The Relations Between the Romanian and the Hungarian Sociologists in the Interwar Period

The Relations between the Romanian and the Hungarian Sociologists in the Interwar Period
Martin Ladislau SALAMON, PhD University of Bucharest, Department of Sociology and Social Work Acum 2011, vol. 5, nr. 1 We are young: the postwar era youth. For us the great cataclysm of mankind was just a childhood memory, born in the historic change occurred along with the formation of our consciousness. () We are Transylvanian Hungarian youth and since we became a national minority we did not make our voice heard. () Todays youth are faced with all the Transylvanian Hungarians problems, together with that huge responsibility: the Hungarians in Transylvania will be just like their youth and will go on as their youth will find a way to go on.[1] These words gleaned from the editorial are written in the first number of January 1930 of the magazine Erdlyi Fiatalok (The Transylvanian Youth) from Cluj, which was meant to be a mouthpiece of the new generation of Transylvanian Hungarians.[2] That new generation of young people who supported a new attitude of the Hungarian population in Transylvania: to accept the status of ethnic minority after World War I, to adapt to the new state of affairs, which originally the Hungarians considered to be extremely painful but temporary. This new generation of intellectuals who lived through the Great War as school children began to manifest as a compact group in the late Twenties, firmly formulating the need to confront the new realities and to build new ideals, in accordance with these realities. Therefore, the magazine was founded in January 1930, in a time when the Hungarian community in Transylvania encountered a serious problem of generations: the loss of a generation of specialists trained before the war, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, whose place was not taken by professionals, as the Hungarian sociologists training was virtually nonexistent. Since the 30s, this void begun to fill, but with young people with less theoretical training, a new generation of specialists that were not satisfied with the abstract social theories, but due to a movement that swept many countries in Europe acted as representatives of a sociographic vision on this subject.[3] The vision of these young people on the new world where the Transylvanian Hungarians must live, seen in an apocalyptic light by the representatives of the old generation from which the Tra nsylvanian Youth are firmly delimited, is accurately described by Lszl Dezs, editor in chief of the magazine, in the same first number of Erdlyi Fiatalok of January 1930: A healthy ideology, that is born despite the injuries suffered by the Transylvan ian Hungarians, is about to rise. In this article and throughout our magazine we struggle to create and spread this ideology full of energy and vitality. () The last four or five years made the Transylvania Hungarian youth become self-aware and awake the consciousness of its people fate. Their bewilderment is a natural state. They are the first Hungarian minority youth. They have no one to teach them, they must learn by themselves. () If they wanted to be loyal to the values instilled in school, they had to leave Transylvania or to enter an eternal conflict, without horizon with the new empire. The youth of the first part of the Twenties have mostly chosen the first pathway. Today we are aware that this was not a healthy solution. () We later realized that for us there is only one way: to stay home, in minority, preparing us to consciously serve the fate of Transylvanian Hungarians. () But this ideology would be misleading if it concerned only the Hungarians themselves, failing to consider the other people who live with them in Transylvania and in the same country, if it ignored the current political and constitutional situation. Not to accept the situation of minority and oppose the existing state and legal order would be an attempt on the life of the Hungarian community.[4] Even in this first article signed by the magazines editor in chief we can see the

Laszlo Dezso, Erdelyi Fiatalok

direction in which this new generation of Transylvanian Hungarians wishes to direct attention: to the neglected Hungarian village. This new generation was mostly made of Hungarian students from universities of Cluj, in a continuously growing number since 1924-1925, after for several years after the Great War, the Hungarian youth become minority in Transylvania would not conceive to enroll in higher education institutions in Romania, preferring to be educated in Budapest or in the West. However, those who came back home had problems in validating these studies by the Romanian authorities. The Transylvanian youth continually stress the need to combine the social and national work through a thorough knowledge of the problems that require urgent solutions and account for all our social concerns and all the errors of the national life [5]. The first steps in this direction were made by attempts to identify this problem before the magazine publication: the Szekler Society youth organization with youth organizations of Hungarian religious cults: Dvid Ferenc Association (Unitarian), Christian Youth Association (Reformed) and the Youth Department of the Catholic Popular Union (Roman Catholic) made up sociographic questionnaires in 1929. The questionnaires divided the village life into groups of economic, cultural, medical and other questions. However, the work to educate masses, carried out in villages by members of the Dvid Ferenc Association at the initiative of the young Unitarian priest Balzs Ferenc had a greater scale. These folk conferences of religious, social and literacy nature were attended by 200 young people from 21 villages in the Cristuru Secuiesc area. The traveling library institution was established, the villages were supplied with film projection equipment. The Transylvanian youth draw inspiration not only from fellow predecessors, but also especially from the Hungarian progressive movements in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, which had already covered a large portion of this way of turning over to the village in the second half of the Twenties. One of these movements was Mikls Bartha Society in Hungary, and with regard to the Hungarian young people in Slovakia also affected by the trauma of transition from the majority nation status to that of minority community -, Mik Imre, one of the Cluj magazine editors finds that they had recovered much faster than their Transylvanian generation colleagues. Miraculously, the Hungarian youth in Slovakia which were probably the most oppressed of the Hungarians young people that became minority had recovered the fastest. Awareness of the new political conditions also led to the awareness that new frontiers give only a new political division to the Hungarians in the Danube Basin, without dismantling the secular communion that linked Hungarians in Slovakia to the mother country throughout history. The wish for this national unity is the motivation that urges the young Hungarians in Slovakia to perform a full reassessment of our culture in crisis and to search for new resources. Therefore, the starting point of the Hungarian youth in Slovakia was to build a relationship as close as possible with the people. They tried to teach the people and to learn from the people. [6] In the second number of Erdlyi Fiatalok, of February 1930, Pterffy Jen one of the magazine founders calls for action, condemning the passivity of a lost decade in terms of the Hungarian community.

After the Transylvanian Hungarians cut off from the mother country accepted that it would be useless to try to throw obstacles in the will of fate, and that there is no point in waiting with arms crossed for the fate to improve, began to move from passivity to activity. The illusions in the eyes of the educated youth began to disappear, the same became aware that the new Hungarian youth have new duties: to create a new existence, staying here, knowing the situation here, arming with all the necessary tools to become the elite of their people, leading the people to a future worthy of its past. We may consider the school year 1924-1925 a turning point, because this is when large numbers of Hungarian youth enrolled for the first time at the Romanian University of Cluj. [7] Echoes of publication of the new magazine in the Hungarian press in Romania, Hungary and Czechoslovakia do not delay to appear. The editors of Erdlyi Fiatalok review these echoes some positive, some negative among which there are: In number 3/1930 of Erdlyi Helikon the reformed bishop Makkai Sndor addresses us warm words, encouragements. In number 3/1930 of Korunk Bolyai Zoltn of Aiud believes that our lyricism is unhealthy, unrealistic and unhistorical. The number 4/1930 of Klvinista vilg joyfully announces our publication. The Hungarian public may learn from the newspaper Magyar Hrlap about the publication of our magazine through Szentimrei Jens article that accurately renders our main thoughts. The Hungarian Reformed Youth gives us a collegial hand through Csandy Jzsefs article in the 7 th number of the magazine A Magyar Reformtus Dikmozgalom. The magazine of the Hungarian youth in Czechoslovakia, Mi lapunk, announces with heartfelt joy the publication of our magazine on this common stage, in the March number of this year. [8] The Romanian press of the time generally perceived the Transylvanian youths activity with sympathy. Number I/1933 of Erdlyi Fiatalok includes an unsigned article about the Village Books published by the editorial staff of Erdlyi Fiatalok in the Romanian environment. Reference is made to Ion Costeas article in the

Ilustratie din Erdelyi Fiatalok

magazine Patria[9], where the author notes with satisfaction that in recent years there has emerged a generation of Hungarian intellectuals who seek to join the Greater Romanias Transylvanian society, overpassing the trauma of losing the dominant nation status.[10]

We can see the absolutely positive perception of the members of the Sociological School of Bucharest led by Professor Dimitrie Gusti on the Transylvanian Youth movement, particularly in the light of articles published in the Romanian Sociology magazine, between 1936-1938, signed by young Romanian sociologists who spoke Hungarian, as Transylvanian people: Octavian Neamtu, Anton Golopentia, Traian Herseni. In Neamtus article, Road to Villages of the Hungarian Youth from the very first number of the Romanian Sociology, he draws from the Hungarian example major conclusions for the Romanian university students, saying that the Hungarian youth embraced Gustis sociological system as a working method to achieve their aspirations. In our opinion, what should be considered particularly exemplary for the entire Romanian intellectual stratum and in the first place for the university students, what we deem as an urging reprimand is the endless striving for the nation, which is proven by the road to villages of the Hungarian Transylvania youth. Neglected by the official circles of Budapest and by the Transylvanian oligarchy, left alone, merely with books full of revolt (), the Hungarian youth managed to learn from others example and after caref ully looking into the movement around Professor Gusti, took everything likely to be used for their national and political purposes. Wealthy now, by the knowledge of a scientific working method, they go on with the national defense and spiritual assertion, their road to villages (). Thus, they embrace, before having passed through every corner of our intellectuality, the sociological thinking system of the Bucharest School and the ethical and social conception of Professor Gusti, also taking all the social and political consequences. [11] Neamtu also draws attention to the gaps posed by the village movement of the Transylvanian Hungarian youth, however showing a lot of tolerance to such gaps. It is still far from the results gained by the institutions from which it takes theoretical and practical guidance. But we must not forget that it is a new movement, which is just beginning to be organized and which has just stated its scientific foundations and social ideals. As it appears now, this movement of the Transylvanian Hungarian youth contains some encouraging things and others that must be a severe reprimand to our university students.[12] Ideological conflicts between the Hungarian progressive youth in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and the Hungarian official policy in all these countries a prominent revisionist policy, especially in Hungary were common in those years. Erdlyi Fiatalok tells about an incident that happened in Budapest in March 1930, when the Association Sarl (Sickle) of the Hungarian students from Czechoslovakia wanted to deposit a wreath on March 15, at the statue of poet Petfi Sndor from Budapest. The wreath had ribbons with the Hungarian, Romanian, Slovak, Czech, Croatian, Serbian tricolor, and a red ribbon. The student organizations from Budapest reacted vehemently against this intention and at their insistence the Hungarian police asked the representatives of Sarl association to abandon their intention. Thus, the wreath was eventually depos ited on the tomb of the forty-eighter revolutionary Tncsics Mihly. The Hungarian students protested at a meeting against the outrageous attempt, a query was made in the Hungarian Parliament where the Sarl members were labeled as opportunistic race traitors and the organization was called the exponent of Czechoslovak official foreign policy.[13] The first number of Erdlyi Fiatalok entirely devoted to village issues is that of June 1930. The articles have the same common message: the only chance of the Transylvanian Hungarians to reinvent themselves after the situation created by the peace treaties following the First World War is to find connections with the village. In Transylvania it is fashionable to talk about the village, both in the social, cultural and especially in the economic field. But we are not judging by fashion, but we try to turn over to the village. In agrarian peoples, development and better future are linked to a better life for farmers and for us this is all the more true as the Transylvanian Hungarians are almost exclusively made of peasants. () Therefore, we can say without exaggeration that all roads lead to villages. [14] The same special number of the magazine contains the sociographic questionnaire made up by the Transylvanian Youth in order to be used by students who wish to participate in the contest initiated by the magazine. The stated goal of the contest in which any Hungarian student from Romania may participate in compliance with the rules was to create a picture of the Transylvanian Hungarian village, through a sociographic analysis based on data collection and processing.[15] An important step in the organization of the rural work of the Transylvania Youth was the establishment of the Village Workshop which would operate near the editorial staff of Erdlyi Fiatalok. The establishment of the Transylvanian Youth Village Workshop is announced through a press release appeared in number 7/1930 of the magazine. Today, the village issue is in the spotlight throughout the world. The youth of all countries deal with this problem, our Romanian brothers and Transylvanian Saxons, as our Hungarians brothers from Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Transylvanian Hungarian youth can not be omitted from this work. The economic basis of Hungarians in Romania is the Hungarian village. The economic situation of all Hungarians in Romania will be identical to the economic situation of the village. () The editorial staff of Erdlyi Fiatalok decided to establish a new body for systematization of the rural work, and this body is the Transylvanian Youth Village Workshop.[16]

In February 1931 general ethnography and folklore classes were given in the Village Workshop. This gave the start of the actual rural work of our youth notes the editorial staff. It is significant for the orientation of the Transylvanian youth to the Romanian sociology and mainly that represented by the sociological school in Bucharest led by Dimitrie Gusti, that the theme of the first course was Spiritual work of the Romanian youth, taught by Demeter Bla, director of the recently established Village Workshop. [17]

Ilustratie din Erdelyi Fiatalok

The Transylvanian Youth group, based in Cluj, establishes sub-editorial offices, working groups in Odorheiu Secuiesc, Bucharest and Timisoara. The establishment of the sub-editorial staff in Bucharest will boost the national connections of our magazine editors hopes.[18]The sub-editorial staff in Timisoara, founded immediately after that in Bucharest, intended to establish connections between young intellectuals and the workers in Timisoara, carrying out a sociographic work among them, using questionnaires and preparing the ground for rural work in the Hungarian municipalities of Banat. The first contacts were established with the Hungarian youth in the workers district Blascovici, aspects of this work were presented at a meeting held on September 10, 1931. It is worth noting that this initiative gave rise to the first meeting of the Transylvanian Youth with the Hungarian youth workers; these contacts will also be extended to Fratelia, the workers district of Timisoara.[19] Another article reports with disappointment about the work of the working group of Odorhei of the Transylvanian Youth. We were many at first, but few remained in the practical rural work the author of the article notes bitterly. We do not mean it as a reproach, but it should give us food for thought about the future. Many young students do not realize that the village problem is a vital issue for the Hungarian youth: if the village lives, the Hungarians in Transylvania live too. If the village dies, our future, of the youth, will die too. [20] The Transylvanian youth must also face Hungarian nationalism charges from Romanian circles. In the reply published in the magazine, the editor in chief of Erdlyi Fiatalok, Lszl Dezs, rejects the charges made by Professor Onisifor Ghibu against the Transylvanian Youth. These charges appear in the nine-volume collection entitled An Anachronism and a Challenge: The Transylvanian Roman Catholic State. Historical and Legal Study of Onisifor Ghibu published by the Ministry of Educatio n and Religious Affairs, the Historical and Legal

Commission studying the problem of the Transylvanian Roman Catholic State. The Transylvanian Youth are mentioned in Chapter IX of the third volume of the paper; Ghibu says that the Transylvanian Youth are the most dangerous of all youth movements under the guidance of the Roman Catholic State, fierce supporters of Transylvanias separation from Romania. The editor in chief of Erdlyi Fiatalok rejects these charges by arguing that the work and ideology of T ransylvanian Youth are in clear opposition to the fashionable irredentism in the official Hungarian policy. Lszl Dezs states that the mere fact that the Transylvanian Youth refer to the need for cultural autonomy of the Szkely Land autonomy guaranteed, as the editor in chief of the magazine says, by peace treaties demonstrates a clear distance from the rhetoric of Budapest officials who wanted to review such treaties and to change borders. The author recalls that the Transylvanian Youth were accused by the Hungarian right-wing party precisely of collaboration with the Romanians, claiming at some point that the magazine is financed by Romanian circles. Another charge made by Professor Ghibu is that Erdlyi Fiatalok is an official magazine of the Hungarian Party unfounded accusation, in the opinion of the editor in chief, considering the stated apolitical nature of the Transylvanian Youth. We were the ones who strongly stated despite the charges from many Hungarians that we must live in this country accepting our fate of minority people points out Lszl Dezs. He is convinced that Professor Ghibus allegations come from ignorance, and advocates for a closer relationship between the Hungarian and the Romanian community for a better understanding and elimination of such false opinions. [21] Another unexpected attack against the Transylvanian Youth, come from Romanian circles otherwise non-hostile, is resumed in the first number of 1934 of Erdlyi Fiatalok. Bir Sndor tells in the magazine about an event organized by the Astra Cultural Association in Cluj, on March 7, 1934. During the event, Professor Ioan Chinezu which is said to be known by the Hungarian community in Transylvania for his work performed for the rapprochement between Hungary and Romania by publishing papers on the Transylvanian Hungarian literature after 1918 had a presentation entitled The Cultural Life of Minorities in Transylvania. Bir reports that the Hungarians not few in number who wanted to be present at the event, listened with amazement as Professor Ioan Chinezu said about the Transylvanian Youth movement that it was a n afremath of the chauvinistic and Magyarized program before the World War of the Hungarian Cultural Association in Transylvania (EMKE), that, according to Chinezu, tried to prevent the cultural development of Romanians in Transylvania during the empire, with the support of the Hungarian state, and that did everything possible to forcibly Magyarize the minorities at that time[22]. The author of the article wonders: what was the opinion about Professor Chinezus allegations of the Romanians attending the event that wrote about the Transylvanian Youth in the Romanian magazines Patria, Ardealul, Curentul or Universul words of praise for the obvious intentions of the Hungarian youth to approach the youth of the Romanian majority population. Bir Sndor believes that this distorted image that was presented by Chinezu is due to adverse weather conditions, that is, to the political circumstances of the time. The author recalls the reproaches come precisely from a part of the Hungarians, addressed to the Transylvanian Youth, because they openly preached the need for rapprochement of the Hungarian and Romanian youth, the need for cultural exchanges between the two peoples. The first cracks in the Transylvanian Youth group appear in 1933, in the 4 th year of issue, with the structural changes that occurred then, mainly due to increasingly pressing financial problems: the monthly magazine Erdlyi Fiatalok becomes quarterly. In the early years it appeared ten times a year (monthly, except July and August), with some gaps in the regular issue, especially due to the financial

Regele Carol al II-lea, ilustratie din Erdelyi Fiatalok

problems that the editorial staff was faced with. In fact, there are many references to these problems, usually in the context of the global financial crisis, references accompanied by many repeated entreaties to readers, subscribers, to pay their financial obligations to the publisher. At the same time, there is announced the exclusion from the founders of two names that marked the first three years of issue of the magazine Pterffy Jen and Demeter Jnos. The first failed to comply with the editorial staffs decision not to allow its members to conduct political activities, and the second published defamatory statements in the pages of another magazine, Falvak Npe, against the Transylvanian Youth. Bnyai-Baumgarten Lszls withdrawal from the Transylvanian Youth is also regretfully announced.[23] Starting with 1935 a new magazine is issued, addressing the same audience as Erdlyi Fiatalok, with Venczel Jzsef among its initiators, a prominent figure of the Transylvanian Youth: Hitel (Credit). Disagreements arise between the Transylvanian Youth and the new group, between Venczel Jzsef and the editor in chief of Erdlyi Fiatalok, Lszl Dezs, materializing in an exchange of reciprocal strikes in articles published in both magazines. Venczel reproaches the Hungarian intellectual youth also including himself here the lack of planned, scientific work towards the village research, considering that the Transylvanian Hungarian society is described only through superficial, journalistic reports. In reply Lszl Dezs accuses Venczel of ill -will and/or ignorance.[24]

The schisms within the Transylvanian Youth group still leave traces in the pages of Erdlyi Fiatalok: in number I/1936, year VII. of publication, the editor in chief Lszl Dezs explains the reasons for divorce of the group of Hungarian intellectuals youth from Cluj mostly former editors of Erdlyi Fiatalok, including Venczel Jzsef, Vita Sndor or Kekkel Bla who founded the Hitel magazine. Apparently, the conflict is generated by the dissatisfaction of some young editors of Erdlyi Fiatalok caused by the magazine policy not to publish literature. Then, Lszl Dezs proposed to issue an independent literary supplement of Erdlyi Fiatalok with its own editorial policy, but the proposal was not accepted, thus the bimonthly magazine Hitel appeared from January 1935. But it survived only six months, then it was closed for financial reasons, being restarted in 1936 as a quarterly magazine, with Albrecht Dezs as editor in chief. Despite the fact that the enthusiasm of the first years of the Transylvanian Youth ended after 1933, the magazine still publishes articles on the rural work of student teams led by Professor Dimitrie Gusti (then Minister of Education and Culture). Such a broader article, signed by Jancs Bla, appeared in the number of the 2 nd quarter of 1933. The author notes that from the beginning, the Transylvanian Youth followed carefully the activity of the sociological school from Bucharest, expressing their admiration and respect for the Romanian students activity. Jancs Bla also makes some conclusions that the Transylvanian Youth and other Hungarian students concerned about the fate of the Transylvanian village should take into account. The o rganization of these trips was not an easy job, as it is the joint work of 50-70 people for six weeks in one place. This could be achieved only with a lot of solidarity and discipline[25] the author draws attention. Regarding his own rural work, Jancs Bla notes disappointed that, in comparison with that of Gustis student teams, it fades. How meager are the so -called results of our rural work! And we complain in vain by saying: it is easy for them, with help from the state! Formal support provides only the framework, but we must do the work, by the sweat of our brows! And they did this work! In so many years we have not passed the phase of lamentations, envy, baseness and religious division to give ampleness to the rural work, to be able to work with aplomb for the theoretical preparation of such work, for data collection and processing, for the propagation of nee d for this activity! We are ashamed, we are very ashamed. And for good reason: our minority status would demand us more work, and we fail to do for our villages not even as the majority people do for their villages Jancs concludes.[26] References to the research conducted in the Romanian villages continue throughout the publication of the Erdlyi Fiatalok magazine. (Except in the last two years of publication, 1939 and 1940.) In number III of 1935 we find an article about the rural work of the Transylvanian Romanians Astra society. The author, Szsz Istvn, believes that in Romania an essentially agrarian country the village issue is particularly important, and this was achieved by the political and civil parties of the time, starting with the left and far-right movements, representing the ideology of the Cuza-Goga government and the Iron Guard. The author recalls the two Romanian apolitical movements of village research: the rural work of the student teams led by Professor Dimitrie Gusti from Bucharest and that of the Transylvanian Astra cultural society, considering that the Hungarian intellectual youth in Transylvania should follow Astras model. Professor Julius Hatieganu, president of Astra branch, is quoted, speaking of the cultural centers established by Astra in over 20 villages. An intensive work is carried out in the Romanian villages. The same in the Saxon ones. Only the Hungarian intelligentsia fails to establish a living relationship with the population of Hungarian villages in Transylvania Szsz draws the conclusions.[27] The same idea of the organic relationship between the Romanian youth and the Romanian village is continued by Vr Gyrgy in the article published in the first number of 1936 of Erdlyi Fiatalok. Vr notes that the Romanian intelligentsia did not separate to such an extent from the people of Romanian villages as happened in other nations, especially the Hungarians. Almost always, the Romanian literature has been focused on the Romanian vi llage and the Romanian scholar felt close to peasants; there is no need to come down to the village when dealing with the village [28] says the author, giving the example of the extensive village research work carried out with the participation of a great number of students under Professor Gustis guidance, at Prince Charles Royal Cultural Foundation. Since 1934, the foundation operates in three main directions: study of the village situation, coordination of cultural centers work and cultural development of the village by various publications, books. During these campaigns, the teammates carry out monographs of the villages studied, analyze their health, economic and cultural condition, collect folk songs, legends, etc. All this information is included in tables, graphic schemes, statistics with which anyone can have a clear picture of the village life, from infant mortality to church attendance and land data[29] Vr lists the royal teams achievements, considering that the Romanian youth carry out a serious, conscious and constructive work for the Romanian village development. Romanians are focused on villages, for whose support they put forth substantial efforts. We should take example from them Vr Gyrgy concludes. About the rural work carried out by the student teams coordinated by Professor Gusti through Prince Charles Royal Cultural Foundation, Plffy Kroly writes in high praise in the number of quarter III-IV of 1936. In the

article called Moral Aspects of the Minority Folk Education Plffy considers this activity of the Romanian students as the most significant of all the Romanian movements of village knowledge. The way in which the Foundation operates under Professor Gustis leadership in order to achie ve the purpose of being aware of the reality is a model that we, the Transylvanian Youth, must follow, with the same burning love and vocation which they manifest. Without these things, our work to educate people will remain superficial and ineffective Plffy says.[30] The Romanian students rural work under Professor Gustis guidance is also carefully followed in the pages of Hitel. In number 4/1935 of the magazine, there is an article signed by Nagy Gza, describing the monographic campaign under the auspices of Prince Charles Royal Foundation in 1934. Work was started by royal word and the same word announced the purpose: 1. to do something in the interest of the village and its people, 2. to show the youth, through the rural work, the healthy way to discharge ones energy. [31] An important episode in the relationship between representatives of the sociological School of Gusti and the generation of young Hungarian intellectuals from Hungary, interested in villages and national self-awareness through villages, is the visit of writers Nmeth Lszl, Keresztury Dezs and Boldizsr Ivn from Budapest in the Romanian capital, on the coast of the Black Sea and in Transylvania. The visit which also included objectives related to the monographic movement of the Romanian Social Institute and Prince Charles Cultural Foundation led by Professor Gusti had a great echo due to L. Nmeths essay, published in its critical magazine Tan (The Witness). The press from Budapest attacked him with unusual vehemence, not because Nmeth had found words of praise for Gusti and his young collaborators, but because he criticized very harshly the Hungarian elite and intellectuals from Transylvania. In the magazine Romanian Sociology number 9/1936, Octavian Neamtu publishes a paper entitled Hungarian Travelers in Romania, showing the readers the publishing echoes in Hungary of the three writers journey in Romania [32]. The Romanian sociologist brings into question the known concept of Lszl Nmeth that the Hungarians, by their spreading over the whole land from Prague to Lemberg and the Black Sea had to carry and reset the great political, economic and spiritual composition of Danubian States, connected by the same unifying ideal of peasant life lived in freedom and fraternity, in which race is a source of creation, not division. Neamtu stresses that in order to achieve this ideal, the Hungarians must take upon themselves the wandering fate of those doomed to spread everywhere and to all the people the living principles, ideas and plans of work, living not only as Hungarians but as people connecting the other nations on the Danube[33]. But disappointment Hungarians do not live such thoughts. And their life is wasted and goes off without the ascent of strain for a great ideal. But Neamtu believes that the Hungarian writers have discovered something else in Transylvania, beside the Hungarians weakness and indifference to the great ideals which would be assigned to them. Namely, the power of life of the young Romanian people. For Nmeth, the most important fact of the Romanian spiritual life and work of building a new Romania is the monographic movement of the Romanian Social Institute and the practical action of Prince Charles Cultural Foundation, through the Student Teams believes Neamtu, who quotes Nmeth, fascinated by the discipline of the Romanian youth rural work, which he knew in the company of monographists and among the student teams. The visit of the three writers from Budapest is also reflected in the magazine Erdlyi Fiatalok: in number IV. of 1935 Jancs Bla says he does not wish to enter into such polemics, but he also disagrees with the conclusions drawn by Nmeth in his essay, that the Hungarians in Transylvania are doomed because they lack the will to live. I think there are big gaps in demonstrating this thesis and I would like them to be reconsidered [34] Jancs says, bringing as arguments the works of Transylvanian Hungarian writers and personalities of the time, such as the poet Remnyik Sndor, the reformed bishop Makkai Sndor or the Unitarian priest Balzs Ferenc. In the first number of Erdlyi Fiatalok, from 1937, two reviews are published[35] (also resumed by theRomanian Sociology founded by Professor Dimitrie Gusti in 1936 through Bakk Pter, a sociology student in Bucharest, at that time a sort of bridge between the Transylvanian Youth and Gusti School). The reviews concern two volumes published in Budapest, of the writer Illys Gyula and of the sociologist Szab Zoltn. The well-known book of Illys, Pusztk npe (People of the Puszta) describes the hard life of the Hungarian steppe inhabitants. This population of about 3 million people of the rural Hungary, located mainly on the lower Tisza, lives a life of deprivation, being threatened by the emergence of modern means of work, agricultural machinery, which gradually make their work useless. Another volume presented here is Szab Zoltns, A tardi helyzet (The Situation at Tard) a monograph of the Tard village in northeastern Hungary, Borsod county. Szabs conclusion is the same as that of Illys: the Hungarian peasants fate is not better than it was in the days of serfdom, before appropriation.

Hitel, Metamorphosis Transylvaniae

The same volumes are also presented in Hitel no. 3/1936, in Kki Blas article entitled Metamorphisis Transylvaniae. The author criticizes the Transylvanian Youth movement but without naming it because for many years in the Transylvanian Hungarian intellectuals circles there has been much talk about the village issue, but too little has been done. The uninitiated may think that our students are armed with valuable knowledge in this area, attending lectures and reading volumes of the European renowned sociologist Dimitrie Gusti. At first glance, I was headed in terms of both identification and processing of village problems. The truth is, however, that during this time there has been no work that would describe the life of our villages on the bank of Calata or at the foot of Harghita. We needed volumes from abroad, from Hungary, to make the village research a burning need for us Kki Bla opines. The same shows in addition to the two said volumes and the study published by the working community members for the village study of the student hostel Pro Christo of Budapest A village about to disappear in Pannonia. The Life of Kemse Village (Elsllyedt falu a Dunntlon. Kemse kzsg lete). Kki believes that this latter volume provides the the darkest, most hopeless portrait of the village of 140 souls in Baranya county in western Hungary, where social dismantling of the village reached alarming levels, and the habit of having one child became a deadly plague. The author of the article in Hitel raises the question: how many Hungarian villages in Transylvania have the same fate as the village of Tard? We still do not have the answer to this question concludes Kki, reminding as an exception to the rule the research campaign in the village of Babiu in the folk area Calata (currently the county of Salaj), in the summer of 1936, attended by students at the Reformed Theological Seminary in Cluj. The Hungarians students from Cluj prepared last year for the rural wo rk, in several groups, but the authorities failed to give their approval, therefore Professor Gustis intervention was required in order to finally receive such approval [36] we find out from Hitel. The campaign from Babiu was attended by 23 young people led by the linguist Szab T. Attila and guided by the writer-architect Ks Kroly, rehabilitating a rural road of about a kilometer, along with the research work: data collection of local history, public health, folklore, folk art. Dimitrie Gustis personality is increasingly evoked in the pages of Erdlyi Fiatalok and Hitel, with his recognition as the ultimate scientific authority in the village monograph.

Number I/1937, year VIII. of Erdlyi Fiatalok related about Professor Dimitrie Gustis anniversary of 25 years in higher education, event organized at the University of Bucharest; the Transylvanian Youth also paid tribute to the famous scientist. The village research done by Professor Gusti by methods introduced by the same serves universal interests, comprehensive in the analysis of the social situation of all mankind, with particular importance and creating a sociological school of global importance believes the author of the article from Erdlyi Fiatalok. A few pages later, it reports about another event occurred in Bucharest, about the personality of Professor Dimitrie Gusti: the meeting of the members of Kos Ferenc Club of Hungarians from Bucharest and the acclaimed scientist. Six years after the start of the Transylvanian Youth Village Workshop another important step was made in the rural work. Kos Ferenc Club of Hungarians from Bucharest organized a training seminar for the Hungarian students in the capital in order to familiarize them with the worldwide known monograph system of Professor Gusti. () The event held on February 4, 1937 was also attended by Professor Gusti, along with the Assistant Professor Henrich [Henry] H. Stahl and the inspectors Oktavian [Octavian] Neamtu and Anton Golopentian [Golopentia]. The Club celebrated Dimitrie Gusti in the warmest way, celebrating twenty five years of professorship. () Gusti expressed his sincere gratitude for the warm welcome and joyfully noted the conscientious and devoted participation of the Hungarian youth in the rural work activity of royal teams. He expressed his belief that these two nations that have lived and will continue to live together for centuries Romanians and Hungarians will get along and work together - is written in the pages of Erdlyi Fiatalok.[37] The collaboration between members of the sociological school of Bucharest and the Transylvanian Youth continues in the spring of 1937 with the participation of Hungarian youth in the training courses of the Romanian royal teams, organized in Stanesti, county of Muscel by Prince Charles Royal Cultural Foundation, in March and April 1937. The two courses lasting two weeks were attended by Vr Gyrgy, Haz Ferenc and Hegyi Istvn from the Transylvanian Youth and by Bakk Pter from the Ks Ferenc Club of Hungarians from Bucharest. The courses had 68 students, including four Hungarians. We left Bucharest on April 1 5, we arrived at Stanesti after a half a days journey by bus. When we arrived there, the course leader, H. Stahl made a brief introduction, presenting the work plan and asking young people to abstain from politics during the course, because this would prevent the joint work. Particularly he welcomed us, the Hungarians, expressing in warm words his joy of seeing our desire to know their work and to participate in such work [38] the young Hungarians describe the welcome given at Stanesti. Regarding the course, it took place according to their story in total discipline and order, almost militarylike. We were divided in groups of ten people; each group had a leader responsible for coordinating work in his group. The daily schedule was as follows. After waking up at 6 a.m., setting up exercises and washing in the river, then breakfast and flying the flag of the camp. The commander presented the agenda, listening the group leaders report on what happened on the previous day. Before lunch we performed practical work tree planting, ground leveling, water well digging, road repair or we collected folk data. When it rained, we attended theoretical courses, which were normally held between 3 and 6 p.m. After that, until dinner we spent time on trips, games and choir rehearsals. After dinner, recreational and educational programs were organized for villagers, on which occasion the village people could meet the teammates, thus, the latter had the chance to gather various statistical data - the Transylvanian Youth describe their participation in the student teams training courses at Stanesti. The author of the article (unsigned) believes that the Romanian youth take seriously the village issue and conduct very conscientiously the research work of the Romanian village based on the already established method of Professor Dimitrie Gusti. In number III/1937 of Erdlyi Fiatalok Jancs Bla prominent member of the Transylvanian Youth movement shows the basic principles of the Romanian students activity, led by Professor Gusti: 1. The village has the right to culture (it is not a charitable act, but an obligation to work to raise the village, from the total 18 million population of Romania, 13 million people live in rural areas, in the countrys 15.200 communes), 2. Village should not be given another culture, but must be helped to be able to create its own culture (it is not a mere transmission of knowledge, but peoples awareness on the need to develop their own specific culture), 3. Culture is not a finite collection of general information that can be applied in any environment in the same way (the Romanian village needs a culture appropriate to its needs, that is, a regional culture, which can be achieved only by knowledge of the country with monographic methods) and 4. It takes a complete culture, a culture that is both a culture of health, labor, intellect and spirit. Jancs believes that all these ideas laying the foundations of the rural work carried out by Gustis student teams can be found in the work of Balzs Ferenc, the Unitarian priest who achieved in the Cheia village near Turda a model of development through his own efforts of the Hungarian village in Transylvania; he was also a prominent member of the Transylvanian Youth movement. The author of the article emphasizes that Gustis monographic

research method repeatedly described in the pages of Erdlyi Fiatalok makes it possible to identify the specific needs of the village, which are going to be met by working in villages. Jancs sees in the cultural centers system introduced by Gusti an instrument to coagulate all the creative forces of the rural i ntelligentsia and the village awareness elements, in order to form a living working environment, acting coordinately in order to meet the needs of the rural population. The so-called royal teams prepare the ground, partly by monographic research work, partly by example, for setting up the cultural center of the village. After establishing this village cultural center, the independent work can be started through this organ which, based on the main principles set out above, will be able to carry out a specific cultural creative activity. The cultural centers are supervised and coordinated by the Prince Charles Royal Foundation, but they have a high degree of autonomy in their work [39] Jancs notes, reminding that in 1937, Romania had 1818 such cultural centers (189 in Oltenia, 412 in Wallachia, 100 in Dobrogea, 354 in Moldova, 544 in Bessarabia, 33 in Bukovina, 107 in Transylvania, 49 in Banat, 32 in Maramures and Crisana). By comparison, 640 cultural centers were established in 1934, in 1935 their number increased to 1310, and in 1936 to 1689. The author concludes that the rural work performed under Professor Gusti s guidance has a paramount importance for the development of the Romanian village, considering that the Hungarian minority in Romania should follow the same path in trying to develop their own rural communities Gustis system may be the most direct path of our community confrontation with the problem of minority and of the deepest understanding of such problem says Jancs Bla. The internal conflicts within the Transylvanian Youth group become increasingly visible to the readers of Erdlyi Fiatalok: in number II. of 1937, the editorial staff reflects on the centrifugal tendencies within the Transylvanian Hungarian youth, started in 1933 with the exclusion or voluntary departure from the Transylvanian Youth of some Marxists members of the editors, such as Demeter Jnos, Bnyai-Baumgarten Lszl and others, continuing with the right-wing dissidence of Hitel founders Venczel Jzsef, Makkai Lszl etc. The said article talks about the attempts to restore unity within the Transylvanian Hungarian youth; the author claims that Erdlyi Fiatalok has always done everything possible to maintain such unity. Our democratic liberalism, which is above all ideologies, was attacked from two directions: from the new Catholicism and from Marxism. In the autumn of 1932 these two dogmatic camps rose against each other and both against us, against our democratic thinking, with no dogma [40] shows the author of the unsigned article. The same draws attention to the futility of the conciliatory attempts of the writer Tamsi ron, considering that the youth in action front demanded by Tams (materialized in October 1937 by the Meet ing of Targu Mures) merely accentuated the differences between the three camps identified by the author Hitel, Marxists and Erdlyi Fiatalok , since nobody outside the Transylvanian Youth recognized that these three categories are fighting each other. Balogh Edgr the Hungarian journalist exiled from Czechoslovakia in 1935, the founder of the Sarl (Sickle) movement of the Hungarian youth in Slovakia had a similar attempt, calling for the establishment of a so-called parliament of the Transylvania youth, also doomed to failure as the Transylvanian youth believe. The conflicts between different groups of Hungarian intellectuals in the Transylvania of the Thirties reach their peak with the organization in 1937 of the Meeting from Targu Mures of representatives of various movements by an initiative committee which included among others the writer Tamsi ron and the publicist Balogh Edgr. The young Transylvanians did not attend the works carried out in Targu Mures during 2 to 4 October 1937 of this Transylvanian Hungarian youth parliament, considering that the invitation of extremist Marxists to the meeting legitimates this movement that the representatives ofErdlyi Fiatalok believes harmful for the Transylvanian public life. Our presence at the Meeting from Targu Mures would have legitimized the undemocratic organization of the event but also the extremist Marxists movement [41] the editorial staff of Erdlyi Fiatalok explains in a press release the decision taken by the Transylvanian Youth. No. III/1937, year VIII. of the magazine publishes a critical article of the Meeting from Targu Mures, attended by 187 delegates. The Transylvanian Youth criticize from a national-Christian platform the cooptation of extremist Marxists in the new movement, considering that this did not achieve the original intention to bring workers representatives among the young Transylvanian Hungarians active in the public life, but mimicked it, and the left-wing organization Madosz and its leader Nagy Istvn invited to the Meeting from Targu Mures do not represent this class. Legitimate representatives of left-wing youth, members of the Social Democratic Party and trade unions were not invited to the Meeting from Targu Mures organizers are accused by the Transylvanian Youth. The editorial staff Erdlyi Fiatalok concludes that the unity created at the Meeting from Targu Mures is only a surface, unprincipled unity. The Transylvanian Youth also criticize the chameleonism of Hitel, that agreed to shake hands with the Marxist publicist Balogh Edgr initiator of the Meeting from Targu Mures which not long ago labeled them as fascists. The Transylvanian Youth also contest Balogh Edgrs moral right known as a former prominent member of the Sarl (Sickle) organization of young Hungarians in Slovakia expelled by the Czechoslovak authorities and established only two years earlier in Transylvania, of calling to unity the

Hungarian youth from Romania. As for the final text of the decisions taken at the Meeting from Targu Mures, the Transylvanian Youth note that although the extreme left Marxist ideas have not been adopted in these decisions, the left extremism soldiers have infiltrated among us. The Trojan horse was introduced in the city.[42] The last two years of publication of Erdlyi Fiatalok no longer contain references to the monographic concerns of the Transylvanian Youth group, which became increasingly isolated after its self-exclusion from the youth parliament held in October 1937 in Targu Mures. As such, between 1938 and 1940, Dimitrie Gustis name or any information about the sociological school of Bucharest is no longer shown in the magazine, not even in the promulgation by King Carol II of the Social Service Law in 1938, in which the work done voluntarily by the student teams with the royal dictatorship establishment became mandatory for all graduates of universities and high schools, and the suspension of this law, a year later, due to infiltration of legionnaire activists among the teammates. The magazine ceases to appear after no. 2. in 1940, although in the previous number (1/1940) the editorial staff announced the entry into the second decade (11th year) of publication of Erdlyi Fiatalok, also promising to return from the quarterly to the monthly publication.[43] The substantial reduction in the influence of the Transylvanian Youth group split and increasingly isolated in the Transylvanian Hungarian public life and the well-known historical events Vienna Dictate, whereby the Hungarians temporarily regained the status of dominant nation in Northern Transylvania led however to the disappearance of Erdlyi Fiatalok and of the Transylvanian Youth movement. But the seed was planted: Gustis school left deep marks on the thinking and concepts of the progressive Hungarian intellectual elite of the interwar period; such influence also affected indirectly the Transylvanian Hungarian society as a whole. This is also the belief of Octavian Neamtu, expressed in the pages of the Romanian Sociology: The penetration of Professor Gustis sociological thinking system and of the sociological monographic method in the Transylvanian Hungarian scientific world can only have good consequences, both in the knowledge of the Romanian national land and in the scientific connections between the Hungarian minority and the Romanian scientific world. And we also believe that the action of knowing the Transylvanian social reality will also have consequences in the political mentality of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania [44]. [1] Erdlyi Fiatalok editorial, January 1930. year I. no. 1. p. 1-2. [2] According to the masthead the magazine founders are: editor in chief: Lszl Dezs, editors: Balzs Ferenc, Bir Sndor, Debreczeni Lszl, Demeter Jnos, Jancs Bla, Jancs Elemr, Lszl Jzsef, Pterffy Jen. [3] Balzs Sndor: Sociology and National Self-Awareness. Gusti School and Hungarian Sociography in Romania / Szociolgia s nemzetisgi nismeret. A Gusti-iskola s a romniai magyar szociogrfia.Politics Publishing House, Bucharest, 1979. [4] Lszl Dezs: Spiritual Profile of the Hungarian Youth of Transylvania / Az erdlyi magyar ifjsg lelki arca. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, year I., no. 1. January 1930, p. 3-5. [5] Demeter Jnos: Ties of the Hungarian Youth in Transylvania with the People / Az erdlyi magyar ifjsg kapcsolatai a nppel. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, year I.. no. 1. January 1930, p. 5-8. [6] Mik Imre: Young Pioneers. Work of the Hungarian Youth in Slovensko (Slovakia) in the mirror of the Vets (Seeder) magazine/ ttr fiatalok. Szlovenszk magyar ifjsgnak munkja a Vets tkrben .In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, year I. no. 1. January 1930, p. 12-14. [7] Pterffy Jen: Future of the Hungarian Youth in Transylvania / Az erdlyi magyar ifjsg jvje. In:Erdlyi Fiatalok, February 1930. year I. no. 2. p. 18-19. [8] How was received the Transylvanian Youth magazine? / Hogyan fogadtk az Erdlyi Fiatalokat? In:Erdlyi Fiatalok, March 1930. year I. no. 3. p. 43-44. [9] Ion Costea: A New Generation of Hungarians in Transylvania? In: Patria, no. 38/19.02.1933 [10] A New Generation of Hungarians in Transylvania? Opinion of a Young Romanian about the Transylvanian Youth, about our Rural Work, about Mik Imres Study / j Magyar Nemzedk Erdlyben? Fiatal erdlyi romn vlemny az Erdlyi Fiatalokrl, a falumunknkrl, s Mik Imre falufzetrl, In:Erdlyi Fiatalok, I/1933, year IV. p. 33-34. [11] O. Neamtu: Road to Villages of the Hungarian Youth . In: Romanian Sociology no. 1-2/1936. [12] Ibidem. [13] National disgrace and love for the nation? / Nemzetgyalzs vagy fajszeretet? In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, April 1930. year I. no. 4. p. 62-63. [14] Demeter Jnos: Back to Villages / Vissza a faluba. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, June 1930. year I. no. 6. p. 81. [15] How to Study the Village Life? / Hogyan tanulmnyozzam a falu lett? In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, June 1930. year I. no. 6. p. 91-94. [16] Hungarian students, join the Transylvanian Youth Village Workshop! / Magyar fiskolsok, lpjetek be az Erdlyi Fiatalok faluszeminriumba! In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, November 1930. year I. no. 8. p. 125. [17] Erdlyi Fiatalok, March 1931. year II. no. 3. p. 64.

[18] Lszl Dezs: Rural Work / Falumunka. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, February 1931. year II. no. 2. p. 39. [19] Tth Zoltn: Work of Transylvanian Youth in Timisoara / Az Erdlyi Fiatalok munkja Temesvron.In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, November-December 1931. year II. no. 8-10. p. 153. [20] Mikls Gyrgy: Rural Work of the Group from Odorhei of the Transylvania Youth / Az Erdlyi Fiatalok udvarhelyi csoportjnak falutanulmnyozsa. In:Erdlyi Fiatalok, November-December 1931. year II. no. 8-10. p. 160. [21] Lszl Dezs: Professor O. Ghibus Book and te Transylvanian Youth / Ghibu O. professzor knyve s az Erdlyi Fiatalok. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, January-February 1932. year III. no. 1-2. p. 3-10. [22] Bir Sndor: Cultural Life of Minorities in Transylvania / Az erdlyi kisebbsgek kulturlis lete, In:Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter I/1934, year V. p. 30-31. [23] Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter I/1933, year IV. p. 37. [24] Lszl Dezs: Ill-Will or Ignorance? / Rosszindulat vagy tudatlansg?, In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter I/1935, year VI. p. 20-22. [25] Rural Work of Professor Gusti and His Students / Gusti professzor s tantvnyainak falumunkja.In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter II/1933, year IV. p. 46-49.) [26] Ibidem [27] Szsz Istvn: Rural Work of Astra Society / Az Astra falumunkja. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter III/1935, year VI. p. 99-100. [28] Vr Gyrgy: Rural Work of Romanian Youth. How did student teams work and what were their results? / Romn falumunka. Hogyan dolgoztak s milyen eredmnyeket rtek el a dik-munkacsapatok? In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter I/1936, year VII. p. 25-30. [29] Ibidem [30] Plffy Kroly: Moral Aspects of the Minority Folk Education / A kisebbsgi npnevels erklcsi vonatkozsai. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter III-IV/1936, year VII. p. 90. [31] Nagy Gza: Romanians Rural Work / A romn falumunka. In: Hitel, no. 4/1935, year I. p. 7. [32] Octavian Neamtu: Hungarian Travelers in Romania. Documents. In: Romanian Sociology, no. 9/1936. p. 24-30. [33] Ibidem [34] Jancs Bla: How Can It Be / Ahogy lehet, In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, quarter IV. 1935, year VI. p. 109-110. [35] Two Cries / Kt kilts. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. I/1937, year VIII. p. 7-8. [36] Kki Bla: Metamorphisis Transylvaniae. In: Hitel, no. 3/1936, p. 241-245. [37] Student Life. Professor Gustis Celebration in the Kos Ferenc Club/ Fiskols let. Gusti professzor nneplse a Kos Ferenc-krben. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. I/1937, year VIII. p. 12. [38] Rural Work. Young Hungarians attending courses at Stanesti / Falumunka. Ma gyar fik a stneti-i tanfolyamon. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. II/1937, year VIII., p. 21. [39] Ibidem [40] About the Youth Parliament Issue / Az ifjsgi parlament krdshez. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. II/1937, year VIII. p. 19. [41] The Meeting from Targu Mures / A Vsrhelyi Tallkoz . In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. III/1937, year VIII. p. 12-15. [42] Response of the Erdlyi Fiatalok editorial staff to the statements of the committee organizing the Meeting from Targu Mures / Az Erdlyi Fiatalok szerkesztsgnek vlasza a Vsrhelyi Tallkoz elkszt bizottsgnak nyilatkozatra. In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. III/1937, year VIII. p. 15-18.) [43] On the occasion of the eleventh year of publication / Tizenegyedik vfolyamunk el . In: Erdlyi Fiatalok, no. I/1940, year XI. p. 2 [44] O. Neamtu: Road to Villages of the Hungarian Youth . In: Romanian Sociology no. 1-2/1936.