orthodox Church and its influence on Iron Guards ideology. Also, the Christian character of the Romanian fascist movement can be successfully justified in the framework of fascist studies.

45

Please see, Keith Hitchins

174

RSPUNSUL EPISCOPILOR ROMNI GRECO-CATOLICI DIN TRANSILVANIA DE NORD LA MEMORIUL CARDINALULUI MINDSZENTY (1946) Antonio Faur * Abstract
On May 7th 1946, the Foreign Affairs Ministers of USA, England and France declared the Vienna arbitral award (August 30th 1940) as null and void, thus re-establishing the Romanian western borders as they were on January 1st, 1938. Mindszenty, the Roman-Catholic cardinal and archbishop of Esztergom, took a rejecting stand towards this decision that would be accepted by the signatories to the Peace Treaty of Paris in 1947 sending a written report to Paris in which he tried to prove the fact that an injustice had been done to Hungary by giving back Northern Transylvania to Romania. The Romanian GreekCatholic bishops from Northern Transylvania (Oradea, Cluj-Gherla and Maramure) also sent a well-reasoned reply to the above mentioned written report which was addressed to the same foreign diplomats, providing powerful counterarguments to its statements and proving them unjust. The author has discovered the two documents in the Archives of the French Foreign Ministry. He examined their content, emphasising - in the present study- the way in which the three Romanian bishops rejected all the malevolent or selfish exaggerations and appreciations made by the cardinal Mindszenty. By doing this, they wrote an important page of the confrontation, on an ideational level, between the Romanians and Hungarians regarding the issue of Transylvania.

* cardinal Mindszenty, Romanian Greek-Catholic Church, nationalism, Transylvania La 7 mai 1946, n Consiliul Minitrilor de Externe ai S.U.A., Angliei i Franei s-au nceput discuiile privind proiectul Tratatului de Pace, primele demersuri viznd Romnia i, cu deosebire, problema Transilvaniei. n cea de-a 19-a edin a celor trei minitri, arbitrajul de la Viena (din 30 august 1940) a fost declarat nul i neavenit, astfel c, drept consecin a acestei decizii, s-a revenit la frontiera Romniei existent la 1
*

Confereniar dr., Universitatea din Oradea

175

ianuarie 1938 1 , validat prin Tratatul de la Trianon, din 4 iunie 1920. Aadar, n ziua de 7 mai 1946 minitrii Marilor Puteri Aliate au fcut un act de justiie care a avut urmri asupra situaiei locuitorilor din Transilvania de Nord, mai cu seam asupra evreilor i romnilor. De la aceast dat i pn n momentul ncheierii Tratatului de la Paris, diplomaia ungar a fcut eforturi deosebite pentru a obine o hotrre favorabil n chestiunea Transilvaniei 2 . Diverse personaliti ungare (din ar i strintate) s-au adresat factorilor de decizie de la Conferina de pace, pentru a-i convinge c Ungaria nu a fost tratat corespunztor, c a fost defavorizat de minitrii celor trei mari puteri, care au adoptat fa de ea o politic represiv. Pe de alt parte, acetia au ncercat s acrediteze ideea c mai exist posibilitatea de a se reveni asupra deciziei luate, urmnd ca s se dea satisfacie unor solicitri teritoriale (din vestul Romniei) ale guvernului ungar. Au fost utilizate, ca i n cazul Tratatului de la Trianon, toate mijloacele de persuasiune, dar revendicrile Ungariei au fost respinse, pentru c erau inacceptabile, din punctul de vedere al dreptului internaional. Puterile nvingtoare n cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial nu puteau fi de acord cu rapturile teritoriale determinate de deciziile arbitrare ale Germaniei hitleriste i ale Italiei fasciste. Ca atare, ordinea democratic postbelic pretindea anularea acestora, n pofida oricror manevre i insistene diplomatice. n arhiva Ministerului Afacerilor Externe al Franei s-au pstrat mai multe documente care atest aceast strdanie a reprezentanilor unor instituii i asociaii maghiare de a sprijini campania diplomatic a statului ungar, al crui obiectiv a fost obinerea unor teritorii din partea de vest a Romniei. ntre acestea se situeaz cardinalul Joseph Mindszenty, autorul unui memoriu din 20 mai 1946. Acesta era capul bisericii catolice ungare, n calitatea sa de arhiepiscop de Esztergom i prin primat al Ungariei. Memoriul a fost nmnat nsrcinatului cu afaceri al Franei n Ungaria, Robert Faur, care - la rndul su l-a transmis ministrului francez al Afacerilor Strine, Georges Bidault. De asemenea, memoriul a fost naintat minitrilor de la

Documente franceze despre Transilvania (1946-1948), selecie i studiu introductiv de Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu i Ion Ptroiu, Editura Vremea, Bucureti, 2001, p. 41 2 Ibidem, p. 43
1

176

Budapesta ai S.U.A. i Angliei 3 . Deci, reprezentanii celor trei Mari Puteri Aliate au intrat n posesia acestui document, la nceputul lunii iunie 4 a anului 1946, cunoscndu-i i invalidndu-i coninutul prin hotrrile adoptate la Tratatele de Pace de la Paris (1947). Aa cum s-a remarcat, memoriul este plin de exagerri i aprecieri ruvoitoare la adresa romnilor, a istoriei i culturii lor 5 . Chiar din primul paragraf, el utilizeaz formularea anexarea Transilvaniei la Romnia, pe care o repet peste alte dou paragrafe, ceea ce atest spiritul n care a fost conceput, de nedisimulat ostilitate fa de decizia celor trei minitri de externe ai Marilor Puteri Aliate, luat n 7 mai 1946, dup consultaii ndelungi i informaii diverse (de natur istoric, etnografic i cultural), pe care le-au procurat cu ajutorul propriilor specialiti i diplomai. Arogana limbajului ierarhului romano-catolic de la Esztergom nu se manifest numai atunci cnd abordeaz decizia de revenire la Romnia a teritoriului nord-transilvan, rpit acesteia prin dictatul de la Viena, ci i cnd trece la argumentarea unor solicitri i la criticarea politicii statului romn, care dup cum toat lumea postbelic tia era impus de Moscova, fapt care i se ntmpla i Ungariei, aflat sub ocupaia trupelor sovietice. A nu ine cont de aceast stare de lucruri, determinat de mersul rzboiului, era echivalent cu a sfida (sau, cel puin, a ignora) adevrul despre politica Uniunii Sovietice fa de statele central, est i sudeuropene, care, n scurt timp, vor fi transformate n simpli satelii ai U.R.S.S. Dup convingerea cardinalului Mindszenty, restaurarea frontierei de vest a Romniei, aa cum a fost ea n anul 1938, a cauzat cea mai mare decepie n Ungaria i Transilvania 6 (subl.ns.-A.F.). Este evident c liderul ecleziastic maghiar considera Transilvania teritoriu unguresc i, totodat, fcea abstracie de realitile demografice din acest spaiu, care era locuit, cu preponderen, de o populaie romneasc. Fiind ntro proporie zdrobitoare, aceasta a sprijinit trupele romne i sovietice n aciunea lor militar de eliberare a prii de nordvest a Transilvaniei, bucurndu-se de victorie i de alungarea
3 4 5 6

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

p. p. p. p.

188-192 188 48 189

177

vremelnicilor ocupani horthyti, care au avut un comportament antiromnesc i nedemocratic. Declarndu-se vechi funcionar de drept comun, cardinalul se consider ndreptit s contribuie la lmurirea problemei Transilvaniei, evident din perspectiva interesului politic ungar. Urmeaz prezentarea punctelor sale de vedere, cu un aer de total dezacord cu cei care au luat decizia menionat i ntr-o not de superioritate fa de Romnia. Lund act de acest demers, cei trei episcopi romni grecocatolici de Oradea, Gherla-Cluj i Maramure (dr. Valeriu Traian Freniu, dr. Iuliu Hossu i Alexandru Rusu) au intervenit, cu promptitudine, concepnd un rspuns la memoriul semnat de cardinalul Mindszenty, care conine rectificrile care se impuneau. Documentul n discuie a fost transmis reprezentantului politic al Franei la Bucureti, Jean PaulBoncour, cu rugmintea de a fi comunicat i ministrului Franei de la Budapesta, pentru ca i acesta s fie edificat asupra aspectului adevrat al chestiunilor tratate 7 . Episcopii grecocatolici din Transilvania de Nord mrturisesc faptul c memoriul a constituit, pentru ei (dar nu numai!) o surpriz dureroas 8 , pe care o explic n urmtorii termeni: E[minena] S[a] (cardinalul Mindszenty), dorind s apere - prin marele prestigiu pe care demnitatea lui de Prin al Bisericii lui Christos i-l d o cauz just, folosete argumentele care i-au fost prezentate, fr a verifica obiectivitatea informaiilor i exactitatea faptelor. Pentru acest motiv, constatm cu profund regret c afirmaiile coninute n memoriul E.S. sunt, de la un capt la altul, contrare realitii, aa cum o vedem noi i o cunoatem, noi care trim n mijlocul acestor realiti 9 . Semnatarii rspunsului au examinat, cu o justificat atenie, fiecare afirmaie din memoriul cardinalului maghiar, fcndu-i punctual coreciile necesare. A fost o manier riguroas, perfect adecvat situaiei, de combatere a unor neadevruri inacceptabile, unele chiar tendenioase, cu privire la atitudinea romnilor, i a statului romn n general, fa de minoritatea maghiar.

Archives des Ministre des Affaires Etrangres, Srie Z. Europe 1944-1949, sous-srie Roumanie, vol. 24, dos. 25, f. 88-89 8 Antonio Faur, Documente diplomatice franceze cu privire la Transilvania (19461948), vol. II, Editura Universitii din Oradea, Oradea, p. 80 9 Ibidem, p. 81
7

178

Cardinalul Mindszenty se arat consternat de decizia din 7 mai 1946, din considerentul c s-ar fi pus n circulaie ideea c nu se va hotr nimic fr s fie ascultat populaia interesat, adic locuitorii romni, maghiari i germani. De asemenea, Tratatul de Pace de la Paris nu va avea un caracter represiv. Era, totodat, nemulumit de faptul c propunerea oficial a mediilor competente unguretinu a ajuns nc la Paris 10 . La aceste aseriuni, cei trei episcopi transilvneni dau o replic convingtoare, prin argumente care erau uor de verificat. Cardinalul uita (n mod voit) c populaia interesat s-a pronunat deja, cu un entuziasm i o fervoare incomparabile n cadrul Marii Adunri Naionale de la Alba Iulia, din 1 decembrie 1918, cnd a decis Unirea Transilvaniei locuit ntr-o majoritate covritoare de romni cu Romnia i c aceast unire a fost confirmat de Conferina de Pace care a ncheiat primul rzboi mondial 11 . Aadar, devenea absolut inutil o nou consultare a majoritii, care nu se schimbase ntre timp. Dimpotriv, datorit comportamentului autoritilor horthyste, n cei patru ani de stpnire, dorina locuitorilor romni, germani i evrei din Transilvania de Nord de a reveni la patria-mam a fost mai ardent, am putea spune chiar invincibil. Referitor la conferina minitrilor de externe din 7 mai 1946, episcopii romni afirmau c aceasta nu a fcut altceva dect a dat curs unei restitutio in integrum a situaiei normale i legale, distruse n urma aciunilor i ameninrilor Ungariei, care a fost susinut de cele dou Puteri ale Axei, pentru a intra n posesia Transilvaniei de Nord, n pofida oricrui drept internaional i a contestrii, din partea unor mari puteri, a dictatului de la Viena, din 30 august 1940. Cu privire la aazisa recunoatere a propunerilor oficiale ale guvernului maghiar de ctre minitrii amintii, episcopii romni fac observaia pe (deplin ntemeiat - n.n.) c tezele guvernului maghiar (care erau de factur revizionist n.n.) au avut o larg rspndire de-a lungul anilor (mai ales n cel de-al treilea deceniu al secolului al XX-lea - n.n.) i, n consecin, decizia de la Paris a fost luat n deplin cunotin de cauz 12 . n cel de-al doilea punct al rspunsului, episcopii romni sunt nevoii s constate un regretabil lapsus memoriae
10 11 12

Ibidem, p. 80 Ibidem, p. 82 Ibidem

179

din partea cardinalului Mindszenty, care afirmase n memoriul su c decizia minitrilor de externe are un caracter represiv, ori altfel spus c i s-a aplicat Ungariei o pedeaps, pentru c a participat la rzboi de partea Germaniei i c, n realitate, Romnia ar purta o vin mult mai mare, deoarece ea a intrat n rzboi de bun voie, ducnd un rzboi de cucerire i cu toate mijloacele de care dispunea. n contrast cu Romnia, Ungaria ar fi intrat n rzboi prin constrngere i c ar fi luptat cu un numr minim de fore 13 . Combaterea unor asemenea consideraii este structurat n trei subpuncte: a. Romnia a fost trt n rzboi mpotriva voinei rii de un grup restrns i care a pltit cu viaa pentru acest fapt; b. determinarea acestui grup restrns la o aciune militar pe teritoriul Uniunii Sovietice a fost efectuat de Germania i Ungaria, aceasta din urm (fiind complet integrat Axei Roma-Berlin) primind - prin dictatul de la Viena extinderea frontierelor sale pn n inima Romniei; prin acest rapt teritorial a fost facilitat presiunea Germaniei asupra guvernului dictatorial al Romniei; c. n pofida acestor mprejurri dificile, adevrata Romnie - cu regele ei n frunte s-a folosit de prima ocazie pentru a se separa de Germania, ntorcnd armele (la 23 august 1944) mpotriva acesteia ia Ungariei, pn la victoria final. Nu acelai lucru s-a ntmplat i n cazul Ungariei, ai crei soldai au luptat, alturi de cei germani, pn n ultimele zile ale rzboiului. Dei a fost cunoscut aceast postur a Ungariei, care a dus-o n rndul rilor nvinse, totui nu s-a adoptat o decizie de pedepsire a ei, ci este vorba de o simpl restitutio in integrum a statutului teritorial creat (pentru Romnia-n.n.) de Conferina de Pace din anii 1919-1920 14 . Aplicarea unei asemenea hotrri care inea cont de antecedente istorice importante, dar i de realitile momentului, nu reprezenta un act represiv fa de Ungaria, ci un act de dreptate pentru Romnia, de restaurare a unui principiu internaional care a dominat ntregul secol al XXlea. Cardinalul Mindszenty afirm n memoriul su, cu ironie i un dispre total fa de adevr, c: Anexarea Transilvaniei la
13 14

Ibidem, p. 81-82 Ibidem, p. 82

180

Romnia ar constitui o recompens pentru aceasta din urm, recompens pentru tot ce a comis Romnia din 1919 pn n 1940 mpotriva drepturilor fundamentale ale omului, n ceea ce privete problemele financiare, culturale, sociale, etc i chiar pentru ceea ce a comis dup armistiiu mpotriva drepturilor omului anunate peste tot 15 . Sunt oferite mai multe exemple (n aceast direcie): - ca urmare a unei ordonane guvernamentale, n toamna anului 1944 conductorii populaiei ungureti au fost nchii cu miile, unii au fost maltratai, alii dui n lagre de concentrare; locuitorilor maghiari li s-a interzis deplasarea (liber) dintr-o aezare n alta, inclusiv episcopul Mrton Aron fiind nsoit de ctre un chestor de poliie, n drumul su de la Aiud la Alba Iulia; mii de oameni din populaia panic a Transilvaniei de Nord, fiind considerai partizani, au fost dui n Uniunea Sovietic; acelai lucru li s-a ntmplat i unor tineri ntre 16 i 19 ani, care au fost transportai n Est, pentru a presta munci grele, fr s li se asigure hrana necesar; nici femeile nu au scpat de un asemenea tratament, fiind mutate dintr-un loc n altul, pentru munc; cei care au rmas pe la casele lor au czut prad grzii Maniu, care i-a maltratat i jefuit 16 . La aceast serie de acuze (de o maxim gravitate), episcopii romni greco-catolici au rspuns cu numeroase argumente, demonstrnd c toate exprimrile cardinalului sunt inexacte i, unele dintre ele, chiar dumnoase. Astfel: politica guvernului romn, n perioada interbelic fa de minoriti (inclusiv fa de cea maghiar) a fost una liberal, fapt dovedit de progresul cultural i social al populaiei maghiare din Transilvania, care a fost calificat - de ctre un periodic budapestan (Revista nou a Ungariei, octombrie 1934, p. 291) ca fiind fr asemnare n istorie 17 . Era o recunoatere onest a posibilitilor de care a dispus minoritatea maghiar din Romnia, pentru a-i pstra i afirma, la nivelul timpului, cultura proprie. n cadrul statului romn, ea i-a putut pune n valoare ansele n domeniul vieii spirituale mai bine dect n monarhia austro-ungar. n Romnia nu s-a
15 16 17

Documente franceze , p. 189 Ibidem, p. 190 Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 81

181

acionat pentru limitarea drepturilor fundamentale ale omului, ci acestea au fost asigurate prin legi de factur democratic; atunci cnd cardinalul de la Esztergom se refer la internrile i deportrile maghiarilor din toamna lui 1944, el uit (sau dezinformeaz) de faptul c, n acel timp, Transilvania de Nord se afla sub dominaie maghiar. Prile de nord ale Transilvaniei au fost, n lunile septembrie i octombrie 1944, teatru de rzboi i hinterland al terenului de operaiuni militare, care au impus adoptarea unor msuri de necesitate, desigur temporare. Ca atare, maghiarii care au fost internai n lagre au devenit liberi, imediat dup ncheierea acestor operaiuni. n ceea ce privete abuzul anumitor membri din garda lui Maniu, acestea au fost sancionate sever de ctre justiia romneasc iar Garda a fost dizolvat 18 ; - a fost invocat, n memoriul cardinalului, mprejurarea c episcopul romano-catolic de Alba Iulia a fost nsoit, de la Aiud la Alba Iulia, de un nalt funcionar al poliiei. Aceasta s-a datorat aplicrii unor dispoziii militare sovietice i romneti, care interziceau deplasarea persoanelor civile, fr o autorizaie special, n zona n care interesele de securitate ale frontului erau prioritare 19 . Prin urmare, nici un cetean romn nu putea face excepie de la aceste cerine. Episcopului Mrton Aron i s-a creat o situaie privilegiat, fiind nsoit de un chestor, pe distana de 30 km (dintre cele dou orae transilvnene); - ct privete afirmaia cardinalului ungar c tinerii (maghiari din Transilvania de Nord n.n.) au fost transportai n est 20 , pentru a efectua munci extrem de grele (acetia nu s-au ntors nc i sufer din cauza condiiilor neomeneti de via), semnatarii replicii fac precizarea c n Uniunea Sovietic au fost dui germani din Romnia, care au fcut parte din organizaiile fasciste. Dac s-au nimerit printre ei i tineri maghiari, ca i romni de altfel, aceasta s-a datorat unor simple greeli, ulterior corectate, atunci cnd s-a fcut proba acestor
18 19 20

Ibidem, p. 83 Ibidem Documente franceze despre Transilvania, p. 190

182

fapte 21 . Deci n-a fost vorba de o aciune programat de reprimare a minoritii maghiare, fa de care oficialitile din Bucureti, ntre care i dr. Petru Groza - primul ministru al rii , au avut o atitudine binevoitoare, uneori chiar partizan, ceea ce a provocat nemulumiri (consemnate n documente) n rndul romnilor din Transilvania de Nord, care au ndurat suferine indescriptibile n cei patru ani ai stpnirii horthyste. La acuza, de o evident inexactitate, c prin instruciuni secrete autoritile romne ar fi lovit n mod exclusiv populaia ungureasc, n sensul c numai ei i-ar fi fost pretins livrarea de produse agricole i animale 22 , rspunsul celor trei episcopi este clar i fr echivoc: Rechiziiile bunurilor i vitelor pentru nevoile armatei sovietice au fost efectuate n Transilvania de Nord, fr a avea n vedere vreo difereniere de natur etnic sau credin religioas. Nici un ordin secret prescriind vreo discriminare n defavoarea maghiarilor nu a existat vreodat 23 . Acest adevr este confirmat de o cantitate impresionant de documente (unele publicate, dar cea mai mare parte inedite), din care rezult c jaful economic practicat de militarii Armatei Roii pe ntreg teritoriul Romniei (nu numai n Transilvania de Nord) nu a avut ca int o anumit categorie de ceteni (cum ar fi minoritarii maghiari), ci a vizat, fr deosebire, toate persoanele care au dispus de bunuri necesare alimentrii trupelor sovietice, care le-au fost pur i simplu prdate, recurgndu-se la ameninri, bti sau chiar crime 24 . Efectele unui asemenea comportament n-au avut nimic comun cu administraia romneasc, care a asistat neputincioas la victimizarea locuitorilor de ctre militarii Armatei roii. O alt nedumerire a celor trei ierarhi romni greco-catolici a fost determinat de afirmaia cardinalului despre aa-zisa trecere a unor maghiari la confesiunea ortodox, n urma presiunilor care s-au fcut asupra acestora. Pstrat la nivel general, fr nicio exemplificare concret, aceast incriminare
Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 83 Documente franceze despre Transilvania, p. 190 23 Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 83 24 Vezi, n acest sens, crile noastre: Comportamentul militarilor sovietici n judeele din vestul Romniei (1944-1945), vol. I, Editura Universitii din Oradea, 2000, p. 401; vol 2, 2003, 336 p..; Raporturile armatei sovietice cu populaia i administraia din vestul Romniei (1944-1945), Editura Universitii din Oradea, 2002, 454 p.
21 22

183

este combtut n urmtorii termeni: E.S. vorbete n memoriul su de convertiri forate ale maghiarilor la religia ortodox romneasc, fr a cita mcar unu singur caz Noi, care trim n aceste locuri, nu avem cunotin de vreunul. Cunoatem, n schimb, numeroase cazuri de convertiri forate ale romnilor la confesiunile maghiare n anii 1940-1944, precum i ordine oficiale ale autoritilor maghiare, n decursul acelorai ani. Noi nine am pierdut numeroi credincioi [greco-catolici] n urma acestor ordine 25 (subl.n.s.- A.F.). Din nou o punere la punct, prin care este demonstrat un neadevr, dealtfel intolerabil. Cardinalul a avut n vedere i alte componente ale vieii publice din Romnia, fiind preocupat de inventarierea tuturor (aa-ziselor) injustiii la care ar fi fost expus populaia maghiar. Ca atare, nici problema educaiei nu scap criticilor sale, despre care consider c a fost rezolvatntr-un mod defavorabil minoritilor 26 . Considernd c eful bisericii catolice ungare este, din pcate, victima informatorilor (si), puin scrupuloi, n ceea ce privete nvmntul maghiar din Transilvania, cei trei episcopi romni l combat cu argumente temeinice: Maghiarii (din Romnia-n.n.) , al cror numr este de 1.500.000, dispunde 1647 coli primare, cu 5095 nvtori, toi pltii de la bugetul statului; dintre acestea, 876 coli, cu 3057 nvtori, sunt coli de stat i 771, cu 2039 institutori, sunt coli confesionale; de asemenea, maghiarii dispun de 128 coli secundare (licee, gimnazii, coli normale, licee comerciale i industriale). Toi profesorii acestor coli, pltii exclusiv de stat, primesc salarii identice cu cele ale profesorilor romni din colile secundare. Maghiarii dispun de o universitate cu patru faculti, creat de statul romn i ntreinut pe cheltuiala sa 27 . Aadar, cardinalul s-a bazat pe informaii inexacte i tendenioase, fcnd mari deservicii adevrului i ncercnd, n acest mod, s pun n lumin negativ autoritile romne, care dup opinia sa ar fi practicat o politic discriminatorie fa de populaia maghiar.
Antonio Faur, Documente diplomatice franceze, p. 83 Documente franceze despre Transilvania, p. 190. Sunt date i cteva exemple n acest sens: n loc de salarii regulate, personalul care lucreaz n nvmnt nu primete dect salarii de foamete, apoi c guvernul romn ar fi dispus, cum crede el, de cldirile colilor ungureti din Cluj, mergnd pn la confiscarea a 42 dintre cldirile Universitii maghiare, pe care le-a pus la dispoziia Universitii Regele Ferdinand I (Ibidem, p.190-191). 27 Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 84
25 26

184

Prin urmare, cei trei episcopi romni infirm i afirmaia cardinalului cu privire la faptul c guvernul romn ar fi confiscat cldiri ale universitii maghiare din Cluj, prezentnd lucrurile aa cum s-au petrecut: exista la Cluj, naintea Dictatului de la Viena, o universitate romneasc. Aceast universitate romneasc a fost obligat, n urma acestui dictat, s se refugieze n Transilvania sudic, la Sibiu, lsat Romniei. Cldirile ei au fost ocupate de maghiari, care au instalat aici o universitate maghiar. Dup eliberarea Transilvaniei de Nord,de ctre armatele romne i sovietice (n lunile septembrieoctombrie 1944 n.n.), Universitatea romneasc a revenit, ca un drept al ei, n vechile cldiri. Pentru universitatea maghiar nou creat, alte cldiri au fost afectate 28 . Totodat, autorii replicii arat c i n cazul locaiilor colilor confesionale maghiare cardinalul este greit informat, deoarece toate aceste coli maghiare funcioneaz n vechile lcae i sunt subvenionate substanial de statul romn 29 . Dup convingerea celor trei episcopi greco-catolici din Transilvania de Nord, n loc s accepte o informaie eronat (provenit de la diferite persoane, unele ru intenionate i, desigur, preocupate de anumite obiective politice), cardinalul ar fi trebuit, mai nti, s-i consulte pe ei, care i sunt frai n Cristos i i-ar fi transmis adevrul despre realitile de moment din Transilvania. Spre pild, era absolut inacceptabil afirmaia cardinalului catolic ungur potrivit creia reforma agrar ar fi favorizat romnii, n detrimentul maghiarilor, fiindc aceast reform a fost aplicat cu o perfect obiectivitate, fr a se face distincie ntre romni i neromni, nici n ceea ce privete exproprierea de terenuri, nici cu privire la distribuirea de pmnturi ranilor ndreptii 30 . Mai mult, comitetele judeene i din plase, nsrcinate cu aplicarea legii, n acele judee n care maghiarii formau majoritatea populaiei (Ciuc, Trei
Ibidem Ibidem 30 Ibidem, p. 85. n continuare este completat informaia avnd ca obiect aceast chestiune: Comitetele de plas i jude nsrcinate cu aplicarea pe teren a aa-numitei reforme, au fost alctuite n judeele locuite de maghiari - exclusiv din maghiari, iar beneficiarii reformei, ntr-un procent de 85-95%, sunt maghiari, dei procentul populaiei maghiare este mult sub aceast cifr. De asemenea, n judeele cu populaie mixt, maghiarii particip n proporie cu numrul lor n alctuirea comisiilor pentru aplicarea reformei agrare, la fel la mprirea pmntului.
28 29

185

Scaune i Odorhei) au fost constituite exclusiv din locuitori maghiari. De asemenea, beneficiarii reformei n acele judee au fost n proporie de 85-95% - tot maghiari, dei, n unele situaii concrete, procentul populaiei maghiare este mult sub aceast cifr 31 . Iat, deci, ct credibilitate i ndreptire au asemenea nvinuiri nedrepte i imposibil de argumentat cu date i fapte exacte, indiscutabile. Cardinalul i continua n aceeai manier nefondat acuzele, folosind cuvinte grele la adresa instituiei romneti create prin lege n 10 februarie 1945 32 , creia i s-a dat denumirea de Comisia [Casa] de Administrare a Bunurilor Inamice (C.A.S.B.I.). Episcopii greco-catolici transilvneni i atrag atenia asupra faptului c aceast lege nu este rezultatul unei iniiative romneti, ci pur i simplu o consecin a obligaiilor asumate de guvernul romn 33 , prin articolul 8 din Convenia de Armistiiu din 12/13 septembrie 1944 34 . n virtutea acestei legi, impuse de sovietici prin clauze de armistiiu, ca s pun mna pe aa-zisele bunuri inamice, erau sechestrate numai bunurile acelor persoane care au prsit Romnia nainte sau n acelai timp cu autoritile sau [forele militare] inamice. Prin urmare, nu este vorba de locuitorii maghiari din Transilvania de Nord care nu intrau n categoriile respective i n-au acionat mpotriva trupelor sovietice, pentru a putea fi considerai inamici ai acestora. Dac se constat c vreo persoan (de naionalitate maghiar) n-a luat parte n mod voluntar la rzboiul contra aliailor 35 , situaia ei nu cade sub incidena acestei legi. Ca atare, marea majoritate a maghiarilor din Transilvania, avnd cetenia romn, nu este atins de aceste dispoziii. n aceast mprejurare, orice discuie despre CASBI, n termenii avansai de cardinal, devine fr obiect, deoarece nu este o aciune dorit de guvernul romn, numai acceptat de acesta, n condiiile cunoscute.
Ibidem Ibidem; reproducem afirmaia cardinalului: C.A.S.B.I., reputat pentru escrocheriile ei de miliarde, este nc activ (Documente franceze despre Transilvania, p. 191). 33Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 85 34 Articolul respectiv prevedea obligaia guvernului romn de a sechestra i conserva conform instruciunilor Comisei Aliate (Sovietice) de Control bunurile statului german i ale statului ungar, i ale cetenilor lor, precum i ale celorlalte persoane de orice naionalitate, care se afl n rile inamice (Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 85). 35 Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 85
31 32

186

Nemulumirea cardinalului se datoreaz i altor aspecte ale legalitii, ori ale realitilor din Romnia. De exemplu, el se plnge de faptul c ordonana guvernului romn din 13 august 1945 dispunea ca n Transilvania de Nord s-i piard calitatea de cetean romn toi acei supui romni care dei la 30 aprilie 1940 erau ceteni romni au prsit (n circumstanele anului 1944), de bun voie Transilvania. Dup opinia cardinalului, ar fi fost peste 300.000 de unguri n aceast postur i, dac li se aplic prevederile amintitei ordonane, acetia ar fi privai de proprietile lor mobiliare i imobiliare 36 . La asemenea afirmaii, cei trei episcopi romni ofer informaii clare despre cei care sunt vizai de ordonana menionat: S ne fie permis a preciza c ordonana n chestiune nu a recunoscut naionalitatea [romn] persoanelor care au intrat voluntar [dup 23 august 1944] n serviciul unui stat inamic sau care au prsit voluntar Transilvania de Nord, solidarizndu-se cu armatele inamice n timpul retragerii lor 37 . Pentru a fi i mai explicii, episcopii romni fac apel la moral i la lege. Dup convingerea lor, toate persoanele, indiferent de naionalitate - printre acestea putnd fi, desigur, nu numai maghiari, ci i germani din Transilvania - care n mod voluntar, au ajutat trupele germane, sau care au prsit n mod voluntar ara mpreun cu acestea, s-au manifestat ca nite inamice ale patriei lor. Drept urmare a atitudinii lor, cea mai mic pedeaps care poate s le fie aplicat este aceea de a fi private de beneficiile care decurg din naionalitatea romn 38 . Este de remarcat i faptul c cifra de 300.000 de locuitori maghiari (care ar fi atini de dispoziiile acestei ordonane) este exagerat, n mod real ea fiind mult mai redus 39 . Cardinalul dovedete o grav caren de atitudine atunci cnd consider c legea nr. 645 (din 14 august 1945) este un exemplu clasic (subl.ns. A.F.) al dispoziiilor [luate de guvernul romn] mpotriva maghiarilor 40 . Este evident c acest cap al
Documente franceze despre Transilvania, p. 191; Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 86 38 Ibidem; cardinalul ignor, cu siguran, faptul c Biserica catolic nsi i priveaz de orice drepturi pe acei dintre membrii si care mbrieaz o alt credin. De ce statul romn (n virtutea unei asemenea logici) nu ar avea dreptul de a nu recunoate naionalitatea romn unui cetean care, de bun voie, s-a aliat cu inamicul, prsind ara cu acesta din urm?. 39 Ibidem 40 Documente franceze despre, p. 191
36 37

187

bisericii catolice ungare a pornit, n demersul su, de la o premis eronat, i anume aceea c statul romn promova, n 1945, o politic antimaghiar, ceea ce era pe ct de neadevrat, pe att de jignitor. De aceea, episcopii greco-catolici din Transilvania de Nord se vd nevoii ca, n replic, s-i aduc aminte cardinalului (care avea o memorie selectiv) despre suferinele cumplite pe care romnii rmai n partea de nord a Transilvaniei cedat Ungariei horthyste n 1940 le-au ndurat n cei patru ani de dominaie ungar: Trind departe de Transilvania, Em.S. nu cunoate marile zguduiri care s-au produs dup dictatul de la Viena, din 30 august 1940, i pe care noi le cunoatem bine, noi care am trit n mijlocul lor i am putut s observm, zi de zi, urmarea lor tragic. Mii de romni au fost aruncai, de ctre autoritile ungare dincolo de frontiere i sute de mii au fost obligai s se refugieze pe teritoriul romnesc, din cauza persecuiilor pe care nu puteau s le mai ndure, abandonndu-i ntreaga avere. Aceti nenorocii, aruncai din casele lor (de ctre autoritile i trupele horthyste-n.n.), fr alte bunuri dect hainele de pe ei, au fost obligai s i vnd casele i pmnturile pe care nu mai puteau s le administreze, pentru a-i putea procura mijloacele de trai n refugiul lor (subl.ns.- A.F.).n acelai timp, statul ungar a mai adoptat o msur n dauna romnilor, mai exact ordonana cu nr. 1440 din 1941, prin care a fost permis anularea tuturor actelor de vnzare ntocmite n timpul regimului romn din perioada interbelic. Pe baza acestei ordonane au fost iniiate monstruoasele procese de recuperare mpotriva instituiilor romneti (chiar i a celor bisericeti, cum a fost, spre pild, cazul Episcopiei Ortodoxe Romne din Oradea 41 i a unor particulari, fiind pur i simplu spoliai de mari sume de bani de ctre afaceriti veroi i profitori de conjunctur). Legea romneasc din 14 august 1945 vine s repare toate aceste injustiii. Ea face, desigur, posibil anularea actelor de dispoziie ntocmite ntre 30 august 1940 i 25 octombrie 1944, dar numai n urmtoarele condiii: 1. dac actele respective au fost ntocmite sub ameninarea privrii de libertate; 2. n cazul c autorul actului a fost concediat de la locul de munc, datorit naionalitii sale sau a convingerilor
41 Emilian Susan, Instituirea vicariatului ortodox romn de Oradea (4 septembrie 1940), n Cele trei Criuri, 2007, nr. 7-8, p. 45-49

188

sale democratice (aadar, este vorba de faptul c acest cetean a fcut un asemenea demers pentru a-i asigura mijloace de existen, att pentru el, ct i pentru propria-i familie); 3. n situaia c actul a fost ntocmit prin constrngere, autorul lui suferind un prejudiciu de 50% din valoarea imobilului nstrinat i de 25% pentru cei deportai. Anularea unor documente juridice de aceast factur se face exclusiv de ctre tribunale, cu toate garaniile de legalitate i obiectivitate 42 . n finalul acestei puneri la punct, episcopii romni i adreseaz cardinalului catolic ntrebarea fireasc: Statul ar avea dreptul s declare nule contractele realizate prin nfricoare, frica de foame sau deportare ?. Rspunsul este unul singur: n mprejurri de aceast factur orice document produs este nul i se impune, atunci cnd exist posibiliti legale, ca s fie corectate toate actele de nedreptate mpotriva cetenilor, indiferent de naionalitatea lor. Toate aceste presupuse aciuni antimaghiare ale administraiei romneti, invocate cu o oarecare arogan de ctre cardinalul Mindszenty, sunt depite de acesta atunci cnd se refer la atribuirea Transilvaniei Romniei de ctre conferina minitrilor de externe, care nu ar fi respectat dreptul istoric al Ungariei, care n concepia acestuia ar [fi] deinut aceast provincie timp de 924 de ani. Mai grav i se prea ns faptul c un popor cultivat, cum sunt maghiarii, ar putea fi trecut sub dominaia unei culturi inferioare, cum sunt romnii 43 . Dup cum gndea acest ierarh catolic, contaminat de o ideologie care susinea supremaia elementului maghiar n Transilvania, asemenea calificative (ca analfabei) erau menite s discrediteze poporul romn i drepturile sale asupra Transilvaniei, care n-au fost, pentru prima dat, confirmate de minitrii respectivi, n anul 1946, ci au fost recunoscute de Tratatele de pace de la Paris, n 1920. De aceea, episcopii grecocatolici din Transilvania de Nord i-au permis s-i aduc aminte Em[inenei] S[ale] c aceast problem a fost temeinic examinat la Conferina de Pace de la Paris din anii 1919-1920, pe baza argumentelor avansate de guvernul maghiar la acea vreme. Rezultatul acestei examinri se afl consemnat n scrisoarea din 6 mai 1920, adresat n numele Puterilor Aliate i Asociate de
42 43

Antonio Faur, op. cit., p. 87 Ibidem, p. 90

189

ctre Alexandre Millerand delegaiei maghiare i Conferinei de pace: o stare de lucruri, chiar milenar, nu are temei s subziste atunci cnd e recunoscut ca fiind contrar dreptii. Or, nimic nu ar fi mai contrar dreptii dect faptul c o minoritate maghiar redus, sprijinit doar de fora public, s continue s menin ntr-o stare de sclavie majoritatea covritoare a populaiei transilvnene reprezentat de elementul romnesc 44 . Respingnd afirmaia c majoritatea populaiei romneti din Transilvania ar fi analfabet, cei trei episcopi romni dau o replic concludent, oferind explicaii istorice: noi avem cunotin de faptul c la momentul Unirii Transilvaniei cu Regatul Romniei (n 1 decembrie 1918-n.n.), romnii din Transilvania se aflau ntr-o situaie cultural inferioar. Motivul acestei inferioriti nu se afl n vreo inaptitudine a rasei, ci, doar, exclusiv n politica represiv a guvernelor maghiare din epoc. Aceste guverne s-au folosit de toate mijloacele imaginabile nu pentru a promova cultura i instruirea romnilor, ci, mai degrab, pentru a mpiedica dezvoltarea lor. Nu au creat, nici nu au ntreinut vreo coal cu predare n limba romn, dei, potrivit cifrelor oficiale ale unui recensmnt din 1910, maghiarii nu reprezentau n Transilvania dect 31,6% din populaie. Mai mult, din 1871 pn n 1916, diferitele guverne maghiare au suprimat 300 de coli primare, care au fost create i ntreinute de romni, pin comunitile religioase; romnilor din Transilvania nu le-a fost permis [ntre 1867-1918]s fondeze un singur liceu, dei ar fi fcut acest lucru pe propriile lor cheltuieli. Care au fost rezultatele unei asemenea politici practicate de guvernanii de la Budapesta, mai ales n anii dualismului ? Episcopii romni furnizeaz date i informaii care se constituie ntr-un rspuns argumentat la aceast ntrebare justificat: 1. la finele anului 1918, conform recensmntului oficial ungar: - romnii reprezentau 53,8 %, comparativ cu 31,6% maghiari; - funcionau, n 1917/1918: 631 grdinie maghiare, fa de 4 romneti; 2588 coli primare maghiare, n raport cu 2578 romneti;
44

Ibidem

190

109 coli primare superioare maghiare i numai 4 romneti; 52 gimnazii maghiare fa de 5 romneti; 24 de coli normale maghiare i una romneasc; maghiarii aveau, la Cluj (din 1872), o universitate, o Academie de Studii Superioare Comerciale i Industriale, precum i o Academie de Agricultur. Romnii nu au putut (pentru c statul nu le-a dat aprobare) s-i nfiineze nici mcar o instituie de nvmnt superior cu limba de predare romneasc. Acestea sunt - apreciaz, cu deplin temei, episcopii grecocatolici explicaiile reale, ca i rspunderile statului austroungar pentru inferioritatea cultural a romnilor, fiind, n fapt, o consecin a stpnirii ungare asupra Transilvaniei, Crianei, Banatului i Maramureului. Este inacceptabil maniera n care cardinalul Josef Mindszenty i-a construit o arm din aceast chestiune, pentru a se folosi de ea, integrndu-se opoziiei generale a guvernanilor unguri la eliberarea i unirea romnilor din Transilvania cu patria-mam, Romnia. Memoriul cardinalului nu conine doar critici la adresa administraiei romneti i a romnilor, ci avanseaz unele soluii, menite n accepiunea sa stabilirii unei pci drepte i morale. Aceasta ar consta n mprirea Transilvaniei n dou: - partea situat la nord de linia format de rurile MureTrnave ar trebui atribuit Ungariei; - partea de sud (fa de aceast linie) va rmne Romniei. De relevat, mai nti, faptul c aceast soluie coincide, n mare parte, cu cea dat de fascitii germani i italieni n 30 august 1940, realitate pe care au respins-o toate puterile democratice nvingtoare. Apoi, ea era absolut imoral i profund nedreapt. Ea ar fi fost mai aberant chiar i dect dictatul de la Viena, al domnilor Ciano i Ribbentrop 45 . Conform acestei soluii, Ungariei i-ar reveni: - jumtate din judeul Alba, cu 81,5% romni, fa de 11,3% maghiari; - o mare parte a judeului Hunedoara, cu 82% romni i 11,3% maghiari; - ntregul jude Turda, cu 74,4% romni i 21,4% maghiari; - ntregul jude Cluj, cu 60,6% romni i 15,1% maghiari; - ntregul jude Some, cu 77,5 % i 15,4 % maghiari;
45

Ibidem

191

ntregul jude Nsud, cu 71,5 % i 5,2 % maghiari; ntregul jude Bihor, cu 60,1 % romni i 30 % maghiari; ntregul jude Slaj, cu 56,2 % romni i 31,4% maghiari; - ntregul jude Satu Mare, cu 61,5% romni i 25,2% maghiari; - ntregul jude Maramure, cu 57,7% romni fa de 6,9% maghiari; Aceste cifre sunt edificatoare, demonstrnd c, n toate cele 10 judee populaia romneasc era majoritar, n unele chiar peste 80% (Alba i Hunedoara), pe cnd cea maghiar pornete de la 5,2% (n Nsud) i atinge cota maxim de 30,1 % (n Cluj). Cum se mai puteau emite pretenii de dominaie din partea unui numr att de mic de locuitori maghiari asupra unei pri din Transilvania? Doar printr-un act arbitrar, cum a fost i cel de la Viena (din 1940), pe care nvingtorii din cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial nu-l puteau dect respinge. Concluzia pe care episcopii romni greco-catolici o formulau a fost sever i corect: cardinalul Mindszenty s-a fcut - cu o surprinztoare credulitate - ecoul acuzaiilor nefondate, care nu sunt dect expresia unei voine de dominare, prea ndelungat pus n aciune, mpotriva libertii popoarelor i reconcilierii lor, pe baza drepti i egalitii 46 (subl.ns.-A.F.). Examinarea textului Memoriului cardinalului Mindszenty a permis celor trei episcopi greco-catolici o disociere categoric fa de coninutul acestuia, pe care-l supun unor critici justificate (care apeleaz la o argumentaie istoric de excepie, imposibil de contrazis), artndu-i prile vulnerabile i, cu deosebire, tendinele antiromneti i antidemocratice. Replica episcopilor greco-catolici romni continu, dup opinia noastr, o direcie care s-a afirmat n istoria Transilvaniei nc din secolul al XVIII-lea, ncepnd cu Supplexurile lui Inochentie Micu Klein i continund cu cel din martie 1791, elaborat la curtea episcopului ordean Ignatie Darabant. -

46

Ibidem

192

PRAXIS - CRITICAL THINKING AND SOCIAL CHANGE UNDER STATE SOCIALISM Marko Zubak * Abstract

The present article aims to identify some characteristics of the development of the critic thought in the communist era. The article is focused on the Marxist intellectual group called praxis from Yugoslavia. The group drowse its name from the philosophical magazine around which it developed. The group as many others from the former communist bloc offered a critic to the inner system using Marxist ideas and language. The article refers to the crucial relations between the conditions that helped the revisionist critical thought to develop in the communist society and its failure to cause a significant change. *critic thought, communism, praxis, group, revolte

Every criticism wants to diagnose the circumstances and point to clearly defined problems. When society and history are subjects of criticism, then it wants much more. Genuine social criticism always has a better vision of society in mind, as well as propositions that would change the existing reality for a better one. Critical thinking differs one from another by its social consequences. While some leave a deep social trail, others are doomed to failure. In this essay, using one particular case study, the Yugoslav philosophical journal Praxis, I am going to identify certain characteristics inherent to the advent of critical thought in the communist society. The historical perspective of the collapse of communism suffices to make us pose the question about the social achievements and the consequences of mentioned criticism. There is almost no serious survey of the history of Yugoslavia in English where at least half a paragraph has not been dedicated to the activity of the group of Marxist intellectuals assembled round the journal Praxis. However, the place and context are somewhat different. In some instances this group is tied to Milovan Djilas as a proof of the existing repression of the

Drd., Cercettor al Institutului Croat de Istorie din Zagreb

193

intellectual opposition,1 in others they are mentioned along the achieved social changes, as a specimen copy of the liberalization process of the sixties. 2 Yet, the point is clear: the Praxis group of revisionist philosophers and sociologists, all of them university professors, played their role in the history of communist Yugoslavia. It is also with tacit agreement that this role is being assessed. This judgement is largely positive, often in the wider context of the specific, humanist characteristics of the Yugoslav communist society. Praxis Marxists have greatly to thank for the acquired favourable international fame on account of their criticism of the Yugoslav regime and society which has allegedly played an influential role in its markedly different shaping. But, despite all the scattered paragraphs, the Praxis group was not widely studied in their native country. 3 One could say that Praxis belongs to the type of phenomena better known abroad than in the home arena. On the other hand, the few foreign studies viewed the journal from a too narrow perspective. In fact, Shers monograph 4 is still the only one which equally takes into account many, though not all, spheres of their activity: the relation to the state authorities, creative approach to Marxist thought, the theory of alienation, criticism of the dogmatic Stalinist interpretation of Marx, as well as of Yugoslav socialism (certain wrongdoings of workers self-management), particularly the remnants of Stalinist practices. Therefore, the whole Praxis phenomenon remains a largely unexplored territory. Thus there are a few issues that have to be mentioned in this respect. First and foremost, Praxis was not an isolated Yugoslav phenomenon. Revisionism, humanist Marxism, critical thought the name is unimportant. Whatever we call it, the phenomenon of the philosophic attempt at communist cleansing from within, the rejection of Stalinist heritage in the name of pure Marxist tradition, and one never-to-be-reached genuine socialism all this can be followed in a number of countries within the communist block. Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia, together with Yugoslavia, each of them, naturally, in their own
1 Frederick Bernard Singleton, Twentieth-century Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976) p.281-284 2 John B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia (London: C. Hurst, 2000) p.274. 3 Duan Bilandi, Historija SFRJ: Glavni procesi (History of SFRY: Main Processes), (Zagreb: kolska knjiga, 1978). One of the rare books which covers the whole of history of post-war Yugoslavia is a typical example of the mentioned ignorance. 4 Gerson Sher, Marxist criticism and Dissent in Socialist Yugoslavia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977)

194

time, have gone through periods in which certain intellectual circles, using Marx's vocabulary alone, tried to change and exert influence on the society. 5 Praxis is only one in a line of attempts that have come into existence as an intention to point to the difference between the two positions: the official ideology of Marxism and the critical Marxism.6 In the case of Praxis, the latter is nothing but social critique that insists on freedom and active role of man, as opposed to the determinist and fatalistic dogmatic ideology. The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it7 together with Marx the Praxis philosophers kept repeating, and, in accordance, gave their journal the provocative name that would call up the notion of politics and changes.8 The question is whether they succeeded in their intention. Did they manage to change the communist world by their criticism from within? History showed that they did not. Had the society started moving in the direction they desired communism would not have disappeared but would have evolved to its full humanist potential. However, what is of interest are not the actual reasons alone that brought about the collapse of the attempt at critical thought starting from the Marxist principles. I am going to refer to them, but in my focus there is something that I was unable to find in the existing literature. 9 It concerns the crucial relationship between the conditions that made it possible for the critical revisionist thought to develop in the communist society in the first place, and the final failure of that very criticism to cause any essential social transformation. I argue that it was exactly the determination of these conditions that concealed the genesis of its failure. In other words, the reasons why that criticism has failed to lead to some positive social change are contained in its fundamentals. From the very beginning, the project and goals of Praxis were nothing but illusion. Before starting upon a parallel deduction, something must be said about Praxis itself. A detailed analysis of the activity and
5 James H. Satterwhite, Varieties of Marxist Humanist: Philosophical Revision in Postwar Eastern Europe (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992) 6 Neboja Popov, ed., Sloboda i nasilje (Freedom and Violence), (Beograd: Res Publica, 2003) p.37. 7 Karl Marx, Thesis on Feurbach, Marx and Engels: Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy, ed. Lewis S. Feuer, (London, 1969), p.286. 8 emu Praxis (Why Praxis), Praxis, vol. 1 (1964), p.3-7. 9 This is definitely true of the national literature. For the list of foreign literature see the bibliography.

195

profile of the journal is not necessary. I am going to mention only some key points that should help in following the argumentation. The journal was founded in 1964 and was published continually for a whole decade, until the year 1974, when due to a stop in the financial support it ended its publication. 10 Along with the Zagreb team that had established the journal and given two Editors-in-Chief and the Editorial Board, 11 the Belgrade circle, with more sociologists in it, 12 also played an important role. Uniformity was hardly ever present within the Praxis group, so nothing like Praxis school of thinking has ever emerged. What they all shared was their initial refusal of positivistic Stalinism in theory and practice.13 Each edition of the journal14 was thematically determined in the range of general philosophic problems (Hegel and our times, Phenomenology and Marxism), analyses of certain philosophers (Marx, Bloch, Gramsci, Trotsky, Lukacs), and further to social, political and cultural issues (The meaning and perspective of socialism, Yugoslav culture, The national, international and universal, The current moment of Yugoslav socialism). From its very start Praxis was turned towards the international reading public. 15 Beside the Yugoslav edition there was also an international one in English, French and German, depending on the public the author of the text wanted to address. 16 While the international edition put emphasis on philosophic articles, the national edition was more open to critical essays referring to Yugoslav themes. In order to get the approval of these international aspirations, but also as a means of defence against the attack of the authorities, 17
10 Dopis Republikog savjeta za nauni rad (Official Letter of Republic Committee for Science), Praxis, vol.3/5 (1974) p.565 11 The two Editors-in-Chief were philosopher Gajo Petrovi and sociologist Rudi Supek, and the Editorial Board included mainly philosophers from the Zagreb University (Branko Bonjak, Danko Grli, Milan Kangrga, Ivan Kuvai, Predrag Vranicki). 12 It also consisted of professors from the Belgrade University (Mihajlo uri, Mihajlo Markovi, Zagorka Pei-Golubovi, Svetozar Stojanovi, Ljubomir Tadi...) 13 Fine illustration of that stance happened in 1965 when Praxis refused to publish 50 page essay by then widely unrecognized Louis Althusser because of its Stalinist viewpoints. See Milan Kangrga, verceri vlastitog ivota (Smugglers of their own lives) (Belgrade: Res publica, 2001) p.19 14 The Yugoslav issue had 6 editions a year, sometimes published as a double issue, with an approximate number of pages per each edition coming up to 150 pages. 15 Gerson Sher, Marxist criticism and Dissent in Socialist Yugoslavia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977) p.53 16 Praxis international was issued quarterly. 17 This international background is almost unanimously cited by the former Praxis philosophers (e.g. Kangrga, Stojanovi) as the sole reason why the authorities have not abolished Praxis for the whole decade.

196

there was an Advisory Council established, with such names listed among them as, e.g. Kostas Axelos, A.J. Ayer, Zygmunt Baumann, Ernst Bloch, Erich Fromm, Lucien Goldmann, Jrgen Habermas, Agnes Heller, Leszek Kolakowski, Karel Kosik, Henry Lefebvre, Georg Lukacs and Herbert Marcuse. This Marxist Hall of Fame was not a mere show off list. The mentioned philosophers have actively participated in the life of the journal, particularly in the extracurricular activities like the Korula Summer School 18 . The mandate given to the Croatian Philosophic Society for the publication of their own journal represented a crucial break in the previous party politics. Hitherto, there would always be a party bigwig, a caretaker, sitting next to the professional chief editor, who would check on whether the journal had not strayed from the official line. 19 The Editorial Board of Praxis, however, was given autonomy and retained it until the end of publishing. There was, however, a price to pay. Deeply rooted Titoism, the fact that there was no appeal to the masses in connection to the general philosophical orientation and strong antinational flavour of their critique, utopian language, and of course Marx as the starting point all these were conditions that helped Praxis to retain its position as an independent subject for such a long time. All these were also the reasons why the Praxis criticism, original and humanist as it was, failed to leave deeper social impact. For the group of Yugoslav Praxis Marxists it was an essential equation that Stalinism did not mean communism. Real communism never appeared one of the Praxis professors claimed. 20 And it was exactly in Yugoslavia, on account of the historic conditions, that genuine communism had a chance. For an outsider it could seem a perfectly logical matter. After all, Tito was the first leader in the world of communism to shake off Soviet hegemony. He was the first Stalinist who challenged Stalin's claims to supremacy within, and, guided by the wide popular support, claimed that socialism could and should go in a non-Soviet direction. 21

18 In the period between 1964 and 1974, under the cover of permanent education, yearly thematic meetings were organized on this southern Dalmatian island, with reports from these being regularly published by Praxis. 19 Neboja Popov, ed., Sloboda i nasilje (Freedom and Violence), (Beograd: Res Publica, 2003) p.10 20 Milan Kangrga, Socijalizam i etika (Socialism and Ethics), Praxis, vol. 4/6 (1966) p.481 21 Vladimir Tismaneanu, The Crisis of Marxist Ideology in Eastern Europe: The Poverty of Utopia (London: Routledge, 1990) p.99

197

It is a very important point. In the countries of the Soviet block, the search for Marxist renewal started to develop only after that special impetus propelled by Khrushchev's deStalinization speech in 1956 delivered at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. 22 Contrary to that, the need for the revisionist doctrine in Yugoslavia became apparent as early as 1948. But the initial impulse was not self-critique, rather a classic foreign policy move. When it became apparent that the break with Stalin was more than a common misunderstanding, 23 which for some time Yugoslav communists believed in, the necessity appeared for a different way of legitimization. 24 The formulation of alternative Marxist ideology should have served as a proof of both the Stalinist sidetrack, and the fundamental communist orientation of Yugoslav communists. Thus, when Praxis Marxists called for democratization and decentralization of the party that would eventually lead to a fading away of the party as envisaged by Lenin, it was only in the best Titoist tradition of the 6th Congress from November 1952 that they did so. 25 At the same time, however, reasonably fearing the loss of power if real de-Stalinization was to take place, Tito was forcefully departing from Titoism. In 1973 Tito was openly saying that the internal crisis started in 1952! At that very same 6th Party Congress when the party's role in all important questions of social life was heavily restrained, with the only task of ideological guidance being left intact. 26 As a critique of Stalinism, Praxis could appear only on condition it started from Titoism. And it was exactly this paradox of denying Stalin and praising Tito that has set unbridgeable limits to the Praxis critique to be able to affect the social reality. Tito might have been more democratic than any other communist leader, yet he was still a dogmatic Stalinist, unwilling to give more than he had to. Little sporadic criticism of Tito himself had to be kept within metaphorical framework. 27 And
Ibid., p.78 James H. Satterwhite, Varieties of Marxist Humanist: Philosophical Revision in Postwar Eastern Europe (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992) p.77. 24 Vladimir Tismaneanu, The Crisis of Marxist Ideology in Eastern Europe: The Poverty of Utopia (London: Routledge, 1990) p.101 25 Gavriel D. Raanan, Yugoslavia after Tito: scenarios and implications (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977) p. 38 26 Frederick Bernard Singleton, Twentieth-century Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976) p.282. 27 Svetozar Stojanovi, Od postrevolucionarne diktature ka socijalistikoj demokratiji (From Postrevolutionary Dictatorship to Socialist Democracy) Praxis, vol. 3/4 (1972) p.396
22 23

198

if anyone had done it openly, they would meet a forceful reaction both from within the journal and from official politics. Tied to Tito, the Praxis Marxists found their goals to have internal contradictions from which they could find no way out. The second axis of the Praxis critique, this time shared by the whole east-European revisionist thought, was, naturally, Marx. In order to be able to articulate and exist publicly the critique of communism had to move within the Marxist framework. 28 But the Marxism of Praxis was more than mere pragmatism. One of the rare common points of this heterogeneous group was exactly the sincere belief in Marx as the only source of freedom and humaneness. 29 Incidentally, this belief enabled the relatively aggressive stance against the system, without great danger of being accused of counterrevolution and thus contributed to the longevity of their activity. The drawbacks of the critique that moved within the same framework were equal to its advantages, if not more disastrous for the final results. The similar vocabulary that the Praxis group shared with official decision-makers, accustomed to justify each reform by referring to the tenets of Leninism & Marxism, made their critique vulnerable in many aspects. The ruling elite were facing a double choice. They could camouflage the demands of Praxis into their own and in this way make the two differing positions equal, thus hiding the original conflict.30 On the other hand, when the opposition became too great, real problems could easily be obfuscated by useless and tiring disputations with Praxis over the minutest Marxist terms. Differentiating young and old Marx, emphasizing the indispensable continuum between the two as opposed to the clean break advocated by dogmatists, essentially indicated two different points of view with differing social consequences. 31 But to an untrained ear it had to sound either extremely cryptically or like talking through one's hat. 32
The word revisionism itself implies the key difference between the humanist and official interpretations of Marx's though. 29 Gerson Sher, Marxist criticism and Dissent in Socialist Yugoslavia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977) p.258. 30 George Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi, The Intellectuals on the Road to Class Power (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979) p.242 31 Trying to prove the necessary continuum between the humanist features of The German Ideology and hard analysis of The Capital represented the core activity of Praxis. 32 Vladimir Tismaneanu, The Crisis of Marxist Ideology in Eastern Europe: The Poverty of Utopia (London: Routledge, 1990) p.128
28

199

Even the general philosophic orientation of Praxis had greatly limited the possibility of their social results. As much as the Yugoslav Marxists succeeded in not producing yet another narrowly professional journal, 33 the existing one had still remained predominantly philosophic. The crucial link between practice and ontology had never been forgotten. 34 Each demand had to be well founded on the philosophic (Marxist) tradition and thus often lost its sharpness. At the time when it meant more than it does today, philosophy still remained the pastime of a narrow circle, so the real significance of the Praxis critique remained esoteric to the majority of the people. 35 In order to be active over the whole of Yugoslavia, Praxis had to be nationally uncommitted. The principle criticism of nationalisms of all kinds was another common feature of the Praxis intellectuals and one which did not help much in making a mass scale impact. Their antinationalist stance was close to complete ignorance, and the rise of nationalist demands after the death of Tito took them completely by surprise. Besides, the ruling elite made use of it when settling scores with the truly liberal forces. The supression of the 1971 mass movement (MASPOK) in Croatia was a tragic example when the revisionist intellectuals flanked the ruling elite in their undemocratic giving vent against the nationalist forces. 36 The flood of ferocious attacks Praxis experienced in the course of their activity, and later too, 37 can be understood only if one bears in mind their position as a natural target of both Stalinist dogmatism as well as non-Marxist, particularly liberalnational criticism. The possibility that critical social thought, without public support, could win over two diametrically opposed enemies was definitely minimal. Due to the manner of coming forward and the philosophic character of their critique, comprehensible to the exclusively
emu Praxis (Why Praxis), Praxis, vol. 1 (1964), p.3-7 Gajo Petrovi, Filozofija i politika u socijalizmu (Philosophy and Politics in Socialism), Praxis, vol. 2 (1964) 35 Though the official press in their attacks on Praxis published testimonials of workers scandalized by the articles in Praxis it was easy to see through them as forgeries. It is worth knowing that at their peak, Praxis had circulation of 3000 copies, half of which was intended for foreign readers. 36 Trenutak jugoslavenskog socijalizma (The Moment of Yugoslav Socialism) Praxis, vol. 3/4 (1971). The whole issue was dedicated to the severe attack on rising nationalist forces. 37 Boidar Jaki, Kritike, osporavanja, napadi (Critics, Denials, Attacks) in Sloboda i nasilje (Beograd: Res Publica, 2003)
33 34

200

highly educated strata Praxis could never become the centre of a wider political group. The nearest they came to it, was inspiring the utopian students' unrest in 1968, another taboo theme of Yugoslav historiography. 38 This is why it has not been noticed so far that here, too, it was another movement from above, without wider social support. Just as the working class did not care much about the esoteric reasoning of Praxis, they were equally untouched by the egalitarian demands of students. Opposed to their professors, students formulated their demands in a less learned way, but more direct and to the point, and this is the reason the whole movement was speedily squashed. 39 But their vision of far-reaching social changes was equally unrealistic as the one of their professors. The students' uprising was characterized by the same economic dilettantism as the one of Praxis, and they attacked any tendencies toward reviving private ownership, profit motive, and market competitiveness. 40 The crucial feature of the Praxis critique, which distanced them so much from concrete results, was exactly their starting utopian standpoint taken over by the students in 1968. When the current socialist reality was being discarded, it was always in the context of some faraway communist utopia of a classless society with a withering party and state. 41 This utopian character was one of the crucial conditions for the functioning of the publicly articulated critique of state socialism. The price was paid again. Once the chance to act opened the Praxis humanist Marxism sounded extremely abstract and distanced from concrete social problems. A constructive criticism of society by Praxis had necessarily to remain an empty word, with no chances to change or improve the position of the individual within the society. Just like the system that it wanted to cleanse, the revisionist Marxist criticism as well, contained the contradictions that made it impossible to succeed in reaching the set goals. As I have said before, this is a new point in the analyses so far crucial when
38 The only relevant source on the event was published by Praxis [Zbornik: Dokumanti Jun-Lipanj 1968.(Documents: Jun, 1968), Zagreb, 1970.] only to be banned a few weeks later. 39 Neboja Popov, Studentski pokret u Jugoslaviji 1963-1974 (Student movement in Yugoslavia), Socioloki pregled vol. 3/4 (1984) 40 Svetozar Stojanovic, The fall of Yugoslavia: why communism failed (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1997) p.45 41 Svetozar Stojanovic, The fall of Yugoslavia: why communism failed (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1997) p.309

201

taking into account the predominantly positive assessment accompanying the Praxis activity. The worlds best Marxist journal, 42 famous footnotes 43 all this can hardly be true if we have in mind the futility of the key goal of the journal that I presented here. Rather than recognizing this paradoxical situation, the same was later even intensified, without moving a step away from its erroneous foundations. The Praxis group has not succeeded in what they have set as being their ultimate goal the fundamental social transformation directed at a less alienated human society. They might have made the elderly philosophers summer nights more beautiful, and fed utopia to the revolutionary imagination of the rebellious students. They might have also questioned the monopoly of the ruling class over public discourse. 44 But their chances to leave concrete social results were cut down immediately following their insecure beginnings. Hitherto this analysis has been original. But it was Leszek Kolakowski who pointed out the tragic consequences of revisionist thinking which can easily be attributed to the Praxis project as well.45 Not only have they failed to cause social changes, they have moreover contributed to the collapse of the complete platform they had started from. Instead of the renewal of both real communism and genuine Marx, along came also de-legitimization and corruption of any kind of communism and Marx. Criticizing Stalin by means of the same doctrinal tradition, they have only contributed to the corrosion of the whole communist ideology. The connection between the humanist Marxist critique of communism after the fashion of Praxis on the one hand and social changes is thus only indirect. Criticizing the shaking foundations of the ideological structure, Praxis had, contrary to their intentions, only opened the way for the collapse of the whole system and the advent of the new critique that had brought along social changes of a different sort.

Erich Fromm, quoted in Sloboda i nasilje (Beograd: Res Publica, 2003) p.147. Juergen Habermas, Knowledge and human interests (London: Heineman, 1972), p.. Footnote from the first chapter received a cult status in the Yugoslav philosophical circles. 44 Svetozar Stojanovic, The fall of Yugoslavia: why communism failed (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1997) p.307 45 Leszek Kolakowski, Main currents of Marxism: Vol. 3, The Breakdown (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978)
42 43

202

LEDUCATION PATRIOTIQUE DE LA JEUNESSE ROUMAINE A LAIDE DES MUSEES DHISTOIRE. QUELQUES CONSIDERATIONS SUR LES ANNEES 70 DU SIECLE PASSE Gabriel Moisa *

Abstract

To ensure a firm political legitimacy, the Romanian communists utilized a variety of propagandistic means. The museums were included in this scenario letting visible marks that can be traced till nowadays in the historical expositions. One of the most important objectives of the Romanian history museums, in a certain period of the communist regime was to educate the young Romanians in such manner that they would become trustful citizens of the socialist Romania. The young were the main target of this propaganda. Unfortunately, the museums, seen as institutions were massively involved in this propaganda. The Romanian museums were integrated in a well articulated propagandistic program in such manner that they should contribute to the proper education of the young generation. But for this was needed a solid collaboration between museums and schools. Such is the case of the last ten to fifteen years of the communist regime. The museums were expected to come with a rich offer to the students and the schools were supposed to develop schools programs connected with the museums. Soon after the results appeared, the museums developed a rich activity with ideological characteristics. *communist period, museums, education, propaganda, youth

Les communistes roumains ont utilis les plus divers moyens propagandistes en vue dassurer une trs ferme lgitimit. Malheureusement, les muses ont t inclus, ils aussi, dans ce scnario qui a laiss des traces visibles jusquaujourdhui tant
*

Lector Dr., Universitatea din Oradea

203

dans la mentalit de quelques musologues, aussi que dans les expositions dhistoires proprement dites. Lun des objectifs les plus importants des muses roumains dhistoire pendant toute la priode du rgime communiste, ainsi comme il a t impos par le Comit de Culture et ducation Socialiste, a t celui dducation de la jeunesse roumaine ainsi quelle devienne un citoyen despoir de la Roumanie socialiste. Les jeunes taient lun des buts prfrs de la propagande officielle. Malheureusement, les muses ont t impliqus massivement dans une srie dactivits de propagande ayant un sujet prcis. Le systme institutionnalis des muses a t amplement annex la propagande officielle de cette direction. Les discours ronflants adresss aux catgories de population qui devaient tre duques ont inond la vie des Roumains. Les Faucons de la Patrie, les pionniers et les jeunes dUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste taient directement viss. Ctaient eux auxquels on devait accorder une attention spciale. Si jusquen 1976 taient viss les enfants ds lge de 7 ans, partir du mois doctobre 1976 lattention a t dirige vers des catgories plus jeunes encore. Il sagit des enfants ayant des ges compris entre 4 et 7 ans, appels, depuis lors, des Faucons de la Patrie. Une grande partie de la construction idologique propagandiste tait ainsi trace que les catgories ci nommes remercient exclusivement au couple prsidentiel pour la vie merveilleuse quelles vivaient. tre enfant dans la Roumanie daujourdhui cest une chance historique extraordinaire davoir la certitude que le bonheur existe, que toute la nation prend soin de toi, que les rgnrations fondamentales de notre socit ont pour but ton future-mme. La source de cette politique profondment patriotique, dun grand humanisme, se trouve dans le grand soin que le camarade Nicolae Ceausescu et la camarade Elena Ceausescu le manifeste pour le dveloppement multilatral, harmonieux de la jeune gnration 1 . Cette citation est lune des formules usuelles de remerciements des enfants de la patrie formule par la propagande et mise dans leur bouche. Les muses roumains ont t inclus dans un programme de propagande bien articul et contrl ainsi quils contribuent une ducation adquate de la jeune gnration. Le but tait trs claire formul depuis 1977, ainsi que, Florian Georgescu, le directeur du Muse National dHistoire de la Rpublique
1

Expediiile Cuteztorii- coal a iubirii de patrie, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1988, p. 5-6

204

Socialiste de Roumanie, rappelait ses collgues musologues de notre pays, par la Revue des Muses et des Monuments, le fait que La musologie roumaine contemporaine a la mission de contribuer la cration de lhomme de lanne 2000, de lhomme qui va mettre, ici, sur la terre de la patrie, les bases de la troisime millnaire, lpoque du triomphe de la ration, de la libert, de la puissante manifestation de la personnalit humaine, lpoque du plus haut niveau de la civilisation, le communisme 2 . Pour ne pas mettre en doute celui qui tait responsable de la cration du nouvel homme, Florian Georgescu expliquait que celui-ci devait tre le musologue, qui ne devait pas plus se limiter tre seulement une source dinformations, mais le vrai propagandiste, capable de conduire des dbats, de rpondre aux questions, de guider la jeune gnration 3 . Mais, pour accomplir ce but, on devait construire une forte collaboration muse-cole, comment sest pass les dernires 10-15 annes du rgime communiste. Dans ce sens, les muses devaient venir avec des offertes aussi riches que possibles pour les lves (des faucons, des pionniers et des jeunes de Union de la Jeunesse Communiste) et les coles, leur tour, devaient dvelopper des programmes scolaires troitement lis aux institutions musales. Des 1972, on attirait directement lattention sur ce fait aux commandants instructeurs des units des pionniers, dans le contexte du dclenchement de la rvolution culturelle en Roumanie. Dans le volume intitul Le travail ducatif avec les pionniers, publi sous la directe coordination de Silvestru Patita, les commandants instructeurs taient somms dapporter leurs units de pionniers en visite aux muses et aux autres points dintrt historiques ainsi quaucun ne reste pas inconnu aux pionniers 4 . En plus, les commandants taient attentionns avec ironie du fait que les visites et les excursions des pionnires ne devaient pas tre ralises pour obtenir des performances aux membres infrieures parce que les jeunes pouvaient obtenir des grandes bnfices patriotiques. Les visites aux muses et les excursions devaient viser des lieux historiques bien prciss, ainsi que ceux-ci se transforment en un tourisme culturel qui laisse des empreintes
Florian Georgescu, Valenele muzeografiei romneti pentru educarea tineretului n perspectiva dezvoltrii societii noastre socialiste, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr. 2, 1977, p. 15 3 Ibidem, p. 14 4 Munca educativ cu pionierii, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1972, p. 152, (coord. Silvestru Patia)
2

205

profondes dans la conscience des enfants et gurisse la surdit qui peut sinstaller aux enfants vis--vis de la voix de la terre natale 5 . Devant cette pousse et autres de ce genre, on a initi au niveau de tout le pays une action nomme Les chercheurs des trsors par laquelle les pionniers devenaient sur place des archologues, historiens, gologues, palontologues etc., trs bien prpars, capables de dcouvrir leur pass. La Revue des Muses et des Monuments a continu dvelopper son tour cette initiative en invitant les lves lorganisation des expditions scolaires. Un certain Vasile Ciuc venait mme avec une proposition concrte concernant linstitutionnalisation des ainsi-dites expditions archologique qui allaient avoir une grande signification dans lducation politique et civique des lves et dans lagrandissement de lhorizon culturel () contribuer la formation de la pense matrialiste dialectique aux lves, leur ducation dans lesprit du patriotisme et de linternationalisme proltaire ) 6 . Malheureusement, dans tout cet engrenage idologique, dducation de la jeune gnration, on a rserv un rle important aux muses, en viciant une fois encore le message de ces institutions de culture entranant les musologues dans une srie dactivits idologiques spcifiques de cration du nouvel homme. Cet aspect tait souvent signal dans les documents de parti et dans la presse communiste centrale aussi, ce qui signifie que la question tait dune actualit imprieuse. Le journal Scnteia, la plus importante publication du Parti Communiste Roumain, attirait lattention en 1976 que de la manire dans laquelle la jeune gnration est duque dpend soi-disant le destin des efforts et des idaux prsentes du peuple roumain. Pour lducation des jeunes, les muses intensifieront leur activit ducative, actionnant en vue de la connaissance multimillnaire de notre peuple, de sa lutte hroque pour lindpendance, unit, progrs, de ses contributions aux dveloppements de la civilisation humaine, de son travail et ses accomplissements dans luvre ddification du socialisme 7 . Les rsultats de cette attitude nont pas retard, ainsi quune srie dactivits caractre idologique ont devenus des faits presque quotidiens dans les muses de la Roumanie. Soudainement, lainsi-dite activit culturelle-ducative de ces
Ibidem, p. 153 Vasile Ciuc, Contribuia expediiei arheologice la educarea patriotic a elevilor, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr. 10, 1980, p. 17 7 Scnteia, 19 septembrie, 1976, p. 4
5 6

206

institutions devenait trs importante en ce qui concernait les faucons, les pionniers et les jeunes gens de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste. Dans un article sign par Ion Grigorescu, ayant un titre suggestif Lvolution du rapport muse-cole, paru dans la Revue des Muses et des Monuments, on dcriait aussi les principales actions par lesquelles, dans sa vision, les institutions musales pouvaient accomplir les nouveaux devoirs reus: les visites occasionnelles, individuelles ou collectives, les confrences, les festivits de livraison des cravates de faucons, celles de pionniers, les festivits de livraison des cartes de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste 8 . son tour, lomniprsent Florian Georgescu venait avec une srie de suggestions dans ce sens. son opinion, la principale forme de travail avec les prscolaires et les scolaires dans la direction de la prparation idologique la plus performante tait la livraison des cravates rouges avec les trois couleurs et des cartes de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste, mais, la diffrence de Ion Grigorescu, il tablissait aussi le lieu de la livraison. Il sagissait des salles dexpositions de base qui refltaient des moments de lhistoire du P.C.R. et de la Roumanie socialiste. Ainsi le jeune faucon, pionnier ou jeune U.T.C. allait tre marqu par la signification du moment et devenait plus conscient de ses devoirs qui le pressaient par le point de vue de la grandiose histoire du P.C.R. et des grandes ralisations de la socit socialiste. En plus, on pourrait organiser des autres activits de ce genre: des spectacles de son et de lumire, des montages littraires et artistique de profondes rsonances motionnelles qui voquent des vnements importants de lhistoire du communisme roumain, des rencontres avec des illgalistes, des hros du travail socialiste, la prsentation des succs obtenus dans la construction socialiste, lorganisation des cabinets scolaires par le musologues9 . Les rgles une fois tablies, la multitude des activits formatives idologiques de la jeune gnration sest succde avec gnrosit dans tous les muses, amplifies dans les annes 80 par la stupide rglementation de la propre administration des muses au moment o le recours aux activits idologiques cimentionnes pouvaient tre un dbouch par lequel les muses pouvaient se financer eux-mmes.
Ioan Grigorescu, Evoluia raportului muzeu-coal, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr. 8, 1977, p. 39 9 Forian Georgescu, Valenele muzeografiei romneti pentru educarea tineretului n perspectiva dezvoltrii societii noastre socialiste, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr. 2, 1977, p. 12-15
8

207

Certainement, le ton a t donn par le Muse dHistoire du parti qui faisait un devoir dhonneur de lducation de la jeune gnration dans lesprit des prdcesseurs communistes, ainsi comme ils taient prsents dans les salles des expositions de linstitution musale. On y pouvait trouver toute la gamme des activits ducatives numres ci-dessus et quelques en outre. Les autres muses ont suivi cette voie. On va y mentionner quelques uns dentre eux pour argumenter et illustrer ce quon a dit propos du rle du muse dans lducation des faucons de la patrie, des pionniers et des jeunes de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste dans les conditions du nouvel homme. Constatant que 50% des visitateurs sont lves, le Muse dHistoire de la Rpublique Socialiste de Roumanie a dvelopp un programme musologique cultural ducatif interdisciplinaire psychologique et pdagogique en vue de la cration du nouvel homme, dune jeunesse qui est le future mme de notre nation socialiste 10 . Dans ce but on a organis plusieurs formes dactivits spcifiques. La plus rencontre a t le droulement des classes dans le muse, surtout celles qui avaient des sujets moralisateurs, anniversaires ou les soit-dites patriotiques pendant lesquelles le recours lobjet de muse tait considr essentiel pour le faucon, le pionnier ou le jeune de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste. Seulement pendant lanne scolaire 1973-1974 plus de 300 classes de Bucharest ont bnfici de leurs leons dans un muse abordant cinq grands thmes: Dimitrie Cantemir, prince rgnant roumain et patriote enthousiasm, personnalit europenne; Le peuple roumain, le crateur de son histoire; La classe travaillante, la force sociale progressiste de lhistoire moderne de la Roumanie; Le Parti Communiste Roumain, lorganisateur des victoires du peuple roumain et le protecteur de ses intrts vitaux; Linsurrection nationale arme antifasciste et antiimprialiste dAot 1944. Ce projet ducatif a t le plus ample que linstitution musale de Bucarest a organis. Mais il na pas t le seul. Les pionniers ont t parmi les privilgis de ce point de vue. On leur destinait les plusieurs projets de ce genre dans le cadre de la
10

Liviu tefnescu, Relaia muzeu coal, factor de ntrire a cooperrii n procesul educaiei moral-civice a tineretului colar, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr. 1, 1976, p. 33

208

relation cole-muse en Roumanie. Un programme spcialement offert aux pionniers tait celui nomm a XXX-me promotion de lanniversaire de linsurrection nationale, droul pendant tout lanne 1974. Ce programme consistait dans des rencontres des pionniers avec les anciens combattants communistes qui avaient particip aux vnements de 23 Aot. Les rencontres se droulaient dans les salles du muse consacres aux vnements de 23 Aot. Complmentaire ces manifestations, dans la mme organisation du muse de Bucarest taient aussi les expditions scolaires des pionniers, intituls Sur la terre de la Roumanie socialiste, parmi les lieux de linsurrection victorieuse et le programme Les trente rencontres des lves au muse, tous drouls dans la salle 44 du muse, salle spciale destine aux tmoignages sur linsurrection. Les prscolaires ntaient pas oublis par ce carrousel ducatif. partir de 1972, le Muse dHistoire de la Rpublique Socialiste de Roumanie a labor un ensemble dactivits ducatives civiques, morales et patriotiques adresses aux plus jeunes futurs potentiels soldats du rgime sous le gnrique Les Prscolaires en visite au muse. Ils aussi devaient connatre la vraie histoire du parti, mme pendant la priode de la maternelle, pour solidifier pendant la priode des pionniers les sentiments patriotiques, la fiert et la satisfaction que- nest ce pas- ils vivaient les plus heureux moments de leurs vie pendant les annes du rgime de Ceausescu. La cration de lorganisation les Faucons de la Patrie en dcembre 1976 11 a donn une plus grande cohrence aux activits dendoctrinement organises par lcole en collaboration avec les muses en se crant la possibilit daffiliation aux programmes unitaires des plus jeunes des citoyens de la Roumanie. Parmi ces activits on suivait, ni plus ni moins, que la formation et la consolidation aux faucons de la patrie des notions ncessaires lducation politique et patriotique ainsi que la formation et la consolidation de la notion de la patrie. Pour que les Faucons de la Patrie comprennent ds leur tendre ge la notion de patrie, ils devaient organiser en premire phase des petites scnes historiques dans les salles consacres aux plus importants moments de la lutte pour lindpendance de Mircea cel Btrn, Iancu de Hunedoara, tefan cel Mare et Mihai Viteazul, suivies par la consolidations de la comprhension de cette notion par des confrences des
11Alexandru Ghitera, Organizaia pionierilor coal a educaiei comuniste, revoluionare, a copiilor, Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1986, p. 94

209

musologues faites au niveau des petits enfants dans les salles qui prsentaient lhistoire moderne et contemporaine avec le rapprochement de la partie comme but de la lutte des tous les gens de travail, des communistes 12 . Le Muse dHistoire de la Rpublique Socialiste de Roumanie a accord une attention spciale lactivit ducative de cette catgorie. Pour cela il y avait un programme cohrent, bien prcis. Dans un article de Liviu Stefanescu, paru en 1977 dans la Revue des Muses et des Monuments, intitul d une manire suggestive Les prscolaires en visite au Muse dHistoire de la Rpublique Socialiste de Roumanie. Une activit dducation patriotique des futurs pionniers tout le contenu ducatif et idologique imagin par le Muse National pour les faucons de la patrie tait trs bien dlimit: Les enfants, les groupes dges moyens et grands, sont les invits du muse chaque semaine, pour une ou deux heures. Le programme, tabli pour toute lanne, comprend la visite des salles de muse. Ensuite, la maternelle, ceux-ci devaient essayer de reproduire en dessinant, modelant le mlange plastique ou dcoupant le papier les vnements dont ils ont appris au muse. Les visites alternaient avec les rptitions sur la scne de la salle de festivits du muse, quand ils prparaient des rcitations, des petites scnes - le plus souvent aux sujets de lhistoire de la patrie, pour des ftes occasionnelles (Le 23 Janvier, Le 8 Mars, le 1er Juin) ou pour les festivits de la fin de lannes scolaire 13 . Content de la manire dans laquelle le programme de prparation idologique des faucons de la patrie se droulait, Liviu Stefnescu apprciait, la suite dune profonde analyse le fait que toutes les activits avec les prscolaires taient trs efficientes et avaient des rsultats videntes vu quelles ont un caractre dune profonde actualit, rvolutionnaire, capable de constituer aussi une modalit daffirmation du caractre idologique de lorganisation des Faucons de la Patrie 14 , et les rsultats allaient se voir lavenir, quand les jeunes faucons deviendront des pionniers, des jeunes gens de lUnion de la Jeunesse Communiste et ensuite des communistes despoir qui construiront, nest ce pas, la socit communiste longtemps rve.
12 Liviu tefnescu, Precolarii n vizit la Muzeul de istorie al R.S. Romnia. O activitate de educare patriotic a viitorilor pionieri, n Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor, nr.5, 1977, p.52 13 Ibidem, p. 51 14 Ibidem, p. 52

210

CORNELIU COPOSU N NCHISORILE COMUNISTE Mihai Teodor Nicoar * Abstract

Corneliu Coposu in the communist prisons The installation of the communist regime in Romania , after 1948 represents the beginning of a systematic elimination of all personaltyes of the ancient democratic regime. One of those whas Corneliu Coposu loyer , journalist and an important member in the PNT party. Arrested on 14 July 1947 he whas convicted of high trason against the working class and crimes against social reforms and sentenced to life emprisoment . The reconstruction of different tragic experiences during the communist regime has a great inportance not only for the historiography, but also for moral values in our society. * Corneliu Coposu, Romanian Communism, communist prison

A nva din suferin sau cine a ndurat i amintete reprezint, nu doar reflecii ce traduc o veche nelepciune, ci se refer la o stare de spirit ce ine de apelul la resursele memoriei istorice pe care fiecare naiune trebuie s o cultive.Regimul comunist, care a durat nu mai puin de o jumtate de secol a intenionat nu numai diluarea sau anularea realitatii prin ficiune, a adevrului prin fals, ci i pervertirea memoriei trecutului, culpabilizarea colectiv, ale cror victime s-au aflat n toate straturile sociale, dar mai ales n mediul intelectualitii. 1 Acea "virtute" de a deforma realitatea social-politic a fost posibil prin anihilarea orcrei fore "trdtoare", capabil s deconspire adevrul social i perversiunea ideologic comunist. "Vntoarea" contra opozantului a fost soluia dominrii totale, iar fanatismul cadrelor represive a fost pretins drept "irezistibila" mentalitate pentru furirea unei societi noi.Aceast ipocrizie ideologic, folosit ca instrument egal contra presupusei ipocrizii a opozanilor, viza dispariia legitim
* 1

Asistent Drd., Universitatea Babe Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca

Florin Constantiniu, Mihail E. Ionescu, Planul sovietic de comunizare a Romniei (martie 1945), Revista istoric, 4, Buc., 1993, nr. 7-8, p. 657-661. Lucian Boia, Mitologia tiinific a comunismului,Buc, Humanitas, 1999, p. 200. Delia Marga, Introducere n analiza discursului,Cu referire la istorie i sfera public, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, p.160, 220

211

a adversarilor politici. n realitate aceast furie devastatoare a distrugerii fizice i a degadrii psihice a dumanului poporului nu reprezenta "binele comun", ci "superioritatea" interesului ideologic, de partid. 2 n strategia schimbrii ordinii sociale, dup 6 martie 1945 a fost evident punerea n aplicare a unui plan de aciune, care semna cu destructurrile/restructurrile de tip stalinist.Anii 1945-1948 au fost considerai ca etap de edificare a regimului "democratic popular",iar "republica popular", care nsemna o nou organizare social, economic, cultural, trebuia s fie n totalitate controlat de partid. 3 "Intelectualii, micii proprietari (ranii), meteugarii, comercianii, marii burghezi au fost considerai dumani lateni sau poteniali, prin pretisa lor compatibilitate cu "imperialismul" capitalist, cu care se confrunta URSS i satelitele sale. Represiunea asupra acesti inamici a fost variat: de la epurri din aparatul de stat, la naionalizarea bunurilor lor, nchisoare, domicilii forate sau deportri n locuri izolate i improprii vieii cu care nu fuseser obinuii, precum Brganul i Delta.Pentru ca distrugerea fizic i moral s fie deplin, au fost culpabilizate i distruse inclusive familiile dumanilor" poporului. 4 De ce intelectualitatea a fost aa de temut de comuniti? Pentru c exista o tradiie, configurat nc din secolul al XIX-lea n a considera intelectualii o categorie eminent, un pol al comunitii, cu un rol militant, n slujirea naiunii romne. Autoritatea n organizaiile politice, economice, culturale, religioase, publice i private a fost reprezentat de intelectuali, care au avut accesul la decizii strategice i s-au remarcat prin excepionale caliti personale, fiind capabile de creaii i iniiative, mai ales n plan cultural. Dup modelul occidental a fi intelectual nsemnase o etic a responsabilitii, un model de civilitate, o participare activ i o critic ntreprins sub unghiul prospectrii prezentului i a devenirii naionale, o articulare a
2N. Niescu, Sub zodia proletcultismului. Dialectica puterii, Buc., Ed. Humanitas, 1995, p. 354. Hannah Arendt, Le systme totalitaire. Les origines du totalitarisme,nouvelle edition, Paris, Seuil, 2002,p.84, 196-197 3 Liviu Niu, Distrugerea elitelor politice istorice ntre 1950-1955, n "Analele tiinifice ale Universitii "Alexandru Ioan Cuza", din Iai, Seria Nou, Istorie, tom LI, 2005, p. 333-351. Vezi Comunismo e comunismi. Il modello rumeno. Atti del convegno di Messina, 3-4 maggio 2004, a cura di Gh. Mndrescu, G. Altarozzi, Accent, 2005. 4 Expresie folosit de Gheorghiu-Dej n edina Biroului Politic al CC al PCR din 4 mai 1945. n Arhivele Militare Romne, fond Microfilme, rola AS 1-399, c.266-268.L. Niu, op. cit., p.333

212

culturii cu viaa social. 5 Dar, "renaterea mental i cultural, care a fost inaugurat mai nti prin interzicerea presei partidelor burgheze n august 1947, pentru ca dup decembrie 1947 s se pun capt aparentei tolerane prin interzicea i selectarea riguroas a produciei culturale, a schimbat radical soarta intelectualitii romneti. Direcia de Propagand i Agitaie a Comitetului Central al PMR i-a asumat n 1956 rolul de a combate i distruge orice influen a ideologiei burgheze, prin mbuntirea muncii ideologice, mai ales n rndul intelectualilor.(Scnteia, mai 1956). Comunitii pretindeau mesianic, c clasa muncitoare reprezint fora care lupt, pe via i pe moarte, contra dumanilor ei. De fapt, dup modelul stalinist comunitii instauraser un regim impulsuv, fanatic, intolerant contra exploatatorilor i reacionarilor.O serie de juriti ,artitii, scriitorii, care nu fuseser sau nu acceptaser nrolarea n rndul comunitilor, dar mai ale cei care fuseser oameni politici n rndul pturii reacionare, au suportat consecinele dezlnuirii luptei de clas. Numeroase biografii de intelectuali (profesori, juriti, preoi etc.) au trecut prin furia oeganelor de represiune, ale cror aciuni destructive de anvergur au constituit partea sinistr a istoriei noastre postbelice. Destinul unor martiri, precum C. Coposu, este, nu numai subiectul unei necesare restituiri istorice, ci i o lecie de demnitate i moralitate. 6 Viaa acestui om a fost presrat de nenorociri, de umiline i ameninri, care nu pot fi un uor de povestit, fr o imens tristee, mai ales detaliile perioadei de lung ncarcerare ntre zidurile nchisorilor! Patetismul rememorrilor referitoare la nchisorile comunismului n Romnia este nsoit ntotdeauna de o necesar sobrietate, pentru c nimic nu poate fi mai trist dect amintirea acelor destine frnte n detenii politice, impuse de un regim nedrept i bazat pe abuzuri i minciun, aa cum a fost comunismul. Instaurarea comunismului n Romania, dup 1947 a nsemnat nceputul calvarului a mii de personaliti, printre victimele regimului comunist fiind i un tnr avocat i ziarist, Corneliu Coposu (1914-1995), care ncercase o carier politic n jurul liderului naional-rnist,Iuliu Maniu.Importarea n Republica Popular Romn a dogmatismului stalinian a avut drept scop nevoia de unitate, de totalitate, n jurul partidului, iar
5 Al. Zub, Chemarea istoriei. Un an de rspntie n Romnia postcomunist, Iai, Junimea, 1997, p.38-41,336-338 6 Tudor Clin Zarojanu, Viaa lui Corneliu Coposu. n premier: documente din arhiva fostei Securiti, Buc., Editura Maina de scris, 1996, p. 92-94, 99-100

213

cei ce se opuneau sau serviser vechiul regim, erau etichetai drept dumani politici! Chiar dup 1947 comunismul a spulberat practic structura societii romneti, a distrus clasele prin ncarcerri i exterminri a rivalilor periculoi, mai ales membrii partidelor istorice, n umbra unui anonimat total, cu scopul de a se crea o mas atomizat i amorf, manipulabil prin teroare. 7 Dintre membrii PN, care numrau la desfiinarea partidului peste dou milioane, aproximativ 272 000 au fost arestai i trimii n pucrii, n mine, lagre de concentrare, iar dintre acetia trei sferturi au murit n acele condiii nefericite. Corneliu Coposu a fost arestat la 14 iulie 1947, pentru 30 de zile, fiind suspectat de fapte ce interesa Sigurana (conform mandatului de deinere nr. 1811/15 iulie)Din acel moment a rmas n arest administrativ timp de 9 ani, pn la finalizarea procesului su n 1956. n tot acest interval a fost mplicat n numeroase alte procese, fr a se putea dovedi vinovia sa cu probe serioase.Dup procesul din 1956, a fost condamnat pentru nalt trdare fa de clasa muncitoare, de crim contra reformelor sociale, dndui-se verdictul de munc silnic pe via.A rmas n detenie nc 9 ani, pn n 1964. Povestea nchisorilor e lung i nclcit a afirmat n confesiunile sale C. Coposu, arestat i ncarcerat de la vrsta de 33 de ani, ceea ce i-a distrus o important parte din viaa particular, din cariera politic i profesional. 8 Considerat unul dintre personajele cheie din jurul liderului naional-rnist Iuliu Maniu, tnrul Coposu a fost ridicat, fr menajamente, chiar din sediul P.N.., pentru a fi anchetat n mai toate procesele intentate rnitilor. Scenariul arestrii lui Coposu, la 14 iulie 1947, apare ca o veritabil ambuscad pentru prinderea unui trdtor periculos din rndul reacionarilor. Gestul brutal al arestrii l-a luat prin surprindere, pentru c, dei tia c era cutat de Siguran, apucase s telefoneze familiei sale i s anune c va depi cu demnitate acel moment. Dac termin trec pe la voi!, spunea el, dar nu a mai trecut! Sediul P.N.. a fost ncercuit de o companie de jandarmi i ageni ai Siguranei. Dus la subsolul Ministerului de Interne arestatul a fost brutal percheziionat i pentru a se evita pierderea unui martor cheie, i
7Corneliu

Coposu. Dialoguri cu Vartan Arachelian, Buc., Ed. Anastasia, 1992.Corneliu Coposu n faa istoriei, Colecia Problemele timpului, Institutul pentru analiz i strategie politic Iuliu Maniu i Fundaia Hanns Seidel, Bucureti,Ed. Metropol, 1996. 8 T. C. Zarojanu, op. cit., p.23-26, 74, 81-85

214

s-au luat imediat centura i ireturile, n semn de pretins precauie. Reinerea sa n arest urmrea, n principal stabilirea unei presupuse implicri personale n aciunea de la Tmdu, declarat o conspiraie periculoas, care trebuia scormonit, pentru a discredita, cu orice pre, pe liderii naional-rniti. Dup un arest prelungit n subsolul Ministerului de Interne C. Coposu a fost transferat pentru anchetare la Malmaison i intodus n "garsoniera" nr. 12, dotat cu un fel de pat i scaune de beton, cu un du i un closet n interior. Atmosfera sumbr a locului de detenie era completat de un perete de sticl, protejat de srm ghimpat i de dou ui, una din font i alta cu gratii, ceea ce crea o izolare complet.1 De la Malmaison a fost purtat pe la diferite alte case conspirative de anchet ale comunitilor, inut sub presiunea maltratrilor i a unor ameninri cu nchisoarea. Anchetatorii si erau personaje instruite s utilizeze orice metod de intimidare, orice mijloc de tortur fizic i psihic, pentru a obine dezvluiri incriminatorii de la arestat. C. Coposu, ca i ali deinui politici, a fost, n tot acest timp, victima unor constrngeri fizice i morale, pentru a se invoca o implicare n conspiraia contra ordinii comuniste, dar a refuzat cu ncpnare s fie manipulat de ctre anchetatori. Drama deinuilor politici era cu att mai mare, cu ct efii Siguranei deveniser chiar unii dintre generalii NKVD-ului sovietic, precum Pantiua Bodnarenco, cel ce luase numele conspirativ de Ilie Pintilie. Dup modelul sovietic anchetatorii nu ezitau s aduc ncriminri fictive, s inventeze probe pentru a-i condamna cu orice pre, mai ales pe membrii marcani ai partidelor istorice. C. Coposu a fost implicat succesiv n trei procese, neputnd s-i susin nevinovia pentru capetele de acuzare ce i s-au adus. Modificarea Codului Penal, introducerea unui articol care prevedea sancionarea celor vinovai de crima de activitate intens mpotriva ornduirii sociale, i mpotriva clasei muncitoare a agravat soarta deinuilor politici.1 n 1955 prin sentina nr. 876 a Tribunalului Militar Bucureti C. Coposua fost condamnat n unanimitate i n numele poporului, fr circumstane atenuante n favoarea sa, de crima de activitate intens contra clasei muncitoare.Recursul su a fost respins, de aceea sentina de deteniune grea i confiscarea total a averii, a rmas definitiv! i-a cunoscut ara prin pucrii Itinerariul penitenciarelor, din 1947 a fost unilitor de lung: de la sediul Ministerul de Interne (MI), la Malmaison, Vcreti, Snagov, Piteti (ns nainte de experiment), din nou M.I., Craiova, 215

Uranus, iari M.I., Jilava, Malmaison, Midia, Ghencea, Bragadiru, Popeti-Leordeni, M.I., Uranus, Jilava, Gherla, Sighet, Aiud, Rmnicu Srat, M.I. i, n fine, satul Rubla, unde a avut o vreme domiciliu obligatoriu. Toat acest traseu, prin nchisori din toate regiunile rii l-a fcut s-i cunoasc ara, aa cum cu tristee obinuia s spun la btrnee. n fiecare pucrie stteam n funcie de intenia guvernului de a m implica n diverse procese, care se succedau ntr-un ritm alert, i amintea C. Coposu. Ori de cte ori intra n cercetri i numele meu eram din nou adus la Ministerul de Interne i anchetat. O foarte sever anchet s-a f cut n legtur cu Lucreiu Ptrcanu. Cnd s-a hotrt eliminarea i condamnarea lui la moarte s-a f cut o nscenare verosimil, pentru care era nevoie de mrturiiDup refuzul meu categoric de a m preta la acest jocam fost chinuit n mod oribil, cu tot felul de mijloace torionarePrintr-un singur sistem de torionare n-am trecuttentativ de eletrocutare. 9 Atent supravegheat n arest,Coposu era descris de ctre gardieni, prin iulie 1947, ca un deinut linitit, uneori bine dispus, ngrijit, care se brbierea i fcea gimnastic dup trezirea de diminea. Obinuia s fumeze i s citeasc cri pentru a-i omor timpul.Dup ce era scos la cercetri se napoia n celul uneori linitit, alteori nervos, deprimat, dormind mult sau plimbndu-se cu nervozitate prin celul. n unele cazuri fcea conversaie ndrznea cu gardienii n legtur cu doctrina marxist, despre care susinea curajos c nu se putea aplica ntr-o ar agricol, cum era Romnia.Discuta nostalgic despre sport, cltorii n ar i n strintate. n decembrie 1947, cnd a fost vizitat de soia sa Arlette, la Piteti, unde era internat (acesta era termenul folosit n toate documentele oficiale) pentru cercetri, aceasta l gsea deja foarte slbit. n septembrie 1948 C. Coposu a fost transferat la penitenciarul de la Craiova, cu o fi de ncadrare nr. 1080, pe care scria reinut politic la SECRET (dei, formal era condamnat administrativ). La Craiova avea s-i fie zidit ua celulei vreme de 8 luni, ca urmare a interpretrii greite a ordinului de izolare total. Angoasat de izolare i dorind s intre n legtur cu ali deinui, el a spat n peretele celulei o gaur, putnd astfel vorbi o vreme cu profesorul Hudi, aflat n celula nvecinat.Spre dezamgirea lui, o dat descoperit, calea de
9

Ibidem

216

comunicare a fost ntrerupt. n februarie 1949 C. Coposu a fost transferat de la Craiova, la cererea Penitenciarului Jilava, fr ai putea recupera obiectele personale. A revenit la Craiova peste cinci ani! n 1950 drama familiei Coposu s-a amplificat, fiind arestat soia sa Arlette Coposu i sora acesteia, France. Arlette a primit 20 de ani de munc silnic, 10 ani de degradare civil i 500 de lei cheltuieli de judecat. n noiembrie 1950 C. Coposu a fost transferat la Unitatea de Munc nr.1, Cap Midia (la Canalul Dunre- Marea Neagr), dei suferea de tahicardie, fiind inapt pentru munc grea, aa cum se constatase la vizita medical. Cazat n barci, situate n interiorul unui arc de srm ghimpat, C. Coposu i deinuii nu aveau voie s primeasc pachete cu alimente, bani sau vizite din afar. Cu ajutorul unor vagoane de marf erau transportai la un punct de lucru pentru a spa i ncrca pmnt n vagonei, timp de 10 ore pe zi. Pauza de mas era de o jumtate de or, iar frigul cobora iarna pn la 25 de grade. Munca era foarte grea, fiindc norma era dublat fa de ceea ce cerea Ministerul de Construcii. Deiunuii nnebunii de foame recurgeau la cele mai nstrunice metode de supraalimentare i anume: mncau iarb cini, pisici, vnate de pe cuprinsul canalului sau din comuna nvecinat. S-au mncat i larve de crbui i tot felul de plante i vietipentru prelungirea agoniei. La capul Midiacam 70 de oameni au paralizat datorit supraefortului, pe care l reclamau torionarii, ce stteau cu biciul n spatele nostru, obligndu-ne s muncim, cu mult peste puterile pe care le aveam, nota C. Coposu n nsemnrile sale. Aproximativ 700 de deinui i-au lsat oasele numai la Midia. 10 Mai mult dect ali deinui, cei care avuseser un anumit rol n partidele istorice, precum Coposu, erau pedepsii deseori la carcer, care nsemna izolare complet i o porie imfim de mncare: 100 gr de pine pe zi i ceva ap. Cea mai lung carcer a durat pentru Coposu, nu mai puin de 15 zile. 1 n martie 1951 un incident neateptat era s-i curme viaa i anume prbuirea malului de pmnt, nalt de 14 m sub care lucrase, alturi de ali civa deinui, printre care existau i informatori. A fi anchetat drastic, mai ales c fusese prt de ctre informatori c un inginer, Ionescu Clineti, i faciliase obinerea de bani i alimente. 11 Din ianuarie 1952, notele informative (delaiunile) menionau n mai multe detalii comportamentul, starea de spirit,
10

Ibidem, p.26, 35-42

11Ibidem.

217

anturajul, ajutoarele din afar i corespondena deinuilor. Notele informative menionau n legtur cu Corneliu Coposu o stare de spirit roz, pentru c situaia internaional i hrnea acestuia sperana schimbrii n bine a Romniei.Atitudinea mai optimist l-a transformat repede n suspect.Un raport din aprilie i unul din mai 1952 ctre Direcia General a Penitenciarelor Bucureti, internatul Corneliu Coposu era denumit un element recalcitrant, cu o poziie reacionar, care conducea diverse aciuni din umbr i credea c eliberarea de suferin era apropape, prin armatele ONU. De aceea se propunea pentru el un regim sever celular. 12 n iunie 1952 Coposu a fost mutat n lagrul de triere din Ghencea, de unde a fost trimis la o ferm de cules roii, la Bragadiru. Autoritile penitenciare se pregtiser, de fapt, s-l trimit la temni grea, fiind propus pentru Ocnele Mari.Acea stare de espectativ n ateptarea verdictului fcea parte din instrumentele de torturare psihic a deinuilor politic.1 n februarie 1953 Coposu a fost mutat n colonia de munc Popeti-Leordeni, iar n martie acelai an a fost transferat la Rahova 3 i Vcreti. Transferurile sale dese i scurte pe la nchisorile din Bucureti erau prilejul unor anchete n legtur cu diverse procese n care era implicat.n perioada decembrie 1954-ianuarie 1955 detenia principal a fost la penitenciarul Jilava, unde interogatoriile erau legate de activitatea de ziarist a lui Coposu, n 15 martie 1955 acesta a fost acuzat de crim mpotriva pcii i activitate intens mpotriva clasei muncitoare, n principal pentru articole i materiale considerate antisovietice i anticomuniste.Din nefericire nu s-a putut opune acuzaiilor, recursurile fiindu-i respinse. n octombrie 1956 a fost tansferat de la Jilava dincolo de muni, la Gherla. Starea sntii sale s-a agravat printr-o anemie, ce nu a fost tratat ntre anii 19581959, iar trimiterea la Rmnicu-Srat avea s-l epuizeze complet. Dei a fost ultima perioad de detenie, cea de la Rmnicu-Srat i s-a prut cea mai sinistr.Acolo au murit peste 90% dintre deinuii politic, cci regimul de nfometare ducea la moarte sigur. La Rmnicu Srat mncarea consta n supe de orz i mmlig din semine de mtur, ceea ce provoca grave i ireversibile avitaminoze.Personalul nchisorii era extrem de sever i vigilent, interzicnd orice fel de discuie ntre deinui. Nefericiii erau condamnai la tcere absolut, singura lor comunicare fiind prin slabe bti n zid (un fel de semnale
Cojoc, Psihoza notelor informative la Canalul Dunre-Marea Neagr (1949-1953) n Revista Istoric, 2002, 13, nr. 5-6, p. 27-39
12Marian

218

Morse!) sau prin tuse ritmic. 13 n lungile perioade de izolare, pentru a se putea pstra lucid, C Coposu compunea poezii, inventa i rezolva probleme de matematic, fcea traduceri literare, se ruga sau depna pn la detaliu amintiri din copilrie.Diversele sale acte de indisciplin, adesea banale, precum destrmarea aei dintr-o fa de pern, i aduceau zile grele de carcer n anul 1962. Chiar i o asistare la slujbele preoilor ntemniai era considerat o grav infraciune, pedepsit cu legarea minilor de glezne. Era o poziie chinuitoare, care transforma actul de a mnca ntr-un calvar umilitor pentru orice fiin uman.1 La 27 iunie 1962, printr-o decezie a ministrului de Interne C.Coposu a fost transferat n domiciliu forat la Rubla n pustietatea Brganului. Aceast mutare era tot o form de izolare, dar a fost perceput de Coposu ca o binefacere, pentru c o revenire a sa la viaa normal ar fi fost probabil ocant. Pn la Decretul de amnistie din primvara anului 1964 i primirea unui buletin de identitate, care l reintroducea n starea civil, viaa n satul Rubla mpreun cu foti deinui politic, dar i cu membri ai familiei i s-a prut mai rezonabil. Chiar i acolo a fost permanent sub severe restriscii i un regim de supraveghere. 14 Interogatorii i torture. Timp de 17 ani i jumtate C. Coposu a rmas izolat ntre nite ziduri ale Infernului, unde nu se ntmpla nimic, pentru c zilele semnau una cu cealalt.Ieirea forat din timp i din lume a durat pentu Coposu 6200 de zile, 150000 de ore i cca 9 milioane de minute. Dramatismul perioadei de izolare pe via, impus de comuniti a fost cu att mai mare, cu ct regimul de detenie presupunea distrugerea lent, att fizic, ct i psihic. Ca n cazul tuturor nchisorilor comuniste, torionarii erau alei dintre oameni de cea mai evident incultur, firi dispreuitoare, capabile de brutaliti fr limit, josnice prin umilinele la care supuneau victimele neajutorate.Acea atitudine violent a acestora fa de deinui contrasta zguduitor cu supuenia afiat fa de efii lor, care i tratau, la rndul lor, tiranic.Experiena numeroaselor nchisori prin care a fost mutat C.Coposu a fost trist, nu numai datorit suferinei fizice personale, ci i pentru c i-a oferit
13 Nicu Ioni, Detenia-factor de psihopatizare a personalitii, n Analele Sighet, 2000, 8, p. 149-157 N. Ioni, Reeducarea deinuilor politic, n Analele Sighet, 2001, 9, p. 316326.Cicerone Ionioiu, Penitenciarul Rmnicu-Srat. Un infern programat, n Analele Sighet, 2001, 9, p. 405-415 14 T. Clin Zarojanu, op. cit., p.59-85

219

ocazia s cunoasc injustiia, minciuna, viclenia de care puteau fi capabili unii oameni.Pentru C. Coposu momente triste au fost, nu de puine ori, apariia printre anchetatori a unor foti rniti, ca Mircea Lepdtescu, care trecuse fr scrupule la comuniti.i totui la Malmezon a avut o experien ieit din comun, descoperind printre gardieni unul binevoitor, care lucrase la fosta Siguran i de la care a aflat c Maniu se afla nchis tot acolo. Coposu a fost ntotdeauna ataat de liderul rnist de aceea informaia i s-a prut nepreuit. Bunvoina pe care i-a acordat-o acel gardian nu avea s-o mai cunoasc de la alii n lungul ir al zilelor de nchisoare. Clipele cele mai dureroase i umilitoare au fost pentru Coposu lungile ore de tortur fizic sistematic, aplicate n special de torionarul Brnzaru, un btu oligofren, de 150 kg, capabil s bat fr oprire timp de 12 ore i care era chemat, doar atunci cnd ceilali btu oboseau. Torionarii i fceau meseria cu un zel aparte pentru a-i impresiona superiorii. n spatele unor porecle, cu o identitate camuflat, acetia batjocoreau i bteau pe deinui, dup tehnici speciale, uneori gratuit, i folosind un jargou specific. Btile cotidiene, aplicate fr motiv i indiferent de vrsta i starea fizic a deinuilor a avut rolul de a crea o stare de fric permanent i de suspiciune. Se utiliza btaia la tlpi, lovirea deinutului cu capul de zid, atrnarea cu capul n jos, electrocutarea, uneori n celula inundat, btaia cu cearceaful ud, cu sculeul de nisip, manejul, o biciuire a victimei, pus s alerge n cerc, etc. Manejul era o metod stalinist de nfrngere a rezistenei deinuilor, acest sistem aplicndu-se mai ales n nchisoarea din Calea Plevnei.Coposu a fost una dintre victimele frecvente ale acestor practici, creia i rezista demn. 15 Scopul declarat al deteniei comuniste era reeducarea, adic ndoctrinarea n spiritul credinei comuniste, pentru ca dup ispirea pedepsei omul nou s fie devotat partidului rou. n realitate nchisorile comuniste au fost locuri sinistre de exterminare, de neantizare, iar supravieuirea era extrem de rar.n locul numelui deinuii primeau numere de identificare, ceea ce nsemna primul pas spre dezumanizare i despariie din societate. Pucria monocelular nsemna izolarea total a deinutului, imposibilitatea de a comunica i chiar de a vedea lumina soarelui. Ferestrele celuleor erau nalte i mbcsite de obloane i gratii, care nu permiteau observarea niciunui petec de cer! Un
15

Ibidem, p. 36-48

220

bec de 15 wai asigura o licrire de lumin, iar de nclzirea celulei nu putea fi vorba nici n gerul iernilor.De altfel, n nchisorile construite din ziduri groase de crmid frigul i umezeala erau constante, att vara, ct i iarna. Pentru a spori umilina i suferina fiecare deinut era obligat s stea n picioare sau pe tinet n timpul zilei, patul neputnd fi folosit dect pe timpul nopii. Tcerea impus era o adevrat anticamer a nebuniei, o moarte lent, de aceea ea a constituit un autentic regim de tortur, cci timp de opt ani C. Coposu mrturisea c nu a avut cu cine s scoat un cuvnt. La ieirea din nchisoare a ntmpinat mari dificulti de adaptare, pn a renvat s vorbeasc i s comunice. 16 Nici n celulele comune nu fusese permis vreo conversaie! La Jilava,n subteranul ntunecos se afla Celularul (12 celule), i Rotonda(30 de celule), n care, pe priciuri late doar de 30 de centimetri, erau suprapuse cte trei paturi.ncperile erau sufocante, cci erau nchesuii deodat 80-100 de deinui, unii dormind direct pe ciment. Printre deinui se aflau ntodeauna informatori, dar i nebuni sau bolnavi de sifilis. nfometarea constituia instrumentul cel mai inuman de distrugere a demnitii i de ucidere lent a organismului condamnatului. La intrarea n detenie C. Coposu fusese un brbat solid, de cca 114 kilograme, mare iubitor al sportului.ndrgise cu predilecie halterele (categoria grea!) i boxul amator. Ca urmare a izolrii i inactivitii din detenie, dar mai ales a alimentaiei lipsite de calorii ,organismul su a fost complet zdruncinat i anemiat, pn la a cntrii, dup 17 ani, doar51 de kilograme! De altfel, muli dintre colegii si de suferin au pierit de-a lungul anilor, rmnnd doar cinci supravieuitori. Tot o form sinistr de torturare erau suferinele nejustificate la care erau supuse familiile deinuilor. Toi membrii familiei C.Coposu au fost tri pe la organele de Securitate, permanent hruii i ameninai. Mama i surorile lui Coposu au fost date afar de la slujb i obligate s munceasc la lopat, dar pentru ca suferina s fie i mai mare au fost evacuate n dou ore din propria cas (din Parcul Jianu), pentru ca acolo s se instaleze un ministru comunist. Familia sa
16 Nuu Roca, Regimul de izolare, n Memoria nchisorii Sighet, Buc., 1999, p. 143-150.Mihai Timaru, Mecanismele terorii (amnunte inedite), n Analele Sighet. 1999, 7, p. 546-552.Emil Ticaci, Despre foti deinui politici anticomuniti, n Dosarele Istoriei, 2003, 8, nr.10, p. 17-18.Dumitru Vcariu, Aspecte ale educrii i reeducrii n nchisorile comuniste i lagrele de munc forat, n Analele Sighet, 20019, p. 354-357

221

a fost obligat s se mute ntr-o cas drpnat, din calea Dudeti.Ameninrile, umilirile, nfometarea i tortura repetat a fcut viaa n nchisoare insuportabil, de aceea, doar buna constituie fizic i rezistena psihic l-a salvat de la pierderea respectului de sine i de la moarte. Destinul pe care l-a ntlnit a fost cu siguran unul dintre cele mai dramatice, pentru c stalinismul, n forma lui cea mai sinistr, a adugat la suprimarea victimelor acea plcere pervers a njosirii preliminare. 17 n ultimii si ani de via linitea uitrii s-a cernut treptat peste nesfrita sa suferin, dar ceea ce a susinut cu ardoare a fost celebrarea memoriei martirilor comunismului.Dup prerea lui Coposu, de martiri se leag efortul dramatic al salvarii, cu preul suferinei, a principiilor legate de libertate, democraie, moralitate, principii care, pentru unii dintre ei nu s-au negociat, indiferent de torturiile la care a recurs regimul totalitar. 18 n fond, preciza C. Coposu, ntr-un numr din Dreptatea (14 noiembrie 1995), nu e important persoana mea, e important ideea legat de activitatea mea () Dac aceasta triumf (n opinia public-nn), dispariia mea nu mai e semnificativ! Reconstituirea diferitelor experiene tragice din vremea comunismul perioadei 1947-1964 are o imens importan, nu numai pentru istoriografie, ci i pentru moralitatea social! Deformarea sau ascunderea adevrului n lunga perioad a comunismului a nsemnat o via n ntuneric, o ignorare a unei lupte consecvente i ncrncenate a unor martiri pentru revenirea la democraie n Romnia.

17Aurel Boghiu, Printre gratii, vol II, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Napoca Star, 2003. Corneliu Coposu, Confessions. Dialogs with Doina Alexandru. Boudler CO, s.n. 1999.Corneliu Coposu, o via n slujba democraiei. Expoziie Catalog, Buc., Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei, 1999, 35 p 18Marin Pop, Ideea de integrare european n concepia marelui om politic, Corneliu Coposu. Aciunile sale de susinere a cauzei romneti pentru integrarea european, n Alma Mater Porolissensis, Zalu, 2002, 3, nr. 7-8, p. 59-64.

222

Teoria i istoria culturii

POVARA ISTORIEI

Hayden White * Traducere - Rzvan Prianu ** Abstract

The Burden of History History for historians was both art and science, this categorization making it easier to at times avoid the scientific rigors and at times go around the esthetic requirements of art. The present essay of one of the most important theorists of history writing, Hayden White, takes a closer look at the way contemporary criticism towards this Fabian escape of the historians has mounted. Finding history writing still rooted in the 19th century methodological requirements where art and science were traditionally apart the essay regards how contemporary development of science is challenging the position history received a century ago. * Historical writing, historical methodology, objectivity, truth

I1 Timp de mai bine de un secol muli istorici s-au gsit n situaia de a urma un fel de tactic fabian mpotriva criticilor provenite din disciplinele conexe. Tactica funcioneaz n felul urmtor: atunci cnd este criticat de specialitii din tiinele sociale pentru inconsistena metodologic, pentru metaforele primitive sau pentru ambiguitatea ipotezelor sociologice i psihologice, istoricul rspunde c istoria nu i-a asumat niciodat un statut de tiin pur, c ea depinde ntr-o tot aa de mare msur de metodele intuitive ct i de cele analitice i c de aceea judecata istoric nu trebuie evaluat pe baza
*

Profesor Emerit, Stanford University

1 Hayden White, The Burden of History, n Tropics of Discourse (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), pp. 27-50; prima dat textul a fost publicat n History and Theory Vol. 5, nr. 2 (1966). Eseul a fost tradus, cu permisiunea autorului, de ctre Rzvan Prianu Lector dr., Universitatea Petru Maior, Tg. Mure

223

standardelor critice care nu i gsesc cu adevrat aplicabilitatea dect n disciplinele matematice i experimentale. Toate aceste argumente sugereaz c istoria e un fel de art. Iar atunci cnd este chestionat de ctre artitii literari n privina eecului de a sonda straturile mai profunde ale contiinei umane ct i n privina rezistenei fa de utilizarea modelelor contemporane de reprezentare literar, istoricul se refugiaz n spatele ideii c istoria este la urma urmei o semi-tiin, c datele istorice nu permit libertatea manipulrii artistice, i c forma naraiunii sale nu face obiectul unei alegeri, ci este cerut de nsi natura surselor istorice. Aceast tactic a nregistrat repetate succese n a dezarma criticii istoriei i totodat a permis istoricilor s afirme c ocup o poziie intermediar, epistemologic neutr, care se presupune c exist ntre art i tiin. Astfel, istoricii aduc uneori argumentul c doar prin istorie arta i tiina de pot ntlni ntr-o sintez armonioas. Din acest punct de vedere istoricul nu numai c mediaz ntre prezent i trecut, dar el are i aceast ndatorire particular de a aduce mpreun dou moduri de nelegere a lumii care altfel ar fi iremediabil separate. Exist totui o sum de evidene care demonstreaz c aceast tactic de eschivare i-a pierdut din eficien i c poziia dobndit de istorici printre intelectualii celorlalte discipline este serios periclitat. Se poate vedea cum se rspndete printre istoricii contemporani o anumit suspiciune c aceast tactic mai poate opri argumentele serioase aduse de ultimele evoluii semnificative din literatur, tiinele sociale, i filozofie petrecute n ultimul secol. Totodat, opinia c istoricul, departe de a fi mediator necesar dintre art i tiin, este dumanul amndurora, pare a ctiga teren i printre ne-istorici. Pe scurt, exist un resentiment larg rspndit referitor la reaua credin a istoricilor, care, dei reclam att privilegiile artistului ct pe cele ale omului de tiin, refuz s se supun standardelor critice actuale fie din art fie din tiin. Acest resentiment are n genere dou cauze. Una este legat de natura nsi a profesiei de istoric. Istoria este probabil disciplina prin excelen cea mai conservatoare. nc de la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea majoritatea istoricilor au suferit de o fel de naivitate metodologic deliberat. Iniial aceast naivitate a servit unui scop foarte bun: acela de a 224

proteja istoricii de tendina de a mbria sistemul explicaiilor moniste ale idealismului militant din filozofie i/sau pozitivismul militant al tiinei. Dar aceast suspiciune fa de sistem a devenit un fel de rspuns condiionat care a condus la o anumit rezisten a istoricilor fa de orice fel de autoanaliz critic pe toat perioada exercitrii profesiei. Mai mult, aa cum istoricii au devenit tot mai profesionalizai i specializai, istoricul de rnd, prins n cutarea unui document iluzoriu care s-l ridice la rangul de autoritate necontestat ntr-un anume subiect extrem de ngust definit, nu a avut timp s se mai informeze asupra ultimelor evoluii din art i tiin. De aceea, muli istorici nu sunt deloc preocupai de faptul c incompatibilitatea dintre art i tiin, care legitima rolul de mediator al istoricului, poate nu mai este ndreptit. Aici intervine cea de a doua cauz a ostilitii actuale fat de istorie. Poziia presupus intermediar i epistemologic neutr ntre art i tiin, poziie pe care muli istorici ai secolului al XIX-lea i-au asumat-o cu ncredere i mndrie, a fost erodat de descoperirea caracterului constructivist comun att al formulrilor artistice ct i al celor tiinifice. Majoritatea gnditorilor contemporani nu mai consider de actualitate tradiionala presupunere a istoricilor c arta i tiina sunt dou feluri de a nelege lumea esenial diferite. Este destul de clar acum c aceast credin n diferena radical dintre art i tiin din secolul al XIX-lea nu a fost dect consecina unei nenelegeri ncurajat de frica de tiin a artitilor romantici i de ignorana oamenilor de tiin n ceea ce privete arta. Este fr ndoial c, att frica artitilor romantici fa de tiinele pozitive ct i dispreul oamenilor de tiin fa de arta romantic au fost justificate de atmosfera intelectual n care ambele s-au nscut. n schimb, critica modern care este n mare msur un rezultat al investigaiilor psihologiei n direcia investigrii facultilor umane de sintez a dobndit o nelegere clar a operaiilor prin care artistul i exprim viziunea sa asupra lumii i a celor prin care omul de tiin i formeaz ipotezele sale despre lume. Cnd implicaiile acestor cunotine dobndite au fost acceptate pe de-a ntregul atunci nevoia unui agent mediator ntre art i tiin a disprut sau cel puin nu mai este deloc evident c istoricul este calificat n mod special pentru a juca acest rol mediator. n concluzie, istoricii acestei generaii trebuie sa fie pregtii s recunoasc posibilitatea ca prestigiul de care 225

profesiunea lor s-a bucurat printre intelectualii secolului al XIX-lea s nu fi fost dect o consecin a unor fore culturale determinabile. Ei trebuie s fie pregtii s accepte ideea c istoria, aa cum este ea neleas n mod curent astzi, este un fel de accident istoric, un produs al unei situaii istorice specifice, i c odat depit nenelegerea care a generat aceast situaie, istoria i-ar putea pierde statutul su de mod de gndire autonom care se auto-autentific. Se poate chiar ntmpla ca cea mai dificil sarcin pe care actuala generaie de istorici s fie chemat s o ndeplineasc s fie aceea de a prezenta caracterul istoric condiionat al disciplinei istorice, de a conduce disoluia preteniilor de autonomie a istoriei fa de alte discipline i de a ajuta asimilarea istoriei ntr-un cmp de interogare intelectual mai elevat care tocmai datorit faptului c se bazeaz pe contiina asemn rilor dintre art i tiin mai degrab dect pe cea a diferenelor, ar putea fi identificat ca nefiind niciuna dintre ele. II Nu este necesar s refacem principalele linii de argumentaie ale disputei dintre tiinele sociale i istorie care a antrenat pe acei practicani ai ambelor ramuri tiinifice preocupai de statutul teoretic al disciplinei lor n ultimul secol. Este vorba despre o veche controvers care dateaz nc de la nceputul secolului al XIX-lea. Poate c este ns bine de reamintit c aceast disput a ajuns la un fel de soluie care nu era posibil n secolul al XIX-lea i c, dup cum continu, aceast disput depete limitele unei simple discuii despre metod. n primul rnd, n secolului al XIX-lea tiina nu dobndise poziia hegemonic pe care azi o are fa de celelalte discipline studiate. Filozofii contemporani ai tiinei sunt mult mai clari n ceea ce privete natura explicaiei tiinifice, i oamenii de tiin nsi au reuit s dobndeasc un anumit control asupra lumii fizice, control pe care nu puteau dect s-l viseze un secol mai devreme. Astfel, astzi, o afirmaie de genul celei fcute de Ernst Cassirer, spre sfritul vieii sale, c nu exist o alt a doua putere n lumea noastr modern care s poat fi comparat cu gndirea tiinific, poate fi acceptat drept un simplu fapt; ea nu poate fi respins ca fiind o figur de stil ntr-o disput pentru ntietate n rndul tiinelor academice aa cum ar fi fost considerat n secolul al XIX-lea. Astzi, tiina este recunoscut, aa cum Cassirer a prevzut, drept apogeul i desvrirea tuturor activitilor noastre 226

umane, ultimul capitol al istoriei omenirii, i cel mai important subiect pentru filozofia uman Putem discuta despre rezultatele tiinei sau despre principiile ei fundamentale, dar funcia ei general pare a fi de necontestat. Este tiina aceea care ne d sigurana unei lumi familiare. Triumful strlucitor al tiinei timpului nostru nu numai c a mboldit cercettorii proceselor sociale n eforturile lor de a construi o tiin a societii similar tiinei naturii; el a nrutit ostilitatea fa de istorie. Cea mai surprinztoare caracteristic a opiniei curente despre istorie a multor practicani ai tiinelor sociale este aceea c concepiile convenionale despre istorie folosite de istorici sunt simultan simptomul i cauza unei maladii culturale care poate fi fatal. Astfel, critica istoriei fcut de unii oameni de tiin responsabili capt o dimensiune moral. Pentru foarte muli dintre acetia, distrugerea concepiei convenionale a istoricilor este un pas necesar pentru construirea unei adevrate tiine a societii i un element terapeutic pe care ei l propun n ultim instan pentru a conduce o societate bolnav napoi spre iluminism i progres. n aceast depreciere a abordrii convenionale a problemelor istorice aplicat de istorici, oamenii de tiin din tiinele sociale contemporane sunt favorizai de cursul luat de discuia filozofic actual asupra naturii investigaiei istorice i statutului epistemologic al explicaiei istorice. Contribuii semnificative la aceast discuie au fost aduse de cercettorii Europei continentale dar ea s-a desfurat cu o intensitate extraordinar n lumea anglo-saxon ncepnd cu 1942 cnd Carl Hempel a publicat eseul su Funcia legilor generale n istorie. Ar fi neadevrat dac am sugera c aceia care au contribuit la aceast dezbatere ar fi ajuns la vreun acord comun asupra naturii explicaiei istorice. Dar trebuie admis c evoluia acestei dezbateri pn acum, pentru cineva care mprtete prerea lui Cassirer privitoare la rolul hegemonic al tiinelor exacte printre disciplinele academice, i care preuiete totodat calitatea studiilor istorice, nu este dect deconcertant. Deoarece un numr important de filozofi par a fi decis c istoria este fie o tiin de categoria a treia, nrudit cu tiinele sociale aa cum istoria naturii era pe vremuri nrudit cu tiinele naturale, fie o form de art de categoria a doua, cu o valoare epistemologic dubioas i cu un merit estetic ndoielnic. Aceti filozofi par a fi ajuns la concluzia c dac 227

exist o ierarhie a tiinelor atunci istoria i gsete locul undeva ntre fizica lui Aristotel i biologia lui Linnaeus care trebuie spus c au o anume atracie printre colecionarii de viziuni exotice asupra lumii i de mitologii corupte dar nu contribuie prea mult la instituirea lumii cotidiene care i gsete confirmarea zilnic n tiin, de care vorbea Cassirer. III Excluderea istoriei dintre tiinele de prim rang nu ar fi fost ntr-att de demoralizant dac o bun parte din literatura secolului al XX-lea nu ar fi manifestat o mult mai mare ostilitate fa de contiina istoric dect cea manifestat de gndirea tiinific a epocii noastre. Se poate chiar argumenta c una din caracteristicile distincte ale literaturii contemporane este convingerea fundamental c contiina istoric trebuie s fie anulat dac scriitorul vrea ntr-adevr s examineze cu seriozitate adecvat acele straturi ale experienei umane a cror dezvluire constituie scopul principal al artei moderne. Aceast convingere este att de rspndit nct afirmaia istoricului c ar fi i el un artist n felul su apare drept lamentabil atunci cnd nu este pur i simplu hilar. Ostilitatea scriitorului modern fa de istorie se remarc cel mai evident n practica utilizrii istoricului n romane i piese de teatru drept exemplul extrem al unei sensibiliti reprimate. Printre scriitorii care au folosit istorici n acest fel se numr i Gide, Ibsen, Malraux, Aldous Huxley, Hermann Broch, Wyndham Lewis, Thomas Mann, Jean-Paul Sartre, Camus, Pirandello, Kingsley Amis, Angur Wilson, Elias Canetti i Edward Albee pentru a nu meniona dect scriitori mai importani sau la mod astzi. Lista poate fi considerabil extins dac am include numele tuturor autorilor care au condamnat implicit contiina istoric sugernd o esenial contemporaneitate a ntregii experiene umane semnificative. Virginia Wolf, Proust, Robert Musil, Italo Svevo, Gottfried Benn, Ernst Jnger, Valery, Yeats, Kafka i D. H. Lawrence toi reflect ct de rspndit este convingerea perfect exprimat de Stephen Dedalus al lui Joyce, c istoria este un comar din care omul occidental trebuie s se trezeasc pentru ca umanitatea s fie slujit i salvat. Este adevrat c n multe romane i piese de teatru omul de tiin apare drept contraexemplul tipic al artistului i mai des dect istoricul. Dar scriitorul arat o anume simpatie i chiar o anumit dorin de cruare a omului de tiin, 228

atitudine care nu este extins i asupra istoricului ca personaj literar. n vreme ce omul de tiin este cel mai adesea reprezentat drept un personaj care a trdat spiritul dintr-un ataament pozitiv fat de altceva, cum ar fi dorina faustian de a controla lumea sau nevoia de a sonda secretele celor mai profunde procese ale materiei, istoricul este prin contrast descris de regul drept un inamic din interiorul cetii, drept un personaj care contraface atitudinea pioas de respect pentru spirit numai pentru a corupe afirmarea spiritului prin individul creator. Pe scurt, acuzaiile ridicate mpotriva istoricului de ctre scriitorii moderni sunt de asemenea de natur moral, dar n vreme ce omul de tiin l nvinuiete pe istoric doar de un eec metodologic sau intelectual, artistul l acuz de un eec al sensibilitii sau al dorinei. Detaliile acuzaiei i tacticile prin care ea este instrumentat nu s-au schimbat prea mult de cnd Nietzsche a dat primul exemplu n urm cu mai bine de un secol. n Naterea tragediei (1872) Nietzsche a opus arta oricrei alte forme de inteligen abstractiv n termenii vieii mpotriva morii umanitii. El a inclus istoria printre acele multe posibile perversiti ale facultilor apolinice ale omului i n mod particular a acuzat istoria de colaborare la distrugerea fundamentelor mitice ale sinelui att individual ct i comunitar. Doi ani mai trziu, n Uzul i abuzul de istorie (1874), el i-a radicalizat concepiile despre opoziia dintre imaginaia artistic i cea istoric i a afirmat c atta vreme ct eunucii din haremul istoriei prolifereaz, arta inevitabil va pieri. nelegerea istoric nestpnit, scria el, adus la logica ei extrem, disloc viitorul deoarece distruge iluziile i rpete lucrurilor existente unica atmosfer n care acestea pot tri. Nietzsche a urt istoria chiar mai mult dect a urt religia. Pentru el, istoria e aceea care promoveaz un voyeurism debilitant n oameni, i face s cread c ei sunt noii venii ntro lume n care tot ceea ce merita fcut a fost deja fcut, i prin aceasta slbete acel impuls ctre efortul eroic care poate da un neles specific uman, fie el i efemer, unei lumi absurde. Gndirea istoric a fost produsul unei aptitudini care a deosebit omul de animal, i anume memoria, care este i sursa contiinei. Istoria trebuie s fie urt n mod foarte serios, este concluzia lui Nietzsche,ca un lux costisitor i inutil al nelegerii, dac vrem ca nsi viaa uman s nu dispar prin cultivarea fr sens a acelor vicii pe care falsa moralitate, 229

bazat pe memorie, le induce n om. Urmtoarea generaie, pe lng multe lucruri bune i rele nvate de la Nietzsche, a preluat aceast ostilitate fa de istorie, aa cum era ea practicat n mediile academice de specialitate de la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea. Dar nu Nietzsche a fost singurul responsabil pentru declinul autoritii istoriei printre artitii fin-de-sicle. Acuze similare, mai mult sau mai puin explicite, pot fi gsite n operele unor scriitori diferii ca comportament i ca obiective cum ar fi George Eliot, Ibsen i Gide. n Middlemarch, publicat n acelai an cu Naterea tragediei, Eliot folosete ntlnirea dintre Dorthea Brooke i domnul Casaubon pentru a oferi o critic a riscurilor pasiunii de colecionar. Domnioara Brooke, o virgin din epoca victorian, cu venitul asigurat, care dorete s fac mcar un lucru n via prin care s-i depeasc condiia, l ntlnete pe dl. Casaubon, pedagogul ei n vrst de douzeci i cinci de ani, leit Bossuet, a crui oper ncearc s reconcilieze cunoaterea complet cu pietatea credinei. n ciuda diferenei de vrst, ea se decide s se cstoreasc cu el i s-i subordoneze viaa sa studiului istoric pe care el i l-a propus, acela de a studia sistemul religios al lumii. Dar n timpul lunii de miere petrecut la Roma, iluziile ei se risipesc. Acolo, la Roma, Casaubon i dezvluie incapacitatea de a rspunde trecutului care triete alturi prin monumentele oraului, i, mai mult, i dezvluie incapacitatea de a face ca munca sa intelectual s completeze prezentul. Cu sfenicul su alturi, cum l descrie autorul pe Casaubon, el a uitat de absena ferestrelor, i dei n manuscrisul su critic ideile altor oameni despre divinitile solare, el a devenit indiferent la lumina soarelui. n final Dorthea neag orice obligaie fa de savantul Casaubon i se cstorete cu tnrul artist Ladislaw evadnd astfel din comarul istoriei. George Eliot nu a fost preocupat de aceast problem n mod special, dar esena chestiunii este clar: ptrunderea artistic i studiul istoric sunt opuse i calitatea rspunsurilor la problemele ridicate de viaa cotidian, evocat de ambele, se exclud reciproc. Ibsen, scriind n urmtorul deceniu, este n mod evident mult mai preocupat i mai explicit n privina limitelor culturii care preuiete trecutul mai mult dect prezentul. Hedda Gabler sufer de o aceiai povar ca i Dorthea Brooke: comarul trecutului, un exces de istorie combinat cu sau reflectat de o atot-cuprinztoare fric de viitor. Dup 230

rentoarcerea lor din luna de miere, Hedda i soul su, George Tesman, sunt ntmpinai de mtua lui Tesman care face aluzie la plcerile pe care cltoria lor le-a oferit. La aceasta George rspunde: Ei bine, pentru mine aceasta a fost de asemenea i o scurt cltorie de cercetare. Am avut attea de scormonit printre vechi mrturii i atta de citit fr a putea termina nici o carte, drag mtuico. Tesman este desigur un istoric, un tnr domn Casaubon, care scrie un studiu definitiv despre industria local din Brabant n timpul evului mediu. Munca sa i consum fr ndoial ample resurse de afeciune uman; att de mult nct se poate spune c nervozitatea lui Hedda i are originea n devotamentului lui George fa de industria local din trecut cnd el ar fi putut arta mai mult srguin casnic (n englez tot domestic industry) n prezent. Trebuia mcar s ncerci, ip Hedda la un moment dat, s asculi numai i numai istoria civilizaiei dimineaa, la prnz i seara! Nu poate fi vorba aici de a localiza cauza profundei insatisfacii a lui Hedda n perimetrul ngust al categoriilor pur i simplu sexuale. Ea este victima unei ntregi reele de inhibri care sunt endemice n societatea burghez i dintre care doar una este reprezentat de cazul lui Tesman care folosete trecutul pentru a ocoli problemele prezentului. Totui, dispreul tot mai mare artat de Hedda soului su se concentreaz pe abnegaia sa ascetic pentru istorie, un domeniu al morilor i al morii care reflect i alimenteaz frica Heddei fa de un viitor necunoscut simbolizat de copilul care capt via n ea. Rivalul lui Tesman este Eilert Lvberg, tot un istoric, dar un istoric n stil mare, un hegelian. El este un filozof al istoriei a crui carte despre marul civilizaiei n linii mari despre asta era vorba, inspir n Hedda sperana c viziunea acestuia va putea face posibil evadarea din aceast lume ngust circumscris imaginaiei infirme a lui Tesman. Ibsen d de neles c Lvberg este un om talentat cu un potenial creativ deosebit. El compune o lucrare despre civilizaie care mai mult va slbi dect va ntri morala convenional, o oper care va exprima un adevr nobil i nu o jumtate de adevr confortabil, semi-adevr pe care s-a bazat att prima sa carte ct i reputaia sa timpurie. Odat ns cu evoluia intrigii, Hedda ajunge s-l urasc; ea intr n posesia manuscrisului su, l distruge i l face pe Lvberg s se sinucid. Distrugerea manuscrisului este pe de o parte un act de rzbunare personal fa de Lvberg datorit relaiei acestuia cu domnioara Elvsed, 231

rivala lui Hedda. Pe de alt parte ns ea este un refuz simbolic al acelei civilizaii pentru care att Tesman ct i Lvberg, fiecare n felul su, sunt att de nechibzuit de devotai. n final Hedda este ameninat de judectorul Brack, un alt custode al tradiiei, fapt care duce la sinuciderea ei. n ultimul act, Tesman i Domnioara Elvsted, supravieuitorii tragediei, se dedic sarcinii editrii operei lui Lvberg, Nachla [Proprietate], pentru tot restul vieii lor, ceea ce ne indic c nici unul nu a neles nimic din tragedia ntmplat n care nu au fost dect nite martori care doar au inut isonul. Tesman nu face dect s i compun propriul epitaf atunci cnd spune c a face ordine n hrtiile altora este treaba cea mai potrivit pentru mine. Ibsen ne d de neles c aceast afirmaie nu e dect echivalentul savant al vorbelor farnice ale judectorul Brack referitoare la sinuciderea lui Hedda, oamenii cumsecade nu fac asemenea lucruri. n lImmoraliste lui Gide (1902), revolta mpotriva contiinei istorice este i mai explicit, iar opoziia dintre rspunsul dat de art prezentului i cultul istoriei fa de trecutul mort este mult mai brutal descris. Protagonistul romanului este Michel care sufer de o boal care combin toate simptomele atribuite de Ibsen personajelor care apar n Hedda Gabler. Michel este totodat ipocrit, istoric i, tot mai mult, odat cu desfurarea aciunii, un filozof al istoriei. Acest din urm rol de filozof este dobndit n urma suferinelor pe care el le ndur ca ipocrit i ca istoric i este un rol eminamente temporar de vreme ce l duce la concluzia c istoria, ca i civilizaia nsi, trebuie s fie depit dac nevoile vieii rmn a fi n continuare satisfcute. Tuberculoza lui Michel este una din manifestrile unei frici generale n faa vieii, o fric care i dezvluie psihologia obsedat de culturile moarte i formele de via moarte. Astfel, dup ce nsntoirea sa ncepuse, Michel descoper c a pierdut orice interes fa de trecut. El spune: Atunci am vrut s-mi ncep lucrarea din nou i s m cufund nc o dat ntr-un minuios studiu al trecutului, dar am descoperit c ceva mi-a schimbat cumva, dac nu chiar mi-a distrus, plcerea aceasta i acest ceva era sentimentul prezentului. Istoria trecutului luase acum pentru mine imobilitatea, fixitatea terifiant a umbrelor nocturne dintr-o mic curte din Biskra era imobilitatea morii. Pe vremuri, gseam o plcere n aceast fixitate care ngduia minii mele s lucreze cu 232

precizie; faptele istoriei apreau toate ca nite exponate ntr-un muzeu sau mai degrab ca nite plante ntr-un ierbar, ntotdeauna uscate, astfel nct mi era uor s uit c odat demult au fost zemoase de sev i nviorate de soare Am sfrit prin a ocoli ruinele am sfrit prin a dispreui nvtura care fusese mndria mea Pe ct de mult fusesem un specialist, mi pream acum mie nsumi lipsit de sens; pe ct de mult fusesem un om, m-am cunoscut oare pe mine nsumi ct de ct? Astfel, atunci cnd se ntoarce la Paris pentru a ine o conferin despre cultura latin trzie, Michel consider c preocuparea sa fa de prezent trebuie s se mpotriveasc acestei debilitante nelegeri a trecutului: Am descris cultura artistic ca nind din ntregul popor, ca o secreie, care este la nceput semnul unui exces, unei supraabundene de sntate dar care ulterior ridigizeaz, ngreuneaz, mpiedic contactul perfect al minii cu natura i care ascunde sub o persistent aparen de via o diminuare a vieii, care se transform ntr-o carapace exterioar n care mintea nghesuit se ofilete, se stinge i n cele din urm moare. n final, ducndu-mi gndul pn la ultimele concluzii logice, am artat cum cultura, nscut din via, este un distrugtor de via. Foarte curnd ns acest tip de nelegere a trecutului care distruge de fapt trecutul, similar cu cel al lui Lvberg, i pierde atractivitatea pentru Michel. El renun la cariera academic pentru a cuta comuniunea cu acele fore ntunecate din el pe care istoria le tinuete iar cultura le diminueaz. Concluzia, destul de problematic de altfel a crii, sugereaz c Gide dorete s l considere pe Michel asemeni unei persoane mutilate de dragostea sa iniial pentru culturile istorice. Nu este altceva dect un exemplu viu al dictonului lui Nietzsche c istoria interzice instinctele i transform omul n umbre i abstracii. IV n deceniul anterior primului rzboi mondial, aceast ostilitate fa de contiina istoric i fa de istorici a atins o mare rspndire printre intelectuali n toate rile Europei occidentale. Pretutindeni, a existat o suspiciune tot mai mare fa de scotocirea febril a ruinelor trecutului care demonstra nu att un mai mic control asupra prezentului ct o fric 233

incontient fa de un trecut prea oribil pentru a fi contemplat. Chiar i nainte ca secolul al XIX-lea s se fi terminat, un mare istoric, Jacob Burckhardt, a ntrezrit moartea culturii europene i a reacionat la aceasta prin abandonarea istoriei aa cum era ea practicat n mediul academic, proclamnd franc necesitatea transformrii acesteia ntr-o art, dar refuznd s apere n mod public aceast erezie a sa. nvase de la Schopenhauer c nu numai interesul convenional fa de istorie e futil dar i nebunia unui efort public este profund inutil. Un alt mare schopenhauerian, Thomas Mann, n romanul su Buddenbrooks (1901), identificase cauza acestei percepii a unei iminente degenerri ca fiind datorat hipercontiinei unei culturi avansate a clasei de mijloc. Sensibilitatea estetic a lui Hanno Buddenbrooks este cel mai desvrit rezultat al istoriei familiei sale burgheze dar, n acelai timp, i semnul dezintegrrii acesteia. Concomitent, filozofi ca Bergson sau Klages au adus argumente n favoarea ideii c timpul istoric nsui, care leag omul de anumite instituii, idei i valori anacronice, este cauza bolii. Printre specialitii tiinelor sociale, ostilitatea fa de istorie a fost mai puin evident. Sociologii, de pild, au continuat s cerceteze unele posibiliti de apropiere dintre istorie i tiin, de unificare a lor ntr-o nou disciplin, o aa numit tiin a spiritului, pe baza programului schiat de Wilhelm Dilthey i pus n aplicare de Max Weber n Germania i de Emile Durkheim n Frana. Neokantieni asemeni lui Wilhelm Windelband, pe de alt parte, cutau s disting istoria de tiin desemnnd istoria ca un anume ceva care, chiar i dac nu poate oferi legi ale schimbrilor sociale, poate totui oferi un neles important experienei umane n ansamblul ei. Croce a mers i mai departe argumentnd c istoria e o form de art dar n acelai timp i o disciplin major, singura baz posibil pentru o cunoatere social adecvat nevoilor omului occidental. Primul rzboi mondial a distrus mult din prestigiul ce rmsese istoriei, att printre artiti ct i printre specialitii n tiine sociale, deoarece rzboiul prea s confirme ceea ce Nietzsche susinuse dou generaii mai devreme. Istoria, care se presupunea c ofer o anume educaie pentru via i c este o filozofie nvat prin exemple, fcuse att de puin pentru a pregti omul pentru acest rzboi; i cnd rzboiul s-a sfrit, istoricii au prut a fi incapabili de a se ridica deasupra ngustelor loialiti partizane i de a da un anumit sens acestei 234

cumplite experiene ntr-un mod ct de ct semnificativ. Atunci cnd ei nu repetau pur i simplu papagalicete sloganele curente ale guvernelor privitoare la inteniile criminale ale inamicului, istoricii au avut tendina de a se rentoarce la ideea c, de fapt, nimeni nu a vrut rzboiul ci el pur i simplu s-a ntmplat. Poate c negreit aa s-a i ntmplat, dar aceasta a prut nu att o explicaie ct admiterea lipsei de explicaie; acest lucru, cel puin din punct de vedere istoric, era posibil. Faptul c acelai lucru s-ar fi putut spune i despre alte discipline a fost important. Studiile istorice, dac includem i studiile clasice n acest termen, formaser nucleul studiilor umaniste i sociale nainte de rzboi; or, a fost normal ca ele s fie inta predilect a celor care i pierduser dup rzboi credina n capacitatea omului de a nelege ceva din condiia sa uman. Paul Valry a formulat cel mai bine aceast nou atitudine anti-istoricist atunci cnd a scris: Istoria este cel mai periculos produs evoluat din chimia intelectului. Istoria poate justifica orice. Ea ne nva exact nimic, deoarece ea conine orice i poate oferi exemple pentru oriice Nimic nu a fost mai definitiv distrus de ultimul rzboi dect pretenia de a prevedea. i asta nu n condiiile unei deficiene de cunoatere a istoriei, nu-i aa? Pentru victimele spirituale ale unui rzboi, nici trecutul i nici viitorul nu pot oferi o orientare aciunilor specific umane n prezent. Aa cum poetul german Gottfried Benn s-a exprimat: Un om nelept este ignorant/ n ceea ce privete schimbarea i dezvoltarea/ copiii si i copiii copiilor si/ nu aparin acestei lumi. El a tras din aceast concepie radical anistoric despre lume inevitabilele ei consecine etice: Sunt uimit de ideea c ar putea fi mai revoluionar i mai meritoriu ca un om viguros i activ s-i nvee tovarii acest adevr simplu: eti ceea ce eti i niciodat nu vei fi altceva; asta este, a fost i va fi viaa noastr. Cel care are bani triete mult; cel care are autoritate nu poate grei; cel care are puterea face regula. Aa e istoria! Ecce Historia! Aici este prezentul; elimin-i coninutul, mnnc, i mori. n Rusia, unde Revoluia din 1917 a ridicat problema deosebit de stringent a relaiei dintre nou i vechi, M. O. 235

Gershenson i-a scris istoricului V. I. Ivanov despre sperana lui ca violena acelor timpuri va inaugura o nou i mai creativ interaciune ntre omul nud i pmntul dezgolit. Pentru mine, scria el, exist o perspectiv fericit n aceast baie de foc n apa infernului (Lethe) dac ea ar terge memoria tuturor religiilor i tuturor sistemelor filozofice pe scurt de a fi eliberat de povara istoriei. Aceast atitudine antiistoric se afl la baza att a nazismului ct i a existenialismului care a rmas motenirea anilor 30 pentru zilele noastre. Att Spengler, n multe privine precursorul nazismului, ct i Malraux, printele recunoscut al existenialismului francez, au gndit c istoria este important n msura n care ea distruge i nu dezvolt responsabilitatea fa de trecut. Chiar i un umanist att de transparent ca Ortega y Gasset, scriind n 1923, mprtea credina c trecutul este doar o povar. Instituiile noastre, cum ar fi teatrele, scria el n El tema de nuestro tiempo (1923), sunt anacronice. Nu avem nici curajul de a o rupe definitiv cu astfel de excrescene lipsite de via ale trecutului i nici nu putem s ne adaptm lor. Apoi, la mijlocul anilor treizeci, ntr-o lucrare dedicat unei victime ale opresiunii naziste, el mrturisete c unica lecie pe care istoria l-a nvat este c omul este o entitate extrem de plastic din care cineva poate face ceea ce vrea, i asta n mod special datorit faptului ca el nsui nu este ceva definit ci doar potenialitatea de a fi ceea ce vrei s fi. Revoluia nihilist a lui Hitler s-a bazat n mod special pe aceast nelegere a irelevanei cunoaterii trecutului pentru trirea prezentului. Ceea ce a fost adevrat n secolul al XIXlea, i-a spus Hitler odat lui Rauschning, nu mai este adevrat n secolul XX. i att intelectualii naziti (cum ar fi Heidegger i Jnger) ct i dumanii existenialiti ai nazismului din Frana (cum ar fi Camus i Sartre) au fost de acord cu el n aceast privin. Pentru toat lumea, problema nu era cum poate fi studiat trecutul ci dac el chiar merit studiat. Meursault, eroul primului roman al lui Camus, L'tranger (1942), este un uciga inocent. Pentru el a omor un om necunoscut este un gest lipsit de orice semnificaie, un gest care n esen nu difer de miile de alte fapte necugetate care dau culoare vieii sale de zi cu zi. neleptul procuror este acela care arat juriului cum faptele dispersate, care constituie existena lui Meursault, pot fi nlnuite n aa fel nct el s poat fi fcut responsabil de crim i s poat fi justificat condamnarea lui ca fiind criminal. Viaa lui Meursault, 236

reprezentat de autor ca un set de evenimente perfect aleatoare, este reconstruit dup principiul inteniei contiente de ctre aceia care tiu c att sensibilitatea intim ct i gestul public trebuie s aib un sens. Aceast abilitate de a proiecta asupra trecutului o reea de nelesuri specioase, potrivit lui Camus, este cea care permite societii s disting ntre crimele lui Meursault i execuia lui de ctre societate ca fiind criminal. Camus neag c exist o distincie real ntre cele dou tipuri de omor. Este doar ipocrizia aceea care, susinut de contiina istoric, permite societii s numeasc fapta lui Meursault crim i execuia lui Meursault justiie. n L'Homme rvolt [Omul revoltat] (1951) Camus revine la aceast tem aducnd argumentul c att totalitarismul ct i anarhismul epocii prezente i au originile n atitudinea nihilist care provine din dorina obsesiv a omului occidental de a nelege istoria. Gndirea istoric pur este nihilist, scria el, pentru c accept cu inima deschis rul istoriei, i las pmntul la cheremul forelor primare. i atunci, reflectnd-ul pe acel Nietzsche pe care tocmai l criticase, el opune arta istoriei, arta care spre deosebire de istorie poate reuni omul cu forele naturii de care s-a nstrinat ntru totul. Poetul Ren Char ofer lui Camus un epitaf pentru poziia sa n aceast privin: Obsesia recoltei i indiferena fa de istorie sunt cele dou extreme ale arcului meu. n ciuda diferenelor n alte privine, cei doi lideri ai existenialismului francez, Camus i Sartre, sunt de acord n privina dispreului fa de contiina istoric. Protagonistul primului roman al lui Sartre, Roquentin din Nausea (1938), este un istoric profesionist care, aa cum el nsui se prezint, a scris o mulime de articole, dar nici unul care s fi necesitat ct de puin talent. Roquentin ncearc s scrie o carte despre un diplomat din secolul al XVIII-lea, un anume marchiz de Rollebon. Dar este depit de documente pur i simplu sunt prea multe. Mai mult, aceste documente sunt lipsite de relevan i consisten. Nu este vorba c ele s-ar contrazice ntre ele, dar ele nu par a se referi la una i aceiai persoan. Atunci, Roquentin noteaz n jurnalul su: Ali istorici lucreaz cu acelai gen de surse. Cum reuesc ei aceasta? Rspunsul se afl bineneles n sentimentul absenei relevanei i consistenei pe care Roquentin l are fa de el nsui. El experimenteaz corpul su ca natur fr umanitate i viaa sa intelectual ca pe o iluzie: Nimic nu se ntmpl ct trieti. Decorul se schimb, oamenii vin i 237

pleac, asta e tot. Nu exist nceputuri. Zilele sunt nlnuite de alte zile fr nici o rim, fr nici un motiv, ntr-o interminabil i monoton adunare. Roquentin e lipsit de orice contiin interioar pe baza creia lumea, fie ea trecut fie prezent, s poat fi ordonat. Nu am dreptul s exist, scrie Roquentin; am aprut accidental ca i o piatr, plant sau microb. Viaa mea i ndreapt antenele n toate direciile ctre micile plceri. Uneori emite vagi semnale, alteori nu simt dect un inofensiv zumzet. Prietenul su, Autodidactul, care are credina simpl n puterea nvturii de a duce la salvare, i opune lui Roquentin modelul optimistului american. Optimistul crede, asemenea umanitilor de mod veche, c viaa are un neles dac noi alegem s-i dm unul. Dar boala lui Roquentin provine tocmai din incapacitatea sa de a crede n asemenea sloganuri infatuate. Pentru el, totul este nscut fr nici un motiv, se dezvolt din slbiciune, i moare din ntmplare. Sartre a trebuit s adauge la toate aceste Ecce historia!, a lui Gottfried Benn, pentru a formula pn la capt mesajul antiistoricist dat primei sale lucrri filozofice, L'tre et le nant (1943), la care lucra de altfel n timp ce scria Nausea. Criticii autobiografiei sale, Les Mots (1963), ar face bine s aib n minte att Nausea ct i Fiin a i neantul. Astfel ar fi mai puin ofensai de opacitatea confesiunilor lui Sartre. Ei ar ti astfel c Sartre credea c singura istorie care are oarece importan este ceea ce individul i amintete i c individul i amintete numai ceea ce vrea s-i aminteasc. Sartre refuz doctrina psihanalitic a incontientului i aduce argumentul c trecutul este format din ceea ce decidem noi s ne amintim din el; trecutul nu se bucur de o existen aparte fa de contiina noastr a trecutului. De aceea, trecutul istoric este, asemenea diferitelor trecuturi personale, n cel mai bun caz un mit, care justific miza noastr pentru un anume viitor, i n cel mai ru caz o minciun, o raionalizare retrospectiv a ceea ce noi am devenit prin propriile noastre alegeri. Pot continua s adaug alte i alte exemple de astfel de revolt mpotriva istoriei din literatura modern. Dac ns nu m-am fcut neles pn acum este improbabil c voi reui prin alte exemple. Argumentul meu este c artistul modern nu se gndete prea mult la ceea ce se numete de regul imaginaie istoric. De fapt, pentru muli dintre ei expresia imaginaie istoric nu numai c conine o contradicie n termeni, dar constituie i o barier fundamental pentru orice ncercare a omului din prezent de a se apropia n mod realistic de cele mai 238

presante probleme spirituale ale sale. Atitudinea multor artiti fa de istorie este foarte asemntoare cu cea a lui N. O. Brown care vede istoria ca un fel de fixaie care alieneaz nevropatul de prezent i l dedic cutrii incontiente a trecutului n viitor. Pentru ei, ca i pentru Brown, istoria nu este numai o povar impus prezentului de trecut sub forma unor instituii, idei, i valori anacronice, dar ea este i un mod de a privi lumea care d acestor forme depite o anume autoritate neltoare. Pe scurt, pentru o parte semnificativ a comunitii artistice istoricul apare a fi cariera unei boli care a fost odat fora justificativ i mndria civilizaiei secolului al XIX-lea. Acesta este motivul pentru care o att de mare parte a literaturii moderne s-a concentrat pe eliberarea omului occidental de tirania contiinei istorice. El ne spune c doar prin eliberarea inteligenei umane de fascinaia exercitat de nelegerea istoriei, omul va putea s nfrunte n mod creativ problemele prezentului. Implicaiile tuturor acestor idei pentru orice istoric care preuiete viziunea artistic ceva mai mult dect pe un simplu joc sunt evidente: el trebuie s se ntrebe cum poate el participa n aceast aciune de eliberare i dac nu cumva participarea sa nu implic distrugerea istoriei nsi. Istoricii nu pot ignora critica comunitii intelectuale n genere, i nici nu se pot refugia n poziia privilegiat de care ei s-au bucurat ca literai profani. Aceasta i deoarece apelul la respectul pentru o disciplin academic pe care omul obinuit l manifest poate fi folosit pentru a justifica orice fel de activiti, att duntoare ct i benefice civilizaiei. Un astfel de apel poate fi folosit pentru a justifica cea mai banal form de jurnalism. De fapt, lund cazul jurnalismului, cu ct acesta e mai banal cu att are anse mai mari de a fi respectat de omul simplu. Departe de a oferi un motiv de confort, pot exista cazuri reale n care orice disciplin academic pierde caracterul su ocult i ncepe s fie preocupat cu adevruri pe care numai opinia public le gsete interesante. Atta vreme ct istoricii pretind c aparin comunitii intelectuale care se distinge de publicul literat n genere, ei au anume obligaii mai importante fa de primii dect fa de cei din urm. Drept urmare, dac att artitii ct i oamenii de tiin n calitatea lor de artiti i oameni se tiin i nu de membrii ai Clubului ultimei crii despre Rzboiului Civil gsesc c adevrurile care-i preocup pe istorici sunt triviale sau chiar duntoare, atunci este timpul ca istoricii s se ntrebe n mod serios dac nu cumva aceste acuzaii au o baz real. 239

n acelai timp istoricii nu pot invoca ideea c judecata artitilor i oamenilor de tiin despre cum trecutul trebuie studiat este irelevant. La urma urmei, istoricii susin n mod curent c studiul istoriei nu necesit nici o metodologie specific i nici un anume echipament intelectual. Ceea ce n mod obinuit se numete pregtire a istoricului reprezint de cele mai multe ori studiul ctorva limbi strine, munc zilnic n arhive i performana ctorva seturi de exerciii care s-l familiarizeze cu referinele academice standard i publicaiile din domeniul su. n privina restului, experiena general a vieii de zi cu zi, lectura lucrrilor referitoare la subiecte marginale, autoeducaie i perseveren sunt tot ceea ce mai e necesar. Oricine poate ndeplini aceste cerine relativ uor. Cum se poate afirma atunci c istoricul profesionist este n mod particular calificat n a identifica ntrebrile ridicate de mrturiile istorice i c el este singurul care s determine rspunsurile corecte la respectivele ntrebri? Nu mai este deloc de la sine adevrat pentru comunitatea intelectual n general c studiul dezinteresat al trecutului istoria de dragul istoriei cum este clieul ar nnobila sau ilumina omenirea. De fapt, consensul general att al artitilor ct i al oamenilor de tiin pare a fi exact contrariul. Ceea ce nseamn c sarcina istoricilor timpului nostru este aceea de a restabili demnitatea studiilor istorice pornind de la a le armoniza cu inteniile i obiectivele comunitii intelectuale n general, adic de a transforma studiile istorice ntr-o asemenea manier nct istoricul s participe n mod pozitiv la eliberarea prezentului de povara istoriei. V Cum poate fi aceasta cu putin? n primul rnd istoricii trebuie s admit ndreptirea prezentei revolte mpotriva trecutului. Omul contemporan occidental are destule motive de a fi obsedat de unicitatea problemelor sale i este pe bun dreptate convins c istoriografia aa cum este ea n prezent a oferit prea puin ajutor n cutarea unor soluii adecvate pentru toate aceste probleme. Pentru oricine care e sensibil la neasemnarea radical dintre prezentul nostru i oricare din circumstanele trecutului, studiul trecutului ca un scop n sine poate fi considerat o nechibzuit obstrucionare, o rezisten premeditat la orice ncercare de a termina cu ciudenia i misterul lumii prezente. n lumea n care trim zi de zi, oricine studiaz trecutul ca un scop n sine pare a fi ori 240

un colecionar, care evadeaz din problemele prezentului ntrun trecut numai al lui, ori pare un fel de necrofil cultural, adic o persoan care gsete n ceea ce e mort sau pe moarte o valoare pe care nu o poate gsi printre cei vii. Istoricul contemporan trebuie s instituie o valoare a studiului trecutului care s fie nu un scop n sine ci o cale de a oferi perspective asupra prezentului, perspective care s contribuie la soluionarea problemelor particulare ale timpului nostru. Faptul c istoricul nu pretinde un anume mod unic de cunoatere propriu implic o anumit bunvoin din partea istoricului contemporan de a ajunge la un compromis cu tehnicile de analiz i de reprezentare pe care tiina modern i arta modern le-au dezvoltat pentru nelegerea att a proceselor contiinei ct i a proceselor sociale. Pe scurt, istoricul poate pretinde a avea o voce particular deosebit n dialogul cultural contemporan numai atta vreme ct el ia n serios acele ntrebri ridicate de arta i de tiina timpului su, cerin care ridic ntrebarea surselor pe care el alege s le studieze. Istoricii n mod frecvent privesc napoi spre secolul al XIX-lea ca la o epoc clasic a disciplinei lor. Aceasta nu numai deoarece atunci a fost momentul n care istoria a aprut ca un mod deosebit de a privi lumea ci i deoarece atunci a existat un dialog i un schimb reciproc care funciona ntre istorie, art, tiin i filozofie. Artitii romantici s-au ndreptat nspre istorie pentru subiectele lor i au apelat la contiina istoric pentru a justifica ncercarea lor de palingenez cultural, o ncercare de a face pentru contemporanii lor din trecut un prezent viu. Apoi unele tiine geologia i biologia n special au adoptat idei i concepte care fuseser folosite pn atunci doar de ctre istorici. Categoria istoric a dominat filozofia idealitilor postkantieni i a jucat rolul unei categorii fundamentale pentru hegelieni, fie ei de stnga fie de dreapta. Pentru istoricul modern care reflecteaz asupra realizrilor din toate domeniile de gndire i de expresie, importana decisiv pe care a avut-o gndirea istoric este evident, iar funcia istoricului de mediator ntre artele i tiinele acelei epoci se dovedete a fi foarte clar definit. n orice caz, ar fi mai corect ca prima parte a secolului al XIX-lea s fie recunoscut drept o perioad cnd arta, tiina, filozofia i istoria erau unite ntr-un efort comun de a nelege experiena Revoluiei Franceze. Ceea ce este cel mai impresionant referitor la creaiile acelei epoci nu este att 241

gndirea istoric nsi ci dorina intelectualilor dintr-un anume domeniu de a depi graniele dintre discipline i de a fi deschii ctre folosirea unor metafore lmuritoare care s organizeze realitatea indiferent dac ele proveneau dintr-o anumit disciplin sau din spiritul timpului. Oameni ca Michelet i Tocqueville sunt corect numii istorici numai dac avem n vedere subiectele abordate de ei, nu i metodele lor. n ceea ce privete metoda, ei pot fi tot att de bine fi numii oameni de tiin, artiti sau filozofi. Acelai lucru se poate spune despre istorici ca Ranke sau Niebuhr, despre romancieri ca Stendhal sau Balzac, sau despre poei ca Heine sau Lamartine. Cu toate acestea, cndva n secolul al XIX-lea situaia s-a schimbat. Schimbarea a survenit nu deoarece artitii, oameni de tiin i filozofii ar fi ncetat s fie interesai de problematica istoric ci deoarece muli istorici au rmas credincioi unor anume concepii de secol XIX despre cum trebuie s fie arta, tiina i filozofia. Astfel, dac istoricii din a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea au continuat s considere opera lor drept o combinaie de art i de tiin, aceasta era o combinaie de art romantic cu tiin pozitivist. n concluzie, pe la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea istoricii, indiferent de motivele lor, au ncremenit n nite concepii despre art i tiin pe care att artitii ct i oamenii de tiin au trebuit ca s le abandoneze treptat pentru a nelege lumea n schimbare a percepiilor interne i externe oferite de procesul istoric nsui. Astfel, unul dintre motivele pentru care artistul modern, spre deosebire de corespondentul su din prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, refuz s admit existena unei cauze comune cu istoricul modern este acela c el n consider pe bun dreptate pe istoric ca pe un custode al unor noiuni anacronice despre ceea ce este arta. De fapt, atunci cnd muli dintre istoricii contemporani vorbesc despre arta istoriei, ei par a avea n minte o concepie despre art care nu depete paradigma romanului de secol XIX. i atunci cnd ei spun c sunt artiti, par a vrea s spun c sunt artiti n sensul n care i Scott sau Thackeray sunt artiti. Ei n mod sigur nu neleg s se identifice cu pictorii gestuali, sculptorii kinetici, romancierii existenialiti, poeii imaginiti sau regizorii de film din nouvelle vague. Dei adesea etaleaz pe pereii bibliotecilor lor operele artitilor nonfigurativi, istoricii continu s se comporte ca i cum ar crede c scopul major, dac nu chiar singurul, al artei este 242

acela de a spune o poveste. Astfel, de exemplu, H. Stuart Hughes, ntr-o lucrare recent, vorbind despre relaia dintre istorie, tiin i art, argumenteaz c virtuozitatea tehnic suprem a istoricului st n a fuziona noua metod de analiz social i psihologic cu funcia sa tradiional de povestitor. Fr ndoial c scopul artistului poate fi ajutat de spunerea unei poveti, dar acesta este doar unul din modurile posibile de reprezentare pe care la are la ndemn astzi, un mod care de altfel este n declin din punct de vedere al importanei sale aa cum nouvelle roman n Frana a artat n mod impresionant. O critic similar poate fi ridicat mpotriva preteniei istoricului de a se plasa printre oamenii de tiin. Cnd istoricii vorbesc despre ei nii ca despre nite oameni de tiin, ei par a invoca o concepie despre tiin perfect potrivit pentru lumea n care Herbert Spencer a trit i a lucrat, dar aceast concepie are prea puin de a face cu tiinele fizicii aa cum s-au dezvoltat ele de la Einstein ncoace sau cu tiinele sociale aa cum s-au dezvoltat ele de la Weber ncoace. Revenind la Hughes, cnd el vorbete despre noua metod de analiz social i psihologic, el pare a se gndi la metodele oferite de Weber sau Freud metode pe care unii oameni de tiin contemporani le consider a fi n cel mai bun caz rdcinile primitive i nicidecum fructele mature ale disciplinelor lor. n concluzie, cnd istoricii au pretenia c istoria este o combinaie de tiin i art, ei n mod general neleg c este vorba despre o combinaie de tiine sociale de sfrit de secol XIX cu art de mijloc de secol XIX. Cu alte cuvinte, ei par a aspira, n cel mai bun caz, la ceva cu foarte puin mai mult dect o sintez a modelelor de analiz i expresie, a cror importan este doar una documentar-istoric. Dac acesta este cazul ntr-adevr atunci att artitii ct i oamenii de tiin sunt pe deplin justificai n a-i critica pe istorici, nu deoarece studiaz trecutul, ci deoarece ei l studiaz cu o tiin nepotrivit i cu o art nepotrivit. Nepotrivirea acestor venerabile concepii despre tiin i art este datorat n primul rnd concepiilor nvechite despre obiectivitate care le caracterizeaz. Muli istorici continu s trateze faptele lor ca i cum acestea ar fi date i refuz s recunoasc, spre deosebire de majoritatea oamenilor de tiin, c aceste fapte nu sunt att gsite ct construite de acele ntrebri pe care cercettorul le pune asupra fenomenului investigat. Aceiai idee de obiectivitate leag 243

istoricul de folosirea necritic a cadrului cronologic pentru naraiunea lui. Cnd istoricii ncearc s i expun descoperirile despre fapte ntr-o manier pe care ei o numesc artistic, ei dezvolt invariabil o tehnic de reprezentare literar pe care cultura modern o datoreaz lui Joyce, Yeats i Ibsen. Nu a existat nici o ncercare semnificativ de istoriografie suprarealist, expresionist sau esenialist n acest secol (cu excepia romancierilor i poeilor nii), cu toat mndria "artistic" al istoricilor epocii moderne. Este ca i cum istoricii au crezut c singura form posibil de naraiune istoric este aceea a romanului englezesc aa cum s-a dezvoltat el pn la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea. Iar rezultatul a fost o nvechire progresiv a artei istoriografiei nsi. Burckhardt, n pofida pesimismului sau schopenhauerian (sau poate datorit lui), a fost foarte doritor de a experimenta cele mai avansate tehnici ale timpului su. Opera sa Civilizaia Renaterii poate fi vzut drept un exerciiu de istoriografie impresionist, constituind, n felul su, o ruptur radical de istoriografia convenional a secolului al XIX-lea similar cu ruptura produs de pictorii impresioniti sau de poezia lui Baudelaire. Istorici profesioniti i nu doar civa nceptori n studiul istoriei au ntmpinat probleme n a-l nelege pe Burckhardt deoarece el a renunat la dogma care susinea c o lucrare istoric trebuie s spun o poveste, cel puin n modul larg acceptat de ordonare cronologic. Pentru a descrie ciudenia operei lui Burckhardt, specialitii moderni n istoriografie l-au caracterizat ca pe un fel de sociolog embrionar care a abordat anumite tipuri ideale, anticipndu-l astfel pe Weber. Generalizarea ar fi fost adevrat doar dac ea ar fi fost pus n contextul unei preocupri pentru msura n care Burckhardt i Weber au mprtit o concepie estetic deosebit despre tiin. Asemeni contemporanilor si din domeniul artei, Burckhardt a decupat din mrturiile istorice diferite momente i a sugerat diferite interpretri ale acestora, omind, ignornd i distorsionnd n ultim instan aceste surse dup cum scopul su artistic o cerea. Intenia sa nu a fost de a spune ntregul adevr despre Renaterea italian ci un adevr despre ea, ntr-o exact aceiai msur n care Cezanne abandona orice ncercare de a spune ntregul adevr despre un peisaj. El a abandonat visul de a spune adevrul despre trecut cu mijloacele povestitorului deoarece el pierduse de mult credina c istoria are un neles sau o semnificaie intrinsec. Sigurul adevr pe care Burckhardt l-a recunoscut a fost acela 244

pe care el l nvase de la Schopenhauer, i anume c orice ncercare de a da form lumii, orice afirmaie uman, este n final condamnat n mod tragic, dar afirmaiile individuale pot avea meritul de a reui s impun haosului lumii o form de moment. Astfel, n opera lui Burckhardt ideea de individualism servete n primul rnd ca o metafor central care, mai ales pentru c filtreaz un anume tip de informaie i mrete preocuparea pentru altele, i permite s vad ceea ce vrea s vad cu o claritate deosebit. Un cadru cronologic obinuit ar fi mpiedicat aceast ncercare de a dobndi o anumit perspectiv asupra problemei puse, i de aceea Burckhardt l-a abandonat. Odat eliberat de limitrile tehnicii povestirii, el a fost eliberat de necesitatea construciei unei intrigi cu eroi negativi, pozitivi i cor, aa cum istoricul convenional este ntotdeauna silit s fac. i deoarece a avut curajul de a folosi metafore formate n experiena lui imediat, Burckhardt a putut vedea lucruri din viaa secolului al XV-lea pe care nimeni nu le mai observase cu o asemenea claritate naintea lui. Chiar i acei istorici convenionali care gsesc c el greete cnd este vorba de faptele folosite acord operei sale titlul de lucrare clasic. Ceea ce ei nu reuesc s observe este c ludndu-l pe Burckhardt ei nu fac dect s condamne propria lor rigiditate conceptual privitoare la tiin i art, rigiditate pe care Burckhardt o depise. Muli istorici de azi arat un interes pentru ultimele dezvoltri tehnice i metodologice ale tiinelor sociale. Este vorba despre ncercarea lor de a utiliza econometria, teoria jocului, teoria rezoluiei conflictului, analiza psihologic, etc. fr a fi preocupai dac scopul lor istoriografic convenional poate fi atins prin aceste tehnici. Foarte puini istorici ns au ncercat s utilizeze tehnicile artei moderne ntr-o msur ct de ct semnificativ. Unul dintre puinii care au fcut acest efort este Norman O. Brown. n Life Against Death [Viaa mpotriva morii], Brown ofer un echivalent istoriografic al antiromanului; asta deoarece el scrie antiistorie. Acei istorici care au binevoit s observe cartea lui Brown l-au catalogat de regul drept un freudian i lau descalificat. Dar adevrata semnificaie a lui Brown st n dorina sa de a urma linia de investigaie sugerat de Nietzsche i dezvoltat ulterior de Klages, Heidegger i fenomenologii existenialiti contemporani. El nu ncepe prin a presupune ceva despre validitatea istoriei, ca form de existen ori ca 245

form de cunoatere. El folosete sursele istorice dar le folosete exact aa cum cineva i-ar folosi experiena contemporan. El reduce toate datele contiinei, trecute i prezente, pe acelai nivel ontologic, i apoi, printr-o serie de juxtapuneri, involuii, reducii i deformri, strlucite i ocante n acelai timp, l foreaz pe cititor s vad cu o limpezime proaspt surse fa de care devenise indiferent datorit unei atenii prea ndelungate asupra lor sau fa de care cititorul i reprimase orice interes datorit unor imperative sociale. Pe scurt, n istoria sa, Brown obine acelai efect pe care le caut un artist pop sau John Cage ntr-una din ntmplrile lui. Exist un anume ceva intrinsec modului nostru de a aborda trecutul care s ne permit s-l considerm pe Brown ca fiind fr nici un merit ca istoric serios? Evident ca nu putem face asta dac inem la mitul istoricului artist i om de tiin. Cartea lui Brown ne foreaz nainte de toate s inem seama de problema stilului pe care autorul l-a ales ca istoric nainte de a ajunge la urmtoarea problem, aceea dac istoria lui constituie sau nu un portret adecvat al trecutului. Dar unde putem noi afla un criteriu care s determine, pe de o parte, cnd relatarea este adecvat faptelor i, pe de alt parte, dac stilul ales de istoric este potrivit sau nepotrivit pentru respectiva relatare? Acei istorici care acrediteaz ideea c istoria este o combinaie de art i tiin ar trebui s-i pun urmtoare problem intern a ecuaie: problema alegerii unui stil artistic dintre cele oferite alegerii de ctre motenirea literar a societii n care istoricul lucreaz. Aceasta deoarece nu mai este demult evident c putem folosi termenii de artist i povestitor ca fiind sinonime. Dac ajungem s punem sub semnul ntrebrii dreptul istoricului de a folosi noiuni de secol XIX din tiinele sociale, trebuie s fim pregtii s punem sub semnul ntrebrii i dreptul lui de a folosi concepii de secol XIX despre art. VI Exist un anumit punct de vedere pentru care ideea c istoria este o combinaie de tiin i art nu este altceva dect un indiciu al unei nelegeri anacronice a amndurora de ctre istorici. De aproape trei decenii deja filozofii tiinei i esteticienii s-au strduit pentru o mai bun nelegere a similitudinilor dintre expresia tiinific pe de o parte i expresia artistic pe de alt parte. ntrebri de genul celor 246

ridicate de Karl Popper privitoare la logica explicaiei tiinifice i la impactul teoriei probabilitilor asupra consideraiilor referitoare la natura legilor tiinifice au subminat ideea naiv a pozitivitilor despre caracterul absolut al afirmaiilor tiinifice. Filozofii britanici i americani contemporani au ajustat distincia radical original dintre afirmaiile tiinifice i cele metafizice instituit de pozitiviti, nlturnd stigma nonsensului n cele din urm. n atmosfera de dialog dintre cele dou culturi astfel generate, a fost dobndit o mai bun nelegere a naturii afirmaiilor artistice, i odat cu ea, i o mai bun posibilitate de a rezolva vechile probleme ale relaiei componentelor tiinifice i artistice din explicaiile istorice. A devenit posibil acum s considerm c o explicaie nu necesit neaprat s fie unilateral limitat categoriei de fidelitate literar, pe de o parte, sau celei de pur imaginaie, pe de alt parte, ci ea poate fi judecat doar din punct de vedere al bogiei metaforelor care i conduc articulaiile. Privite astfel, metafora cluzitoare a unei prezentri istorice poate fi considerat drept o regul euristic care cu timiditate exclude un anume tip de surse dintre evidenele luate n considerare. Istoricul care opereaz cu o astfel de concepie poate fi considerat drept cineva care, asemeni artistului modern sau omului de tiin, caut s exploateze anumite perspective asupra lumii fr a avea pretenia s epuizeze descrierea sau analiza tuturor surselor ntregului cmp fenomenologic ci mai degrab propune o cale ntre multe altele de a releva anumite aspecte ale subiectului. Aa cum Gombrich sublinia n Art i Iluzie, noi nu ne putem atepta ca Constable i Cezanne s fi cutat acelai lucru ntr-un anume peisaj, iar dac confruntm respectivele lor reprezentri ale unui acelai peisaj nu putem pretinde c putem determina care este mai corect dintre ei. Rezultatul unei astfel de atitudini nu este relativism ci recunoaterea c stilul ales de artist de a reprezenta fie o experien interioar fie una exterioar conine n el, pe de o parte, criteriile specifice de determinare a consistenei interne a unei reprezentri date i, pe de alt parte, ofer un sistem de traducere care permite celui care privete s lege imaginea de lucrul reprezentat ntr-un anume grad de concretizare. Astfel, stilul funcioneaz ca un sistem de reprezentare, cum Gombrich l-a numit, ca un protocol provizoriu sau ca o etichet. Cnd privim opera unui artist - sau pe cea a unui om de tiin din aceleai considerente nu ne ntrebm dac el a vzut ceea ce vrem noi s vedem n acelai cmp general 247

fenomenologic, ci dac el a introdus sau nu n reprezentarea sa ceva care poate fi considerat drept o fals informaie de ctre cineva capabil s neleag sistemul de reprezentare folosit. Aplicat la scrisul istoriei, cosmopolitanismul metodologic i stilistic pe care aceast concepie despre reprezentare o promoveaz ar fora pe istorici s abandoneze ncercrile lor de a descrie o anume prticic de via, cu susul n sus i dintr-o perspectiv corect, aa cum s-a exprimat acum civa ani un istoric celebru, i s recunoasc c nu exist o singur perspectiv corect a oricrui obiect studiat ci mai multe perspective corecte, fiecare cu stilul ei de reprezentare. Aceasta ne-ar permite s tratm cu seriozitate acele distorsiuni creative produse de mini capabile de a privi trecutul cu aceiai seriozitate ca i noi dar cu orientare afectiv i intelectual diferit de a noastr. n acest caz nu am mai putea s ne ateptm n mod naiv ca afirmaii despre o anumit epoc sau complex de evenimente din trecut s corespund unui corpus preexistent de fapte primare. Deoarece noi trebuie s recunoatem c ceea ce constituie nsi faptele constituie o problem pe care istoricul, ca i artistul de altfel, a ncercat s o rezolve prin alegerea unei metafore prin care el ordoneaz lumea sa trecut, prezent i viitor. Ceea ce trebuie noi s ne ntrebm este dac istoricul arat un anume tact n privina folosirii metaforelor sale cluzitoare: dac nu le supra mpovreaz cu date i nici nu le folosete la limit; dac respect logica implicit a stilului de discurs asupra cruia s-a decis n prealabil; i c, atunci cnd metafora sa ncepe s se arate ca fiind incapabil de a se potrivi unor anume date, istoricul abandoneaz aceast metafor i caut o alta mai bogat i mai cuprinztoare dect cea cu care a nceput tot aa cum omul de tiin abandoneaz ipotezele atunci cnd acestea i-au epuizat utilitatea. O astfel de nelegere a cercetrii i reprezentrii istorice ar deschide posibilitatea folosirii unei intuiii tiinifice i artistice contemporane n istorie fr a ajunge la un relativism radical, la asimilarea istoriei cu propaganda sau la acel monism fatal care a fost pn acum rezultatul ncercrilor de a mbina istoria i tiina. Ea ar permite i jefuirea conceptual a psihanalizei, ciberneticii, teoriei jocului, i a altor discipline fr ca istoricul s fie forat a considera metaforele astfel confiscate ca fiind inerente datelor aflate sub analiz aa cum este el forat atunci cnt lucreaz sub imperativul imposibilei obiectiviti atot-cuprinztoare. Totodat, ea ar da istoricilor 248

posibilitatea de a folosi moduri de reprezentare impresioniste, expresioniste, suprarealiste i (poate) chiar gestualiste pentru a dramatiza semnificaia datelor pe care ei le-au descoperit dar le este interzis, cel mai adesea, s le ia n mod serios n considerare ca evidene. Dac istoricii generaiei noastre ar dori s participe activ la viaa intelectual i artistic a timpului nostru, meritul istoriei nu ar trebui s fie aprat ntr-att de timid i ambiguu aa cum este el astzi. Ambiguitatea metodologic a istoriei ofer oportuniti pentru comentarii creative asupra trecutului i prezentului de care nici o alt disciplin nu se bucur. Dac istoricii ar sesiza aceste oportuniti, ei ar putea n timp s-i conving colegii din alte domenii ale strduinei intelectuale i expresive de falsitatea afirmaiei lui Nietzsche c istoria este un lux costisitor i inutil al nelegerii. Dar care ar fi scopul n ultim instan? Doar pentru a exploata capacitatea omului de a se juca sau abilitatea minii de a face giumbulucuri cu imaginile? Exist fr ndoial activiti mult mai nocive pentru un om responsabil din punct de vedere moral, dar simpla nevoie de a ne exersa abilitile de a crea imagini nu conduce n mod necesar la ideea c trebuie s le exersm pe trecut. Este momentul s ne aducem aminte de acea argumentaie care i are originea ntr-o evoluie intelectual de la Schopenhauer la Sartre i care sugereaz c sursele istorice nu vor putea deveni niciodat ocazia vreunei experiene semnificative fie ea estetic fie tiinific. Aceast tradiie intelectual susine c sursele istorice n primul rnd incit imaginaia speculativ datorit caracterului lor incomplet i apoi descurajeaz aceast imaginaie impunnd istoricului s rmn n cadrul consideraiilor asupra acelor fapte pe care acele surse le ofer. Astfel, att pentru Schopenhauer ct i pentru Sartre, artistul este puternic sftuit s ignore sursele istorice i s se limiteze la a considera doar lumea fenomenologic aa cum n este oferit de experiena cotidian. Merit atunci ntrebat de ce mai trebuie studiat trecutul i ce funcie poate avea contemplarea lucrurilor sub aspectul istoriei. Cu alte cuvinte: exist vreun motiv pentru care noi trebuie s studiem lucrurile sub aspectul trecutului lor mai degrab dect al prezentului lor i care este acel aspect sub care toate lucrurile se ofer contemplaiei nemijlocite? Dup prerea mea, cel mai sugestiv rspuns la aceast problem a fost dat de gnditorii care au trit n perioada epocii de aur a istoriei perioada dintre 1800 i 1850. Gnditorii 249

acelei epoci au recunoscut ca funcia istoriei, diferit de cea a artei sau a tiinei acelor timpuri, era de a oferi o dimensiune specific temporal preocuprii omului despre el nsui. n vreme ce att nainte ct i dup aceast perioad cercettorii problemelor umane au nclinat spre a reduce fenomenul uman la manifestrile proceselor naturale sau mentale ipostaziate (aa cum s-a ntmplat cu idealismul, naturalismul, vitalismul i altele asemenea), cei mai de seam reprezentani ai gndirii istorice din perioada 1800-1850 au vzut n imaginaia istoric o facultate care ncepnd cu impulsul omului de a mbrca haosul lumii fenomenale n imagini stabile care este la urma urmei un impuls estetic ajunge la reafirmarea tragic a ideii de schimbare i proces ca fapt fundamental, oferind astfel o baz pentru celebrarea responsabilitii omului pentru propria sa soart. Exponenii istoricismului realist Hegel, Balzac i Tocqueville, pentru a ne referi la reprezentanii filozofiei, romanului i respectiv istoriografiei au czut de acord c sarcina istoricului este mai puin aceea de a aminti omului obligaia fa de trecut ct de a-l face s fie contient despre felul n care trecutul poate fi folosit n sensul de a pune n practic o tranziie responsabil din punct de vedere etic de la prezent la viitor. Toi trei au vzut istoria ca pe o lecie pentru oameni c prezentul lor a existat odat n mintea oamenilor ca un viitor necunoscut i nfricotor i cum, ca o consecin a facultii specific umane de decizie, acest viitor s-a transformat n prezent, acea lume familiar n care istoricul nsui triete i lucreaz. Toi trei au vzut istoria profund influenat de sensul tragic al absurditii aspiraiilor umane individuale i, n acelai timp, de sensul necesitii unor astfel de aspiraii n msura n care rmiele umane trebuie salvate de la preocupare potenial destructiv a momentului. Astfel, pentru toi trei, istoria a fost mai puin un scop n sine dect o pregtire pentru o mai bun nelegere i acceptare a responsabilitii individuale pentru felul cum va arta societatea viitorului. Hegel, de exemplu, a scris c n reflecia istoric Spiritul este nghiit de noaptea propriei contiine de sine; existena sa disprut este, n orice caz, asigurat n ceea cel privete; iar aceast existen a sa depit cea anterioar dar nscut din nou dintr-un uter de cunoatere este noul stadiu al existenei, o nou lume i o nou ncarnare a Spiritului ntr-o i mai mare msur. Balzac i prezint Comedia Uman ca o istorie a sufletului omenesc care duce 250

mai departe romanul, de acolo de unde Scott l-a lsat, n virtutea unui sistem care leag diversele piese ale ntregului ntr-o istorie complet n care fiecare capitol este un roman i fiecare roman un portret al unei perioade, ntregul promovnd o preocupare mult mai realist pentru unicitatea epocii prezente. i, n final, Toqueville ne ofer n Vechiul Regim al su o ncercare de a clarifica n ce msur [sistemul social actual] se aseamn i n ce msur difer de sistemul social care l-a precedat i de a determina ce s-a ctigat prin aceast prefacere. El continu prin a releva: Cnd am aflat la naintaii notri toate acele virtui att de vitale pentru o naiune dar acum aproape disprute un spirit de sntoas independen, ambiii nalte, credin n sine i ntr-un ideal le-am scos n eviden pe ct a fost posibil. n mod similar, cnd am gsit mrturiile vreunui viciu, care dup ce a distrus vechea ordine nc mai afecteaz corpul politic, le-am scos n relief; asta deoarece innd seama de toate relele pe care aceste vicii le-au fcut anterior noi putem aprecia rul pe care nc nil pot face. Pe scurt, toi trei au interpretat sarcina istoricului ca o datorie moral de a elibera omul de povara istoriei. Ei nu lau vzut pe istoric ca pe cineva care prescrie un anume sistem etic valabil oricnd i oriunde, ci ei l-au vzut ca avnd ncredinat sarcina special de a-i face pe oameni preocupai de faptul c condiia lor prezent a fost, i asta dintotdeauna, n parte rezultatul capacitii de alegere specific umane, capacitate care de aceea ar putea fi alterat sau mbuntit n aceiai msur de ctre alte aciuni ulterioare ale omului. Astfel, istoria fcea pe oameni mai sensibili la dinamica elementelor oricrui prezent atins, i nva inevitabilitatea schimbrii i contribuia n acest fel la eliberarea acelui prezent de trecutul su fr ur sau resentimente. Doar dup ce istoricii i-au pierdut abilitatea de a vedea elementele dinamice ale propriului lor prezent i dup ce au nceput s exileze toate schimbrile semnificative ntr-un trecut mitic contribuind astfel implicit doar la justificarea status quo-ului pe care critici, precum Nietzsche, puteau s-l acuze pe bun dreptate ca fiind sclavul trivialitii prezentului, indiferent de ceea ce ar nsemna aceasta. Astzi istoria are oportunitatea de a-i oferi siei prilejul unor noi perspective asupra lumii pe care tiina i arta, dinamice ambele n aceiai msur, le ofer. Att tiina ct i arta au depit vechea i solida concepie despre lume care le impunea s produc o copie prozaic a unei realiti presupus 251

statice. Ambele au descoperit caracterul esenialmente provizoriu al construciilor metaforice pe care ele le folosesc pentru nelegerea universului n schimbare. Astfel amndou afirm implicit adevrul aflat de Camus: nainte, era o chestiune s afli dac viaa trebuie s aib sau nu un neles pentru a fi trit. ntre timp a devenit clar c, dimpotriv, ea poate fi trit mult mai bine dac ea nu are nici un neles. Am putea amenda afirmaia lui Camus n sensul c: viaa poate fi trit mult mai bine dac nu are un singur ci mai multe nelesuri. ncepnd cu a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea istoria a devenit tot mai mult refugiul acelor oameni cu judecata sntoas care exceleaz n a gsi ceea ce este simplu i familiar n ceea ce este complex i ciudat. Acest fel de istorie a fost foarte potrivit epocii anterioare, dar dac generaia de azi are nevoie de ceva cu adevrat, aceasta este dorina de a confrunta eroic forele active i distrugtoare ale vieii cotidiene. Istoricul, n aceste condiii nu, aduce nimnui nici un folos atta vreme ct el construiete o continuitate neltoare dintre lumea trecut i cea care i-a precedat acesteia. Dimpotriv, noi avem nevoie de o istorie care s ne nvee despre discontinuiti mai mult dect orice altceva, deoarece discontinuitatea, distrugerea i haosul este soarta noastr. Dac, aa cum zicea Nietzsche, avem art pentru a nu muri din cauza adevrului, avem deasemenea adevr pentru a scpa de seducia unei lumi care nu e altceva dect creaia nzuinelor noastre. Istoria poate oferi o baz de pe care putem cuta acea transparen imposibil cerut de Camus pentru umanitatea bulversat a timpului nostru. Doar o contiin istoric cast poate ntr-adevr provoca lumea din nou la fiecare secund, deoarece doar istoria este mediatorul ntre ceea ce este i ceea ce oamenii cred c ar trebui s fie i asta cu un adevrat efect umanizant. Dar istoria poate servi la umanizarea experienei numai n msura n care ea rmne sensibil la lumea mai general a gndirii i a aciunii, lume din care ea provine i la care se ntoarce. i atta vreme ct ea refuz s-i foloseasc ochii pe care att arta modern ct i tiina modern i poate oferi, istoria trebuie s rmn oarb un cetean al unei lumi n care palidele umbre ale memoriei se lupt n van cu viaa i libertatea prezentului.

252

PATRIMONIUL CULTURAL I TENTAIA REDEFINIRII. O PERSPECTIV ISTORIOGRAFIC Corina Teodor * Abstract The Cultural Patrimony and the Temptation of Redefinition. A Historiographycal Perspective This study is propounding a meditation both over the semantical significations of the term patrimony, as over the contemporary cultural politics, whose purpose is to protect the cultural patrimony. We have considered that the importance of such an investigation may be important from several points of view: to reveal the way the ideea of patrimony, generally speaking, and especially that of cultural and bookish patrimony, have been delineated during the last two centuries; to emphasise some of the measures that represent the bases of a successful patrimony cultural politics; to bring out the most important demarches that were adopted in Romania during the last years, concerning the preservation of the cultural patrimony. In defining the patrimonial object, we have followed up the way the bibliophiles, researches interested in ancient books, specialists in book preservation, historians and linguists have tried to establish the differences between the written patrimony, the bookish patrimony and the cultural one. Why have we underlined the importance of those patrimonial values? Basically, because they might be identified with a manifestation of self-identity and have a powerful symbolical dimension; they might refer to the glory of a prince, to the researches of the public wellness, to the construction of colective identity etc. That is exactly what happened, for example, with the history of Corviniana, Matei Corvins library, that has been percieved, from the second half of the XVIIIth century, as one of the constituent elements of Hungarian identity. The researches on the patrimony, especially on the bookish one, helps us to revalue the present from the past point of view. That because the patrimony is not just a heritage of the

Confereniar dr., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure

253

past, but a permanent construction, as Alain Touraine used to call it.

* patrimony, heritage, cultural politics

O meditaie asupra semnificaiei semantice a termenului de patrimoniu poate fi important din mai multe puncte de vedere: pentru a demonstra felul n care s-a conturat ideea de patrimoniu n general, i cea de patrimoniu cultural i livresc n special, mai ales n ultimele dou secole; pentru a evidenia cteva din msurile ce stau sub semnul politicilor culturale de succes n domeniul patrimoniului; pentru a arta care au fost n Romnia ultimilor ani cele mai importante demersuri pentru conservarea patrimoniului cultural. S pornim ns de la formulele propuse de unul din cei mai cunoscui cercettori din domeniul istoriei crii, Henri Jean Martin, profesor emerit la cole Nationale de Chartes, director de studii la cole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (seciunea IV), pentru care patrimoniul scris nsemna prioritar totalitatea acelor cri care au influenat societile trecute i gndirea oamenilor din trecut. Crile cele mai frumoase i cele mai rare merit s fie conservate cu grij, mrturisea fostul director al Bibliotecii Municipale din Lyon, acelai H.J.Martin 1 . Aceste eforturi devin prioritare n condiiile n care cultura se nrdcineaz ntr-un trecut care trebuie pstrat ct mai bine posibil. Sugestia cercettorului francez este de a nu decupa aceste colecii din contextul cruia ele aparin; pentru c aceste colecii de carte veche se individualizeaz prin vechimea i fragilitatea lor, ceea ce impune condiii speciale de pstrare; dar frontierele intelectuale ntre coleciile vechi i cele aparinnd secolelor XIX-XX trebuie reduse la minim: fiindc nu exist dect o singur cultur, iar o cultur fcut fr carte veche echivaleaz cu masacrarea ei 2 . n definirea obiectului patrimonial, s-au antrenat n timp bibliofili, cercettori ai crii vechi, conservatori, istorici, lingviti etc. Ceea ce a rezultat din aceste tentative
Henri Jean Martin, Roger Chartier, Histoire de ldition franaise, tom I Le livre conqurant, du Moyen ge au milieu du XVII-e sicle, Paris, 1982, p. 21-22 2 Ibidem, p. 22
1

254

epistemologice este un traseu intelectual sugestiv. Bunoar, Michel Melot, preedintele Consiliului Superior al Bibliotecilor i director al Departamentului de Stampe i Fotografii din Biblioteca Naional a Franei, definea obiectul patrimonial ca acel obiect graie cruia o comunitate exist, relaia fiind foarte strns, comunitatea are nevoie de el pentru a exista, obiectul de patrimoniu are nevoie de comunitate pentru a fi validat ca bun de patrimoniu 3 . De fapt aceste intercondiionri ascund tocmai accepiunea comun a termenului de patrimoniu- bun familial, ca o consecin a derivrii din latinescul patrimoniummotenire a unei familii. Astfel, la nceput termenul se nscrie ntr-o ordine de drept, iar n evul mediu a fost folosit fie n latin, fie n limbile vulgare, mereu ntr-o perspectiv care trimitea spre posesia de bunuri materiale 4 . Spre exemplu, Patrimoniul Sf.Petru nsuma n evul mediu teritoriile deinute de Biserica Roman n Italia. Chiar i n secolul al XVIII-lea, n ediia in quarto a Enciclopediei franceze din 1778 termenul de patrimoniu rezona aceluiai domeniu al jurisprudenei: un bun de familie, ceea ce se transform prin succesiune sau donaie n linie direct. i n secolul al XIX-lea termenul continua s nglobeze aceeai semantic, n limbajul comun, fiind ceea ce este transmis unei persoane, unei colectiviti, de la strmoi, prin generaiile precedente, fiind considerat o motenire comun. 5 Tot acum, ncepe s fie aplicat progresiv i altor domenii, astfel c se vorbete despre un patrimoniu genetic, etnologic, industrial etc. Devine deci, n limbaj comun, ceea ce este primit de la generaiile anterioare i fa de care avem obligaia moral a respectrii i conservrii: primit de la strmoi, patrimoniul trebuie deci, n mod firesc, s fie transmis fidel descendenilor 6 . S nu omitem nici aventura intelectual la care ndemna Victor Hugo atunci cnd definea, ntr-o manier esenializat patrimoniul ca fiind averea pe care o primim i pe care o transmitem. 7

Michel Melot, Quest-ce quun objet patrimonial?, n BBF, 2004, nr. 5, p.5 Frdric Barbier, Patrimoine, production, reproduction, n BBF, 2004, nr. 5, p. 11 5 Ibidem, p. 12 6 Ibidem, p. 13 7 Marie Thrse Pouillias, Le patrimoine dans la politique dune ville. Lexemple de la bibliothque municipale de Rennes, n BBF, 2000, nr.4, p. 87
3 4

255

Aadar, patrimoniul, n perspectiv istoric este rezultatul ordinii genealogice i a ordinii sociale. Raportat iniial la nivel de individ, grupul fa de care se poate defini a luat treptat amploare, de la familie, la popor, instituii, alte tipuri de comuniti. n fine, patrimoniul naional este efectul revoluiei semantice produs n epoca naiunii, de generaiile succesive de iluminiti i romantici, pentru care naiunea devenise forma modern de solidaritate uman. Pe msur ce se contureaz termenul de naiune, ca efect al unei construcii juridice i politice a secolelor XVIII-XIX, se constituie i cel de patrimoniu naional; el ctig n importan n secolul al XIX- lea - secolul naiunilor. De la patrimoniu scris la patrimoniu livresc n aceast construcie terminologic, care se structureaz n timp, patrimoniul scris ocup un loc particular. Chiar expresia de patrimoniu scris este de dat destul de recent, fiindc s-a impus abia la sfritul anilor 70 ai secolului XX, n urma rapoartelor ntocmite de Louis Desgraves, inspectorul general al bibliotecilor din Frana. 8 Mai puin universal dect limbajul, patrimoniul scris altur, ntr-o manier indisociabil, individul de societate, pentru c scrisul nu este un simplu text, este i o imagine, un gest, un act cultural. Manuscrise, cri i imprimate de orice natur, hri, planuri i partituri muzicale, medalii, stampe, fotografii, inscripii i afie se reunesc toate n spatele noiunii generoase de patrimoniu scris 9 . Documentul scris se afl n centrul noiunii de patrimoniu, fiind ntotdeauna emanaia unei persoane. n durata lung, obiectul patrimonial, n special arhiva este indispensabil identitii unui grup; ea supravieuiete morii indivizilor acelui grup, fiind parte a memoriei colective. Documentele au astfel rostul esenial de a perpetua memoria acelei colectiviti. Sentimentul c o carte poate fi mijlocul cel mai sigur de a transmite o motenire cultural coboar n epoci ndeprtate, dar abia din epoca modern s-a dezvoltat i interesul pentru a conserva documentele n forma lor original. ntre primele iniiative n acest sens s menionm instruciunile publicate n secolul al XVII-lea de Gabriel Naud, ntre exigenele cruia
Gerard Cohen, Michel Yvon, Le plan daction pour le patrimoine ecrit, n BBF, 2004, nr. 5, p. 48 9 Frdric Barbier, op. cit., p. 13
8

256

se afla i definiia dat bibliotecilor: o grmad de cri nu era o bibliotec, dup cum o mulime de soldai nu era o armat. 10 Dar abia dup dezvoltarea tiinelor auxiliare teritoriul restaurrii a fost mai precis delimitat de cel al restituirii coleciilor . 11 Martore, dar i victime ale duratei lungi, fondurile bibliotecilor se recomand prin structura lor, prin utilitate i nu n ultimul rnd, prin regulile de conservare pe care le impun. n ciuda fragilitii sale, patrimoniul livresc ncearc s-i contureze propria identitate ca parte a patrimoniului scris. El poate fi definit n primul rnd ca ceea ce este conservat n biblioteca public i aparine implicit comunitii naionale; esenial ar fi nu att vechimea acestui patrimoniu ct mai ales proprietatea colectiv i punerea la dispoziia comunitii. Dar patrimoniul bibliotecilor poate avea un sens mai larg dect cel de patrimoniu livresc, fiindc include o mare diversitate de obiecte vechi, mrturii ale trecutului. n fine, s nu omitem c este vorba de un patrimoniu extrem de difuz, constituit din obiecte de natur variat, de la carte tiprit la periodice, manuscrise, documente iconografice, cartografice etc. Ne raportm astfel n general la toate obiectele vechi susceptibile de a fi regsite ntr-o bibliotec. Originile acestui tip de patrimoniu sunt destul de ndeprtate i ele trimit spre nceputurile instituiei respective, chiar spre istoria cabinetelor de lectur din epoca modern. Studiu de caz: coleciile patrimoniale ale Bibliotecii Sorbona Cu siguran una din bibliotecile sonore ale Europei, biblioteca Sorbona i-a deschis porile pentru public la 3 decembrie 1770, sub numele de Biblioteca Universitii din Paris, n localul vechii biblioteci a iezuiilor din Colegiul Ludovic cel Mare. Oferea la data respectiv cititorilor peste 20.000 de volume care proveneau din fuziunea a dou colecii: biblioteca personal lsat motenire n 1762 de fostul rector, Jean Gabriel Petit de Montempuis ( 1676-1763) i biblioteca colegiului bursierilor, instalat n colegiul Ludovic cel Mare dup plecarea iezuiilor. Aceasta din urm era format din cri

Peter Burke, O istorie social a cunoaterii, Iai, Ed. Institutului European, 2004, p. 156 11 Jean Marie Anoult (coord.), Protection et mise en valeur du patrimoine des bibliothques de France, Paris, 1998, p.7
10

257

aparinnd la 18 colegii reunite n aceast nou instituie i o parte din crile ce aparinuser fostului colegiu al iezuiilor 12 . Biblioteca i-a mrit constant fondurile pn la Revoluie, cnd s-a inaugurat o perioad dificil, n care au intervenit multiple transformri, inclusiv cele legate de mbogirea fondurilor. Fondul numit patrimonial al Sorbonei numr azi 3032 de manuscrise, la care se mai adaug 197 de dosare de arhiv, aproximativ 100.000 de volume i un fond iconografic din aproximativ 5000 de stampe i hri. Fondul patrimonial al Sorbonei, care a crescut constant i prin donaii i achiziii ulterioare este tributar caracterului universitar, care coboar pn la originile sale, deoarece provine de la vechi instituii universitare sau din coleciile particulare ale unor profesori. Din evul mediu i pn n zilele noastre coleciile Sorbonei au ndeplinit acelai deziderat fundamental: de a furniza comunitii universitare o bibliotec savant, care s conin cele mai bune ediii. 13 Putem strui i asupra termenului de patrimoniu cultural, o apariie semantic destul de recent, aprut mai degrab pentru a arta interesul Ministerului Culturii pentru valorificarea acestui tip de patrimoniu. Expresia a fost lansat public mai ales dup ce a fost creat n cadrul UNESCO o seciune special intitulat patrimoniu mondial (1972) i dup ce anul 1980 a fost declarat Anul Patrimoniului 14 . De ce este important acest patrimoniu? n esen, cartea se identific cu o manifestare a identitii, avnd o puternic dimensiune simbolic; ea poate face referin la gloria unui principe, la cercetarea binelui public, la construcia identitii colective etc. Este ceea ce s-a ntmplat de exemplu, cu istoria Corvinianei, biblioteca lui Matei Corvin, care din a doua jumtate a sec. al XVIII-lea este privit ca unul din elementele constitutive ale identitii maghiare 15 . Dar cui aparine acest patrimoniu cultural? Adesea unor comuniti virtuale, n sensul c membrii lor exist, dar nu se cunosc direct ntotdeauna 16 . Spre exemplu- cetatea Sighioarei dac ar suferi distrugeri, ar strni indignarea multora, nu doar a propriilor
12 Jacqueline Artier, Les collections patrimoniales de la Bibliothque de la Sorbonne. Une politique de la valorisation, n BBF, 1996, nr. 3, p. 29 13 Ibidem, p. 30-31 14 Michel Melot, op. cit., p. 8 15 Frdric Barbier, op. cit., p. 17 16 Michel Melot, op. cit., p. 9

258

locuitori, n numele valorii de patrimoniu ce i-a fost recunoscut prin trecerea timpului. Cercetrile asupra patrimoniului, a celui livresc n special, ne ajut s reevalum prezentul din perspectiva trecutului. Dar patrimoniul nu este doar o motenire a trecutului, ci i o construcie permanent, n viziunea lui Alain Touraine, un element al istoricitii. i Andr Malraux, n discursul rostit la instalarea Comisiei Naionale pentru inventar general (1964) sesizase c, de fapt, fiecare perioad a vzut obiecte pe care alt perioad nu le-a vzut ca fcnd parte din patrimoniu; este aadar, un concept cu geometrie variabil 17 . Anii 90 au adus n plan european o distincie categoric ntre coleciile de carte veche i cele care au ca obiectiv lectura public ntr-o bibliotec. Fie c le numim fonduri vechi, rare i preioase, fie c le numim fond special 18 , sunt acele colecii a cror achiziie, prelucrare, conservare se supun unor reguli distincte de cele aplicate n cazul coleciei curente. Ultimele analize n domeniu au struit mai ales asupra leitmotivului c patrimoniul are un rol esenial n conservarea memoriei lumii. Patrimoniul documentar, pstrat n arhive i biblioteci, reprezint o parte esenial a acestei memorii colective i reflect diversitatea limbilor, a culturilor, a naiunilor. Dar este vorba, s nu uitm, de un tip de memorie foarte fragil. O parte, deloc neglijabil, a acestui patrimoniu documentar mondial a disprut din cauze naturale; hrtia, pielea, pergamentul, benzile magnetice, pelicula fotografic, au fost agresate de lumin, cldur, umiditate. La aceste cauze naturale se mai adaug accidentele care marcheaz bibliotecile sau arhivele- inundaii, incendii cutremure etc. i alte catastrofe naturale pentru care este greu s se ia ntotdeauna msuri preventive. 19 Lista bibliotecilor i arhivelor care au avut astfel de suferit este chiar dificil de reconstituit i poate ncepe, de ce nu, cu exemplul cel mai celebru din istorie- biblioteca din Alexandria. ntr-o lung serie tragic se nscrie i Biblioteca Central Universitar din Bucureti n 1989. Astfel, Unesco a recunoscut necesitatea de a interveni de urgen pentru a evita continua degradare a memoriei lumii i
Frdric Barbier, op. cit., p. 20 Histoire et pouvoirs de lcrit, Paris, 1988, p. 28 19 Abdelaziz Abid, Mmoire du monde. Preserver notre patrimoine documentaire, n BBF, 1997, nr. 2, p. 8
17 18

259

de aceea a lansat n anul 1992 programul Memoria lumii, al crui scop prioritar este tocmai salvarea i promovarea acestui patrimoniu. Programul i-a fixat cteva obiective fundamentale: -asigurarea pstrrii patrimoniului documentar, de interes universal i ncurajarea documentrii asupra patrimoniului documentar de interes naional i regional; -completarea conservrii patrimoniului cu lrgirea accesului la aceste valori patrimoniale; -alctuirea bazelor de date i imagini, precum i reproducerea lor pe suport magnetic. 20 Un comitet consultativ avea n vedere aplicarea acestor obiective, dar i colaborarea cu alte organisme neguvernamentale, ca IFLA i Consiliul Internaional al arhivelor, ca i asigurarea accesului facil la acest patrimoniu documentar. ntre altele, acest comitet consultativ, recomanda ca noiunea de patrimoniu documentar s fie privit n sens mai larg, incluznd manuscrise i arhive istorice, documente pe orice suport etc. n urma lansrii programului Memoria lumii, s-au constituit n 23 de state europene comitete naionale cu acest generic, avnd scopul de a sensibiliza guvernele proprii n legtur cu necesitatea pstrrii patrimoniului lor documentar. Mai mult, n cadrul reuniunii de la Bucureti (1995) a participanilor venii din Austria, Croaia, Ungaria, Cehia, Romnia i Slovacia s-a subliniat cum digitizarea ar putea contribui la facilitarea accesului la aceste documente de importan mondial, dar i la conservarea originalelor. ns nau fost omise limitele i dificultile din acel moment, n faa metodelor tradiionale de conservare. 21 Unde ne aflm azi din punctul de vedere al proiectelor de conservare, prin mijloace moderne, a valorilor de patrimoniu? Dup proiectele pilot de digitizare din Frana, Spania, Bulgaria, Rusia, Egipt etc. specialitii au ajuns la convingerea c digitizarea ar fi cea mai bun formul de compromis ntre necesitatea deschiderii tuturor coleciilor pentru public i mai buna protejare a coleciilor. n fine, pentru ca Unesco s i poat pstra rolul de catalizator i de coordonator deopotriv, trei inventare majore sunt realizate n cooperare cu IFLA, Consiliul Internaional al arhivelor i alte organizaii profesionale competente. Primul este
20 21

Ibidem, p. 8-9 Ibidem, p. 10

260

denumit Memoria pierdut, biblioteci i arhive distruse n secolul XX. El are n atenie inventarul coleciilor din biblioteci i fonduri de arhive n pericol s fi suferit pierderi ireparabile din 1900 ncoace, mai ales cele din Germania, Frana, Italia, Polonia, ex. Iugoslavia. Acest inventar este gndit nu pentru a deveni un fel de monument funerar, ci pentru a alerta opinia public i specialitii, ca i autoritile locale i naionale n legtur cu dispariia unor valori deinute de biblioteci i arhive europene 22 . Al doilea proiect intitulat Coleciile bibliotecilor i fondurilor de arhiv n pericol are n vedere fonduri i colecii propuse din peste 60 de state pentru a fi nscrise pe lista patrimoniului cultural n pericol. Este i cazuri arhivelor sonore, mai ales fiindc anual un numr important de discuri i benzi sunt n pericol i trebuie copiate pe un suport modern. Cel din urm proiect rezoneaz n jurul titlului Inventarul aciunilor n curs pentru protejarea patrimoniului documentar. Scopul programului Memoria lumii este de a face n aa fel nct documente importante s fie identificate i salvate. Acest inventar ne conduce la principalele activiti de prezervare care sunt n curs. Informaiile coninute n acest document au fost obinute prin intermediul unui chestionar difuzat n german, englez, spaniol, francez i japonez, prin intermediul IFLA. Ancheta avea scopul de a culege informaii din biblioteci care posed colecii ce ar trezi un interes naional, cu scopul de a determina problemele care exist n diferite regiuni ale lumii. Peste 200 de rspunsuri au fost analizate i interpretate 23 . Concluzionnd, se poate spune c programul Memoria lumii a suscitat nc de la lansare un foarte mare interes, responsabilitatea i misiunea fiind foarte mari, n condiiile n care un antier mondial de salvare se deschide, pentru a salva valorile documentare aflate n pericol. Dincolo de aceste preocupri europene, s remarcm i integrarea Romniei n aceste proiecte, mai nti n plan teoretic, prin conturarea cadrului legislativ, aa cum o dovedesc Legea 182 din 2000 privind protejarea patrimoniului cultural naional mobil i Legea 311 din 2003 a muzeelor i coleciilor, n care s-a clarificat noiunea de patrimoniu muzeal ca i regulile ce impun clasarea n patrimoniul cultural naional. Practic, se detaeaz iniiativele de eviden, conservare i
22 23

Ibidem, p. 13 Ibidem, p. 14

261

digitizare a patrimoniului livresc, datorit CIMEC- Institutul de Memorie Cultural, Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei i Bibliotecii Academiei Romne, care n ciuda stagnrilor i dezacordurilor ilustreaz totui o convergen cu eforturile similare europene. Astfel c, cel puin n acest moment mai avem dreptul s sperm c memoria vegetal a tipriturilor nu este n pericol de dispariie. 24

24

Umberto Eco, Memoria vegetal i alte scrieri de bibliofilie, Bucureti, Ed. Rao, 2008.

262

SPORTUL N VIZIUNEA CINEMATOGRAFIEI ROMNETI Cornel Crciun * Rsum

Le sport dans la vision de la cinmatographie roumaine Le sport a reprsent, depuis lAntiquit, une modalit dautodfinition de la personnalit humaine autant le plan physique que lequel mental. Les obstacles quil faut dpasser dans cette aventure dinitiation, la volont et la tnacit qui se mettent en mouvement par lentranement individuel qu assist, la formation et la tonification dun caractre vigoureux, habitu dobtienne toujours la victoire constitue quelques raisons de lexercice sportif soit comme moyen de relchement, soit au niveau de la performance proprement parler. Les cinastes roumains ne peuvent pas viter le traitement dun thme si gnreux, et le dchiffrage des modalits spcifiques de prsentation du sujet sportif constitue le but dclar de notre tude. Malgr les prvisions, se ne pas le football qui occupe le premier place dans le classement des prfrences des auteurs du film aborigne, mais le boxe. Soit quil reprsente un simple prtexte pour le dveloppement du sujet sur les coordonnes comiques qu dramatiques, soit quil reproduit les preuves dun carrire de pugiliste, les films sportives dpassent le niveau dune narration linaire, Avec une seule exception (la pellicule intitule Fair Play , 1977), le football assure le prtexte ncessaire pour lanalyse clef satirique, faisant ressortir les affaires et les transactions qui se trouvent par derrire des quipes du comptition officielle. Les sports dhiver ne sont pas oublis, mais lattention accorde est marque par la capacit rduite de pratique, la plupart dans le registre dilettante. Parmi les sports dquipe se rjouissent dun traitement particulier: le rugby, le cyclisme, le pentathlon modern et lorientation touristique. tous ceux on peut additionner les rfrences aux automobilisme et karting, marathon et gymnastique. Sans doute, surprend la manque dintrt pour les disciplines sportives qui ont apports des rsultats remarquables Roumanie : le tennis, le handball, lathltisme, kayak - cano, les haltres, les luttes grco - roumain. * sport, Romanian cinema, boxing

Practicarea sportului a reprezentat, nc din Antichitate, o modalitate aplicat de autodefinire a personalitii umane, att n plan fizic, ct i n cel mental. Obstacolele ce se cer depite
*

Confereniar dr., Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu

263

pe durata acestei aventuri iniiatice, voina i perseverena investite prin antrenament individual sau asistat pentru obinerea elului propus, formarea i fortificarea unui caracter puternic, deprins s lupte doar pentru primul loc, constituite doar cteva dintre posibilele motivaii ale practicrii sporturului fie n varianta sa de relaxare, fie n cea performant. Cineatii romni nu puteau rmne indifereni fa de aceast tem extrem de generoas, dar modalitile specifice de abordare a acesteia difer mult fa de structurile filmice existente n cinematografia european sau n cea american. Descifrarea caracteristicilor tratrii activitii sportive n producia autohton de profil constituie scopul declarat al studiului de fa. Din start, se cuvine s facem cuvenita distincie ntre sporturile individuale (practicarea acestora aducnd n primulplan personalitatea unui unic actor care poate sau face parte dintr-o echip de club ori care reprezint o naiune la marile confruntri de profil) i cele de echip (n care eforturile i rezultatele se raporteaz la un grup de sportivi ce practic aceeai disciplin de specialitate). Din prima categorie enunat se detaeaz referinele autohtone la practicarea boxului, iar din cea de-a doua cele care au ca subiect fotbalul. Pentru a putea atinge scopul pe care ni l-am propus, analiza noastr se axeaz pe cteva linii de conduit bine precizate: evaluarea rezultatelor obinute prin raportarea la imaginea cinematografic a sporturilor individuale i de echip din spaiul autohton, studierea evoluiei temporale a fenomenului artistic i determinarea aportului calitativ pe care i l-a adus aceast tem n ansamblul cinematografiei naionale. * n ciuda tuturor ateptrilor, nu fotbalul (sportul rege pe ntregul mapamond) ocup primul loc n preferinele interpretative ale autorilor de film romni, ci boxul. Aceast situare onorant n fruntea sporturilor individuale are posibilele ei explicaii, pe care le vom detalia n cele ce urmeaz. Boxul reprezint un sport de contact fizic ce pune n eviden nu numai fora brut a sportivului, ci i capacitatea de prevedere i de evitare a loviturilor adversarului. Plecnd de la regulile fixate n palestrele Greciei antice, acest sport s-a impus prin nobleea unor caractere puternice ori prin dramatismul unor confruntri 264

memorabile. 1 Accesibilitatea practicrii pugilismului constituie un element determinant n ceea ce privete situarea sa pe un loc de top, deoarece presupune un minimum de echipament sportiv, nscrierea ntr-un club de profil i asigurarea serviciilor unui antrenor cu experien, practicarea sa cu succes impunnd mult determinare i capacitate de rezisten fizico-mental la efortul de durat din partea sportivului. Dac n perioada anilor interbelici modelul de referin a fost acela al profesionismului de sorginte american, n anii comunismului s-a impus formula amatorismului de mas promovat dup regulile de organizare sovietice. n ceea ce privete producia cinematografic autohton raportabil la box aceasta este generoas doar din perspectiv cantitativ, ea reuind s cumuleze un numr de cinci pelicule. n marea majoritate a cazurilor, situaia fiind una valabil pentru ntreg segmentul cinematografic romnesc cu tematic sportiv, referina la sportul cu mnui constituie un simplu pretext cerut de dezvoltarea tramei filmice care se rezolv fie n manier comic, 2 fie de o natur apt s evidenieze dramatismul unor puternice relaii interumane. 3 Singura creaie
Ca puncte de referin din cinematografia american putem cita aici produciile care i-au avut ca protagoniti pe actorii Paul NEWMAN (interpretul rolului Rocky Graziano n filmul Cineva acolo sus m iubete, 1956) i Sylvester STALLONE (n celebrul rol al lui Rocky Balboa, producia derulndu-se pe parcursul celor cinci episoade ale seriei Rocky, 1976-1990). 2 Aceast soluie este valabil n situaia produciilor intitulate: Titi Mihilescu contra Carpantier (1924) i K.O. (1967). n primul caz citat, au fost introduse la montaj cteva secvene din filmul meciului de box pentru titlul mondial dintre Georges Carpentier i Jack Dempsey din 1921, acestea avnd doar menirea expres de a completa spectacolul de revist prezentat de Titi Mihilescu i trupa sa la cinematograful Doamnei din Bucureti. n cea de a doua situaie avem de-a face cu peripeiile prin care trece tnrul inginer Tudor Vidu (rol interpretat de Paul Paulhoffer), campion naional la box i angajat la o fabric de dantele (!), acolo unde marea majoritate a personalului era alctuit din femei. n afara meciului oficial pentru calificarea la Olimpiada din Mexic (1968), ce constituie unica legtur cu lumea sportului i care susine titulatura peliculei, inginerul face parte din echipa de teatru amator a fabricii i particip la propria sa cstorie cu frumoasa Silvia (rol interpretat de ctre actria Carmen Galin). Eund n dou dintre ncercrile sale: pierde meciul de box i rateaz complet rolul din piesa de teatru, inginerul Tudor Vidu se consoleaz obinnd victoria n povestea de dragoste trit mpreun cu colega sa de serviciu. 3 n aceast categorie se nscriu filmele: Ringul (1983), respectiv Pepe i Fifi (1993). Actorul i regizorul Sergiu Nicolaescu nu putea pierde ocazia de a aborda i tematica sportiv, lucru perfect explicabil avnd n vedere prodigioasa i multilaterala sa carier artistic. Succesul mondial al pelicului Rocky l-a determinat s creeze, mpreun cu scriitorul Ioan Grigorescu, o
1

265

artistic care se cuvine menionat i discutat ca atare, avnd n vedere ncrctura coninut, cu referin la practicarea boxului este concretizat n filmul nvingtorul (1981). Filmul regizat de Tudor Mrscu aduce n prim-plan cariera unui boxer, fost campion naional, care decade i se rateaz att din cauza familiei sale, ct i a antura- jului pe care-l frecventeaz. De profesie mecanic ntr-o fabric ca attea altele din anii glorioi ai comunismului, pugilistul Cristea Soare (rol interpretat, extrem de convingtor, de ctre fostul boxer de profesie Marian Culineac) are mari probleme din cauza soiei Marilena (minunata actri Tora Vasilescu n postura de nevast crcota!). Sftuit de mama acesteia, soia i face viaa amar mecanicului-boxer, caut nencetat motive de ceatr i ncearc s-l fac gelos, fiind perfect convins c viaa alturi de el nu mai are nici un viitor. Lipsa de nelegere a colegilor si de munc contribuie, n mos esenial, la accentuarea derivei existeniale a fostului boxer de succes. Unicul punct de spijin n derularea dramei sale l reprezint fiul su, singurul care mai crede n ansa sa de reabilitare, fapt care-l determin pe Cristea Soare s ncerce, ntr-o ultim i tragic ncordare de voin, revenirea n elita domeniului sportiv. Profitnd din plin de experiena acumulat n studiourile de televiziune i ca practicant al produciei de gen documentare, Tudor Mrscu sugereaz nuanat un posibil studiu
povestire cu substrat psihologic ce are ca miz revana unei confruntri dintre un fost prizonier ntr-un lagr de concentrare fascist i ofierul SS Gebauer (Marian Culineac), care fcea parte din paza militar a lagrului. nvins n confruntarea din timpul rzboului, dar reuind s evadeze (!), Andrei i regsete fostul torionar ntr-un spectacol de divertisment din Berlinul zilelor noastre. oferul de tir Andrei, antrenat de colegul su Toma (Marin Moraru), i ia o binemeritat revan pentru suferinele ndurate pe timpul deteniei. Scenele de ring, inspirate - evident - din prestaiile lui Sylvester Stallone, sunt asezonate cu flash-back-uri menite s sporeasc ncrctura dramatic a ncletrii sportive ce reface - metaforic - istoria luptei dintre Bine i Ru. Referinele filmului regizat de Dan Pia la lumea boxului se consum n debutul produciei care-i are ca protagoniti pe fraii Pepe (Cristian Iacob) i Fifi (Irina Movil). ntr-o lume debusolat, Pepe vrea s ajung boxer profesionist pentru a ctiga banii pe care familia sa nu i-a avut niciodat, dar i respectul bieilor de cartier. Inspirat din producia italian de sorginte neorealist, Dan Pia surprinde imaginea unui Bucureti postcomunist care va deveni un verirabil prototip cinematografic al tranziiei spre noua democraie dmboviean. Dup ce pierde confruntarea cu adversarul su, fiind dezgustat de procedurile mafiei pariorilor din box, Pepe prefer s intre n banda de traficani a proxenetului Gianni Baronul (personaj interpretat de actorul Costel Constantin). Aceast alegere se va dovedi de ru augur pentru cei doi frai: Pepe sfrete asasinat n nchisoare, iar Fifi devine prostituat...

266

psihologic al ratrii. Eecul suferit n plan sportiv constituie doar o parte component a dramei umane pe care o triete protagonistul peliculei, dincolo de care intuim existena celorlalte minusuri care, cumulate, vor conduce la prbuirea din final. Aflat la doar a doua experien cinematografic, regizorul insist asupra argumentului de factur documentar, intens evocator, n detrimentul factorului artistic propriu-zis. Acesta este i motivul pentru care apeleaz la un actor neprofesionist, dar care cunoate perfect lumea sportului evocat fiind un fost campion naional de box, 4 fapt ce confer un plus de veridicitate personajului principal tocmai prin lipsa de trac att de specific meseriei. Chiar dac scenariul semnat de Dumitru Furdui (un actor convertit n aceast postur intelectual extrem de onorant) conine scderi nepermise, 5 producia n sine merit reinut mcar prin existena a dou elemente complementare: autenticitatea scenelor de lupt sportiv din ring i coerena disputelor dintre soii Marilena i Cristea Soare. Un alt sport prin excelen individual este schiul, acesta practicndu-se n condiii bine precizate ce in cont de sezonul hivernal, de asigurarea unui echipament performant i de existena unor prtii de cea mai bun calitate. Poiana Braovului constituie mediul cel mai prielnic pentru practicarea sporturilor de iarn, att prin prisma dotrilor de aici ct i a posibilitilor sporite de acces (mai ales din Capital!), fapt reinut i validat prin fixarea aici a decorului pentru cele dou pelicule romneti cu referine sportive la practicarea amintitei discipline montane. Fie c este vorba despre genul comediei muzicale care se revendic din modelele americane ale domeniului ce sunt aplicate conform doctrinei socieliste la realitile autohtone, fie c vprbim despre adaptarea unui episod din aventurile Cirearilor, ambele producii utilizeaz practicarea schiului ca pe un simplu pretext pentru dezvoltri tematice ce au cu totul alt miz dect cea a competiiei sportive privite ca atare. n cazul concret al filmului Dragoste la zero grade (1964), eroii sunt recrutai din rndul tinerilor muncitori de la
Cariera cinematografic a lui Marian Culineac cuprinde doar ase titluri: nvingtorul (1981), n care deine rolul principal; Ringul (1983) personajul Gebauer; Ziua Z (1984) Micu; Noi, cei din linia nti (1985) - Petre Mrgu; ncrederea (1985) Sasu; Miracolul (1987) Iosif Ttaru. 5 Reinute, ca atare, n comentariul extrem de acid al criticului de film Tudor Caranfil din lucrarea sa intitulat Dicionar de filme romneti, Editura Litera Internaional, Bucureti-Chiinu, ed.II-a, 2003, p. 114
4

267

uzina braovean de camioane Carpai, crora li se altur trei tehnicieni de televiziune bucureteni venii s instaleze un releu n staiunea sportiv deja menionat. Grupul de tineri reunit la o caban pe durata unui week-end are ocazia s-i etaleze, concurenial, calitile de meseriai, de sportivi i de interprei...muzicali! Punctul de plecare al peliculei l constituie un concurs de schi, prilej cu care se remarc toi protagonitii aventurii, din rndul crora se individualizeaz dou personaje feminine: Oana (rol interpretat de Florentina Mosora), schioare i student la Politehnic n Bucureti, fost muncitoare la uzina braovean, i Ilinca (Coca Andronescu), oferi la uzin; respectiv trei personaje masculine: Andrei (junele prim Iurie Darie) i Nic (Dumitru Rucreanu), tehnicieni de televiziune; Bric (inimitabilul Dem Rdulescu, actor aflat la nceputurile carierei cinematografice), hocheist i muncitor la uzin. Gzduii n cabana gestionat de Mo Pavel (Nae Roman), tatl Oanei, tinerii petrec de minune ntr-un peisaj feeric, de neuitat. Ilinca este ndrgostit de Bric, n vreme ce acesta ofteaz dup Oana (care a prsit colectivul uzinal pentru a devenii inginer i doamn la Bucureti), venirea chipeului Andrei modificnd complet raporturile existente n grupul unit al junilor braoveni. ncurcturile datorate jocului liber al dragostei i ntmplrii, n variant autohton, vor fi condimentate cu momente umoristice (semnate de cuplul scenaritilor H. Nicolaide i Cezar Grigoriu) i cu lagre muzicale marca George Grigoriu. Finalmente, lucrurile se rezolv cum nu se poate mai bine: Oana accept dragostea mrturisit de Andrei (cuplul fotogenic, situat n primul plan al aciunii), iar Bric revine la sentimente mai bune fa de Ilinca, n fond o tnr extrem de ager i de sritoare, predilecia umoristic a celor doi completndu-se prefect. Dincolo de veselia i sentimentele pozitive exhibate de protagonitii peliculei, fireti la vrsta dragostei pe care o ntruchipeaz fiecare dintre ei, ce domin ntreaga producie a cuplului regizoral format din Geo Saizescu i Cezar Grigoriu, trebuie s remarcm promovarea publicitar a staiunii sporturilor de iarn Poiana Braov, un spaiu magnific ce asigur cadrul propice pentru ca toate povetile de iubire s devin posibile... Dei autorul romanului este unul dintre cosemnatarii scenariului produciei cinematografice intitulate, extrem de incitant i poetic, Aripi de zpad (1985), zadarnic vom cuta o legtur cu adevratele aventuri ale cavalerilor florii de cire. Din motive de natur ideologic, povestea elevilor din provincie 268

este complet schimbat i amplasat n acelai peisaj feeric al Poienii Braov, acolo unde cu dou decenii mai devreme se zbenguiser tinerii din combinata montan Bucureti-Braov. Legtura cu sectorul sportiv de referin este oferit de finala campionatului colar de schi, competiie organizat n staiunea mai sus menionat. n mod absolut firesc, avnd n vedere pregtirea multilateral i aptitudinile excepionale probate de eroii primei serii filmate cu un an nainte, dintre echipele aliniate la start nu puteau lipsi tocmai Cirearii. Aa cum lesne se poate bnui, concursul se ncheie cu victoria favoriilor copilriei noastre care nota bene (!) dovedesc un fair-play desvrit pe durata celor dou mane ale confruntrii sportive, sfrind prin a se mprietenii cu fotii rivali din competiie. Aa ceva nu se putea ntmpla dect unor pionieri perfect educai i aliniai naltelor standarde umane ce decurgeau din documentele de partid ale vremii...n plus, regizorul i coscenaristul Adrian Petringenaru (responsabil pentru toate cele trei segmente ale naraiunii cinematografice privitoare la bravii cireari) 6 demonstreaz mai mult nelegere pentru linia ideologic trasat de ctre P.C.R. dect pentru o viziune creatoare coerent i novatoare, att de necesar n cazul abordrii nuanate a respectivului tronson temporal al copilriei. Episodul concursului de schi reprezint doar preambulul aventurilor cvasirocamboleti pe care le triesc cirearii n respectiva vacan de iarn. Peripeiile hibernale se prelungesc, mai mult sau mai puin plauzibil, i n cuprinsul ultimei producii a tripticului cinematografic care celebreaz un anumit tip de copilrie, ce se vrea general valabil pentru spaiul romnesc. Un alt segment important al sporturilor individuale este alctuit din grupul filmelor ce au n vedere ciclismul, pentatlonul modern i maratonul, automobilismul, kartingul i gimnastica. Fiecare dintre disciplinele sportive enumerate devine protagonista unei singure pelicule, produciile respective beneficiind de pe urma particularitilor domeniului configurat, ale modului de abordare cinematografic i a susinerii partiturii interpretative. Filmul intitulat Vin ciclitii (1968) reprezint un posibil punct de referin pentru comedia cinematografic autohton. Ca i n cazul analizat anterior, cel al comediei muzicale
6

Tripticul cinematografice dedicat rememorrii aventurilor trite de grupul cirearilor cuprinde peliculele: Cirearii (1984), Aripi de zpad (1985) i Cetatea ascuns (1987).

269

Dragoste la zero grade, practicarea sportului constituie doar pretextul derulrii unei poveti cu tineri, dragoste i exemple moralizatoare demne de urmat. O echip de cicliti (deci avem de-a face cu formula extins, de concurs, a domeniului sportiv anunat) dintr-o mare ntreprindere a deceniului apte se antreneaz cu asiduitate pentru un concurs extrem de important. Amplasarea cantonamentului ntr-o zon greu accesibil, undeva ntre Bacu i Piatra Neam, are menirea de a rezolva dou posibile probleme: pe de o parte sugereaz duritatea i intensitatea efortului depus pentru atingerea perfoemanei sportive, pe de alt parte asigur un fundal impresionant pentru desfurarea evenimentelor din film i face reclam mascat zonei geografice avute n discuie. Andrei (personaj interpretat de ctre actorul Mircea Albulescu) este cpitanul i antrenorul echipei Trotineta (denumire cu iz de varieti duminicale), el impunnd colegilor si o disciplin de fier ce se pliaz pe un stil de munc conservator, nvechit. Atitudinea sa intransigent este criticat de ctre un alt ciclist, Virgil (tefan Tapalag), care propune noi metode de antrenament, menite s asigure mult visatul succes n concurs. nfruntarea dintre vechi i nou este croit pe calapodul basmelor populare, schimbarea radical att de necesar fiind obinut prin intermediul interveniei provideniale a unui ter personaj: n cazul de fa ciclista Ana (Ana Szles), prietena lui Virgil. Alturi de colegele ei, cicliste amatoare la rndul lor, Ana va provoca la ntrecere echipa masculin i, folosind indicaiile oferite de Virgil, va obine victoria n cursa de antrenament sui-generis. nvins, n ciuda tuturor aparenelor net favorabile, echipa masculin i mobilizeaz toate resursele fizice i mentale. Lund n considerare o tactic revoluionar de competiie, echipa condus de tandemul Andrei-Virgil nu numai c va ctiga concursul sportiv propriu-zis, dar va realiza i un timp de record naional! Inerentele ncurcturi i situaii hazlii, aprute pe parcursul derulrii evenimentelor, asigur un tonus extrem de stenic ntregii producii filmice care se susine prin travaliul interpretativ al unor talentai comici ai scenei i ecranului romnesc. 7
Alturi de cei trei actori deja nominalizai, n distribuia peliculei regizate de Aurel Mihele se regsesc numele lui: Dem Rdulescu (ciclistul Miu), Nicu Constantin (ciclistul Nicu), tefan Bnic (ciclistul Jean), Vasilica Tastaman
7

270

Sporturile atletice prilejuiesc o mai mare apropiere de substratul volitiv ce caracterizeaz cariera unui profesionst al domeniului referenial. Puntea de legtur ntre filmele Rezerv la start (1987) i Kilometrul 36 (1989) este asigurat de realizatorul acestora: regizorul Anghel Mora, un creator implicat trup i suflet n susinerea superioar a ambelor proiecte artistice enunate. Provenit din pepiniera de talente a filmului documentar romnesc, el i va face debutul n producia de lungmetraj prin intermediul pelicului din anul 1987. Aciunea acesteia se concentreaz asupra juniorului Simion (George Alexandru) convocat, pe post de rezerv, la lotul naional de pentatlon modern care se pregtete pe Litoral n vederea susinerii unui important test prin partciparea la un important concurs internaional. Scenariul, scris de ctre Anghel Mora n colaborare cu erban Marinescu (un alt cineast de frunte ale generaiei sale ce s-a validat ulterior), insist asupra relaiilor ce iau natere ntre antrenorul Tomescu (Mihai Stan), membrii consacrai ai echipei i junele protagonist aflat n plin proces de afirmare. Folosind, cu abilitate, avantajele locaiei 8 (lucru valabil i n cazul altor produse artistice similare), creaia semnat de Anghel Mora scoate n eviden duritatea eforturilor de pregtire asiduu necesare atletului profesionst pentru a se putea prezenta la parametrii optimi n ziua concursului. Muncind suplimentar (n spiritul comandamentelor ntrecerii socialiste!) i demonstrnd trie de caracter, Simion este meninut n lot i i anun candidatura pentru un post de titular. Factorul afectiv, ce apare conturat i n acest story ca un condiment absolut necesar progresului, contribuie din plin la atingerea plafonului de perfoman: certat cu prietena sa Ioana (Tania Filip), Simion reuete s se mpace la timp cu aceasta pentru a-i regsi echilibrul necesar ntr-o competiie de asemenea amploare. n atari condiii, nu surprinde pe absolut nimeni titularizarea juniorului, acesta aducndu-i un aport esenial la obinerea victoriei sportive de ctre echipa sa, situaie ce vine s ncununeze o perioad extrem de fast din viaa protagonistului peliculei analizate. n ceea ce privete maratonul, Anghel Mora se las sedus de ideea parabolei sportive, att de drag mentorului su
(ciclista Doina), Stela Popescu (diriginta), Mariana Cercel (ciclista Rodica), Alexandru Giugaru (mecanicul de locmotiv), Carmen Galin, Puiu Clinescu, Vasile Tomazian, Ovid Teodorescu i Florin Scrltescu. 8 Imaginea filmului i se datoreaz lui Marina Stanciu, un profesionst desvrit n mediul cinematografic autohton.

271

spiritual: regizorul Dan Pia. Ca i n cazul filmului-cult Concurs (1982), pelicul ce a devenit o referin cinematografic obligatorie pentru muli dintre colegii de generaie ai lui Mora, miza competiiei sportive enunate generic devine eafodajul absolut necesar pentru creionarea unui studiu caracteriologic legat de manifestarea atitudinal a fiinei umane n situaia contientizrii limitrilor la care este supus aceasta. Denumirea produciei anului 1989 posed, din start, o referin simbolic extrem de clar: kilometrul 36 reprezint punctul cel mai dificil din cuprinsul unei curse de maraton. Printre concurenii aliniai la punctul de plecare al competiiei se individualizeaz trei atlei care ntruchipeaz tot attea tipuri sportive atent studiate: campionul en-titre, infatuta i sigur de o nou reuit; un fost campion, perfect motivat i dornic s rzbune nfrngerile suferite n anii din urm; tnrul sportiv ce vrea s obin victoria cu orice pre. Acestora li se altur personajul ziaristului Valentin Ionescu (Dan Condurache), un individ lipsit de scrupule i excesiv de glgios, ce sacrific orice urm de bun sim i deontologie profesional pentru a putea capta i menine atenia publicului spectator. n ciuda ateptrilor formulate de specialiti, victoria va aparine unui obscur factor potal (!), tocmai pentru a putea susine ideea conform creia soarta este schimbtoare iar norocul i-a ntors faa de la cei aezai n primul rnd. Festivitatea ridicol ce ncununeaz competiia se poate revendica att din puseurile de absurd ce bntuie creaia regizorului Mircea Danieliuc, dar i din tradiia dramaturgiei caragialiene. Sporturile cu motor se consum n zodia produciilor cu i pentru tineri. Practicarea automobilismului performant este pus n direct legtur cu funcionarea uzinei de autoturisme de la Piteti. Comanda social i directivele de partid, intens mediatizate pe durata deceniului nou, impuneau abordarea unor subiecte populate de personaje umane simple, dar extrem de talentate, dotate cu aceea viguroas i obligatorie drzenie proletar, care finalmente obineau rezultate spectaculoase. Cuplul artistic, alctuit din scenarista Melania ChiriacescuConstatiniu i ncercatul regizor Mircea Drgan, se concentreaz asupra amintitului mediu muncitoresc pentru a scoate n eviden calitile pilotului de ncercare-femeie Tsica (personaj interpretat de ctre Diana Gheorghian), eroina pelicului Raliul (1984). Dup o existen plin de meandre, ale crei momente cruciale sunt trecute n revist pe parcursul ntrecerii sportive popularizate prin intermediul titulaturii filmului, tnra 272

muncitoare ajunge s-i descopere adevrata vocaie: aceea de mecanic auto n cadrul marii uzine pitetene. Spre deosebire de traiectul vocaional al simplei oferie de camion Ilinca, din producia Dragoste la zero grade, Tsica face un mare pas nainte n procesul de emancipare social-profesional a femeii din societatea socialist multilateral dezvoltat romneasc. Puternic susinut de colectivul frunta din care fcea parte (marot indispensabil pentru a suprinde valenele pozitive ale ntrecerii muncitoreti socialiste!), ea nu numai c particip la raliul automobilistic al Romniei dar l i ctig (!), fcnd dovada unor abiliti ieite din comun. Dac admitem posibilitatea unei astfel de experiene singulare, valabile tocmai prin gradul ei redus de probabilitate, i inem seama de condiiile speciale n care s-a produs pelicula, 9 atunci putem considera c Raliul i-a depit, cu puin, condiia de produs mediocru, parte integrant a unui peisaj cinematografic cenuiu. Din aceeai categorie valoric i ideatic se revendic i pelicula dedicat elevilor de gimnaziu care se remarc cu ocazia concursurilot de karting, un sport practicat n cadrul oragizatoric girat de Casele Pionierilor din toate judeele rii. Autorul scenariului filmului Marele Premiu (1985), scriitorul Chiril Tricolici, este un binecunoscut realizator de proz ficional, specializat surprinderea universului juvenil autohton, Tocmai de aceea, propunerea sa pare a conine mai mult veridicitate, nutrit din suprinderea unor note comportamentale specifice vrstei, dect majoritatea exempleleor citate anterior. Dar s nu ne entuziasmm prea tare pentru c matricea exemplului pozitiv, impus de obligativitatea raportrii ideologice, nbu i aici mai toate elanurile realizatorilor produciei cinematografice. Pionierul Traian (Cosmin ofron) este fiul unui constructor de maini i al unei sudorie de la antierul Naval din Galai. Originea sa extrem de sntoas i ambiia de a face performan cu orice pre l predispun s devin o veritabil vedet n cercul su de prieteni. n ciuda opoziiei prinilor (situaie ce creeaz tensiunea necesar derulrii ulterioare a evenimentelor), care nu doresc s-i expun copilul pericolelor inerente ofatului, Traian se iniiaz n tainele kartingului cu ajutorul unor amici pasionai de sport. De aici
9 Respectarea directivelor ideologice fixate de regimul lui Nicolae Ceauescu care se combin cu ratarea viziunii artistice ce aparine unui regizor de film celebru prin faptul c a vrut mereu mai mult de ct a putut n domeniul su de creaie.

273

ncolo, trama filmului devine extrem de uor previzibil, ea putnd fi recunoscut i n clieele produciilor occidentale de profil: protagonistul peliculei ctig o cup, dar sufer un accident destul de serios. Recuperarea este lung i dureroas, la ea lund parte activ prinii (care descoper c au greit interzicndu-i practicarea sportului preferat), colegii de echip i mai ales prietena Alina (elementul feminin avnd menirea s confere necesarul echilibru existenial al ntregii poveti). Revenit pe pista de concurs (situaie absolut necesar pentru valorificarea mesajului moralizator), pionierul-pilot de karting nu-i dezamgete suporterii, sponsorii i nici echipa tehnic a filmului, ctignd trofeul Marele premiu. Putem vorbi despre un final cvasihollywoodian, dac pstrm proporiile de rigoare ce se impun... Cele mai mari satisfacii legate de practicarea unui sport individual, dar care se poate uor transforma n prestaie de echi, vin din zona gimnasticii feminine. Cariera singular a Nadiei Comneci, cea care a rescris istoria domeniului referenial ncepnd cu campionatele europene din anul 1975, constituie modelul transparent al peliculei intitulate Campioana (1989). Dincolo de minusurile unei probabile abordri n cheie biografic, filmul menionat candideaz, cu reale anse de succes, la titulatura de cel mai reuit film romnesc cu tematic sportiv. Care ar putea fi aturile unei astfel de clasri onorante? n primul rnd, se detaeaz prezena pe genericul produciei amintite al unui valoros cuplu de realizatori cinematografici: scenarista Vasilica Istrate i regizoarea Elisabeta Bostan. 10 Colaborarea Casei de Filme numrul 5 cu partenerii canadieni a avut menirea de a spori impactul comercial la public, tocmai fiindc a apelat la o reet des vehiculat n abordrile de gen transatlantice: persoana anonim care ajunge prin eforturi susinute o mare vedet. Respectiva conlucrare poate fi perceput i ca un omagiu tardiv , adus de ctre organizatorii Olimpiadei de la Montreal (1976) celei care a devenit un veritabil simbol al competiiei sportive gzduite de canadieni. Perfeciunea i dezinvoltura dezarmant cu care i-a
10 Conlucrarea celor dou realizatoare s-a concretizat printr-o serie de pelicule adresate tinerei generaii, eseniale pentru nelegerea nuanat a parcursului istoriei cinematografiei naionale: Veronica (1972) i Veronica se ntoarce (1973), Mama (coproducie Romnia, URSS, Frana, 1976), Saltimbancii (1981) i Un saltimbanc la Polul Nord (1981), Promisiuni (1985), Unde eti, copilrie? (1987), Zmbet de soare (1987), Desene pe asfalt (1988) i Campioana (1989).

274

executat exerciiile, momentul istoric al acordrii primei note de 10 din ntreg parcursul modern al respectivei discipline, trebuiau recompensate printr-un exerciiu ficional pe msur. n cel deal treilea rnd, la obinerea succesului repurtat de pelicul 11 au conlucrate i actorii distribuii n susinerea rolurilor asigurate prin casting. 12 Personajele de primul plan sunt ntruchipate de tinere eleve aflate la vrsta real a protagonistelor: actriele neprofesioniste Izabela Moldovan (n rolul Corinei, protagonsita filmului) i Alina Izvoranu (Maria), fapt destinat s sporeasc mota de autenticitate a ntregului eafodaj faptic. Construcia cinematografic este una lesne de bnuit, ideea de baz fiind aceea c talentul aliat cu o activitate fizic intens i atent supravegheat de un antrenor trebuie s conduc la obinerea celei mai nalte performane posibile: titlul olimpic! Farmecul ingenuu al Izabelei Moldovan a fost recompensat aa cum se cuvine, att n ar, ct i la competiiile cinematografice de profil din strintate, 13 dar talentul ei nativ pentru joaca de-a filmul s-a stins odat cu aceast apariie singular. * n privina sporturilor de echip situaia nu este cu mult diferit fa de ceea ce am putut constata n cazul abordrii disciplinelor care evideniaz efortul creativ individual. Activitatea performant sau cea care ambiioneaz s ating acest stadiu de exprimare profesional constituie doar pretextul
Rezultatele artistice i ncasrile repurtate de coproducia romno-canadian au fost, totui, extrem de modeste n raport cu orizontul de ateptare pe care le-au avut n vedere realizatorii filmului Campioana. 12 n primul plan se situeaz dou eleve ce ntruchipeaz tandemul alctuit din eroina principal Corina (Izabela Moldovan) i cea mai bun prieten a acesteia, Maria (Alina Izvoranu). Amestecul de competiie i colaborare dintre acestea d credibilitate scenariului i asigur fundamentul performant al protagonistei. Rolurile de secunzi ale eroinelor revin rudelor acestora i antrenorilor: Luminia Gheorghiu (Mama Corinei), Petric Nicolae (Tatl Corinei), Dorina Done (Bunica Corinei), Maria Ploae (Mama Mariei), Dinu Manolache (Tatl Mariei) i Ileana Stana Ionescu (Bunica Mariei), respectiv Mircea Diaconu (antrenorul Mitran), Carmen Galin (Lili Oprescu) i Diana Lupescu (Delia). 13 Meniunea special a juriului la premiile ACIN, respectiv premiul pentru interpretare la festivalul filmului pentru tineret din localitatea Giffoni Valle Piano (Italia), ambele recompense datnd din anul 1991. n ceea ce privete filmul ca atare, acesta a primit Premiul Asociaiei Cineatilor din R.P.D. Coreean (1990), Medalia de aur pentru regie i Premiul Giulio Andreotti la Giffoni Valle Piano (Italia, 1991), Marele Premiu al festivalului cinematografic de la Cairo (Egipt, 1992).
11

275

unor desfurri cinematografice ce depesc, cu greu, stadiul amatorismului privit cu simpatie de ctre prezumtivii consumatori ai actului artistic. Situndu-se departe de modelul comercial promovat prin intermediul produciilor de gen americane, cinematografia naional se cantoneaz ntr-o prestaie care se raporteaz la povetile moralizatoare aprobate de cenzura regimului politic i i recruteaz personalul angrenat n susinerea aciunii probatorii dintre abonaii emisiunilor televizate de varieti duminicale. Firete c avem de-a face i cu tratri mai puin anecdotice dect, spre exemplu, n situaia fotbalului. Abordarea artistic nu are dect de ctigat atunci cnd formulele expresive uzitate se diversific: fie insist asupra factorului sentimental implicat n bunul mers al evenimentelor, fie scot n eviden dramatismul unei cariere ajunse la final de ciclu sportiv sau conjug existene omeneti situate n ecuaia parabolei de sorginte filosofic, a crei descifrare este menit s evoce un tip aparte de existenialism socialist, specific unui regim politic de trist amintire. Cea mai mare dezamgire o resimim n cazul referinelor filmice la fotbal. Dei este unanim considerat sprotul-rege la nivelul ntregului mapamond, dnd natere unor manifestri pasionale fr termen de comparaie, aceast disciplin sportiv are parte de un tratament cel puin ciudat din partea studiourilor cinematografice autohtone. Cu toate c avem la dispoziie o mulime de exemple pozitive, att la nivelul competiional de club ct i la cel de reprezentare naional, n ciuda informaiilor existente despre adevrate legende ale domeniului, despre foti juctori geniali sau n plin activitate la data elaborrii filmelor despre care vom discuta imediat, producia cu tematic sportiv avnd ca subiect fotbalul se gsete n penibila situaie a elefantului ce se chinuie s dea natere unui...oricel! Din cele patru pelicule de profil pe care le-am contabilizat, trei se consum pe coordonatele comediei cu substrat moralizator-satiric iar unul singur (!) are mai mari tengene cu fenomenul sportiv propriu-zis, dar i acesta i rateaz menirea din exces de zel didactic, dezvoltndu-se ntr-un mediocru exeperiment hibrid. Dei au putea prea oarecum paradoxal, prima dintre referinele cinematografice la fenomenul fotbalistic romnesc posed un farmec aparte, pe care trecerea anilor nu a reuit s-l tirbeasc cu nimic. Comedia liric intitulat Bieii notri (1960) se constituie ntr-o pledoarie deschis n favoarea 276

activitii sportive de amatori, linie de conduit intens susinut de ctre partid i care se va concretiza n glorioasele reuite ale micrii Daciada. Protagonistul acestei producii este Dinu Almjan (personaj interpretat cu farmecul su inimitabil de ctre actorul Iurie darie), un tnr de profesie sudor i vedet incontestabil a echipei de fotbal de la un combinat metalurigic din provincie. Aciunea filmului se comprim n intervalul de timp care desparte meciurile tur-retur dintre echipa combinatului i cea a petrolitilor (industria grea contra industriei extractive), partide decisive pentru alctuirea clasamentului final din sezonul regulat. Plecat ntr-o escapad cu motocicleta chiar n ziua primei runde a confruntrii sportive, Dinu Almjan ntrzie la meci i este trecut pe banca rezervelor. Toat lumea este extrem de suprat pe el: directorul uzinei Marian (Marcel Anghelescu), preedintele sindicatului Pantelimon (Grigore Vasiliu-Birlic) i membrii colectivului su de lucru. Toi acetia nu ezit s-l critice cu asprime proletar, cerndu-i s-i revizuiasc complet atitudinea fa de munc (unde cam trgea chiulul !) i fa de sport (tia prea bine s jongleze cu mingea, dar nu avea o atitudine responsabil vis--vis de restul echipei de fotbal). n acest moment extrem de tensionat al tramei filmice intr n scen eful de echip Roate (Constantin prdea), un personaj creionat n buna tradiie a comunitilor de omenie, care dovedete mult tact i spirit de ntrajutorare tovreasc (caliti fortificate n anii deactivism politic proletar), cu sprijinul cruia tnrul rebel i regsete calea cea dreapt. Firete, fiind vorba despre un film cu tineri, nu putea s lipseasc din ingredientele atent verificate i povestea de dragoste dintre protagonist i un personaj feminin cu o condiie social similar acestuia. Fata de care se ndrgostete Dinu Almjan este Irina (Florentina Mosora), sora fotbalistului Popa , cel care l-a nlocuit n primul meci, o tnr ntreprinztoare care este repartizat ca instructoare sportiv la combinat. Relaia celor doi colegi de munc evolueaz destul de timid, dac lum n considerare actualele standarde de ndrgostire, i risc s nu conduc nicieri. Blocajul sentimental are o explicaie extrem de simpl: vznd-o des mpreun cu fotbalistul citat, Dinu are impresia greit c cei doi sunt iubii i nu frai, aa cum se va dovedi la momentul oportun, el prefernd s se retrag ca un biat bine crescut ce este. Dar vine meciul retur i lucrurile se clarific, ca n orice situaie de via cu final previzibil. Succesul nregistrat de echipa combinatului se datoreaz colaborrii din teren a celor 277

doi fotbaliti, iar dragostea dintre Dinu i Irina are abia acum cale liber de manifestare... Celelalte dou producii de sorginte comic sunt intim legate ntre ele, att prin prisma variaiunilor pe aceeai tem efectuate de scenaristul ambelor creaii care esteMircea Radu Iacoban, un publicist i onorabil om de fotbal, ct i din perspectiva actorilor distribuii n roluri. Dac n filmul Totul pentru fotbal (1978) este vorba despre meciul decisiv pe care echipa Gloria trebuie s-l ctige pentru a putea rmne n divizia B, n producia intitulat Am o idee (1981) avem de-a face cu peripeiile prin care trece acelai club sportiv dup consfinirea situaiei de retrogradare. n ambele cazuri semnalate, punctul de interes este transferat din sfera sportiv propriu-zis spre sondarea culiselor unui club dornic de performan, surprinznd actele suspecte la care se preteaz conductorii destinelor acestuia pentru a-i atinge scopul declarat: evitarea, prin orice mijloace cu putin, a ruinoasei situaii de retrogradare ntr-un ealon inferior. Morala specific societii socialiste multilateral dezvoltate nu putea tolera o astfel de situaie tensionat, n care fanatismul suporterilor se combin cu abuzurile svrite de un grup infracional de escroci, totul conducnd la ptarea imaginii unei ntreceri sportive corecte i perfect legale. Tocmai de aceea, comanda social i cea de partid impuneau luarea unei atitudini ferme din partea cinematografiei autohtone, fapt satirizat prin intermediul celor dou producii deja menionate. Din galeria personajelor ce miun n jurul acestei nefericite echipe de provincie fotbalistic, se detaeaz cteva exemplare umane memorabile: contabilul Smeu (Petre Gheorghiu), individ foarte influent n conducerea clubului sportiv Gloria i unul dintre cei mai aprigi susintori ai intereselor acestuia; felecerul Jurubi (Ovidiu Schumacher); mecherul Max (Jean Constantin), animatorul galeriei ce devine culmea ironiei instructor cultural n organigrama de funcionare a clubului!; fotbalitii ipurnea (Sebastian Papaiani) i Dobre (Emil Hossu), ambii cam tomnatici dac lum n considerare datele trecute n actele de identitate ale actorilor respectivi. Toate ncurcturile pe care le triesc acetia se dovedesc simptomatice pentru starea de degringolad i amatorism existente, pe atunci, n fotbalul romnesc. n mod absolut firesc, aceste situaii rezolvate prompt de ctre organele de miliie i justiie nu au nici o legtur cu starea actual a competiiilor sportive autohtone... 278

Titulatura produciei anului 1977, denumit Fair-Play, indica din start destinaia expres i limitrile impuse respectivului produs filmic. Reprezentnd o colaborare singular ntre Casa de Filme 5, Consiliul Naional pentru Educaie Fizic i Sport, respectiv clubul sportiv bucuretean Progresul, pelicula reface traiectul formrii viitorilor performeri n domeniul fotbalistic. Un pasionat antrenor, credibil interpretat de regretatul actor Colea Rutu, reuete s transforme - cu rbdare i credin n valabilitatea actului fizic performant - un grup de colari entuziati ntr-o echip de juniori eficient. Marile ctiguri ale acestei ntreprinderi artistice se regsesc n apelul la imagini de arhiv din fotbalul romnesc i internaional, folosite ca material didactic de ctre antrenorul Petre Manea (zis i nea Petricu), utilizarea unor sportivi autentici 14 i comentariul avizat , perfect echilibrat i informat, al omului de aleas cultur care este Cristian opescu. n acest context, este absolut firesc s intereseze mult mai puin prestaiile unor actori de inut, distribuii n roluri concepute ad-hoc, 15 iar centrul de greutate s se transfere n zona finalului apoteotic, plin de nvminte demne de urmat: juniorii Nelu Rotaru i Sandu Pohoa sunt inclui n lotul echipei mari i contribuie, decisiv, la victoria acesteia ntr-un important meci din campionatul naional. Sport al brbailor puternici, n care contactul fizic este extrem de dur, iar schemele tactice joac un rol de mare importan, rugby-ul atrage atenia cineatilor romni, dar din nefericire rezultatele palpabile reinute pe pelicul sunt departe de ateptri. Practic, vorbim despre un simplu pretext al evidenerii transformrilor existeniale trite de un tnr angajat la antierul naval din Constana (Mijloca la deschidere, 1979) i de un fir narativ debil, absolut secundar fa de trama moralizatoare a produciei, ce se dezvolt n prima jumtate a peliculei Singurtatea florilor (1975). n primul caz citat, eroul principal liceeanul Andrei (rol interpreat de ctre tefan Maitec) lucreaz ca strungar pe anteierul portului maritim mai sus menionat i activeaz ca mijloca la deschidere n echipa de rugby local. Trimiterile
Cazul fotbalitilor Ctlin Crciunescu (Nelu Rotaru) i Dinu Marian (Sandu Pohoa), care nu au avut o carier ulterioar spectaculoas, dar s-au achitat cu onestitate de rolurile ce le-au fost atribuite n film. 15 n aceast postur se regsesc Dem Rdulescu (Fanache, primul consilier), tefan Bnic (Pltic, al doilea consilier), Tudorel Popa (profesorul Andrei Rotaru, tatl juniorului Nelu) i Ernest Maftei (Intendentul).
14

279

sportive, asezonate cu cteva secvene de antrenamente i de meci oficial, se opresc la suprafaa evenimentelor ce se deruleaz conform scenariului semnat de Mircea Istrescu. Centrul de greutate al filmului se fixeaz asupra legturilor romantice ale protagonistului, 16 fireti avnd n vedere vrsta acestuia, i insist asupra impactului acestora asupra vieii sale. Prsit de fosta lui iubit i tracasat de ctre colegii din atelier, Andrei are un conflict cu maistrul Trifu (Dionisie Vtcu) i sfrete prin a ajunge n anturajul unui grup infracional. Devenit victima propriei sale derute existeniale, tnrul este grav rnit ntr-o operaiune de furt calificat, atunci cnd se opune noilor si tovari de frdelegi. Internat n spitalul judeean, el are norocul s fie tratat de ctre tnra asistent Gina, cea care-l ajut s se vindece att fizic, ct mai ales moral. Confuzia atitudinal a lui Andrei este accentuat de dilema sentimental prin care trece: oscilnd ntre fosta sa iubit (pe care continu so iubeasc, dei aceasta l-a prsit fr remucri) i prietena din personalul mediacal al spitalului constnean, el sfrete prin a le pierde pe amndou. Legtura cu sportul i cu tovarii de pe antierul naval se rupe complet, eroul filmului prefernd s urmeze calea studiilor superioare la universitatea din Galai. Finalul deschis pentru care opteaz regizorul Dinu Tnase i autorul scenariului are menirea s rotunjeasc lecia moralizatoare pe care o transmite pelicula analizat. Referinele la rugby sunt absolut secveniale n producia denumit Singurtatea florilor, ele regsindu-se prezente doar n segmentul filmic axat pe antrenamentul condus de ctre medicul Dnil (George Constantin) cu tinerii din echipa ntreprinderii bucuretene. Coleg cu protagonistul peliculei, 17 acesta conduce cabinetul medical al unitii industriale i mprtete n timpul liber din experiena sa de fost rugbyst celor interesai de practicarea acestui nobil sport. Surpriza cea mare n privina sporturilor de echip vine dinspre o disciplin cu trimiteri hibernale: bobul. Casa de Filme
16 Cele dou personaje feminine din viaa protagonistului sunt Aura (Sorina Stnculescu), fosta lui coleg de coal care devenise student la Politehnic n Bucureti, respectiv asistenta medical Gina (Dana Ciclovan). 17 n rolul medicului Ovidiu Pavel evolueaz actorul Radu Beligan. Din distribuia produciei realizate de regizorul Mihai Constantinescu se deteaeaz un nuclu valoros de slujitori ai scenei i filmului romnesc: Valeria Gagialov (Ema, fosta soie a protagonistului), Colea Rutu (muncitorul Dumitru Pavel, fratele lui Ovidiu), Toma Caragiu (oferul de taxi Grigore Pascu), Eugenia Bosnceanu (soia fratelui lui Ovidiu).

280

nr.4 i Consiliul Naional pentru educaie Fizic i Sport gireaz o producie cu certe caliti artistice, din care se evideniaz coerena i profunzimea scenariului alctuit de Mircea Herivan, regia punctual a Cristianei Nicolae, respectiv prestaiile actoriceti ale lui Val Paraschiv (n rolul fostului campion Miron Rizea) i Gheorghe Cozorici (dr. Timaru). Titlul iniial al peliculei, 18 trnasformat finalmente n elegiacul Stele de iarn (1980), atrgea atenia asupra componentei de substrat filosofic al practicrii sportului de performan. Aflat la final de carier, inginerul Mron Rizea se claseaz mult sub posibiliti la un concurs internaional i este sftuit s se retrag din activitatea competiional. Pelicula insist , fapt notabil n peisajul destul de srac al cinematografiei autohtone, tocmai pe surprinderea elementelor definitorii acestui moment crucial din existena oricrui sportiv: acela al deciziei de ncheiere a carierei. Scenele surprinse pe prtie sunt amalgamate cu lungile discuii dintre bobeur i mediul sportiv Timaru, problemele existeniale ce vizeaz eroziunea timpului i amrciunea nfrngerii ntreptrunzndu-se cu puternice argumente moral-pozitive ce privesc conservarea spiritului de echip i puterea de a transmite tafeta unui coleg mult mai tnr. Cu tenacitatea specific doar marilor performeri, Miron Rizea muncete i perfecioneaz un vehicul sportiv de concepie proprie, cu ajutorul cruia doboar recordul prtiei. Dup aceast demonstraie, menit s stabileasc noi granie ale capacitii de rezisten umane, el se poate retrage n favoarea tnrului su partener de competiii Dan Priescu (Andrei Trk). Modul de abordare nuanat a unui subiect cu tent sportiv face din acest film un autentic punct de referin n producia naional de profil. Finalmente, pentru a ncheia capitolul sporturilor de echip, referinele la orientare turistic din filmul-parabol Concurs (1982) 19 sunt menite s fundamenteze consistena
Observaiile medicului ef asupra marilor campioni, cf. Tudor Caranfil, op.cit., p. 201 19 Abordarea subiectului cu pretext sportiv nu putea lipsi din filmografia lui Dan Pia, unul dintre cei mai importani cineati ai generaiei sale. Alturi de Mircea Veroiu, el a investigat valenele metaforice ale prozei lui Ion Agrbiceanu, fapt concretizat n premiatele producii intitulate Nunta de piatr (1971) i Duhul aurului (1974). Aciunea de reevaluare a unor mari producii literare naionale continu n peliculele Tnase Scatiu (1976), Bietul Ioanide (1979), Noiembrie, ultimul bal (1988) i Eu sunt Adam... (1995). O alt direcie avut n vedere de ctre regizorul menionat, tot n legtur de proiect cu Mircea Veroiu, este aceea a esternului, construit cu personaje din Mrginimea Sibiului ce evolueaz n peisajul american:
18

281

relaiilor interumane existente ntre angajaii unei ntreprinderi ce iau parte la o competiie cu iz de relaxare duminical. O pleiad de mari artiti 20 ncearc s confere veridicitate acestui excurs printre resentimentele ce-i mpovreaz pe funcionarii instituiei. Aa cum bine aserta criticul de film Tudor Caranfil, tensiunile ierarhice, complexele de autoritate, micile laiti i nelciuni aduse de la locul de munc fac din ieirea la iarb verde un umilitor moment al adevrului. 21 Legtura cu lumea sportului autentic este extrem de precar i se consum relativ repede, producia girat (n calitate de scenarist i regizor) de ctre Dan Pia evolund pe cu totul alte meridiane de structurare existenial. * Consideraiile privitoare la evoluia n timp a interesului pentru subiectul sportiv n mediul autohton i la nivelul calitativ atins de filmul romnesc de profil ar trebui s rotunjeasc dermersul nostru interpretativ i s permit nelegerea mai bun a dimensiunilor reale ale rspectivului fenomen artistic. Comicul Titi Mihilescu, activnd n condiiile produciei filmului mut, are rolul unui autentic deschiztor de drumuri atunci cnd introduce secvene preluate din documentarul privitor la meciul de box dintre Georges Carpantier i Jack Demplsey n cuprinsul spectacolului su de revist de la cinematograful Doamnei din Bucureti. Dincolo de impactul comercial al peliculei intitulate Titi Mihilescu contra lui Carpantier (1924), pe care-l puteam doar intui fiindc filmul s-a pierdut iremediabil (!), atunci se prefigureaz una dintre liniile evolutive viabile ale abordrii subiectului sportiv n spaiul cinematografic naional, anume aceea a interpretrii n cheie comic a produciei artistice.

Profetul, aurul i ardelenii (1977), respectiv Pruncul, petrolul i ardelenii (1980). Din restul creaiei sale se individualizeaz: componenta social a mesajului transmis publicului spectator (Filip cel bun, 1974; Pas n doi, 1985; Rochia alb de dantel, 1989), i filmul-parabol (Concurs, 1982; Faleze de nisip, 1982; Dreptate n lanuri, 1983; Hotel de lux, 1991; Omul zilei, 1997). 20 Din distribuia peliculei se individualizeaz personajele ntruchipate de: Gheorghe Dinic (Mitic), Marin Moraru (Sandu), regretatul tefan Iordache (Panait), Valentin Urtescu (Vasile), Vasile Niulescu (Pictorul) i foarte tnrul Claudiu Bleon (Biciclistul), abia la al doilea rol din cariera sa cinematografic. 21 Tudor Caranfil, op.cit., p. 53.

282

Pe aceeleai coordonate se plaseaz o creaie de scurtmetraj din deceniul al aselea, denumit ...i Ilie face sport (1954), care va fixa modelul de abordare a subiectului de sorginte sportiv subordonat comandamentelor politicoideologice de partid ce va fi n vigoare pe durata deceniilor urmtoare. Moravurile sportivilor amatori i ale suporterilor acestora are darul de a intra ntr-o flagrant opoziie cu disciplina comunist, motiv care determin aducerea vinovailor pe linia cea dreapt. Actorul Mircea Crian 22 (interpretul personajului principal al comedioarei educative, anume cizmarul frunta Ilie N. Ilie), domin o distribuie din care fac parte muli dintre viitorii protagoniti ai spectacolelor de varieti 23 televizate sau desfurate n sli de teatru umplute pn la refuz. Deceniul al aptelea se evideniaz printr-o abordare ,ult mai serioas, cvasiprogramatic, a tematicii sportive, nteresul divizndu-se, democratic, ntre fotbal (Bieii notri, 1960), schi (Dragoste la zero grade, 1964), box (K.O., 1967) i ciclism (Vin ciclitii, 1968). Fr nici o excepie, toate produciile menionate se cantoneaz n sfera comediei de situaii, fiind pigmentate cu trimiterile satirico-moralizatoare de rigoare. Deceniul opt cunoate un uor ascendent cantitativ, care se aglomereaz spre finele temporal al perioadei enunate, atunci cnd se nregistreaz i prima investigaie de calitate, concretizat n filmul Cristianei Nicolae, intitulat Stele de iarn (1980). Rugbyul (Singurtatea florilor, 1975, 24 i Mijloca la deschidere, 1979), respectiv fotbalul (Fair Play, 1977, i Totul pentru fotbal, 1978) i disput prim-planul domeniului referenial, aceeai modalitate de rezolvare a conflictelor n cheie comic-moralizatoare avnd ctig de cauz.
Cariera cinematografic a acestui uria al comediei romneti se cantoneaz n zodia personajelor secundare, de coloratur, pe care le interpreteaz cu talent i druire artistic inimitabil: Lache I (Mofturi 1900, 1964), Locotenentul de miliie (Faust XX, 1966), Profesorul de zoologie (Corigena domnului profesor, 1966), Bic (Maiorul i moartea, 1967), i Costic (eful sectorului suflete, 1967). 23 Tudorel Popa (strungarul Toma, responsabilul sportiv al fabricii), Dem. Savu (casierul Gherase), Miu Fotino (Ionescu, actor i pasionat sportiv din tribun), Puiu Clinescu (contabilul ef i fotbalistul Tudoric), Horia Cciulescu i Aurel Cioranu. n filmul de scurt-metraj apar i sportivii de performan Titus Ozon (fotbal) i Silviu Cazan (box), idee ce va da roade i n alte producii de gen. 24 Lund n considerare precizrile pe care le-am fcut n coninutul analizei noastre de profil.
22

283

Anii80 sunt cei mai benefici din perspectiva abordrii subiectului sportiv n filmul romnesc. nceputul se produce sub auspicii extrem de favorabile graie coninutului dramatic tratat n cuprinsul peliculei nvingtorul (1981), producia purtnd semntura regizorului Tudor Mrscu. Boxul se bucur i de interesul unei personaliti artistice multilaterale, aa cum este cazul cineastului Sergiu Nicolaescu, care este prezent, n dubla ipostaz de regizor i actor principal, pe genericul produciei denumite Ringul (1983). Oferta tematic se diversific tot mai mult pe durata acestui deceniu de vrf n ceea ce privete prezena subiectului sportiv n atenia reprezentanilor cinematografiei autohtone. Fotbalul (Am o idee, 1981) deschide calea pentru interpretarea n registru metaforic din parabola orientrii turistice ofertate de ctre regizorul Dan Pia (Concurs, 1982); cursele automobilistice (Raliul, 1984) se intersecteaz cu concursurile pioniereti de karting (Marele Premiu, 1985); schiul (Aripi de zpad, 1985) deschide apetitul sportiv pentru pentatlonul modern (Rezerv la start, 1987) i maraton (Kilometrul 36, 1989). Prestaia cinematografic din deceniul al noulea se ncheie, cum nu se putea mai bine, prin referinele coninute la o disciplin sportiv ce ne-a adus mari satisfacii: gimnastica n varianta ei feminin. Copropducia romno-canadian Campioana (1989) reconstituie traiectul iniiatic al unei foarte tinere sperane ce ajunge s se ncununeze cu laurii olimpici, filmul apropiindu-se cel mai mult de reeta comercial utilizat de cineatii americani. n fine, referinele la sport (n cazul de fa este vorba despre box)sunt mult mai clar etalate n pelicula aceluia Dan Pia, intitulat Pepe i Fifi (1993), dect n situaia artistic anterior citat din filmografia acestuia. Meciul de box aranjat constituie punctul de plecare n derularea ulterioar a dramei pe care o triesc cei doi frai, respectiva confruntare sportiv avnd prea multe tangene cu meandrele ndelungatei tranziii spre democraie pe care o parcurgem nc i acum...Nota filosofic, mai mult sau mai puin profund, ce-i pune amprenta, inclusiv asupra elementelor de natur sportiv din creaia regizorului amintit, marcheaz atingerea unui stadiu produciv greu de depit. Oricum, ncepnd cu anul 1993, sportul a disprut cu desvrire din atenia productorilor implicai n creaia filmic romneasc i sunt slabe sperane s mai revin prea curnd n actualitate. Din perspectiv calitativ, favoritele mele n ceea ce privete transpunerea subiectului sportiv n trama 284

cinematografic se materializeaz n urmtoarele trei pelicule: Stele de iarn (1980), nvingtorul (1981) i Campioana (1989). Vinovai de aceast situaie onorant se dovedesc a fi realizatorii principali angajai n finalizarea respectivelor proiecte: scenaritii (Mircea Herivan, Dumitru Furdui i Vasilica Istrate), regizorii (Cristiana Nicolae, Tudor Mrscu i Elisabeta Bostan) i actorii ce dau consisten distibuiilor (Val Paraschiv i Gheorghe Cozorici, n primul caz citat; Marian Culineac i Tora Vasilescu, n cel de-al doilea; elevele Izabela Moldovan i Alina Izvoranu, n cel de-al treilea). Filmul cu tematic sportiv a impus pe firmamentul starurilor cinematografiei naionale o vedet autentic, precum a fost cazul lui Iurie Darie, 25 respectiv a oferit partituri consistente actorilor Dem Rdulescu 26 i Tora Vasilescu. 27 Marea surpriz care s-a consemnat a fost aceea prin care un sportiv de performan, anume boxerul Marian Culineac, a reuit s parcurg drumul invers: dinspre sport spre cinematografie (realitate ficiune), ele demonstrnd adaptabilitate n faa noilor provocri intervenite n noua sa carier profesional. Firete c cei care se raporteaz la exemplele de profil venite dinspre cinematografia american se pot simi frustraim atunci cnd vor trece n revist realizrile enumerate pentru mediul autohton de referin. Cu puine, dar notabile excepii, lipsesc din panoplia produciilor romneti abordrile tranante ale subiectului sportiv, chiar i n maniera pur comercial ncetenit n Occidentul att de pragmatic, de capitalist. Dei am avut parte de sportivi excepionali, nu putem semnala nici o producie cu iz biografic sau care s opereze trimiteri cifrate la un personaj real. Comanda de partid a folosit subiectul sportiv ca pe o ramp de lansare pentru exerciii stilistice moralizatoare, menite s promoveze naltele principii coninute n Codul eticii i echitii socialiste, una dintre lucrrile de nepreuit pentru comunistul de omenie. n atari condiii, nu surprinde pe absolut nimeni lipsa de interes pentru discipline sportive n care ara noastr a obinut rezultate remarcabile, precum: tenisul (cuplul de aur format din Ion iriac i Ilie Nstase), handbalul (att echipele de club
Prezent, n postura de protagonist, pe genericul filmelor Bieii notri (1960) i Dragoste la zero grade (1964). 26 Rolurile Bric (Dragoste la zero grade, 1964), Flint (K.O., 1967), Miu (Vin ciclitii, 1968), Primul consilier (Fair Play, 1977) i Vasile II (Am o idee, 1981). 27 Rolurile Marilena Soare ( nvingtorul, 1981), Maria (Marele Premiu, 1985) i Tina (Kilometrul 36, 1989).
25

285

ct, mai ales, naionalele feminine i masculine), atletismul (Iolanda Bala, Lia Manoliu, Gabriela Szabo), caiac-canoe (Ivan Patzaichin, Aurel Vernescu i flotila de aur feminin), scrima (Carol Drimer, Laura Badea, Mihai Covaliu), luptele grecoromane (Nicolae Martinescu) sau halterele (Nicu Vlad). Nu ne ateptm ca aceste rnduri s sensibilizeze factorii de decizie ai domeniului, care s treac eficient la fapte pentru a remedia situaia existent nu numai n spaiul ficional cinematografic, ci mult mai grav n realitatea performant concret actual. Nu ne amgim la gndul c vom avea n viitorul prea apropiat filme serioase cu tematic sportiv sau c ne vom omagia i pe aceast cale marii campioni ce se ateapt acum la recompense cu mult mai palpabile, dar abordarea acestui gen cinematografic poate i trebuie s rmn o cale permenant accesibil tuturor cineatilor autohtoni dornici s produc ceva viabil, anume creaii apte s ne integreze mai complet n concertul de valori universale contemporane.

286

Studii europene i Relaii internaionale

PERSPECTIVA EUROPEAN A SERBIEI N DEZBATERILE COMISIEI DE AFACERI EXTERNE A PARLAMENTULUI EUROPEAN (2008) Simion Costea * Abstract
The European Perspective for Serbia in the Debates of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the European Parliament (2008) This article offers a scientific contribution and is based on official documents and unedited sources accessed by the author as adviser in the European Parliament. By analysing the debates of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) of the European Parliament (April 2008), the article shows the EU support for Serbia in its European integration process. In 7 Nov. 2007, EU had initiated a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA), which was ready to be signed in February 2008, but had to be delayed due to disagreements within the coalition government whether the signing would imply the recognition of Kosovo's strive for independence. On 29 April 2008, just two weeks before the elections, the Serbian pro-European President Tadic signed the SAA with the EU. The European Union had strongly pushed for the agreement hoping to give a boost to the pro-European camp, as the AFET debates proved. The pro-EU forces emerged as the clear winners from the 11 May elections. According to President Barroso, it might be possible to give candidate status to Serbia in 2009. * Serbia, European Parlament, European Union

Procesul de aderare a Serbiei la UE n dezbaterile Comisiei de Afaceri Externe a Parlamentului European reprezint un subiect nou, inedit, care nu a fost abordat pn acum de specialitii romni n studii europene. Prin urmare acest studiu propune o contribuie tiinific documentar i interpretativ la cunoaterea acestui subiect, de o importan aparte pentru extinderea UE i pentru destinul Sud-Estului
*

Confereniar Dr., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure

287

Europei. Studiul de fa valorific att documente oficiale publicate, ct mai ales surse inedite. n calitate de consilier n Parlamentul European, autorul acestui articol a asistat dezbaterile din Comisia pentru Afaceri Externe (AFET) din Bruxelles n 2008, dezbateri care nu sunt publicate nici mcar pe Internet. (Ca regul general din lucrrile comisiilor Parlamentului European, nu se public dect proiectele de rezoluie i de rapoarte, amendamentele, Draft Agenda, lista vorbitorilor, dar nu i coninutul dezbaterilor). Comisia pentru Afaceri Externe a Parlamentului European (AFET) are ca atribuie principal dezbaterea problematicii PESC, PESA i a procesului de extindere a Uniunii Europene, inclusiv a rapoartelor de ar privind progresele pe calea aderrii la UE a statelor candidate i potenial candidate. 1 n acest context dezbaterea perspectivei europene a Serbiei, ca ar potenial candidat, a cptat o importan aparte n primul semestru al anului 2008. Preedinia sloven a Consiliului de Minitri al Uniunii Europene (ianuarie-iunie 2008) i-a fixat ca prioritate susinerea perspectivei europene pentru statele din Balcanii de Vest n cadrul Procesului de stabilizare i asociere. 2 n cadrul acestui proces, Uniunea European acord o importan din ce n ce mai mare Serbiei. Discursurile liderilor Uniunii Europene (Barroso, Rehn, Solana) i ale europarlamentarilor din AFET recunosc pe bun dreptate c Serbia este un actor politic deosebit de important pentru stabilitatea Balcanilor de Vest, c Serbia are vocaie european, a nregistrat progrese majore pe calea integrrii i va deveni cu certitudine stat membru al Uniunii Europene. Recent, n 3 septembrie 2008, preedintele Comisiei Europene, Jos Barroso, a declarat c Serbia poate primi statutul de candidat n cursul anului 2009. 3

1AFET

in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/homeCom.do?language =EN&body=AFET 2 Slovenian Presidency Programme in http://www.eu2008.si/en/The_Council_Presidency/Priorities_Programmes/in dex.html 3 Commission, Speaking Points by President Barroso, following his meeting with Serbias President, Boris Tadici, in http://ec.europa.eu/commission_barroso/president/pdf/Press_points_Barros o_Tadic_080903.pdf

288

Reprezentanii Serbiei i fixeaz deja ca obiectiv aderarea la orizontul anului 2014. 4 Putem constata o schimbare de 180 de grade a discursului occidental, de la demonizarea Serbiei n perioada regimului Slobodan Miloevici (uneori chiar i dup), 5 la aprecierea vocaiei sale europene. Dezbaterile din AFET evideniaz voina politic puternic a Uniunii Europene de a garanta o aderare ct mai rapid a statelor din Balcanii de Vest la Uniunea European. Anul 2008 a fost unul crucial, ntruct poporul srb trebuia si exprime prin vot opiunea pentru forele pro-europene sau pentru cele antieuropene, n condiiile n care majoritatea statelor UE au susinut i recunoscut independena Kossovo. Cooperarea cu Tribunalul Penal Internaional de la Haga, era condiia principal pus de Uniunea European Serbiei n toat perioada 2001-2008. Aceast chestiune a marcat n mod deosebit relaiile dintre Bruxelles i Belgrad n cadrul procesului de stabilizare i asociere. Summit-urile de la Zagreb din 2000 i Salonic din anul 2003 au inclus Serbia alturi de toate celelalte ri din Balcanii de Vest n cadrul procesului de stabilizare i asociere. Acest proces are ca obiective asigurarea pcii i stabilitii n Balcanii de Vest, cooperarea regional, consolidarea instituiilor care garanteaz democraia, drepturile omului, drepturile minoritilor, dezvoltarea economic durabil n cadrul economiei de pia, adaptarea legislaiei europene i realizarea capacitii administrative pentru implementarea legislaiei. Obiectivul final al procesului este intrarea n Uniunea European a tuturor statelor zonei. 6 n procesul de stabilizare i asociere, Comunitatea European i statele membre UE ncheie cu fiecare stat din Balcanii de Vest cte un Acord de stabilizare i asociere. Asemntor cu Acordurile de asociere dintre Uniunea European i rile Europei Centrale (inclusiv Romnia), aceste Acorduri de stabilizare i asociere prevd obligaiile reciproce pentru pregtirea integrrii statelor din
4 Serbia ready to..., declaratia vicepremierului Bozidar Djelic, in http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlargement/serbia-ready-sacrifice-eumembership-kosovo/article-174960 5 Silviu B.Moldovan coord, Problema iugoslav. Studii i marginalii, Timioara, Editura Meridiane21, 1998, passim. 6 The Stabilisation and Association Process in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/ho w_does_a_country_join_the_eu/sap/index_en.htm

289

Balcanii Occidentali. 7 Aceast pregtire este susinut financiar de Uniunea European prin programul CARDS (20012006) i prin programul IPA (2007-2013). Acestea sunt programe de preaderare (asemntoare cu PHARE, ISPA, SAPARD, care se adresau rilor Europei Centrale). Statele din Balcanii de Vest se ndreapt spre Uniunea European cu viteze diferite, n funcie de gradul n care reuete fiecare s se pregteasc. - Croaia este ar candidat i a realizat progrese importante n negocierile de aderare, preconizndu-se intrarea sa n 2010 n Uniunea European. - Macedonia are statut de ar candidat, dar nu a nceput negocierile de aderare. - Albania, Bosnia-Heregovina, Serbia, Muntenegru i Kossovo, au statut de ri potenial candidate. 8 Putem remarca statutul mult mai bun n relaia cu UE, pe care l au Serbia, Bosnia-Heregovina i Kossovo comparativ cu Republica Moldova, Ucraina sau Georgia, care sunt incluse n politica european de vecintate, fr o perspectiv de aderare previzibil. 9 Uniunea European a nceput n octombrie 2005 negocierile cu Serbia n vederea semnrii Acordului de stabilizare i asociere. Aceste negocieri au fost ntrerupte de Comisia European la 3 mai 2006 din cauz c autoritile de la Belgrad nu i-au ndeplinit obligaia de a-i aresta pe toi criminalii de rzboi srbi pentru a-i preda Tribunalului Penal Internaional de la Haga. Negocierile au fost reluate abia n 13 iunie 2007, dup ce, n urma alegerilor, noul guvern de coaliie condus de Kostunica (se citete Kotunia) a mbuntit colaborarea Belgradului cu Tribunalul de la Haga (prin n urma arestrii unor criminali de rzboi srbi). 10 Negocierile au fost ncununate de succes, iar la 7 noiembrie 2007 a fost iniiat procesul de elaborare a textului Acordului de stabilizare i asociere. Acordul era pregtit pentru
Acordurile de Stabilizare si Asociere in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/ho w_does_a_country_join_the_eu/sap/history_en.htm#sap_agreement 8 The Stabilisation and Association Process in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/ho w_does_a_country_join_the_eu/sap/index_en.htm 9 Politica de vecinatate (ENP) in http://ec.europa.eu/world/enp/policy_en.htm 10 EU-Serbia Relations, in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/potentialcandidate-countries/serbia/eu_serbia_relations_en.htm
7

290

a fi semnat n februarie 2008. Concomitent, la 1 ianuarie 2008 a intrat n vigoare Acordul pentru facilitarea vizelor ntre Serbia i Uniunea European, prin care cetenii srbi pot primi mai uor vize pentru a cltori n Uniunea European. La 3 februarie 2008 la alegerile prezideniale a fost reales la limit preedintele pro-european Boris Tadici. Acest proces european promitor a fost ntrerupt de criza declanat de proclamarea independenei Kossovo la 17 februarie 2008. Serbia a declarat acest act ilegal, n acest sens pronunndu-se preedintele Tadici, guvernul Kostunica, Parlamentul i opinia public srb. Manifestaiile de protest ale srbilor din Kossovo (zona Mitrovia) i din ntreaga Serbie se ineau lan. Majoritatea statelor UE (20 din 27) au recunoscut Kossovo ca stat suveran 11 . Romnia, Spania, Grecia, Cipru nu au recunoscut statul Kossovo, considernd c este ilegal din punctul de vedere al dreptului internaional i creeaz un precedent periculos pentru alte micri separatiste n Transnistria, Abhazia, Osetia de Sud, Kamir, fapt care s-a i dovedit n criza georgian declanat n august 2008. Premierul srb Kostunica a refuzat s mai semneze acordul de stabilizare i asociere cu Uniunea European i cu statele sale membre, din cauz c majoritatea acestor state au recunoscut Kossovo ca stat suveran. Preedintele Tadici, susinut de Partidul Democrat aflat n coaliia de guvernmnt, doreau semnarea acestui Acord, dei nu acceptau independena Kossovo. Din cauza acestei dispute guvernul Kostunica a czut la 9 martie 2008. Preedintele Tadici a organizat alegeri anticipate la 11 mai 2008. Partidul Democrat a organizat n jurul su Coaliia pentru o Serbie european - Boris Tadici. Aceasta se confrunta cu Partidul lui Kotunia, cu Partidul Radical pro-rus condus de Nikolici i cu Partidul Socialist al fostului dictator Slobodan Miloevici. 12 Poporul srb era i este foarte ataat de Kossovo, considerat leagnul statului srb, dar care n urma stpnirii otomane i a ocupaiei fasciste italiene, a cunoscut o schimbare radical a proporiei etnice n favoarea albanezilor islamici. 13 Nemulumirea electoratului srb fa de aceast pierdere teritorial, pierdere susinut i aprobat de
Ibidem. Serbia-political profile, in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/potentialcandidate-countries/serbia/political_profile_en.htm 13 Silviu B.Moldovan coord, Problema iugoslav.; Barbara Jelavich, Istoria Balcanilor, p
11 12

291

numeroase ri occidentale, risca s se reflecte ntr-un vot mpotriva Coaliiei pentru o Serbie european. Preedintele Tadici chiar a fost ameninat cu moartea dac semneaz Acordul de stabilizare i asociere cu Uniunea European i cu statele sale. n acest moment crucial pentru Serbia, speakerul Parlamentului (unicameral) de la Belgrad, Olliver Dulici, s-a deplasat la Bruxelles pentru a se ntlni cu liderii UE i cu eurodeputaii din Comisia de Afaceri Externe a Parlamentului European. 14 Olliver Dulici, membru marcant al Partidului Democrat (Tadici), a vorbit n faa Comisiei AFET i a cerut sprijinul Uniunii Europene pentru Serbia, promind c dac forele pro-europene vor reui n alegeri, noul guvern va ntreprinde reformele necesare pentru aderarea la UE, va face tot posibilul pentru arestarea criminalilor de rzboi i va contribui la asigurarea linitii n Kossovo. Dar el nu a promis c un guvern pro-european ar recunoate Kossovo ca stat. Pentru a reui n alegeri forele pro-europene trebuiau s demonstreze c UE ofer beneficii concrete cetenilor srbi: - semnarea imediat a Acordului de stabilizare i asociere, - oferirea statutului de candidat pentru Serbia, chiar n cursul anului 2008, - liberalizarea vizelor i libertatea de circulaie a cetenilor srbi ct mai rapid posibil, - acordarea unui numr ct mai mare de burse pentru studeni, - finanri europene consistente pentru Serbia. Olliver Dulici a insistat asupra ideii c cetenii srbi voiau s vad rezultate tangibile din partea Uniunii Europene pentru a vota forele pro-europene. El a subliniat c mesajul pro-european al poporului srb a fost realegerea preedintelui Tadici n februarie 2008, cu peste 2 milioane de voturi. El a evideniat progresele pe care Serbia le-a realizat n respectarea drepturilor minoritilor din Voivodina, inclusiv formarea unui guvern regional multietnic, creterea economic, reducerea
European Parliament, AFET, Addendum to the Draft Agenda, Meeting 3 April 2008 new point 14 a): Exchange of views with Oliver Dulic, Speaker of the Serb Assembly, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/dv/afet_oj addend/afet_ojaddendum.pdf si EP, AFET, Draft Agenda, Meeting 1-3 April 2008, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/oj/715/71 5403/715403en.pdf
14

292

inflaiei, creterea volumului de investiii strine n Serbia. Speakerul srb a reliefat i alternativa: forele non-europene puteau reui uor n alegeri convingnd masele nemulumite printr-un discurs naionalist, ar fi promovat o politic de izolare a Serbiei, profitabil pentru muli politicieni care s-ar fi putut mbogi prin corupie i afaceri pe piaa neagr. 15 Eurodeputaii din AFET au manifestat un spirit extrem de pozitiv i constructiv fa de Serbia, declarndu-se n favoarea aderrii sale la Uniunea European. Toi vorbitorii sau pronunat categoric n favoarea semnrii Acordului de stabilizare i asociere, a Acordului pentru vize, a sprijinului financiar pentru Serbia. Eurodeputatul Jose Salafranca coordonatorul grupului PPE-DE din AFET a subliniat susinerea pe care acest grup politic o acord Serbiei. Eurodeputatul sloven Jelko Kacin (ALDE), raportor pentru Serbia, a vorbit n limba srb, exprimndu-i convingerea c Serbia va adera iar limba srb va deveni una din limbile oficiale ale Uniunii Europene. Doris Pack, preedinta delegaiei pentru relaiile Uniunii Europene pentru rile sud-estului Europei a spus c Parlamentul European va lupta pentru o Serbie european i c ncepnd din 2007 Serbia poate participa la programele europene: Erasmus, Comenius i YOUTH. Dar a subliniat importana cooperrii cu Tribunalul Penal Internaional de la Haga. Eurodeputatul Elmar Broek, raportor pentru strategia de extindere a UE, a artat c Serbia este cea mai mare ar din Balcani i trebuie respectat. n procesul de aderare, Serbia nu trebuie s fie tratat mai ru dect Croaia, Serbia are un destin european. Eurodeputatul polonez Zaleski considera c aderarea la compenseaz pierderea Kossovo. Uniunea European Eurodeputatul lituanian Vitautas Landsbergis considera c Serbia, prin pierderile teritoriale suferite trecea printr-o perioad dificil, ca i fosta URSS, dar i sftuia pe srbi s nu se gndeasc la revan n stil rusesc, ci s susin i aderarea Kossovo la UE. 16 La fel preedintele AFET, Jacek Saryusz Wolski a declarat c viitorul Serbiei ca i al Kossovo este n Uniunea European. 17
Ibidem Ibidem 17 Ibidem. Idee subliniat i in interviul Jacek Saryusz-Wolski: Viitorul Serbiei si al provinciei Kosovo? Uniunea Europeana, in http://www.euractiv.ro/uniunea15 16

293

Eurodeputatul olandez Wiersma s-a declarat partizan al aderrii Serbiei, dar a avertizat c Parlamentul olandez se va opune Serbiei, pn cnd criminalul de rzboi Ratko Mladici nu va fi predat Tribunalului de la Haga. Eurodeputaii au fost interesai i de problema spinoas a relaiilor dintre Belgrad i Moscova. Rusia a susinut constant Serbia inclusiv n problema Kossovo. n schimb, n procesul de privatizare, Serbia a vndut companiei Gazprom trustul NI de petrol i gaz pentru suma de doar 400 milioane euro. Ca parte a acestei nelegeri controversate, conducta ruseasc de gaz South Stream trebuie s treac prin Serbia i trebuie s fie construit o infrastructur pentru stocarea gazului n subsolul rii. O serie de politicieni i ziariti au interpretat acest contract drept o nclinaie a puterii de la Belgrad de a vinde economia Serbiei ctre Rusia, de dragul Kossovo. Olliver Dulici a respins aceast interpretare, artnd c Serbia dorete s i asigure securitatea energetic printr-un parteneriat strategic, att cu Rusia, ct i cu Uniunea European. Eurodeputaii din AFET nu au mai insistat asupra acestei chestiuni, ntruct o serie de state din Uniunea European au ncheiat nelegeri cu Rusia, susinnd proiectul South Stream i abandonnd proiectul european Nabucco. Uniunea European consider oficial Rusia drept partener strategic, nu rival. 18 Comisarul european pentru extindere Olli Rehn a venit n AFET n 2 aprilie 2008 i a declarat ntre altele c drumul Serbiei spre Uniunea European depindea de opiunea electoratului srb la alegerile din 11 mai. Uniunea European fcea eforturi susinute, oferind Serbiei i altor ri din Balcanii de Vest finanri consistente pentru procesul de preaderare, pentru dezvoltarea societii civile, dublarea numrului de burse Erasmus pentru studeni, plus foaia de parcurs pentru eliminarea vizelor. n total Uniunea European ofer 30 de euro pe an pe cap de locuitor anual, reprezentnd cea mai
europeana/articles|displayArticle/articleID_12461/Jacek-Saryusz-WolskiViitorul-Serbiei-si-al-provinciei-Kosovo-Uniunea-Europeana.html 18 European Parliament, AFET, Addendum to the Draft Agenda, Meeting 3 April 2008 new point 14 a): Exchange of views with Oliver Dulic, Speaker of the Serb Assembly, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/dv/afet_oj addend/afet_ojaddendum.pdf si Serbia-economic profile, in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/potentialcandidate-countries/serbia/economic_profile_en.htm (vanzarea catre Rusia)

294

mare sum dat de Uniunea European pentru vreo regiune. Cu toate acestea procesul de extindere prea s se mpotmoleasc din cauza lipsei de progrese n BosniaHeregovina, n Turcia, n Cipru. Uniunea European a prevzut sprijinirea Serbiei cu sume consistente n cadrul programului IPA. Mai muli eurodeputai au insistat ca fiecare ar s fie evaluat individual dup eforturile proprii, iar n Serbia, Uniunea European s susin forele pro-europene, conduse de preedintele Tadici. Eurodeputatul ungur SzentIvany a cerut autonomie larg pentru Voivodina i pentru srbii din Kossovo i a insistat pentru arestarea celor doi criminali de rzboi: Ratko Mladici i Radovan Karadzici. Olli Rehn a fost de acord c Serbia trebuie s colaboreze cu Tribunalul Penal Internaional. El a recunoscut c Serbia a arestat i trimis la Haga 20 de criminali de rzboi, dar au mai rmas nc 4. Procesul nu era uor, o dovad fiind i asasinarea premierului Zoran Djindjici n 2003 pentru arestarea lui Slobodan Miloevici. Olli Rehn nu a luat n considerare propunerea unui eurodeputat de a se face un schimb de teritorii ntre Serbia i Kossovo n urma cruia Mitrovia ar reveni Serbiei. El nu a luat n considerare nici declaraiile din 2008 ale preedinilor Sarkozy i Bsescu de susinere a perspectivei europene a Republicii Moldova, prin includerea acesteia n procesul de stabilizare i asociere. Republica Moldova rmne n cadrul politicii europene de vecintate, de care se ocup comisarul european pentru relaii externe, Benitta Ferrero-Waldner. 19 naltul Reprezentant UE pentru PESC, Javier Solana, a venit n AFET n 8 aprilie, unde a declarat c srbii tind s priveasc mai mult spre trecut (spre Kossovo) dect spre viitor (spre aderarea la Uniunea European). n opinia sa, Uniunea European trebuie s dea srbilor motive solide s priveasc spre viitor. 20 Mai muli eurodeputai n frunte cu raportorul pentru Serbia, Kacin au susinut datoria Uniunii Europene de a da sperane oamenilor din Serbia i din Balcanii de Vest. Masacrele din Iugoslavia puteau fi evitate dac Uniunea European i-ar fi dat o perspectiv european nc din 1989.

EP, AFET, Draft Agenda, Meeting 1-3 April 2008, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/oj/715/71 5403/715403en.pdf 20 EP, AFET, Draft Agenda, Meeting 8 April 2008 http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/oj/716/71 6987/716987en.pdf
19

295

Uniunea European avea chiar un sentiment de culpabilitate fa de Serbia, dup cum remarca eurodeputatul Zaleski. Numeroi eurodeparlamentari germani i-au manifestat susinerea pentru albanezii din Kossovo, criticnd manifestaiile srbeti de protest. Dimpotriv, eurodeputatul Adrian Severin a declarat c recunoaterea independenei Kossovo nu era o soluie legal ci una ilegal, sui generis. El a ntrebat retoric dac pornind de la aceast situaie sui-generis va merge la crearea unei noi ordini internaionale. Solana a rspuns c soluia Kossovo trebuie s rmn o excepie, iar n continuare trebuie s respectm vechea ordine internaional. 21 Preedintele n exerciiu al Consiliului Uniunii Europene, ministrul de externe sloven Dimitri J. Rupe a prezentat n AFET rezultatele reuniunii informale a minitrilor Afacerilor Externe ai Uniunii Europene din 28-29 martie 2008. Artnd c Balcanii de Vest sunt o regiune special care necesit o abordare special, el dorea Uniunea European s ofere Serbiei statutul de candidat, s susin forele pro-europene, s dialogheze cu srbii din Kossovo. El considera c Serbia trebuia s ia decizii strategice i s devin o locomotiv pentru viitorul european al Balcanilor de Vest. 22 Uniunea European a trecut la fapte, semnnd la 29 aprilie 2008 Acordul de stabilizare i asociere cu preedintele Serbiei, Boris Tadici, cu doar dou sptmni naintea alegerilor. Alt gest de susinere a fost ntreprins n 7 mai 2008, cnd comisarul european Barrot a oferit Serbiei Foaia de drum pentru liberalizarea vizelor, cu scopul de a se ajunge la libera circulaie fr vize a cetenilor srbi, care doreau s cltoreasc n Uniunea European. 23 La 11 mai 2008, n alegerile parlamentare i locale, Coaliia pentru o Serbie european a repurtat un succes evident, chiar dac nu a obinut 50% din voturi. Perspectiva european oferit Serbiei a fost decisiv pentru formarea unei majoriti parlamentare prin nelegere cu socialitii fostului dictator Slobodan Miloevici i cu partidele minoritilor naionale. Noul guvern condus de Mirko Cvetcovich s-a format
Ibidem. AFET, Draft Agenda, Meeting 1-3 April 2008, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/oj/715/71 5403/715403en.pdf 23 Serbia-political profile, in http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/potentialcandidate-countries/serbia/political_profile_en.htm
21 22EP,

296

la 7 iulie i s-a angajat s ndeplineasc obligaiile asumate de Serbia fa de Uniunea European. 24 La 21 iulie 2008 autoritile srbe l-au arestat pe Radovan Karadzici, pe care l-au deferit Tribunalului Penal Internaional de la Haga. Preedintele Comisiei Europene, Jose Barroso a declarat c arestarea lui Karadzici reprezint un moment istoric pe drumul Serbiei spre intrarea n Uniunea European. Barroso a afirmat posibilitatea ca Serbia s primeasc statutul de candidat n 2009. Numai Olanda a refuzat s ratifice Acordul de stabilizare i asociere pn la arestarea generalului Ratko Mladici. Desigur, puterea de la Belgrad este hotrt s l aresteze i pe Mladici. Dar Belgradul nu este dispus s renune la Kossovo, fcnd demersurile necesare pentru a aduce acest caz n faa Tribunalului Penal Internaional de la Haga. 25 Concomitent, Serbia aplic un program naional de integrare n Uniunea European, urmrind ndeplinirea criteriilor de aderare de la Copenhaga, privind democraia, drepturile minoritilor, capacitatea administrativ, economia de pia, adoptarea acquis-ului comunitar. Rapoartele de ar anuale adaptate de Comisia European i de Parlamentul European evideniaz progresele nregistrate de Serbia i problemele care trebuie rezolvate 26 . Romnia susine procesul de aderare a Serbiei la Uniunea European, cu att mai mult cu ct este o ar vecin cu care au fost stabilite relaii tradiionale de prietenie i colaborare. Romnia a susine principiul integritii teritoriale a Serbiei n conformitate cu dreptul internaional i ar putea juca un rol activ n procesul de integrare a Balcanilor de Vest n Uniunea European. ANEXA 1 Olli Rehn, Commissaire europen llargissement, "2009, l'anne des Balkans occidentaux" 27 Ecole Normale Suprieure, Paris, le 3 octobre 20083
Ibidem Serbia offered possible EU candidate status in 2009, in http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlargement/serbia-offered-possible-eucandidate-status-2009/article-175093; Olli Rehn, http://europa.eu/rapid/searchResultAction.do?search=OK&keyword=16&sort By=date&beginDate=01/01/2008&guiLanguage=en 26 Ibidem 27 Olli Rehn, http://europa.eu/rapid/searchResultAction.do?search=OK&keyword=16&sort By=date&beginDate=01/01/2008&guiLanguage=en
24 25

297

Madame la directrice, mesdames, messieurs, Cest un grand honneur de pouvoir madresser vous dans une enceinte aussi prestigieuse que La rue dUlm . Pour le Finlandais passionn de culture franaise que je suis, Normale Sup, cest un peu le saint des saints, le berceau de lintelligentsia franaise. [.] Je sais que la politique dlargissement a fait l'objet de certaines rticences, en France en particulier. Elle a, cependant, une qualit premire inconteste: cest le facteur de stabilisation, pacification, et dmocratisation le plus puissant dont nous ayons jamais dispos. Et elle a fait ses preuves! Sur les 20 dernires annes, le pouvoir dattraction du modle socio-conomique europen que jaime qualifier de "soft power" a aussi bien permis de tourner dfinitivement la page de la dictature au Sud de lEurope, que de runifier le continent europen aprs la chute du mur de Berlin. Personne ne peut sous-estimer l'effet de levier que la perspective europenne offre aux pays dont la vocation europenne a t reconnue, permettant ainsi l'adoption de rformes difficiles. Et, en ces temps de crise, le dynamisme conomique que llargissement a stimul est plus que bienvenu. Ladhsion des nouveaux Etats membres a ouvert un march de 100 millions de consommateurs, crant des opportunits d'exportations et dinvestissements sans prcdent. Mesdames et messieurs, Il est clair que l'Europe doit aujourd'hui faire face ses frontires orientales des dfis majeurs pour sa scurit et sa stabilit, les plus srieux depuis la fin de la guerre froide. La vision de chars entrant dans les villes, de foules fuyant les conflits arms, a fait sur beaucoup leffet dun lectrochoc. Une dcennie aprs les guerres dans les Balkans, dont le souvenir est encore vivace ml une certaine culpabilit de l'impuissance, lUnion peut-elle encore assister de tels conflits ses portes? Et, dans une gostratgie mondiale en pleine mutation, de quels outils dispose-t-elle pour y remdier? Grce une intervention europenne coordonne et efficace de la Prsidence franaise, du Conseil et de la Commission, le pire a pu tre vit de justesse en Gorgie. Mais la question de fond de nos relations de long terme avec la rgion demeure. Au-del de la gestion de crise, c'est d'une stratgie moyen-terme, qui assure stabilit et scurit sur une partie de son continent, dont l'Europe a besoin. 298

Au Sud et l'Est de l'Union, nous travaillons dans le cadre de la politique de voisinage, qui ne prvoit pas de perspective d'adhsion pour les pays concerns. Faisant suite aux propositions sur l'Union pour la Mditerrane, le concept de Partenariat Oriental est en train de prendre forme, de mme que s'approfondissent nos relations avec l'Ukraine. Le nouvel accord d'association avec l'Ukraine aboutira une collaboration plus troite dans les sphres politique, conomique et juridique. La question d'une perspective d'adhsion de l'Ukraine l'Union n'est pas l'ordre du jour pour le moment. Cela tant dit, nous ne prjugeons pas du futur. Le nouvel accord d'association laissera ouverte la question du dveloppement futur des relations entre lUnion europenne et lUkraine. A ce jour, en matire d'largissement, notre agenda est clair et stabilis depuis 2006. Les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernements se sont penchs sur les perspectives de la politique d'largissement il y a deux ans, lors du Conseil europen de dcembre 2006, pour en confirmer le cadre. Sur la base d'un consensus renouvel de 2006, le premier pilier de notre action s'appuie sur le respect des engagements dj pris "pacta sunt servanda" et couvre l'Europe du Sud-est, savoir les Balkans occidentaux et la Turquie. Loin d'tre le fruit du hasard, le choix de ces zones gographiques en Europe du Sud-est rpond des intrts profondment stratgiques. S'agissant des Balkans occidentaux, il suffit de regarder une carte pour se rendre compte de la place centrale qu'ils occupent au cur du territoire de l'Union, entours par nos Etats membres depuis janvier 2007. La promesse dune perspective europenne leur a t offerte ds le sommet de Thessalonique en juin 2003. Cette promesse agit depuis comme un facteur de pacification dans une rgion longtemps instable. La perspective europenne offerte la Turquie par la voie des ngociations dadhsion le 3 octobre 2005, il y a trois ans jour pour jour rpond des motivations un peu diffrentes, mais tout aussi stratgiques. Les atouts de la Turquie touchent la stabilit et la scurit de notre continent, et au dialogue des civilisations en premier lieu. Le deuxime pilier de notre politique est celui de la conditionnalit. Cette perspective europenne ne peut aboutir que si les pays candidats remplissent tous les critres poss leur adhsion l'Union. Ce n'est pas la rapidit, mais la qualit 299

qui compte. Il s'agit d'un processus graduel et bien matris. Contrairement certaines opinions exprimes, il n'y a aucun automatisme dans les ngociations d'adhsion. Enfin, ce processus ne peut s'avrer viable que s'il recueille l'adhsion des citoyens, aussi bien de l'Union que des pays concerns. La communication est donc le troisime pilier de notre politique. J'en appelle ici la responsabilit de la classe politique des Etats membres, qui incombe la tche de dfendre au plan national les positions dfendues et les dcisions adoptes au niveau europen. C'est sur ces bases que la Commission travaille activement la prparation du "paquet largissement 2008", c'est--dire l'ensemble des rapports de progrs qui analysent les volutions dans les pays concerns, que nous prsenterons le 5 novembre prochain. Au regard des progrs enregistrs cette anne, je vois en 2009 une perspective trs prometteuse pour l'avancement des Balkans occidentaux sur la voie europenne. Les ngociations d'adhsion avec la Croatie progressent bien et un rythme rgulier. Quelques rformes difficiles demeurent privatisations et rforme du secteur naval entre autres mais j'ai bon espoir que le gouvernement traduise en actes sa volont politique. Ceci pourrait nous permettre de conclure techniquement les ngociations d'adhsion avec la Croatie d'ici la fin de l'anne prochaine. Le rapport de progrs sur l'ancienne rpublique yougoslave de Macdoine se concentrera sur l'analyse des rformes menes au regard des priorits identifies, telles que les rformes judiciaires et administratives, et la conduite du processus lectoral. Toute recommandation concernant l'opportunit d'ouvrir les ngociations d'adhsion avec ce pays candidat dpendra de notre valuation des performances propres du pays. L'Albanie et le Montngro, qui disposent d'un accord de stabilisation et d'association avec l'Union, font des progrs rguliers, notamment dans la mise en uvre des dispositions lies aux changes commerciaux avec l'Union. Aprs une anne difficile, la Bosnie-Herzgovine a sign un accord de stabilisation et d'association en juin dernier. De srieuses difficults de gouvernance et d'quilibres institutionnels subsistent cependant qui, chaque tape, menacent de ralentir rformes et progrs. 300

La Serbie, quant elle, a vit pour la deuxime anne conscutive le pige du nationalisme. Et ce, en dpit d'un dbat national totalement prempt par la dclaration d'indpendance du Kosovo. Dans un contexte de politique interne des plus tendus, le bloc dmocratique a remport successivement lections prsidentielles et lgislatives. Le nouveau gouvernement, entr en fonction en juillet dernier, affiche un ambitieux programme de rformes mettant l'intgration dans l'Union europenne au premier plan. Un pas concret dans ce sens a dj t ralis avec la signature d'un accord de stabilisation et d'association en avril dernier. Sa mise en uvre ne pourra toutefois intervenir que lorsque la pleine coopration avec le Tribunal pnal international pour la Yougoslavie de La Haye aura t reconnue par tous les Etats membres de l'Union. J'ai bon espoir que cela ne soit plus qu'une question de semaines, car des progrs significatifs ont galement t enregistrs en ce domaine: l'arrestation de Radovan Karadzic en juillet, comme le fait que la Serbie ait dj livr 44 des 46 fugitifs, en sont des signes concrets. J'espre que les efforts du gouvernement pour arrter les derniers fugitifs porteront leurs fruits, et en particulier que Ratko Mladic sera enfin transfr La Haye. Significative galement, l'bauche de rconciliation nationale qui semble se dessiner Belgrade: avec l'intgration du parti socialiste ex-parti de Milosevic dans la majorit gouvernementale dmocratique, et la scission d'une frange du parti radical, la scne politique serbe semble vouloir se redessiner. Je souhaite voir dans ces mouvements une amorce de consensus vers l'objectif d'intgration europenne. Aujourd'hui l'heure doit tre aux rformes Belgrade. Car aprs une anne d'immobilisme pour raisons de politiques interne et de campagnes lectorales, le gouvernement doit s'atteler sans plus tarder aux rformes structurelles restes en souffrance. S'il russit, la Serbie pourrait obtenir le statut de candidat l'Union europenne ds l'an prochain. ANEXA 2 EU invests 4 million in industrial and regional development in the Banat region of Serbia (17.07.2008) The European Union has allocated 4 million to support a major development project to construct an industrial zone at Ecka near the town of Zrenjanin, at the centre of the Banat 301

region, in Vojvodina. The EU money will be added to 2.2 million invested by the town itself and another 1.3 million allocated by the Serbian National Investment Programme. This budget would be spent on building and connecting the complete infrastructure needed for the 72-hectare zone networks for water supply, sewage disposal and surface water drainage, telecommunications, gas and electrical systems, roads, security fencing. The construction of the new zone could create about 8,000 new jobs. 28

28European Agency for Reconstruction, in http://www.ear.europa.eu/news/news.htm

302

INTERFERENE NTRE ISTORIE I RELAII INTERNAIONALE Ioana Leucea * Abstract

The Academic Onvergence or Dispute Between History and International Relations The paper intends to present some relevant aspects for stressing the idea that the more evolved the two academic disciplines are the more they need each other in order to consciously complete their approach. History can be used as a laboratory to test theories of international relations, to reveal their limits, but also as a starting point to formulate theories. History should be understood from a theoretical perspective in order to eventually increase the interest of the society * disciplinary convergences, disciplinary disputes, history,

Disciplina relaiilor internaionale, respectiv primele catedre de relaii internaionale, au fost create imediat dup Primul Rzboi Mondial, cu scopul explicit de a studia modalitile de prevenire a rzboaielor. 1 S-ar putea afirma c scopul pe care i-l propune disciplina relaiilor internaionale este de a explica motivele recurenei rzboaielor i de a oferi soluii pentru micorarea frecvenei acestora 2 , de ntemeia i de a fundamenta politica extern raional n raport cu atingerea unui scop, de schimba climatul internaional spre o mai mare libertate a cetenilor. n SUA s-a observat legtura strns pstrat de teoreticienii relaiilor internaionale cu mediul politic (ex. W. Wilson, H. Kissinger, H. Morgenthau, Z. Brezinski). Demersul istoric este unul al corectei interpretri i nu viza s formuleze generalizri i modele teoretice care s serveasc la ntemeierea unor strategii raionale n planul politicii externe, motiv pentru care s-a i ajuns s se afirme c history is too important to be left to the historians. 3 Specialitii n domeniul relaiilor internaionale consider adesea c istoricii nu sunt n msur s produc dect vagi naraiuni privitoare la trecut a cror evident trstur comun
* 1 2 3

Asistent drd., Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure Guzzini 2000, p. 36 Waltz 2001 Thorne 1983, p. 123

303

este incapacitatea de a articula vreo explicaie serioas n legtur cu cauzalitatea evenimentelor care s-au produs, ineficiena i eecul n a produce generalizri pe temeiul evenimentelor specifice i modele teoretice pe baza datelor empirice. Invers, n viziunea istoricilor, disciplina relaiilor internaionale este susceptibil, n cel mai bun caz, s ofere o glos academic a afacerilor internaionale curente ori, i mai ru, s rmn angajat n nesfrite i sterile speculaii teoretice asupra sistemelor internaionale, speculaii care n-au nici o relevan n ceea ce privete complexitatea lumii reale. 4 Predilecia pentru reflecia teoretic i tiinific asupra relaiilor internaionale era coroborat cu tentativa de eliminare a perspectivei istorice. n acest sens, behavioritii considerau c istoria nfieaz trecutul asemenea unei serii de evenimente unice i, ca atare, reconstituirile istoricilor nu sunt utile dezvoltrii unei viziuni teoretice i tiinifice a relaiilor internaionale. S-a afirmat chiar c istoricii evit teoria fiind interesai doar de identificarea i descrierea narativ a unor serii de evenimente particulare. Neagu Djuvara arta c filosofia critic a istoriei pune sub semnul ntrebrii nsi validitatea tiinei istorice, disciplin ivit n Germania la mijlocul veacului al XIX lea, cu Dilthey i Droysen, Windelband, Rickert, Simmel sau Max Weber, n Italia Benedeto Croce, n Marea Britanie pe Collingwood, n Romnia Alexandru Xenopol. Cea mai bun sintez a problemelor ridicate de filosofia critic a istoriei rmne teza lui Raymond Aron, Introducere la filosofia istoriei. n aceeai abordare se nscriu lucrarea lui HenriIrenne Marrou, De la connaisance historique i cea a profesorului britanic W.H. Walsh, An introduction to the Philosophy of History 5 . Ceea ce ncearc s arate Djuvara n lucrarea intitulat Exist istorie adevrat? este c relativismul asumat de Raymond Aron n subtitlul tezei sale, anume Eseu despre limitele obiectivitii istorice, relativism care i-a fost reproat de aproape toi istoricii de meserie e nc prea prudent, prea timorat. El se sprijin doar pe inevitabila imperfeciune a observatorului i a mijloacelor sale de cercetare, cnd, de fapt, relativitatea fundamental a sintezei rezultate din munca sa nu

4 5

Duroselle 1979, p. 112 Djuvara 2008, p. 6

304

ine att de observator i de mediul su, ct de nsui obiectul studiului su. 6 Interferena major dintre istorie i relaii internaionale, respectiv ntre teoria relaiilor internaionale i istorie sunt asumpiile prin care se pot delimita variantele de rspuns la ntrebarea: Ce este un fapt istoric? Rspunsul pe care Djuvara l poate fi considerat relevant pentru disciplina istoric. Astfel, ca s se pun o asemenea ntrebare, trebuie ndeplinit o prim condiie: s existe n snul societii examinate o contiin istoric. Curiozitatea istoric nu este un dat natural. Studiind-o diacronic, ea ne apare ca un accident istoric, o invenie a Greciei antice. Cele mai multe culturi pe care le putem studia n trecut sau observa n prezent sunt lipsite de memorie scris. Chiar o civilizaie major, ca aceea indian, n-are despre nceputurile sale nici un reper sigur. Putem considera c primele nscrisuri care i propun s fixeze i s perpetueze fapte istorice sunt listele de regi ai Egiptului, genealogiile de faraoni. Orict de limitat i de vdit interesat e scopul acelor scrieri, le putem percepe ca pe un embrion de contiin istoric: se dorete fixarea n piatr, pentru vecie, a unor stri de lucruri trecute, cu scopul de a influena viitorul. Nu mai suntem azi contieni c interesul pentru trecut izvorte, incontient, din adnca preocupare pentru viitor, dintr-o form de angoas existenial. 7 Ce fapte consider cercettorul c trebuie s culeag i s aleag pentru construcia sa istoric? Se zice de obicei c reine fapte semnificative. Semnificnd ce? Istoricul are n minte o schi i nu caut n masa faptelor trecute dect pe acelea care sunt semnificative pentru ca schia lui s devin un tablou ct se poate de veridic. Ce caut n prim faz a istoriografiei moderne cercettorul istoric? El reine n general ntmplrile cele mai izbitoare n ochii contemporanilor. La sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea, n monumentala lucrare a lui Edward Gibbon, Istoria decadenei i cderii Imperiului Roman, apare probabil pentru prima oar o viziune mai larg a ceea ce trebuie s fie materialul istoricului. (p. 30) Totui, mult vreme, politicul rmne n ochii istoricilor ca suma faptelor istorice primordiale pentru nelegerea i reconstituirea unui moment din trecut. A fost nevoie s apar intensele
6 7

Djuvara 2008, p. 7 Djuvara 2008, p. 27

305

preocupri sociale i economice de la mijlocul veacului al XIX-lea pentru ca istoricii s descopere deodat importana istoric a economiei. Rolul lui Karl Marx a fost aici de netgduit. Dar, marile descoperiri pot s orbesc pn la a avea efecte negative i a provoca n viziunea istoricilor un nou dezechilibru, n sens invers. Muli dintre ei vor fi din ce n ce mai tentai s reduc la minimum nsemntatea factorului individual n mersul Istoriei. Poziia de vrf n acest sens e, probabil, deinut de marele istoric francez Fernand Braudel(p. 31) Braudel imagineaz descompunerea istoriei n planuri etajate, distingnd, n timpul istoric, un timp geografic, un timp social i un timp individual. Primul este o istorie cvasinemicat, cea a omului n raport cu mediul care-l nconjoar; o istorie care curge ncet deasupra acestei istorii imobile, se distinge o istorie ncet ritmat, o istorie social. Djuvara insist pe ideea greelii de a se reduce la minimum rolul individului n istorie. Vechea disput dintre istoricii socializani i istoricii istorizani, cei dinti fiind partizanii determinismului istoric, pe cnd ceilali cred mai departe n rolul individului i al hazardului n desfurarea istoriei. Teza determinist are un deosebit succes printre autorii anglo-saxoni. Jurgen Habermas, afirm c inevitabila raportare la valori se petrece nu doar la nivelul alegerii problemelor, ci i la nivelul formrii teoriei, n care deciziile metodologice sunt puse n legtur cu procesele sociale. 8 Habermas arat c exist n fapt discipline reconstructive, precum logica i lingvistica general, ce redau nu pri ale procesului de cunoatere, nu corelaii ale realitii exterioare, ci un sistem al presupoziiilor pe care, ca subieci capabili de vorbire i cogniie, ne sprijinim naiv sau contient, dar, n orice caz, inevitabil. 9 Dar, prin intermediul unei teorii, semnificaia celor supuse observaiei este fcut vizibil. 10 R.G. Collingwood 11 , spre exemplu, a considerat c se poate reduce marja de eroare n interpretarea istoric, limitnd cunoaterea trecutului la domeniile acoperite de raionament i de gndirea discursiv. La fel, Raymond Aron sesizeaz c adevratul pericol este
Marga 2006, p. 199 Ibidem, p. 197 10 Waltz 2006, p. 37 11 Collingwood 1946.
8 9

306

parialitatea nerecunoscut. Dar cu ct ecuaia personal a cercettorului e mai cunoscut, cu att pericolul parialitii e mai mic. 12 Donald J. Puchala 13 afirm faptul c abordarea istoric nu se difereniaz prea mult de abordarea istoricist, pentru c un istoric cerceteaz anumite fenomene bazndu-se pe anumite presupoziii teoretice pe care nu le afirm sau pe care nu le contientizeaz ca atare. Aadar, teoriile relaiilor internaionale pot fi folosite pentru a interpreta istoria internaional. Utilizarea unei teorii nu este acelai lucru cu producerea sau conceperea unei teorii. Asumpiile epistemologice ale specialitilor n tiinele sociale sunt chestionabile, dar teoria relaiilor internaionale poate oferi instrumente de interpretare a istoriei, de selectare a faptelor istorice cu atribuirea de semnificaii experienei umane. Pe de alt parte, Hedley Bull i Adam Watson afirm faptul c obiectul de studiu al relaiilor internaionale nu poate fi neles dect din perspectiv istoric. 14 Adda Bozeman 15 are aceeai orientare, dezapreciat la acea vreme de ctre teoreticienii relaiilor internaionale, de utiliza categorii i teorii pentru a investiga fenomenele istorice. Afirmnd c Rzboiul Rece nu este dect un epifenomen istoric, dei potenial apocaliptic i, prin urmare, deosebit de important, afirm c recuren acestui tip de fenomen n istorie este foarte mare. Prin urmare, s-a pus ntrebarea dac Rzboiul Rece ar putea fi interpretat ca sfritul unui ciclu al puterii? Este ceea ce se ntmpl atunci cnd dou imperii colizioneaz? 16 Este ceea ce se ntmpl dup ce un imperiu se destram? Perioada istoric ntre 500 i 1500 poate fi vzut tot ca o perioad postimperial. Privit din alt punct de vedere, multe aspecte moderne au un aer medieval. Dac ncepnd cu anii 80 se poate vorbi de o medievalizare sau despre faptul c este o trstur recurent a istoriei internaionale, atunci relaiile interculturale devin semnificative? 17 Firete, exist i semnificative variaii naionale. n Marea Britanie frontierele domeniilor academice n-au fost niciodat prea clar definite. Astfel, personaliti proeminente ale
12 13 14 15 16 17

Aron 1962, p. 16 Puchala 2004. Bull Watson 1984. Bozeman 1961, Adda Bozeman, Politics and Culture in International History. Puchala 2006, p. 2 Ibidem, p. 3

307

domeniului relaiilor internaionale ca Edward Hallet Carr, Arnold J. Toynbee, Herbert Butterfield sau Martin Wight au fost n egal msur i istorici. coala englez de relaii internaionale n-a suferit impactul revoluiei behavioriste care, dincolo de Atlantic, a modelat dezvoltarea subiectului la finele anilor 60, adncind marea diviziune dintre tiinele sociale i tiinele umaniste, care includeau i istoria. Concluzionnd, se poate afirma c relaia dintre teoria relaiilor internaionale i istorie este deschis. Abordrile unui specialist n relaii internaionale sau a unui istoric converg adesea. Pe de alt parte, istoria modern a constituit fundalul pe baza cruia au fost constuite teoriile relaiilor internaionale, prin urmare istoria este laboratorul pentru studiul relaiilor internaionale.Hoffman insist pe metoda inductiv de cercetare pentru a depista regularitile sau modelele din istorie. Hayden White apeleaz la urmtoarea caraterizare a celor dou abordri: istoricul trebuie s fie interesat de prezentarea unui punct de vedere i nu de construirea unei teorii, dup cum este interesul unui istoricist. Concluzia lui White este c orice istoric este, implicit, un istorist. Istoricul i constituie realitatea prin mijloace mai puin contiente. 18 Oricnd un om de tiin afirm c un anumit eveniment este important sau semnificativ, trece de la explicaie la interpretare. 19 Toate tiinele umaniste i sociale sunt vulnerabile din punct de vedere epistemologic, dar acest observaie reafirm disputa ntre tradiionalism i pozitivism. Orice epoc pare a fi nchis ntr-un tip de discurs care i ofer accesul la realitate i i delimiteaz orizontul posibilului. Richard Rorty introduce sintagma behaviorism epistemologic , adevrul este behaviorist n nelesul de produs al conversaiei care se poart ntr-o anumit limb. Este, de asemenea, holistic, ntruct este produs ntr-un context social, cultural i istoric n care este vorbit. Nu poate exista adevr in afara unui context, pentru c nu va putea fi neles i acceptat din punct de vedere cultural. Realitatea devine ceea ce comunitatea tiinific accept s fie, iar oglindirea naturii este nlocuit de consensul convivilor. Este dificil s se deceleze ntre ceea ce tim i ceea ce credem. Definit din punct de vedere pragmatic, adevrul are valoare instrumental. Henri-Irenee Marrou, ntr-un capitol al lucrrii sale intitulat The Use of the Concepts (p. 155 176) face distincia
18 19

Puchala, p. 44 Habermas 2000.

308

ntre cinci mari categorii de concepte. Istoria folosete concepte avnd pretenia universalitii acestora. Istoria, de asemenea, utilizeaz termeni cu neles metaforic sau anlogic. Acestea trebuie privite ca ideal-tipuri, iar istoricul trebuie s rmn contient de caracterul nominal al acestora. History is a science, nothing less, if the word science means an organized body of knowledge. 20 . Ceea ce se tie despre rzboiul de 100 de ani este condiionat nu de ceea ce se tie despre alte rzboaie, ci despre ceea ce ce tie n general despre Evul Mediu. n tiinele exacte sunt concluzii privitoare la lucruri care nu au un loc i un timp al lor. Pentru istorici, evenimentul are o dat i un timp al lui ntruct un fenomen istoric nu poate fi niciodat explicat pe deplin fr studierea momentului producerii sale 21 . tiina istoric este de a studia evenimente care nu pot fi supuse observaiei i s le studieze fcnd inferene, pornind de la ceea ce se cunoate, de la evidene. 22 Aceeai idee se regsete i la Marc Bloch atunci cnd propune mersul de-a-ndratelea, metoda prudent regresiv, cercetarea trebuind s coboare pn n prezent, numai ultima secven fiind intact. 23 Incapacitatea de a nelege prezentul se nate din necunoaterea trecutului, dar i invers. Nou apruta disciplin de analiz a discursului are ca asumpii de baz urmtoarele: 24 Sensul textului nu se reduce la ideile vehiculate, rezultatele analizei actului de comunicare care a generat textul, funcionarea lui n epoc completeaz sensul. Prin analiza discursului se nelege o procedur de verificare, de descoperire, de nelegere, de interpretare dar i o disciplin care urmrete s valorifice contextul comunicrii subiacent unui text sau document. Demersul are o int teoretic i aplicativ. Articularea dintre istorie i lingvistic presupune acoperirea vidului epistemologic prin construirea unui obiect descriptibil prin proceduri lingvistice, dar care se integreaz ntr-o teorie general a societii. 25 Numai n cuvintele limbii tale se ntmpl s-i aminteti de lucruri pe care nu le-ai nvat niciodat. 26 Toat viaa i
20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Collingwood 2002, p. 3 Bloch 2007, p. 55 Collingwood 2002, p. 6 Bloch 2007, p. 66 Marga 2003, p. 17 Marga 2003, p. 21 Noica 1987, p. 7

309

toat societatea, laolalt cu toat cultura, sunt o chestiune de comunicare; dar sunt totodat i de cuminecare 27 . Cuminecm chiar ntru neputina de a comunica. Cu cinci sau ase cuvinte de-ale noastre am putea descrie ntreg sistemul de valori pe care l-a pus n joc cultura noastr, redefinind i adncind valorile. Asemenea cuvinte ar trebui s figureze ntr-un dicionar al culturii europene. 28 Relaiile internaionale sunt o disciplin academic vast i complex nct este evident c modalitatea adecvat de abordare este cea sistemic i holist, mai curnd dect una bazat pe evenimenial i particularism. O perspectiv sistemic, holist, presupune c din multitudinea deconcertant a evenimentelor i fluxurilor care constituie relaiile internaionale este posibil decelarea unor regulariti i modele care relev existena sistemelor internaionale. Eecul teoriilor relaiilor internaionale de a se apropia de viziunea tiinei istorice asupra evoluiei umanitii a dus la o nelegere unidimensional i deficitar a relaiilor internaionale. Conceptul de sistem internaional este n msur s ofere un spaiu al interferenelor i al interdisciplinaritii pentru teoria relaiilor internaionale, ct i pentru tiina istoric. 2.) n pofida faptului c s-au realizat analize extinse ale sistemului internaional din perspectiva curentului principal al relaiilor internaionale, realismul/neorealismul, conceptul rmne unul profund controversat. 29 Cele mai importante dezbateri metodologice i teoretice din domeniul relaiilor internaionale n a doua jumtate a secolului XX s-au focalizat pe tentativele de identificare a celui mai adecvat mod de a conceptualiza, iar apoi de a analiza sistemul internaional. 30 Aceste dezbateri sunt edificatoare n ceea ce privete dificultatea de a conceptualiza sistemul internaional, ns ele nu relev vreun efort de a aborda sistemele internaionale din perspectiva fireasc a istoriei universale. 31 Neorealismul sugereaz c emergena unui sistem internaional este legat de existena prealabil a unor niveluri destul de nalte de interaciune (strategic). 32 Dar, din aceast
27 28 29 30 31 32

Noica 1987, p. 188 189 Noica 1987, p. 264 Albert - Hilkermeier 2004, p. 13 29 Jackson Sorensen 2007, p. 279 304 Jervis 2001; Herman 2002; Kegley Jr. 2002 Morgenthau 1973, p. 17 28; Waltz 1979, p. 38 59

310

perspectiv, poziia lui Kenneth Waltz este contradictorie dat fiind faptul c nu este necesar, i nici mcar probabil, ca un sistem internaional s se cristalizeze din primul moment n care unitile ncep s interacioneze. Aceast logic suscit la cteva ntrebri fundamentale. Mai nti, care ar fi criteriile specifice pentru definirea existenei unui sistem internaional? Apoi, dac este util ori necesar conceptualizarea unor tipuri diferite de sisteme internaionale (e.g., strategic, economic, cultural) pentru a consemna tipuri distincte de interaciune? Ct de departe n timp putem proiecta retrospectiv ideea de sistem internaional? Cum se articuleaz istoria sistemului internaional i dac exist anumite modele ale acestei evoluii? n stadiul actual al cercetrii nu exist rspunsuri clare i necontroversate la nici una dintre aceste ntrebri fundamentale. 33 Aceast situaie se explic prin unilateralitatea celor cinci perspective diferite pe care la ntlnim n teoria relaiilor internaionale: prezenteismul sau cronocentrismul, anistorismul, eurocentrismul, anarhofilia, stato-centrismul. 34 n secolul trecut, realitii au presupus c balana puterii ofer baza unei teorii transistorice n msur s explice att comportamentul polisurilor greceti, ct i relaiile dintre SUA i URSS. n ultimul sfert al secolului trecut, optica anistorist a neorealismului a fost supus unei critici severe35 iar presupunerea facil potrivit creia conflictul dintre Atena i Sparta este comparabil cu cel dintre SUA i URSS a fost taxat drept o enorm iluzie optic. 36 Unor critici similare au fost supuse i tentativele de a aplica paradigma realist epocii feudale.37 Conceptualizrile sistemului internaional aparinnd realismului sunt firave i unidimensionale, incapabile s ofere un real punct de sprijin pentru nelegerea dinamicii fenomenului. Dei restrngerea/delimitarea strict este o virtute cnd este vorba despre teoretizri, este evident c n lipsa unei forme mai ample de teoretizare, un fenomen extrem de complex precum sistemul internaional nu poate fi neles n mod adecvat. 38

33 34 35 36 37 38

Husar 2008, p. 36 Pentru detalii a se vedea Husar, 2008, p. 37 46 Smith 1999, p. 92 - 119 Rosenberg 1994, p. 90 Fischer 1992 Albert-Hilkermeier 2004, p. 30 43

311

Cu toate acestea, ncercrile trdeaz o nevoie acut de cercetare sistematic a istoriei, prin prisma unor concepte integratoare care s poat sprijini i ntemeia aciunea practic. 4.) Dar exist totui programe de studiere a istoriei care vizeaz tocmai surprinderea acelor elemente care presupun articularea unei concepii privind sistemul mondial, conceptualizare care converge cu tentativa cercettorilor n relaiile internaionale, aceea a istoricilor mondialiti care, n general, pornesc de la presupunerea c demersul lor nu este diferit, n esen, de al altor istorici, ceea ce difer fiind perspectiva. Cea mai cunoscut abordare generalist, coala Francez a Analelor ilustrat de istorici ca Marc Bloch, Lucien Lebvre i Fernand Braudel a argumentat pertinent c tiina istoric nu este preocupat doar de lhistoire evenemenetielle, ci trebuie s ia n considerare mai ales procesele care trebuie studiate n decursul unor perioade mai lungi de timp i structurile care sunt sesizabile doar pe parcursul a ceea ce istoricii din acest coal numesc la long duree 39 . Ca atare, trecutul poate fi neles ca histoire structurale mai degrab ca histoire evenementielle; din aceast perspectiv istoriografia tradiional era redus la statutul de petite science de la contingente. Idei apropiate ntlnim i n lucrrile lui A.J. Toynbee, W.H: McNeill, M.G.S Hodgson sau ali istorici care au abordat istoria universal din perspectiva civilizaiilor. Ideile colii Analelor au avut un impact considerabil asupra tiinei istorice n a doua jumtate a secolului XX i, n acest nou climat, a fost depit att diviziunea, ct i barierele dintre istorie i tiina social. Nu poate fi omis influena exercitat n ultimele trei decenii de opera sociologului Immanuel Wallerstein care remarcase c marea slbiciune a tiinelor sociale se datora faptului c ele operau pe baza unor sisteme nchise. 40 Ca atare, el a contestat frontierele disciplinare care separau tiina politic, economia, sociologia, frontiera care separa istoria de tiinele sociale, ca i limitele impenetrabile care izolau sistemele politice, economice i sociale de restul lumii. Wallerstein a accentuat importana utilizrii ideii de sistem mondial ca unitate analitic fundamental n tiinele sociale, menit s fac posibil transcederea limitelor i barierelor menionate mai sus. Descoperind i analiznd structurile i procesele sociale dincolo
39 40

Braudel 1969 Wallerstein 1992

312

de nivelul statului-naiune, teoria sistemelor mondiale a marcat o semnificativ turnur n evoluia metodologiilor tiinelor sociale, facilitnd reexaminarea prezentului n lumina tracutului. Ideea cheie a acestei abordri este aceea c unitatea de baz pentru analiza schimbrilor sociale nu sunt societile sau statele, ci ntregul sistem mondial. 41 Programul de cercetare pe care Marc Bloch l-a conceput la mijlocul seolului XX poate fi asimilat unei cercetri din domeniul relaiilor internaionale. Scopul i mijloacele fiind similare, n special n modul de problematizare a celui considerat a fi printele constructivismului, Alexander Wendt, care afirm primatul ideii n explicarea socialului. 42 Originalitatea demersului lui Marc Bloch servete i presupune o atitudine sau un fundament teoretic constructivist. Scopul acestui istoric este de a surprinde o credin nc de la naterea sa, de a urmri cum se instaleaz aceasta. 43 Marc Bloch se apropie de teoria constructivitilor pentru c, dup cum l caracterizeaz Lucien Lebvre 44 s-a strduit s descopere, n domeniul imaginarului, ceea ce poate pune n micare grupurile de oameni, astfel c abordeaz faptele sociale ca pe o faet nedeselenit, aceea a atitudinilor spiritului. Proiectul de nvmnt ntocmit pe baza acestei afirmaii de metod se fundamenta pe credina c realitile sociale sunt solidare. N-am putea s explicm o instituie dac ea nu este alturat marilor curente intelectuale, sentimentale, mistice ale mentalitii contemporane. i-a propus o interpretare pe dinuntru a faptelor de organizare social. 45 Astfel, afirma c adevrata munc a istoricului se situeaz dincolo de simpla tratare a surselor, evenimentul nefiind dect un fenomen de suprafa. Misiunea istoricului este de ordonare i de decizie. 46 Ceea ce trebuie nainte de toate este s punem problema redutabil a raporturilor ntre seriile eterogene. 47 Proiectul de nvmnt a lui Marc Bloch desemna mentalitatea ca punct nodal al oricrei explicaii n istorie. Unul dintre preceptele majore ale metodei sale este c nu exist ruptur ntre trecut i prezent. Prejudecile, falsele prudene, miopiile trebuie s fie
41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Chase-Dunn, Hall, p. 85 112 Wendt 1993 Bloch 2007, p. 9 Bloch 2007, p. 9 Bloch 2007, p. 10 Bloch 2007, p. 13 Bloch 2007, p. 14

313

studiate n ele nsele, ca elemente ale unui discurs coerent, prima datorie a istoricului fiind s-l reconstituie n eficiena lui. Chestiunea principal pe care Marc Bloch o evideniaz se refer la ncercarea de a rspunde la ntrebarea la ce servete istoria, dac nu cumva cercetarea istoriei este o risip de fore? n ce const legitimitatea unui efort intelectual? Acesta afirm c singurele tiine autentice sunt acelea care reuesc s stabileasc ntre fenomene raporturi explicative, restul fiind enciclopedism care poate adopta rolul divertismentului sau al maniei. 48 Istoria nu este o simpl enumerare, ci o clasare raional, trebuie s ajute la a tri mai bine, iar utilitatea istoriei nu trebuie s se confunde cu cea a legitimitii intelectuale propriu zise. Afirm i pledeaz pentru dreptul de a cere pentru istorie ngduina datorat tuturor nceputurilor. 49

48 49

Bloch 2007, p. 31 p. 40.

314

CTEVA REFLECII CU PRIVIRE LA ABANDONAREA CONSTITUIEI PENTRU EUROPA, TRATATUL DE LA LISABONA I REFORMA UNIUNII EUROPENE Stelian Scuna * Alexandra Scuna ** Abstact
Several reflections on the abandoning of the European Constitution, the Lisbon Treaty and the reform of the European Union The European Constitution Draft was abandoned in the summer of 2007 and, simultaneously, the Council of the European Union has set priority directions concerning the European Union reform and organized an intergovernmental conference in July 2007. The Conference took place in accordance with the mandate given by the European Council, under the full authority of Heads of State or Government, assisted by the members of the General Affairs and External Relations Council, the representative of the Commission and 3 representatives of the European Parliament. Following the work of the Conference, on October 18th 2007, in Lisbon, the Heads of State and Government have approved the draft of Reform Treaty the Treaty amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community. In this study, the authors present some considerations concerning the abandonment of constitutional concept, which consists in repealing all existing Treaties and replacing them with a single document called "Constitution", and also some considerations on the adoption of a reform treaty, which introduces novelty items to the existing treaties, which remain in force. The study presents issues related to the risk caused by the failure of the referendum in Ireland, but in a positive manner, which supports the need for reform, relying on the Treaty of Lisbon. We also point out some aspects regarding the definition of the European Union and the acquisition of legal personality to it, but also the most significant changes that the Reform Treaty will bring to the fundamental treaties of the European Union. The novelty items are incorporated in the draft Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which is the very content to the Reform Treaty and they establish the following: to set out the powers of the European Union and to delimit them; the specific nature of Common Foreign and Security Policy; the enhanced role of national parliaments; the juridical nature of the Charter of Fundamental Rights; creating a mechanism in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, enabling Member States to go
* **

Profesor dr., Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu Asistent, Universitatea Romno-German, Sibiu

315

forward on a specific instrument, but to allow, at the same time, other states not to participate to it. There are also important issues considered fundamental for the future of the European Union which will be introduced to the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the Union, in spite of the attitude of reserve expressed by some Member States, depending on their national interests, such as the following: replacing the European Community by the European Union and the phrase "the Union" by "the Community"; acquisition of legal personality by the European Union; establishing the double majority decision; recognition of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union European having same value as the Treaties of the European Union, even if it will be not a part of the treaties; the joining of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; recognition of the human rights and freedoms as fundamental principles of Community law. Beyond the uncertain circumstances, due to the negative outcome of the referendum in Ireland, in the summer of 2008, the authors consider that the European Union needs this treaty because it needs reform, needs adapting to new realities and new aspirations of Member States, in a vision to a larger number of members. The Union does not need a new crisis that would question the process of European integration. Moreover, the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, before European Parliament elections, will allow the EU to become more democratic and more transparent, the European Parliament and national parliaments will have a more and more important role, being the most legitimate and democratic institutions. At the same time, we hope that the European Union will work best performing in the new simplified rules on decision-making process and will contribute more and better in building a Europe of rights, of freedoms, of solidarity and of security, ensuring better protection for the European citizen in a space of freedom, security and justice without precedent. * European Constitution, Lisbon Treaty, European Union

n lunea iunie 2007, cu toate eforturile Preediniei Uniunii Europene pe care o deinea Germania la acea vreme, proiectul de Constituie pentru Europa a fost abandonat, ca o reflectare a atitudinii negative a statele membre fa de proiectului federalist al lui Joschka Fisher 1 .

Este vorba despre o propunere a ministrului de externe german Joschka Fischer, fcut cu ocazia unui discurs din anul 2000, n care a prezentat o teorie proprie referitoare la construcia Europei pe baze federale, fundamentat pe un tratat constituional. Pentru mai multe detalii, S.Scuna, Uniunea European construcie, reform, instituii, drept, Ed.CH Beck, Bucureti, 2008, p.83 i urmtoarele.
1

316

Aproape simultan cu acest abandon, s-au stabilit de ctre Consiliul Uniunii Europene, ntr-o prim form, i direciile prioritare ale reformei Uniunii Europene. S-a ntmplat n cadrul Concluziilor Preediniei prezentate la reuniunea din 21-22 iunie 2007, de la Bruxelles. 2 n acest scop, Consiliul European a decis convocarea unei Conferine interguvernamentale care s fie deschis pn la sfritul lunii iulie 2007 i care, innd seama de criza prelungit pe care o trecea Uniunea ca urmare a eecului proiectului de Tratat Constituional, trebuia s se finalizeze pn la sfritul anului 2007. Conferina i-a desfurat activitatea n conformitate cu mandatul dat de Consiliul European, care, de asemenea, a invitat Preedinia portughez (mandatul iulie decembrie 2007) s redacteze textul unui proiect de tratat de reform i s-l prezinte n cadrul Conferinei, tratatul urmnd a fi ratificat nainte de alegerile parlamentare europene din iunie 2009. Conferina interguvernamental s-a desfurat sub autoritatea deplin a efilor de stat sau de guvern, asistai de ctre membrii Consiliului pentru Afaceri Generale i Relaii Externe, la lucrri participnd i reprezentantul Comisiei i 3 reprezentani ai Parlamentului European. Conferina Interguvernamental 2007 a preluat Concluziile Consiliului European de la Bruxelles, din 23 iunie 2007, cu privire la reforma Uniunii Europene, ntr-o viziune nou, care s permit evoluii pozitive ale Uniunii spre realizarea efectiv a ideii de unitate european 3 , i, la 18 octombrie 2007, la Lisabona, efii de stat i de guvern au aprobat textul Tratatului de reform a Uniunii Europene - Tratatul de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene 4 . Analiznd acest proiect de tratat, putem constata de la prima vedere i fr nici un dubiu c se renun la conceptul constituional, care consta n abrogarea tuturor tratatelor existente i nlocuirea acestora cu un text unic intitulat Constituie. Tratatul de reform sau Tratatul de modificare denumiri uzuale sub care este identificat adesea Tratatul de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire
Concluziile Preediniei Consiliului UE, doc.cit., Proiectul de mandat pentru CIG. 3 Ibidem 4 CIG 1/1/07 REV 1, Bruxelles, 5 octombrie 2007, doc.cit.
2

317

a Comunitii Europene introduce n tratatele existente, care rmn n vigoare, elemente de noutate, dar i multe elemente care au rezultat n urma Conferinei Interguvernamentale din anul 2004. Practic, aproape ntreaga substan a Proiectului de Constituie a fost transferat n Tratatul de modificare. 5 Numai c, din nefericire, ca i Proiectul de Tratat Constituional, nici Tratatul de reform nu a avut o evoluie lipsit de incidente n procedurile de ratificare de ctre statele membre. Dei aproape toate 24 state 6 - au ratificat acest proiect de tratat, fundamental pentru evoluia ulterioar a Uniunii, exist o piedic major prin respingerea acestuia de ctre referendumul irlandez din 12 iulie 2008. 7 Opiniile multor analiti, ca i ale unor oficialiti de la Bruxelles, arat c aceast situaie nu ar fi de natur s duc la abandonarea Tratatului de reform i, prin urmare, la o criz n dezbaterea pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene, chiar dac Preedinia Francez, deocamdat, nu a reuit n ncercrile sale repetate s conving Irlanda s gseasc o soluie n favoarea Tratatului. Sunt invocate ca argumente chiar situaii asemntoare care au avut loc n legtur cu alte tratate importante ale Uniunii Europene i care nu au dus la abandonarea proiectului de unitate european. 8 Cert este c Uniunea European, prima putere economic mondial, cu o contribuie de aproximativ 30% din PIB-ul mondial 9 , se bazeaz pe 4 tratate fondatoare 10 i cteva
El cuprinde clauze de amendare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European, care i va pstra denumirea, i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene, care se va numi Tratatul privind funcionarea Uniunii. 6 La 1octombrie 2008. Cele dou state care nc nu au ratificat Tratatul de reform i care se pare c nu pun semne de ntrebare sunt Cehia i Suedia, care vor finaliza proces de ratificare pe cale parlamentar n toamna acestui an. ntre primele 4 state care au ratificat Tratatul de reform, la 4 februarie 2008, se numr i Romnia, cu 387 voturi n Parlament, 1 vot mpotriv i o abinere. 7 Tratatul a fost respins cu 53,4 % din voturile exprimate. 8 Este vorba despre respingerea de ctre danezi, prin referendumul din 2 iunie 1992, a Tratatului de la Maastricht, 50,7% din participanii la referendum votnd mpotriv ; ulterior Danemarca a revenit asupra poziiei sale. De asemenea, irlandezii au respins Tratatul de la Nisa prin referendumul din 2 iunie 2001, cu 54% din voturile exprimate ; ulterior, la 19 octombrie 2002, cu 62,82% din voturi, Irlanda a aprobat acest tratat. 9 Cf. Comunicatului Bncii Mondiale (Total GDP/2005). 10 Tratatul de instituire a Comunitii Economice a Crbunelui i Oelului, adoptat la Paris, la 18 aprilie 1951; a intrat n vigoare la 23 iulie 1952. A fost adoptat pentru o perioad de 50 de ani; a ncetat la 23 iulie 2002; Tratatul de instituire
5

318

tratate modificatoare 11 . Acestea din urm au scos n eviden nevoia permanent de reform a integrrii europene, proces de reform care a evoluat constant, de la domenii de interes sectorial, precum cele economice, de la nceputul existenei comunitilor europene, i pn la domenii mai noi, precum politica extern i de securitate comun sau cooperarea n domeniul justiiei i afacerilor interne, revoluionnd radical aciunea de concretizare a mai vechii idei de unitate european. Este ct se poate de evident c reformele succesive, dar mai ales cele promovate de Tratatul de la Maastricht, care instituie Uniunea European (idee vehiculat nc din 1986, prin Actul Unic European), au condus la o construcie care, n doar civa ani, a cunoscut o dezvoltare impresionant, de la 12 state n 1992, la 27 de state n 2007.De asemenea, Tratatul de la Nisa, care a reformat instituiile pentru Uniunea European cu 27 de membri, confirm micarea ascendent a procesului de integrare european, chiar dac s-au nregistrat i unele eecuri, uneori veritabile crize care au marcat acest proces de-a lungul ntregii sale istorii. O astfel de criz a fost i cea declanat de ncercrile euate de adoptare a unei Constituii europene, proiect respins prin referendumurile organizate n Frana i Olanda. Propunerea ministrului de externe german, Joschka Fischer, a prezentat n anul 2000 o teorie proprie referitoare la construcia Europei pe baze federale, fundamentat pe un tratat

a Comunitii Economice Europene (Tratatul de la Roma) i Tratatul de instituire a Comunitii Europene a Energiei Atomice, ambele semnate la Roma, la 25 martie 1947 (Tratatele de la Roma). Au intrat n vigoare la 1 ianuarie 1958; Tratatul privind Uniunea European, care a fost adoptat la Maastricht, la 7 februarie 1992, i a intrat n vigoare la 1 noiembrie 1993; acesta a creat Uniunea European, care cuprinde Comunitile europene i alte forme de cooperare. 11 Tratatul de fuziune, adoptat la Bruxelles, la 8 aprilie 1965, a intrat n vigoare la 1 iulie 1967. Prin al s-a instituit o Comisie unic i un Consiliu unic pentru comunitile europene; Actul unic european, semnat la Luxemburg i Haga, n februarie 1986 i intrat n vigoare la 1 iulie 1987, a stabilit termenul de 31 decembrie 1992 pentru realizarea definitiv a Pieei unice, reglementnd micarea liber a bunurilor, serviciilor, capitalurilor i persoanelor pe tot cuprinsul Comunitilor; Tratatul de la Amsterdam a fost semnat la 2 octombrie 1997 i a intrat n vigoare la 1 mai 1999. Aduce mai multe nouti, printre care cele cu privire la fora de munc, capitolul social, libera circulaie a persoanelor, noi atribuii ale Parlamentului, Politica Extern i de Securitate Comun etc; Tratatul de la Nisa, semnat la 26 februarie 2001, a intrat n vigoare la 1 februarie 2003. Realizeaz o veritabil reform, n scopul pregtirii cadrului instituional pentru marea extindere a Uniunii Europene.

319

constituional. Proiectul Constituiei pentru Europa 12 a fost prezentat prima dat Consiliului European de ctre organismul special creat pentru redactarea acestuia - Convenia European 13 - dup aproape un an i jumtate de eforturi, la Salonic, la 20 iunie 2003. Adoptat cu ocazia reuniunii de la Bruxelles, din 1718 iunie 2004, Proiectul de Constituie a fost semnat la 29 octombrie acelai an, n cadrul Conferinei interguvernamentale care a avut loc la Roma, de efii de stat i de guvern i de minitrii afacerilor externe ai statelor membre ale Uniunii Europene. 14 Acest moment ar fi trebuit s fie unul decisiv pentru modelarea la un alt nivel a construciei europene nceput n deceniul ase al secolului trecut. Nu s-a ntmplat aa, ca urmare a respingerii Proiectului de Tratat Constituional de ctre Olanda i Frana, n primvara i vara anului 2005, ceea ce a determinat o criz major n ncercrile de a continua procesul de reform a Uniunii Europene. Eforturile ulterioare ale preediniilor Consiliului European, n special cel al Preediniei germane (ianuarie - iunie 2007), au reuit s relanseze dezbaterea privind viitorul Europei, chiar dac aceasta s-a ndeprtat de la concepia unei construcii constituionale a Uniunii. Practic, proiectul Tratatului de instituire a unei Constituii pentru Europa a fost abandonat n iunie 2007, la reuniunea de var de la Bruxelles a liderilor statelor membre ale Uniunii Europene. Acesta a fost momentul care a dus la deblocarea discuiilor privind viitorul Uniunii, graie, mai ales, cancelarului german Angela Merkel, dar prin abandonarea concepiei constituionale i, implicit, a Tratatului constituional. Se deschide un drum nou pentru reformarea Uniunii Europene i adaptarea instituiilor acesteia la noile realiti. Urmare a preocuprilor Preediniei portugheze i ale Conferinei
Textul integral, www.europa.eu.int, sau www.ier.ro. Organismul special creat pentru redactarea proiectului. Preedintele Conveniei a fost Valry Giscard dEstaing, fost Preedinte al Franei (19741981). Deosebit de reprezentativ, Convenia a avut 105 membri: reprezentani ai celor 15 state membre, ai celor 12 state candidate la aderare, reprezentani ai parlamentelor naionale ale statelor membre i ale celor candidate, reprezentani ai parlamentului European i ai Comisiei Europene, 13 observatori din partea Comitetului Economic i Social i din partea Comitetului Regiunilor, Ombudsmanul european reprezentani ai partenerilor sociali europeni. 14 Semnarea Tratatului a avut loc n cldirea Campidoglio, Sala Degli Orazi i Curiazi, aceeai sal n care cele ase state fondatoare Frana, Germania, Italia, Olanda, Belgia i Luxemburg au semnat Tratatul de instituire a Comunitii Europene n 1957. Textul tratatului, http://www.ier.ro.
12 13

320

interguvernamentale, efii de stat sau de guvern s-au ntlnit la Lisabona, la 18 octombrie 2007, i au aprobat textul acestui tratat de reform a Uniunii Europene - Tratatul de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene 15 - tratat care urmeaz s fie ratificat n anul 2008 de ctre statele membre ale Uniunii Europene i s intre n vigoare nainte de alegerile parlamentare europene din anul 2009, cu condiia ca Irlanda s revin asupra deciziei sale din iunie 2008. Reforma Uniunii Europene, ca proces, nu este deloc uor de abordat, mai ales pentru c problema definirii Uniunii Europene, adic a naturii sale juridice, nc nu este att de limpede. Cea mai dificil ntrebare cu privire la construcia european rmne Ce este Uniunea European ? ori Ce dorete s fie Uniunea European ? Se tie c Uniunea nu a fost investit de Tratatul de la Maastricht cu personalitate juridic. Proiectul de Constituie pentru Europa ar fi trebuit s fac acest pas, dei nici acest proiect nu oferea o definiie per esentiam a Uniunii Europene. 16 Nici proiectul Tratatului de reform17 nu ofer o astfel de definiie, dei el confer personalitate juridic Uniunii Europene 18 . Definirea Uniunii Europene este dificil, n primul rnd, din cauza caracterului su sui generis, ca si al comunitilor care, n
15 Doc. CIG 1/1/07 REV 1, Bruxelles, 5 octombrie 2007, textul pe http://www.consilium.europa.eu. 16 Titlul I al Proiectului Tratatului de instituire a unei Constituii pentru Europa, dei se intitula Definiia i obiectivele Uniunii, ofer n art.I-1 un text care nu rspundea acestui scop (1)Inspirat de voina cetenilor i a statelor Europei de a-i construi un viitor comun, prezenta Constituie instituie Uniunea European, creia statele membre i atribuie competene pentru atingerea obiectivelor comune. Uniunea coordoneaz politicile statelor membre care au drept scop atingerea acestor obiective i exercit n manier comunitar competenele pe care acestea i le atribuie. (2) Uniunea este deschis tuturor statelor europene care respect valorile sale i care se angajeaz s le promoveze n comun. Eventual, dac adugm i prevederile art.I-2, intitulat Valorile Uniunii, probabil c ne-am forma o imagine mai bun dar fr pretenia unei definiii perfect lmuritoare Uniunea se ntemeiaz pe valorile respectrii demnitii umane, a libertii, democraiei, egalitii, statului de drept, precum i pe respectarea drepturilor omului, inclusiv a drepturilor persoanelor care aparin minoritilor. Aceste valori sunt comune statelor membre ntr-o societate caracterizat prin pluralism, nediscriminare, toleran, justiie, solidaritate i egalitate ntre femei i brbai. 17 Tratatul de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene, doc cit. 18 Ibidem, art.1 (54), noul art. 32 din Tratatul privind Uniunii Europene.

321

reglementarea Tratatului de la Maastricht, reprezint primul su pilon, comuniti care, spre deosebire de Uniune, sunt investite cu personalitate juridic. Este poate i motivul pentru care, n unele opinii, 19 Uniunea European ar fi o entitate, un concept politic, nu unul juridic, deoarece nu substituie Comunitile europene, ci le nglobeaz ntr-un ansamblu mai larg. n opinia noastr, Uniunea European este, mai nti, o entitate independent de statele sale membre i dispune att de competene proprii, ct i de competene pe care le exercit n comun cu statele; n al doilea rnd, Uniunea European este o organizaie internaional, dar una care iese din tiparele organizaiilor clasice, interguvernamentale; prin instituiile sale comunitare, ea este dotat cu competene supranaionale, dispune de o pia unic i de o moned unic (este adevrat, doar pentru 15 state); n al treilea rnd, n domeniul politicii externe i de securitate comun, ca i n domeniul justiiei i afacerilor interne, Uniunea European asigur doar o cooperare interguvernamental, adic una bazat pe plenitudinea suveranitii statelor membre. Prin urmare, Uniunea European ar fi o organizaie internaional hibrid - supranaional i interguvernamental n acelai timp. Practic, Uniunea European s-ar afl undeva ntre modelul unei organizaii interguvernamentale, n care statele i conserv prerogativele suverane, i un model supranaional, n care o parte a competenelor suverane sunt transferate Uniunii, mai precis instituiilor sale Tratat de reform de la Lisabona preia i ntrete aceste exigene ale definirii Uniunii Europene n termenii urmtori: Uniunea respect egalitatea statelor membre n faa tratatelor, precum i identitatea lor naional, inerent structurilor lor fundamentale politice i constituionale, inclusiv n ceea ce privete autonomia local i regional. Aceasta respect funciile eseniale ale statului, n special cele care au ca obiect asigurarea integritii sale teritoriale, meninerea ordinii publice i aprarea securitii naionale. n special, securitatea naional rmne responsabilitatea exclusiv a fiecrui stat membru. i Uniunea respect bogia diversitii sale culturale i lingvistice i

19 De exemplu, Roxana Munteanu, Drept european. Evoluie. Instituii. Ordine juridica, Editura Oscar Print, Bucureti, 1996, p.101

322

vegheaz la protejarea i dezvoltarea patrimoniului cultural european. 20 Ce aduce nou Tratatul de reform i care ar fi aspectele de reform eseniale pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene ? Integrate n proiectul Tratatului privind Uniunea European i cel al Tratatului privind funcionarea Uniunii, care reprezint chiar coninutul Tratatului de reform, elementele de noutate privesc, n principal: stabilirea competenelor Uniunii Europene i delimitarea acestora de cele ale statelor membre; natura specific a politicii externe i de securitate comun; rolul consolidat al parlamentelor naionale; caracterul juridic al Cartei drepturilor fundamentale crearea unui mecanism n domeniul cooperrii judiciare i poliieneti n materie penal, care s permit statelor membre s avanseze n privina unui act specific, dar care s permit, n acelai timp, celorlalte state s nu participe la aceasta. De asemenea, putem observa cu uurin c aspectele asupra crora nu s-a czut de acord n cadrul negocierilor cu privire la Tratatul de modificare sunt semne clare ale ndeprtrii de concepia federalist cu privire la construcia Uniunii Europene. Este vorba n special despre: ambele tratate modificate de noul proiect de Tratat (Tratatul privind Uniunea European i Tratatul privind funcionarea Uniunii) nu au caracter constituional; termenul constituie nu este utilizat; ministrul afacerilor externe al Uniunii se va numi naltul Reprezentant al Uniunii pentru Afaceri Externe i Politica de Securitate; renunarea la denumirile de lege i lege cadru; nicio prevedere din cele dou tratate nu face referiri la simbolurile UE, precum drapelul, imnul sau deviza; supremaia dreptului comunitar nu este preluat ca prevedere expres n tratate, n acest sens adoptndu-se o declaraie a Conferinei interguvernamentale care s reaminteasc jurisprudena existent a Curii de Justiie a Uniunii Europene n aceast materie; rolul consolidat al parlamentelor naionale; respectarea egalitii statelor membre n faa tratatelor, precum i a identitii lor naionale, inerente structurilor lor fundamentale politice i constituionale, inclusiv n ceea ce privete autonomia local si regional; respectarea funciilor eseniale ale statului, inclusiv pe cele care au ca obiect asigurarea integritii sale teritoriale, meninerea ordinii publice i aprarea securitii naionale;
20Tratatul

de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene, doc cit., art.1 (4).

323

securitatea naional rmne responsabilitatea exclusiv a fiecrui stat membru; politica extern i de securitate comun va face obiectul aplicrii unor proceduri specifice, ea fiind definit i pus n aplicare de Consiliul European i de Consiliu hotrnd n unanimitate, cu excepia cazurilor n care exist dispoziii contrare n tratate, adoptarea de acte legislative fiind exclus; Multe aspecte considerate fundamentale pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene vor fi preluate de Tratatul privind Uniunea European i Tratatul privind funcionarea Uniunii, chiar dac asupra unora dintre ele, unele state membre au exprimat rezerve, fie direct, fie mai voalat, n funcie de interesele lor naionale. Este vorba despre: Uniunea European va nlocui i va succede Comunitii Europene iar expresia Comunitate se nlocuiete cu expresia Uniune; Uniunea European dobndete personalitate juridic; instituirea Preediniei permanente, preedintele avnd un mandat de doi ani i jumtate; deciziile se vor lua cu dubl majoritate, conform formulei prevzute nc din tratatul constituional, chiar dac, urmare a insistenelor Poloniei, s-a obinut o prorogare a termenului de aplicare a acestui sistem decizional pn n anul 2014; Carta drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene, chiar dac nu va fi cuprins n tratate, este recunoscut ca avnd aceeai valoare cu tratatele Uniunii Europene; Uniunea European va adera la Convenia european pentru aprarea drepturilor omului i a libertilor fundamentale i va recunoate n continuare drepturile i libertile omului ca avnd valoare de principiu al dreptului comunitar. Deosebit de interesante din perspectiva reformei de la Lisabona sunt i aa-numitele modificri orizontale prevzute de Tratatul privind funcionarea Uniunii Europene, tratat care va nlocui Tratatul Comunitii Europene. 21 Este vorba despre cteva precizri extrem de importante pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene i pentru concepia cu privire la construcia acesteia. Concret, sunt modificri ale textului care nu se rezum doar la chestiuni de form, aa cum pare la o prim vedere, ele avnd conotaii i efecte eseniale pentru ce va fi pe fond Uniunea European. Spre exemplu, cuvintele comunitatea sau Comunitatea European se nlocuiesc cu Uniunea, cuvintele Comunitilor Europene se nlocuiesc cu Uniunii Europene, adjectivul comunitar se
21

Tratatul de modificare a Tratatului privind Uniunea European i a Tratatului de instituire a Comunitii Europene, doc.cit., art.2.

324

nlocuiete cu al Uniunii, cuvintele Consiliul reunit la nivel de efi de stat sau de guvern se nlocuiesc cu Consiliul European, cuvintele piaa comun se nlocuiesc cu piaa intern; cuvintele Statutul Curii de Justiie se nlocuiesc cu Statutul Curii de Justiie a Uniunii Europene etc. Dincolo de situaia oarecum incert, provocat de rezultatul negativ al referendumului din Irlanda, din vara acestui an, considerm c Uniunea European are nevoie de acest tratat, pentru c are nevoie de reform, de adaptare la noile realiti i la noile aspiraii ale statelor membre, ntr-o viziune cu un numr i mai mare de membri, i nu de nc o criz care ar pune un semn imens de ntrebare cu privire la procesul de integrare european. n primul rnd, fr nici un dubiu, dobndind personalitate juridic, Uniunea European va deveni un important actor al scenei internaionale, o voce puternic n domeniul politicii externe i de securitate comun, care se va face auzit n interesul Europei i al statelor sale membre (este posibil ca tocmai acest aspect sa fi deranjat pe unii actori importani ai scenei internaionale, care nu doresc un partener puternic i serios, aa cum se ntrevede a fi Uniunea European n urma acestei posibile reforme 22 ). Mai mult, intrarea n vigoare a Tratatului de la Lisabona n anul 2009, nainte de alegerile
22 Nu este lipsit de logic semnalarea din media recent a acuzelor la adresa CIA i Pentagonului, potrivit crora se pare c acestea au finanat campania din Irlanda mpotriva Tratatului de la Lisabona. De aceea, europarlamentarul german Daniel Cohn-Bendit a depus o declaraie scris la Parlamentul European prin care acesta cere confirmarea relatrii din 18 septembrie din cotidianul Irish Examiner, potrivit cruia omul de afaceri multimilionar Declan Ganley, finanatorul organizaiei Libertas, care a constituit vrful de lance al campaniei mpotriva votrii Tratatului, are interese de afaceri majore n SUA (ziarul Gndul, 29.09.2008). Interesante sunt i relatrile presei din luna iunie 2008, potrivit crora, fostul ambasador american la ONU, John Bolton, ntr-o declaraie fcut la University College din Dublin, invoca nemulumirile Washingtonului fa de Tratatul de la Lisabona tocmai motivele invocate de tabra NU din Irlanda; este vorba despre faptul c tratatul submineaz democraia ntrind puterea instituiilor de la Bruxelles f r a extinde autoritatea cetenilor, despre faptul c tratatul ar putea face NATO redundant dac deschide calea ca UE s-i dezvolte propriile capaciti de aprare, iar statele UE s cread c se pot ocupa de propria aprare, c Irlanda ar fi obligat s-i prseasc politica de strict neutralitate i s participe la o armat european; i toate acestea pe fondul declaraiei ambasadorului rus pe lng UE, Vladimir Chizhov, potrivit cruia odat ce Tratatul de la Lisabona ar fi ratificat i cu o imagine mai clar despre cum este UE organizat, ar fi mai uor de a negocia un pact cu referire la parteneriatul stategic dintre UE i Rusia (ibidem, 25.06.2008).

325

pentru Parlamentul European, va permite ca Uniunea European s devin mai democratic i mai transparent, n care att Parlamentul European, ct i parlamentele naionale vor avea un rol tot mai important, fiind i cele mai legitimate instituii democratice. n acelai timp, avem sperana c Uniunea European va funciona mai performant prin noile reguli simplificate privind procesul decizional i va contribui mai mult i mai bine la construcia unei Europe a drepturilor, libertilor, solidaritii i securitii, asigurnd o mai bun protecie a cetenilor europeni, ntr-un spaiu de libertate, securitate i justiie fr precedent.

326

TRANSNATIONALE ZUSAMMENARBEIT VON HOCHSCHULEN IN MINDERHEITENGEBIETEN ALS INSTRUMENT SICHERHEITSPOLITISCHER KRISENPRVENTION Monica VLAD* Abstract
The study reflects upon the new uncertainty on the right of minorities to self-determination. The classical international law had defined these rights excluding the right to secession. The politics of the great powers, however, showed that the recent crises in Kosovo and Georgia jeopardize the sovereignty states by drawing new borders and encouraging xenophobia and ethnic genocide. Introduced on 1 October at the University of Dresden, this study wants to raise a question mark to the United Europe, which should have delegated an Eastern European state to manage the Georgian crisis, instead of leaving it in the hand of the soft diplomacy of Sarkozy and Merkel. *minorities rights, self-determination, sovereignty, xenophobia, ethnic genocide

Der europische Raum soll grenzenfrei sein, und trotzdem erkennen wir oft Unterschiede zwischen dem alten und dem neuen Europa. Es sind Mentalittsunterschiede, aber auch verschiedene existentielle Intensitten der Hoffnung. Es sind vielfltige Weltanschauungen, sogar entgegengesetzte Meinungen ber Konfliktprvention oder Konfliktlsung, wie der neueste Georgien - Konflikt es leider bewiesen hat. Diese Vielfalt passt eher zu der sprachlichen als zu der juristischen Definition der Minderheit. Die Definition der Minderheit laut Websters Thesaurus the losing side deutet an, dass wir uns alle vielleicht wenigstens einmal im Leben als absolute Minderheit gefhlt haben. Doch bei der juristischen Begriffsbildung stossen Minderheiten auf Ambiguitten, die leicht von den politischen Mchten instrumentalisiert werden knnen. Der Ausdruck selbst ist nicht geeignet, Auskunft ber die besonderen Eigenschaften einer Bevlkerungsgruppe zu geben. 1 Befremdend ist der hohe Grad der Unbestimmtheit der verwendeten Begriffe, zumal es sich um Rechtsbegriffe handelt. Professor Murswiek spricht von der
* 1

Confereniar Dr., Universitatea Romno-German, Sibiu

Substanzielle Unterschiede zwischen Minderheiten und Volksgruppen macht Pernthaler, P., Volksgruppe und Minderheit als Rechtsbegriffe, in: Wittman, F., /Graf Bethlen, St., (Hrsg.), Volksgruppenrecht, 1980, S.9.

327

begriffsprgenden Kraft des Vlkerrechts in dieser Rechtsmaterie, ein Hinweis auf Capotortis U.N. - Standardsdefinition. Statt eine Generaldefinition fr den gesamten vlkerrechtlichen Minderheitenschutz zu kreieren liegt es nher, fr jeden vlkerrechtlichen Vetrag zu bestimmen, auf welche Minderheiten sich die Parteien beziehen. Die Situation der Minderheiten ist so vielschichtig, jede Minderheit so einzigartig, dass man zu recht von einem Kaleidoskop von Einzellagen2 sprechen kann. Eine gemeinsame europischen Identitt erfordert allerdings Konstruktion der erwnschten europischen Wertegemeinschaft, Konsens ber die eindeutigen Begriffe und last but not least Solidaritt. Hier erscheint die Bedeutung der Sprachwissenschaften als besonders prgnant, denn die Frderung der Vielsprachigkeit im vereinten Europa kann wesentlich zu einer systematischen Begriffsklrung in der europischen Rechtsordnung beitragen. In diesem Sinne spielen die Minderheiten eine wichtige Rolle, mit ihrem subjektiven Willen zur Bildung einer besonderen Kulturgemeinschaft. We mehrere Sprachen beherrscht fhlt sich in seiner Identitt nicht bedroht. A propos Klarheit der Begriffe: ich spreche nicht nur von Minderheitenschutz, sondern von Minderheitenthematik oder von Minderheitenproblematik. Heute gibt es in Europa Katalanen, Elssser, Savoyarden, Ladiner, Frieser oder Sorben. Eine Klasifizierung der Minderheiten ist relativ wie der Begriff Minderheit selbst. In den ehemaligen kommunistischen Staaten Osteuropas versuchte man oft, die Probleme durch Segregation zu lsen, was aber nicht funktionieren kann, so wie der Fall des ehemaligen Jugoslawien uns zeigt. In dieser Region gibt es Minderheitenkonflikte, die dem Integrationsprozess auf europischer Ebene das Phnomen der Desintegration entgegensetzt hat: eine von kategorischen ethnischen Konflikten geprgte Region, die in einem verschiedenen Zeitalter lebt. Kategorischer Konflikt bedeutet ein Konflikt, der keine verfassungsrechtliche Lsung hat, der nur durch seine Internationalisierung gemildert und unter Kontrolle gehalten werden kann und der sogar die staatlichen Grenzen sprengt. Die meisten ethnischen Konflikte in Mittel- und Osteuropa sind kategorischer Natur, denn sie sind immer ein Problem der exklusiven Hegemonialherrschaft einer ethnischen Gruppe ber ein Staatsgebiet.

So Wildhaber, L., Menschen und Minderheitenrechte in der modernen Demokratie, 1992, S. 18.

328

Diese brutale Realitt ist ungeheuerlich fr das Vorstellungsvermgen der alteuropischen Welt. Denn der Kernpunkt der Minderheitenproblemathik im Osten ist das politische Problem der Loyalitt der Minderheiten gegenber dem Staat, dessen Staatsbrgerschaft sie besitzen und in dem sie wohnen. Die Normalsituation in der Politik kann unter folgendem Satz zusammengefasst werden: ein Staat kann von seinen Minderheiten erst dann Loyalitt erwarten, wenn er zu ihnen grosszzig ist, bzw. wenn er seinen Minderheiten einen entsprechenden Schutz garantiert. Was heisst aber entsprechender Schutz, und fr welche Minderheiten ? Wie weit kann der Staat den Minderheiten Rechte garantieren, ohne damit in die Rechte der Mehrheit einzugreifen ? Und welcher Staat wrde seine Souvernitt oder seine teritorielle Integritt den Minderheiten zuliebe aufopfern ?? Wer die rumnische Verfassung liest, staunt ber die Wiederholung von Begriffen wie: nationale Sicherheit, Schutz der Integritt Rumniens, offizielle Sprache oder Verteidung des Landes als hchste Pflicht. Die oben zitierten Beispiele sprechen von den kollektiven ngste eines Volkes, die in seinem Grundgesetz verankert wurden: ein Volk, das sich nie im Laufe seiner Geschichte auf die Sicherheit seiner Grenzen verlassen konnte. Ein Beispiel fr autochtone d.h. beheimatete Minderheiten in Rumnien sind die Ungarn und die Siebenbrger Sachsen. Ich werde zu diesem Punkt ausfhrlicher auf die Situation der Sachsen eingehen, denn ihre Identitt als deutsche Minderheit und ihre aktuelle Lage wird durch ihre Beziehung zu Deutschland mitdefiniert. Die Minderheit der Siebenbrger Sachsen bildet schon Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts eine gruppenrechtlich definierte Einheit im Rahmen des damaligen ungarischen Knigreiches. Die Anfnge eines rumnischen Staates gehen auf die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts zurck, und erst im 20. Jahrhundert wird Siebenbrgen ein Teil Rumniens. So hat diese Minderheit als autochton zu gelten und nicht als Gast der Mehrheitsethnie, deren Selbstverstndnis sich auf die Werte der ethnischen Solidaritt beruft. Mit anderen Worten sttzte sich die Bildung des modernen rumnischen Staates auf die Auflsung der Sonderrechte der autochtonen Minderheiten, die von der Mehrheitsnation als Privilegien empfunden wurden. Eine solche geopolitische Situation fhrte zu patologischen Vorstellungen ber das Freund-Feind Verhltnis als Grundkonzept der Politik, unter dessen Definitionsmacht die Minderheiten stets als potentielle Gefahr fr die teritorielle Integritt des Landes betrachtet wurden. Letzere Schlussfolgerung galt besonders fr die Ungarn, nach dem 329

historischen Trauma des Anschlusses Siebenbrgens an Ungarn durch das Diktat von Wien 1940. Die Siebenbrger Sachsen sind durch ihre massive Auswanderung nach Deutschland heute so dezimiert, dass ihre Anzahl negiert werden kann. Ihr eigener Assimilationswille sprach gegen ein mgliches Selbstverstndnis als neue Minderheit in Deutschland, selbst wenn sich der Begriff der Diaspora mit dem Nationalbewusstsein verbindet. Diaspora bedeutet dass die Minderheit keine kompakte Einheit mehr bildet, besonders weil Deutschland selbst die Siebenbrger Sachsen als Deutsche ansieht. Man knnte zugespitzt sagen: die Gegenwart der Siebenbrger Sachsen hat 1791 begonnen und endet 1991. Was nun folgt, ist die noch nicht geborene Zukunft, falls es denn fr die Siebenbrger Sachsen eine solche gibt. Ich mchte gerne folgendes betonen: Wenn es aber eine Zukunft fr die Sachsen gibt, dann gibt es sie erstens nur in Siebenbrgen und zweitens nur unter Voraussetzung neuer Anstze.3 Die modernen Nationalstaaten in Osteuropa entstanden auf Kosten ihrer Nachbarstaaten, bzw. durch wichtige teritorielle Verluste der letzteren. Daher die Schwierigkeiten, in den bilateralen Vertrgen einen realistischen Minderheitenschutz zu artikulieren. In ihrer geopolitischen Auffassung schliesst die Minderheitenproblemathik sogar das Problem der Instabilitt der nationalen Grenzen ein. Eine juristische Atwort auf das Streben nach Eigenstndigkeit der auf dem Territorium eines Staates lebenden Vlkerschaften, die sich durch kulturelle, religise oder politische Merkmale von der Mehrheitsnation unterscheiden wurde im Vlkerrecht folgendermassen zusammengefasst: das Selbstbestimmungsrecht soll trotz historischer Last nicht zu einer Sezession fhren und die staatliche Einheit untergraben. Ungeachtet dessen lehrt die Geschichte, dass langfristig nicht nur die Unterwerfung fremder Vlkerschaften, sondern auch die massive Zuwanderung zu Minderheitenproblemen fhren kann, sofern die Assimilierung oder Integration nicht gelingt. Die Anerkennung der Sonderexistenz einer Gruppe ist noch kein zwingender Grund, auch privilegierte Sonderrechte zu billigen. Diese Grenze des Selbstbestimmungsrechts kein Sezessionsrecht - deutet auf ein mgliches Konfliktmanagement hin, von dem die EU Aussenpolitik in den hufigen Krisen unserer Zeit nicht Gebrauch gemacht hat. In seiner Analyse des russischen Angriffs auf Georgien weist Tom Gallagher auf den Unterschied
3

Philippi, P., Das politische Selbstverstndnis der Sachsen, in: Ki rche und Politik, Band 2, Hora Verlag,2006, S. 45.

330

zwischen dem Brssel-Europa und dem Europa der Nationalstaaten hin: Russland hat sich auf eine Armee von Menschen verlassen knnen, die von einer starken anti-westlichen Ideologie gefhrt sind. Ideal wre es, dass die Ausbildung den Verstand ffnet, den Horizont fr andere Kulturen erweitert und liberale Tugenden erzieht, damit die Leute der Zukunft einen Sinn entwickeln knnen fr die multikulturelle Gesellschaft. Aber der neuliche Konflikt zeigt eine andere Realitt, die wir am liebsten verdrngen mchten: die Anzahl der Brger, die heute chronisch unzufrieden sind ist genauso gross wie in den Zeiten des Kalten Krieges. Dank der Interaktion mit den Universitten der EUMitgliedstaaten gibt es auch viele rumnische Staatsbrger, die sich dieser zynischen Armee der Unzufriedenen anschliessen. In kommunistischen Zeiten sind die Idealisten der Utopie der glnzenden sowjetischen Zivilisation unterfallen. Heute sind es die zynischen Nachfolger dieser Idealisten, denen es als Anhnger der russischen Illusion gleichgltig ist, ob die Machtpositionen von Mafioten besetzt sind, solange diese Mafioten jede Kraft untersttzen, die gegen die USA wirkt. Das anti-westliche Gefhl des Selbsthasses wird durch den Hochschulunterricht genhrt und durch den Bologna-Prozess perfektioniert. Zusammen mit einflussreichen Vertretern der Presse kompensiert diese Ideologie die Schwche des russischen Militrs mit Erfolg.4 , so Tom Gallagher weiter. Was mssen wir aus der Georgien Krise lernen, in Hinsicht auf alle potentiellen Konflikte unseres geteilten Europa ? Durch den Angriff auf Georgien hat Russland einen Przedenz Fall bestimmt, dessen Botschaft der Glaube Moskaus in die Anwendung der Gewalt ist, wenn es um die Verteidigung der russischen Minderheiten ausserhalb der russischen Grenzen geht. Die diplomatische Antwort der E.U. war eine symbolische Ohrfeige, mit der Schlussfolgerung, dass diese Aktion unbestraft bleiben wird. Wenn Europa wirklich ein effizientes leadership beweisen wollte, dann htte die EU die Georgien-Krise lieber einem Staat aus Mittel- oder Osteuropa berlassen sollen, und dessen Krisen-management vertrauen sollen, denn diese Staaten verstehen die Region besser 5 und wissen, welche die Ambitionen Russlands in der sogenannten nahen Fremde sind.

4 5

Tom Gallagher, Europa divizata, Revista 22, Nr. 37, 2008, S.12. Sally McNamara, O Uniune Europeana complet ineficienta, in: Revista 22, Nr. 38, 2008, S. 11.

331

Russland darf nicht ber neue Grenzen in Europa entscheiden! In dieser Hinsicht war die Deklaration der Prsidenten der Baltischen Staaten und Polens fundamental verschieden von der hipersoft Diplomatie Frankreichs und Deutschlands. Genau in diesem geteilten Europa (die ehemaligen kommunistischen und die skandinawischen Staaten einerseits und Kontinentaleuropa andererseits) erscheint das Wissen ber die Bedeutung der Minderheiten in Europa wichtiger denn je. Die Erziehung als kultureller Faktor ist vital fr den Frieden des Kontinents, fr die akzeptierte Multikulturalitt in den Sinne von Charles Taylors Politics of Recognition. Gegenstand der Verfassungslehre auch in internationalen Sommeruniversitten entfaltet sind Vorlesungen ber die Integration in den politischen Willen der Nation, die auch Pflicht der Minderheiten ist, denn die Staatsangehrigeit schafft nicht nur Rechte, sondern auch Pflichten, von denen die Loyalittspflicht die wichtigste ist. Die Lage des demokratischen Verfassungsstaates kann nur aufrechtgehalten werden, wenn es gelingt, trotz widerstrebender Krfte die Einheit der Nation zu erhalten. In prekren Demokratien, wie heute Rumnien, aber auch osteuropische Staaten allgemein sind Minderheiten realistisch eher als Schicksalsgemeinschaften zu definieren. Denn die Annahme, dass die neuen Verfassungen in diesen Staaten eher als Instrumente der Politik dienen und nicht als Grenzen der Macht konzipiert sind ist in den befestigten Demokratien schwer zu akzeptieren. Die Minderheiten des unzerteilbaren Nationalstaates Rumnien lebten oft in heftiger Opposition gegen die Mehrheitsbevlkerung. Das lag an den Hegemonialbestrebungen der Mehrheit, die mit Hilfe der Zentralregierung die Minderheiten kulturell unterdrckte. In dem Kontekt dieser geopolitischen Unsicherheit wurden Minderheitenrechte nicht als allgemeine Menschenrechte angesehen, selbst wenn im Zusammenhang mit einzelnen fundamentalen Rechten von Minderheiten stets auch auf ihre Qualitt als Menschenrecht hingewiesen wird. Mit einer solchen Mentalitt und Realitt im Bereich Minderheitenthematik ist Rumnien E.U.-Mitgliedstaat geworden. Die Menschenwrde ist zwar das Leitmotiv beim Entwurf der neuen Verfassung Rumniens gewesen, aber eine Debatte fr Studenten der Mehrheits- oder der Minderheitbevlkerungen ber die Bedeutung der Menschenwrde fr die metajuristischen Grundlagen der Rechtswissenschaft gibt es in den akademischen Kreisen nicht. Trotz dem Wort fr Wort Einschreiben der einschlgigen Deklarationen der Vereinten Nationen oder des Europarats in die 332

rumnische Verfassung sollte man sich nicht Illusionen machen, der Export westlich geprgter Verfassungsmodelle trge zur Etablierung der liberalen Rechtsstaatlichkeit und zur parlamentarischen Demokratie bei. Wesentliches hat sich jedoch gendert: seit dem E.U.-Beitritt erfreut sich Rumnien zum ersten Mal in seiner Geschichte der viel ersehnten Grenzsicherheit. Die gesetzliche Anerkennung der nationalen Minderheiten, die Sondergesetzte zum Schutz der Identitt dieser Minderheiten, deren parlamentarische Vertretung, die Teilnahme der Minderheitenorganisationen an der Regierung in der Form von shared government sind die daraus abgeleiteten, wichtigen Fortschritte, worber wir heute sprechen knnen. Diese wurden aber nicht nur dank der neuen geopolitischen Sicherheitsgarantien erreicht, sondern auch als Resultat des internationalen Integrationdruckes. Wir sprechen in unserem Wunschdenken oft ber Europa als unsere gemeinsame Heimat. Aber wer mchte heute fr die Europische Union sterben, so wie man einst fr sein Vaterland sein Leben liess ? Solche und hnliche Fragen sind Themen der Untersuchungsthemen fr Abschluss- und Matserstudienarbeiten. Der Paradigmawechsel der Postmoderne zwingt uns zum Bezweifeln der Konzepte, sogar zur Frage nach der Definitionsmacht des Verfassungspatriotismus. Minderheiten gibt es, seit es Mehrheiten gibt, nmlich Mehrheiten als eine politische Qualitt, als einen politischen Mehrwert. In der Minderzahl waren viele der autochtonen Minderheiten wohl schon Jahrhunderte vorher. Aber das spielte keine politische Rolle, weil Mehrheit im staatsrechtlichen Bereich keinen Mehrwert darstellte und die Minderzahl keinen Minderwert. Die Qualitt einer Gruppenexistenz wurde durch Rechte gesichert, die der Gruppe zugemessen und zuerkannt waren, und zwar unabhngig von deren Zahl. Heute ist das anders, besonders seit es Nationalstaaten gibt, nmlich Nationalstaaten einer Titularnation ethnischen Selbstverstndnisses. Rumnien ist ein solcher Nationalstaat, genauso wie viele andere auf dem Balkan. Selbst wenn Minderheitengruppen lter sind als das Staatsgebilde, dem sie heute gehren, werden sie in der Realpolitik als Gste der Mehrheitsethnie angesehen. In diesem Nationalbewusstsein bleibt wenig Sonnenschein fr die Minderheiten brig, selbst wenn es um autochtone Minderheiten geht. Diese Realitten haben in der akademischen Forschung zu der Theorie der Krise des Nationalstaates gefhrt, mit der entsprechenden Suche nach alternativen Lsungen fr die Minderheiten. Im Bereich der 333

Zusammenarbeit zwischen Universitten gibt es in Rumnien zahlreiche Programme, die traditionelle Denkmodelle beeinflussen und neue Gemeinschaftsvorstellungen schaffen. Rumnien war ein isoliertes Land, dessen Brger fr ein geschlossenes, fremdenfeindliches System vorbereitet wurden. Heute sieht die sozial-politische Realitt ganz anders aus: es gibt 19 Universittsstdte und 72 Universitten, fr eine Bevlkerung von 20 Millionen Brger. Die Babes Bolyai Universitt in Klausenburg, z.B. hatte 2005-2006 an 11 Fakultten 13 Bachelor und 3 Masterstudiengnge in deutscher Sprache, an fast allen Hochschulen gab und gibt es Studiengnge in ungarischer Sprache und viele Partnerschaften mit deutschen, bzw. ungarischen Universitten. Die Universitt hat 45.000 Studenten. Ein zweite relativ grosse Universitt mit Austauschprogrammen fr die Minderheiten ist Hermannstadt/Sibiu, wo Partnerschaften mit der Universitt Tbingen, Graz und Marburg bestehen. In Rumnien existieren sowohl staatliche, als auch private Universitten. In den staatlichen gibt es 457.259 Studenten, wovon 25.544 Minderheiten sind (5,58%). Von diesen Minderheiten sind 21.259 Ungarn und 1.533 Deutsche. Im Privatsystem gibt es 139.038 Studenten, von denen 5.140 den Minderheiten gehren, bzw. 4.503 Ungarn und 348 Deutsche. Andere Minderheiten erheben sich zu 289 Studenten. In dem Bereich des privaten Unterrichts soll die Sapientia Universitt in Klausenburg erwhnt werden, die zahlreiche Lehrgnge in ungarischer und englischer Sprache aufgebaut hat. Diese Universitt hat den Hauptsitz in Klausenburg und mehrere Stellen in den Gebieten mit ungarischer Mehrheit. Die ungarische Regierung finanziert diese privaten Hochschulen mit 10.000 Euro pro Jahr. Die Universitt Constanta an der Schwarzen Meer Kste hat komplete Studiengnge in englischer Sprache bei der Medizinischen Fakultt. Der Dozenten- und Professoren Austausch ist besonders erfolgreich fr das Beeinflussen der diskriminatorischen Praxis und des Provinzialismus in dem Umgehen mit den anderen. In Miercurea Cicu gibt es z.B. eine Gesellschaft der ungarischrumnischen Freundschaft, zu deren Netzwerk Universittsprofessoren gehren. Probleme wie die durch die separate Schulen entstandene Segregation und das Investitionsrisiko in diesen Gebieten wegen dem Konfliktpotential wurden offen angesprochen. Besonders prgnant sind in Rumnien die ungarische Minderheit und die Gemeinschaften der Roma, denn diese beiden Volksgruppen sind die zahlreichsten. Die transnationale 334

Zusammenarbeit von Hochschulen in diesen Minderheitengebieten hat sich ganz positiv erwiesen. So ist das Programm fr die RomaAngehrigen ein Erfolg, denn vor 1989 gab es kaum Mglichkeiten fr diese ausgestossene Ethnie ein Universittsstudium zu besuchen: alles hing von der finanziellen Kraft der Eltern ab, private Professoren zu bezahlen, welche die Kandidaten fr die Aufnahmeprfung vorbereiteten und von dem Prestige des absolvierten Gymnasiums. Heute hat sich dank des auf positiver Diskriminierung beruhenden Unterrichtsprogramms schon eine Roma-Elite gebildet, die den Beginn des Integrationsprozesses dieser Gemeinschaften sein knnte. Seit 1998 gibt es in Rumnien spezielle Pltze fr die Roma an den Hochschulen, d.h. der Wettbewerb findet exklusiv zwischen den Angehrigen der RomaGemeinschaften ab. Seit sich kompakte Gruppen von Studierenden gebildet haben 15 Roma bei der Universitt Iasi sind kognitive Konflikte berwunden worden, haben ffentliche Debatten stattgefunden, die den Zugang der Roma zu der Elite der Gesellschaft geklrt haben. Der Wunsch dieser Brger, sich Wissen anzueignen ist in vielen Fllen bewundernswert, sowie ihre entschlossene Ablehnung der Privilegien im Unterricht. Diese massive nderung ist nur durch die offenen Grenzen mglich geworden, durch den Dialog mit Studenten aus anderen Lndern der E.U. Allerdings bleibt der Diskurs ber die Minderheiten prekr und es fehlt der politische Wille fr deren Frderung. In Rumnien erklrt sich 90% der Bevlkerung als ethnisch rumnisch. Es gibt aber auch eine Jahrhundert lange Erfahrung des multiethnischen Zusammenlebens. 20 Minderheiten sind heute offiziell von dem rumnischen Staat anerkannt und knnen demzufolge von der Gesetzgebung gegen die Diskriminierung Nutzen machen. Wichtig ist die parlamentarische Vertretung der Minderheiten einen ex officio Sitz in der Abgeordnetenkammer fr jede Organisation, die eine Minderheit vertritt und die Gesetzgebung zur Rckgabe der whrend dem kommunistischen Regimes nationalisierten Gtern der Minderheiten. Auf vlkerrechtlicher Ebene hat Rumnien bilaterale Vertrge mit den Nachbarstaaten abgeschlossen, die auch die Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Hochschulen regeln. In diesem Zusammenhang haben die Schler rumnischer Abstammung, die in der Timok Region in Ostserbien leben, das Land besucht. Diese Minderheit wurde als eine europische, gefhrdete Minderheit beim Europarat beschrieben und zwangslufig als besonders schutzbedrftig. In Europa existieren Minderheiten, die nach willkrlicher Grenzziehung zu Unruheherden geworden sind, solange nicht durch 335

Vertrge und anschliessende Gesetzesgebung ein grosszgiger Minderheitenschutz erreicht werden kann. Die Aufgabe der Rechtsschpfung in dieser Hinsicht sollte Juristen berlassen werden, die an pan-europisch gestimmten Universitten ausgebildet werden und sich selbst als Weltbrger betrachten. Rumnien ist heute das neue Grenzgebiet der E.U. Die geopolitischen Begriffe der staatlich - strategischen Sicherheit haben sich gendert, autochtone Minderheiten -wie z.B. die Siebenbrger Sachsensind massiv nach Deutschland ausgewandert und neue Volksgruppen aus Asien sind auf dem Hoheitsgebiet des Landes angekommen. Es gibt schon in Rumnien Gemeinschaften der Araber, der Chinesen oder der Kurden. Wenn man diesbezglich die Erfahrung der befestigten Demokratien in Betracht zieht stellt sich in Zukunft auch fr Rumnien die Frage, inwiefern der Diskriminierungsschutz auch fr eingebrgerte Immigranten und fr Auslnder greift. Gefordert soll dementsprechend nicht nur die Gleichstellung der Angehrigen der Minderheit sein, sondern einerseits die Integration der neuen Volksgruppen und Immigranten, und andererseits die gezielten Frderungsmassnahmen auf solche Weise, dass dadurch die Mehrheitsbevlkerung nicht diskriminiert wird (laut rumnische Verfassung). Mit der Bedeutung der Sprachen hat dieser Vortrag begonnen. So soll er auch schliessen. Christoph Pan spricht sein Besorgnis ber das weltweite Sprachsterben aus. Angeblich sind mehr als 60% aller Sprachen dieser Welt vom Aussterben bedroht, womit ein Stck Weltkultur verloren gehen wird so die Diskussion am Weltkongress zur Syntax der Sprachen in Leipzig, 2004. Die Frage ist, ob diese weltweite Krise auch Europa bedroht, denn mit dem Aussterben der Sprache stirbt auch die Volksgruppe aus, besonders die am meisten schutzbedrftige. Die kleine Sprechzahl der Sprache ist das gsste Risiko: je kleiner eine Sprache, desto grsser das Risiko, von einer grsseren Sprache verdngt zu werden. Wir alle wohnen nicht in unseren Lndern, sondern in unseren Sprachen. So viele Sprachen, wie ich kann, ber so viele Zugnge zur Welt verfge ich. Der transnationale Unterricht der Sprachwissenschaften ist die wichtigste Krisenprvention. Die Hochschulen profitieren am meisten von der europischen Integration, wenn die Bedeutung der Sprachen und des Unterrichts der Sprachwissenschaften in ihrer Grsse realistisch ergriffen wrde. Denn Kriege und Konflikte sind wegen Missverstndnissen und fehlerhaften bersetzungen entstanden.
Sprache ist die eigentliche Heimat.

336

Recenzii i note de lectur

Church state relations in communist and post communist Romania (Relaia stat biseric in Romnia comunist i post comunist) Cristian Vasile, Intre Vatican si Kremlin Biserica Greco-Catolica in timpul regimului comunist, (Between Vatican and Kremlin. The GreekCatholic Church during the communist regime), Bucharest: Curtea Veche, 2004. Cristian Vasile, Biserica Ortodoxa Romana in primul deceniu comunist (The Romanian Orthodox Church in the first communist decade), Bucharest: CurteaVeche, 2005. Lavinia Stan, Lucian Turcescu, Religion and Politics in PostCommunist Romania, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007 Writing the history of the relationship between the communist state and the church in 20th century Romania is subject to a difficult context. First there is no historiographical school devoted to the study of the state church relationship that would be capable to train the specialists. The theology departments in the Romanian Universities inherited the church history departments of the communist period when this track in the theological institutes was subjected to severe restrictions. The curriculum in the church history departments is unchanged and little time is devoted to the life of the church in communism. Then there is reticence on the part of the researcher, usually trained in the History Departments of the University, to enter this subject, since it invariably leads to a controversial public debate on the Church behavior during the communist regime. Several researches have surfaced though on the subject. They all pay tribute to a controversial access to archival material, crucial to understanding the context and even the relation between the state and the religious denominations. Both sides have been extremely reticent in allowing the researchers access into their archives, less the state institutions that dealt with the religious denominations and more the denominations. This has impaired research and favored some themes over others (research on the Greek Catholic Church for instance). On the other hand we have an obsession towards the institutional history of the church (where church is mistook for its hierarchical body) and less an interest for social history, rarely a look into local history, microhistory. Motivated by a fascination for facile revelations these works bare tribute to a market that thrives on

337

sensational, and on conspiracy theories. This thrive is perpetuated through works that limit historical research to uncovering documents that can shock the public. With little to no comment by the author these archival materials are rarely integrated in larger research structures, left bare in the public space, with chaotic responses from the public they were directed towards (see the incident on the homosexuality of the current Patriarch, the involvement in the fascist movement of various hierarchs, the collaboration with the communists of various church personalities this hardly restricted to the Romanian Orthodox Church). Few historians have managed to professionally look into this subject. One of the most interesting results is the book Between Vatican and Kremlin. A history of the Greek Catholic Church in communist Romania written by Cristian Vasile this book is important for several reasons. First it has a question and a hypothesis. Then this hypothesis is tested comparatively on the situation of the Greek Catholic Churches in the communist East Central Europe. Third it involves thorough archival research, oral interviews and a vast secondary literature. And forth it involved the author personally. All through the book that speaks of the repeated efforts made by the Greek Catholic Church to avoid its complete disappearance during communism, opposing the regime and the Romanian Orthodox Church, fighting from the underground against the forced unification with the Romanian Orthodox Church, one sees the author militantly advocating the Greek Catholic cause. He makes sure to tell the reader that he is an Orthodox writing about Greek Catholics, carefully building the story within Characterized by an attachment to documents the historiography on the church state relations in communist Romania is devoid of analysis and interpretations. The few exceptions that indeed make the transition for being merely commentaries of documents belong again to Cristian Vasile (Biserica Ortodox Romn) and to professor Ovidiu Bozgan with his studies of the relations with the Vatican of the Romanian state. 1 Several studies surfaced abroad belonging to the young researcher Lucian Leutean integrating the history of the Romanian Orthodox Church 2 into a larger historiographical and theoretical framework.

Ovidiu Bozgan, Romania versus Vatican, Persecutia Bisericii Catolice din Romania comunista in lumina documentelor diplomatice franceze Bucharest: Editura Sylvi, 2000; Cronica unui eec previzibil. Romnia i Sfntul Scaun n epoca pontificatului lui Paul al VIlea, (Bucureti: Curtea Veche, 2005) 2 See for instance Lucian Leutean, Constructing communism in the Romanian Peoples Republic. Orthodoxy and State, 1948-49, in Europe-Asia Studies, 59:2, pp. 303-329; Theres no longer spring in Romania, it is all propaganda: Orthodoxy and sovietisation, 1950-52, in Religion, State and Society, 35:1, pp. 43-68; The Political Control of Orthodoxy in the Construction of the Romanian State, 1859 1918, in European History Quarterly, 2007, 37, pp. 61-80.
1

338

Even fewer projects are dedicated to the post communist situation of the religious denominations and the influences their recent pasts had upon their functioning. One such endeavor is of the two professors Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu. A political scientist and a theologian with specialization in transitional politics, Romanian history and church history the two experts put together a book on the state and church relationship in post communist Romania. Faithful to the idea that the way this relationship is constructed in post-communism relates extensively to the recent pasts the authors placed it in a rich historical context and traced contemporary positions of the church hierarchy to specific historical insights. The book had a cold reception in Romania where several articles and reviews challenged it in several points. While the book could have used from a comparative framework that would have taken the subject out of exceptionalism the negative reception constitutes a trend, most of the research projects and books on the subject benefiting from similar reviews. The subject is regarded as controversial and is prone to provoke intense debates. Anca incan

Daniel Daianu, Southeast Europe and the world we live in, Editura Academiei Romane, Bucureti, 2008, 200 p. Daniel Daianu is a well-known specialist in economics and European studies, with practical experience (as former Minister of Finances and Member of European Parliament). Now, Daniel Daianu presents us a very consistent book, which analyses the economic challenges of EU enlargement with the countries in Central and Southeast Europe. In this book are included articles published between 2002 and 2007 in the "Southeast European Times" magazine. The book is structured in 4 parts: 1. The world we live in, 2. Which way goes the European Union, 3. Romania's journey to the EU, 4. The Balkans and the EU. The author is a strong supporter of the adhesion of the 12 new member states in 2004 and 2007 and also of the Western Balkan states. He considers the enlargement process to be a necessity in the context of globalization. He states that EU should continue the enlargement process in order to remain competitive with the other global powers: USA, Japan, China, India etc. Daniel Daianu considers that EU is affected by a crisis caused by: the shock produced by globalization and new technologies, growing

339

competitive pressure, an ageing population, falling birth-rates, a crisis of the welfare state, immigration, and "a certain institutional sclerosis". All this are fundamental problems that affect the European society and have little to do with enlargement, thus the tendency to blame the peoples of new member states is a misperception. The author considers that the failure of the Constitutional project reflects a schism between the political elites and the population at large. In front of this political and socio-economic crisis, the European political elite must find and apply adequate solutions. He emphasizes the need for major structural reforms - as set out by the updated Lisbon Agenda, for programmes meant to combat the low productivity and economic stagnation witnessed in the EU and focused on growth, job creation and support for Research and Development as well as the reform of the welfare state. The key to long term growth is the production of higher valueadded products and services and this will require a substantial focus on education, the expansion of the latest information and communication technologies. Daniel Daianu also underlines the importance of encouraging "lifelong learning" programmes. These objectives must be followed by the new ember states too, in parallel with their own projects: the development of infrastructure and administration, the ability to absorb structural funds. All this being said, now, in 2008 we must acknowledge that the objectives on the Lisbon Agenda have been only partially fulfilled. There is a need for a strong vision and creativity to conceive the future strategies of EU and more efficiency and democratic legitimacy of the EU institutions. I believe that we need a Stronger and Wider European Union that should become a Europe of results. Simion Costea

Paul R. Viotti, Mark V. Kauppi, coord., International Relations Theory, Realism, Pluralism, Globalism, and Beyond, Third Edition, Allyn and Bacon, Longman Publisher, 509 p. Volumul de fa este n primul rnd un instrument util de lucru, celor care sunt interesai de evoluia sistemului internaional, att n teorie ct i n practic. Organizat pe seciuni i nsoit de fragmente variate menite s ofere argumente n plus, volumul are menirea de a oferi o analiz atent i evaluare a ipotezelor care stau la baza construciei n teoriile relaiilor internaionale, care influeneaz poziiile academic n acest domeniu. Cele ase capitol au menirea de a

340

crea o imagine complet, fiecare devenind un instrument eficient. Eficiente sunt lecturile cheie propuse la finalul fiecrui capitol, fragmente care acoper o gama variat de autori si orientri, de la Tucidide, Grotius, Machiavelli, Hobbes sau Kant pn la R. Keohane sau Holsti. Autorii volumului i-au propus 5 obiective majore: 1. S dezbat i s ilustreze nelesul conceptului de teorie i de ce teoretizarea este un demers important; 2. S analizeze i s fundamenteze ipotezele care stau la baza muncii studentului n relaii internaionale; 3. S ofere n cele 6 capitole i lecturi propuse nu o lista exhaustiv ci mai degrab mostre reprezentative ale demersului teoretic; 4. S introduc cititorului concept cheie utilizate n cmpul relaiilor internaionale, concept prezentate i n glosarul aflat la finalul crii, extins n cazul ediiei de fa; 5. S ncurajeze cititorul n a analiza critic lucrrile teoretice i conceptuale. Ediia a treia a lucrrii sufer i o modificare a titlului Realism, Pluralism, Globalism, and Beyond, ca o recunoatere a imposibilitii de a categorisi lucrrile mai recente n cele trei diviziuni enunate anterior. Primul capitol are menirea de a ne introduce n subiect, de a stabili care este teoria, actorii majori i ipotezele de lucru. De asemenea ne este oferit i o analiz specific sub aspectele tiinifice ale nelegerii. Capitolul al doilea Realism: statul, puterea i balana puterii ne face introducerea n subiectul vizat prin apelul la precursorii curentului i influena acestora n construcia teoriei. Pentru un realist statul este principalul actor, iar studierea relaiilor internaionale se focuseaz pe aceast unitate, construciilor organizaionale nonstatale fiindu-le conferite o importan mai mic. Dac statele sunt actori raionali aa cum presupun realitii, cum sunt luate deciziile sau care sunt limitele, sunt doar cteva dintre informaiile oferite. Cel de-al treilea capitol Pluralismul: Luarea deciziei, transnaionalismul i interdependena, ne introduce ipotezele i actorii majori, nelipsind nici de aceast dat scurta prezentare a precursorilor i influenei acestora. Imaginea pluralist a relaiilor internaionale ( privit i n termeni de liberalism) se bazeaz pe patru nivele de asumie actorii nonstatali sunt entiti importante n politica mondial, statul nu este un actor unitar, ( compus din indivizi, grupuri de interes, birocraie), conceptual de stat ca i actor raional este pus sub semnul ntrebrii, i nu n cele din urm, agenda politicii internaionale este una mai degrab extensiv. Capitolul patru Globalism: dependen i sistemul mondial capitalis se concentreaz asupra unei ntrebri De ce attea ri din Lumea a treia, din America Latin, Africa sau Asia nu au fost capabile s se dezvolte. Pentru unii teoreticieni aceast problem reprezint o parte a unui efort mai larg de a construi o teorie a dezvoltrii lumii

341

capitaliste. Evident, din punctul de vedere al globalitilor, trebuie s nelegem contextual global n care statul i alte entiti interacioneaz. nelegerea structurii sistemului este posibil prin urmrirea evoluiei istorice, iar mecanismele de dominaie sunt ct se poate de reale, ele pot fi analizate prin intermediul mecanismelor de dependen i a relaiilor dintre statele industrializate i vecinii lor sraci. Ultima ipotez de baz n construcia globalitilor este cea potrivit creia factorul economic este unul critic n explicarea evoluiei i funcionrii sistemului capitalist. Globalitii par s mpart anumite puncte de vedere commune cu susintorii celorlalte dou perspective. Capitolul 5 Considerente normative i teoria relaiilor internaionale este dedicat valorilor, criteriilor alternative sau mai bines spus dilemei morale. ntre etica kantian - individul are liberul arbitru s aleag calea corect moral i scrierile lui Jeremy Bentham sau Stuart Mill societatea este corect ordonat dac instituiile sale majore pot atinge o balan net a satisfaciei sau mai bine spus subordonnd principiului utilitarismului, cititorul gsete abordri cel puin interesante i bine argumentate. Justiia, rzboiul, drepturile omului sau imaginile alternative i alegerile n politica extern, completeaz lista subiectelor tratate n acest capitol. Ultimul capitol Viitorul teoriei relaiilor internaionale: Spre o nou sintez ne propune nu o concluzie propriu-zis ci mai bine spus o deschidere spre ceea ce pate devin teoria relaiilor internaionale. Articolele propuse Anarchy is what tates Make of It, Turbulent Change contureaz o dat n plus provocrile actuale. Aa cum am precizat deja, volumul de fa se bucur i de un glosar extins fa de ediiile precedente, instrument util att n lectura volumul de fa ct i n studiul relaiilor internaionale, chiar dac anumite idei sau fraze cheie discutate n volum lipsesc din index. Putem concluziona aadar c volumul ofer o bun analiz comparat a teoriei relaiilor internaionale, fiindu-ne oferite caracterizri dar i avantajele i dezavantajele pentru fiecare categorie. Prezena, dup fiecare seciune, a lecturilor cheie ajut la clarificarea oricrei nenelegeri dar i pentru a oferi cea mai bun perspectiv asupra fiecrei teorii. Coordonatorii acestui volum au avut inspiraia de a accentua aspectele obligatorii n cunoaterea teoriei relaiilor internaionale, dar au manifestat i deschidere fa de evoluiile actuale i problematica deschis n reinterpretarea teoriilor. Chiar dac pe alocuri lectura poate devin uor dificil, mai ales pentru cei care se afl pe treapta introducerii n acest subiect, volumul este unul util att celor interesai de teoriile sistemului internaional. Ct mai ales studenilor din acest domeniu. Lucian Sclean

342

Coordonator: Sorin Antohi, Modernism si antimodernism: noi perspective interdisciplinare, Editura Cuvntul, Bucureti 2008, 240 p. n Cuvnt nainte Sorin Antohi scrie: Cioran scria n Schimbarea la fa a Romniei c "Romnia este fructul unei pasiuni moderniste"(p.8), pasiune mprtit de autorii textelor din acest volum, pentru ceea ce astzi numim sintetic modernism i antimodernism. Cuprinznd opt lucrri i tot atia autori, volumul coordonat de Antohi ne deschide apetitul n relansarea dezbaterii asupra modernismului i antitezei sale i alturndu-ne astfel unor proiecte mai largi de factura regional i global. Unghiurile neateptate de abordare, vioiciunea textului, nu fac dect s ne confirme alegerea fcut cu acest volum colectiv. De la primitivism, la fascism, populism, ideologii periferice sau cazul romnesc, tot attea subiecte se deschid cititorilor. n privitivismul i modernismul, Hayden White trateaz relaia dintre cele dou noiuni, plecnd de la afirmaia istoricului cultural Vita Fortunati ce susine ciclicitatea fenomenul modernist i relaia existent ntre privitivism i modernism, considernd c modernismul nu e ctui de puin doar un fenomen modern..., ci este la fel de vechi ca efortul Sf. Pavel de a moderniza iudaismul cretinat. Teza lui Hayden prinde contur n jurul ideii modernismul i privitivismul sunt dou elemente ntr-o structur a a temporalitii relaia dintre cele dou realiti fiind una complex i de multe ori paradoxal. Comarul sau melancolia sunt atributele unei ntregi generaii, anacronismul fiind contientizat de modernitii literari de la nceputul secolului al XX-lea. Mai mult, la unii modernismul este el nsui un fel de privitivism rennoirea culturii nefiind legat de paradigme din trecut. Exemplele oferite, The wastw Land sau Gerontion al lui Eliot, Mrs Dallowaya Virginiei Woolf (p.25) sunt relevante sub aceste aspecte. A doua lucrare prezent n volum i semnat tot de White, Modernismul american, postmodernismul si avangarda este o veritabil genealogie a postmodernismului american. Principala realizare a modernismului artistic, n viziunea autorului este distrugerea distinciei dintre form i coninut cu implicaii asupra distinciei dintre forma i coninutul operei de art. Roger Griffin n Modernitate, modernism i fascism, ne propune o lectur dens, propunndu-ne o teorie nou, nscriind fascismul n modernism. Fiind o preocupare mai veche a lui Griffin i avnd ca antemergtori pe Peter Fritzsche sau pe Walter Benjamin, interpretarea propus este una sinoptic. ntre modernismul epifanic i cel programatic, intre modernitatea creativ dar interiorizat i acea modernitate ce acioneaz ca o contra micare n raport cu modernitatea vzut ca decaden, cititorul va observa un grani neclar. Revenind la fascism ca form a modernismului politic, afirmaia este susinut n baza aspiraiei de renatere social,

343

naional bazate pe o filosofie vitalist(p56).. Mai mult, filosoful neomarxist Peter Osborn afirm fascismul este o form deosebit de radical de revoluie conservatoare, afirmnd temporalitatea noului(p.66) i deci nscriindu-se ntr-o form de modernism politic. Trecnd la articolul lui Jrn Rsen Studiile istorice ntre modernitate i postmodernitate intrm pe un teritoriu dihotomic ntre atitudinile moderniste i cele postmoderniste. mprit n ase pri care trateaz pe rnd noile provocri la adresa studiilor istorice, logica acestora, stadiile modernizrii n studiile istorice, critica postmodern a studiilor istorice, elementele istoriografiei, respectiv modalitile de echilibrare a elementelor moderniste i postmoderniste n istoriografia i studiile istorice actuale, articolul lui Rsen ne conduce prin labirintul interaciunii elementelor moderniste i postmoderniste n studiile ultimelor trei decenii. Nu a insista mai mult asupra articolului de fa, ns a aminti caracteristica modernismului n viziunea autorului, i anume tendina general de raionalizare. Manifestat n trei valuri luminismul, istorismul sec. Al XIX-lea, respectiv impulsul spre raionalizare care a dat natere studiilor istorice moderne. Trecnd la critica postmodernist, elemente ale acesteia le gsim spre sfritul sec. al XVIII-lea i nceputul sec. XIX. Caracteristica ei e radicalitatea, criticnd elementele eseniale care definesc gndirea istoric modern: conceptul de istorie i conceptul de metod. Rspunsul criticii, sau mai bine zis oferta postmodernist: orientarea prin imaginaie(p.8587). Concluzia? Nu exist un sfrit al istoriei. Din volumul coordonat de Antohi nu putea s lipseasc cazul romnesc. Articolul lui Sorin Alexandrescu Modernism i antimodernism. Din nou cazul Romnesc veteran al temei, regndete modernismul i antimodernismul n lumina unor lucrri i teorii mai recente. Viziunea lui Lovinescu privind modernitatea european i implicit a romnilor vine n contradicie cu tonul sumbru(p.105) al anilor 30, Europa lovit de criz i ameninat de un nou rzboi. Demersul spre o definiie este unul complex, incluznd aici agenii modernitii: stat, naionalism, societate. Cum difer modernitatea romneasc n secolul al XIX-lea fa de secolul XX, sau care sunt elementele lor comune, i gsesc rspunsul n paginile articolului. Noi ne ndreptm atenia spre concluziile autorului: epoca interbelic este caracterizat de existena mai multor blocuri (p.150) modernizator liberal, modernizator agrarian, tradiionalist i antimodernist, un bloc antimodern, simultan antitradiionalist i antimodernist, unul extremist de dreapta i unul extremist de stnga. Pentru a conchide folosim tot concluzia autorului: nu a existat n Romnia interbelic un conflict ntre moderniti i tradiionaliti ci ci mai multe tipuri de conflicte dintre diferite tipuri de moderniti.(p.151) Liviu Antonesei n Modernizrile romneti, populismul i demagogia, reia subiectul unui studiu anterior propunndu-ne

344

explicaia ratrii modernizrii Romniei dar i posibile soluii. Superficialitatea demersului modernist nu a fost depit n Romnia, n ciuda deschiderii populaiei spre tot ceea ce ine de modernitate. ncercnd, din nou i din nou, gsim elemente comune, aceai logic complet nemodern, (p.165) Parcurgnd acelai drum al demagogiei. Poteniala soluie? Educaia civic. n articolul De la preistoria teoriei modernizrii la istoria ideologiilor periferice, Victor Rizescu ne poart din nou spre perioada interbelic, oferindu-ne o imagine alternativ. Pornind de la lucrrile lui Chirot i Bdescu, descoperim dup o examinare atent o alt topografie a spaiului intelectual romnesc (p.196), cultura critic a acestui spaiu. ncheiem cu Valentin Sndulescu i eseul su Modernism i fascism: repere ale unei evoluii istoriografice. Dac istoriografia a tratat n mod neechivoc relaia dintre fascism i modernitate, complexitatea acestei relaii nu a fost pus n adevrata ei lumin. Cderea cortinei de fier i a discursului de tip rzboi rece, reaprinde interesul pentru subiectul dat. Concluzia analiza modernismului i fascismului mai are resurse de dezvoltare existnd o multitudine de subiecte de acoperit. Volumul coordonat de Sorin Antohi se nscrie aadar n sfera unor preocupri mai largi, nu doar romneti ci i europene, n contextul revitalizrii unor tematici, a cror analiz ncearc s se ndeprteze de subiectivismele generate politic. Ct este de reuit aceast ncercare, rmne de apreciat. Important este cadrul oferit spre o real dezbatere i invitaia adus cititorilor de a participa efectiv la ea. O alt ntrebare poate s i gseasc rspunsul n aceste pagini: vom rmne o ar la periferia modernitii, ne vom mpiedica n tradiionalismul nostru n drumul spre modernitate sau copierea elementelor modernitii occidentale sunt suficiente dup cum scria i Lovinescu. Rmne aadar cel puin o lectur interesant ce las n urm motive de reflecie. Lucian Sclean

Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Dincolo de Dunre. Studii de etnologie balcanic, Bucureti, Editura Paideia, 2007, 366 p. Plecnd de la pasiunea lor comun pentru zona balcanic i pentru cultura acesteia, M. Mesnil i A. Popova ne ofer, nc o dat, rodul colaborrii lor. Dac la o prim vedere, neatent, putem uor s cdem n pcatul nencrederii, punnd sub semnul ntrebrii caracterul etnografic al acestui volum - cum s recunoatem frumoasa

345

tradiie etnografic n studii care pun n discuie subiecte precum Fotograful din parc, Bagaje pentru orice cltorii sau Cuptorul mobil, imagine a lumii etc.? - la finalul lecturii nelegem subtilitatea mesajului transmis. Autoarele ne propun n paginile acestui volum o examinare a spaiului cultural balcanic, pornind de la cea de a patra dimensiune a lucrurilor, care reflect ncrctura lor cultural. La baza demersului lor stau ani ndelungai de munc pe teren, ntr-o cutare asidu a acelor trsturi fine care definesc spaiul cultural balcanic n raport cu lumea occidental; gsirea acestor urme la captul unei anchete care ne amintete de migala i perseverena lui Sherlock Holmes, ne ngduie s nelegem, n final, natura unei culturi aparte. Analiznd cu atenie fiecare pies a acestui puzzle care este zona balcanic, autoarele ncearc s treac dincolo de aparene, s ofere interpretri inedite, dar pertinente, ale unor fapte sau lucruri deja cunoscute - fr a cdea ns n pcatul anacronismelor -, asumndu-i dificila sarcin de a traduce o cultur n limbajul i pe nelesul altei culturi. Temele pe care autoarele le propun n cele dou pri ale volumului sunt, la prima vedere, destul de comune; este greu de imaginat c o discuie despre miere i albine, de exemplu, poate constitui pretextul unei incursiuni bine documentate n istorie, etnografie, tradiie popular, n lumea miturilor i a legendelor. Sau c, pornind de la rolul micului ecran (n ara lui Dracula: falsuri macabre i uz de fals. Revoluia n direct sau mediatizarea istoriei?) putem ajunge la o problem foarte sensibil a zilelor noastre: ce este adevrat i ce este fals n istoria contemporan, cum ne influeneaz mass-media modul de gndire i atitudinea fa de cellalt i, mai mult, de ce e nevoie de un oc mediatic - precum revoluia romneasc din decembrie 1989 - pentru a ne trezi la realitate, pentru a ne face s fim contieni de ce se ntmpl n jur. O discuie despre evenimentele din Kosovo aduce n prim plan omul balcanic - homo balcanicus, al crui portret moral este construit pe baza modelului oferit de V. Papacostea i care a fost, n timp, remodelat, sub influena elementelor traco-ilirice, romanice, slave etc. Autoarele argumenteaz cu mult convingere n favoarea unui homo balcanicus cu capaciti cameleonice, care i ngduie s se adapteze uor n orice timp i spaiu; el nu e un barbar doar pentru c nu triete dup regulile civilizaiei occidentale; el este, ntr-un fel, eul incomplet al occidentalului, cel nelefuit de civilizaie. De altfel, atracia pe care spaiul balcanic o exercit asupra occidentalilor este foarte bine ilustrat n subcapitole precum Bucuretii sau trupul regsit, care se bazeaz pe notele de lectur ale unui francez, Ulysse de Marsillac, aflat n Bucuretiul anilor 1850, i care recunoate c exist aici acel ceva nedefinit, care subjug, care satisface, n acelai timp, dorina de libertate i civilizaie.

346

n finalul acestei scurte note de lectur, nu putem s nu apreciem dezinvoltura de care dau dovad cele dou autoare, uurina cu care trec de la un subiect la altul, indiferent c in de etnografie, tradiie popular, mitologie sau istorie, n cea mai pur reprezentare a sa. Fie c vorbesc de tradiii culinare, pe direcia de cercetare oferit de Braudel, fie c fac apel la istorie, la Europa lui Carol cel Mare sau la Asneti, M. Mesnil i A. Popova reuesc s ne conving c, dincolo de ceea ce vedem, mai exist o lume... Monica Avram

347

348