Untuk menghantar karya bagi tujuan diterbitkan oleh DBP, penulis hanya perlu men gajukan bahan kepada

alamat seperti yang berikut: Pengarah Penerbitan, Jabatan Penerbitan, Tingkat 19, Menara DBP Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Menara DBP, Jalan Dewan Bahasa, 50460, Kuala Lumpur. Penyerahan hendaklah disertakan surat iringan, salinan bercetak manuskrip, salin an lembut manuskrip (CD_ROM, disket atau bentuk lain) serta bahan lain yang berk aitan seperti gambar foto, ilustrasi dan peta (jika ada) sertan perakuan menyata kan karya ini adalah milik penulis dan tidak daripada hasil yang diciplak daripa da tulisan orang lain. Bagi novel dewasa, tebal novel biasanya sekitar 300-500 halaman kertas A4 bertai p komputer langkau dua baris, sementara novel remaja tebalnya 200-300 halaman da n novel kanak-kanak tebalnya 100-200 halaman. Setiap manuskrip yang dihantar ke DBP akan didaftarkan dulu di dalam Sistem Peng urusan Maklumat Penerbitan (SPMP). Pendaftaran ini memerlukan nama penulis, alam at dan nombor kad pengenalan penulis. Oleh yang demikian, penyerahan manuskrip i ni hendaklah disertakan maklumat yang berkenaan. Sebaik sahaja manuskrip ini did aftarkan, salinan surat pendaftarannya akan dihantar kepada penulis berserta sur at rasmi menyatakan tindakan pihak DBP selanjutnya. Penulis boleh menghantar manuskrip ini kepada penerbit lain untuk dipertimbangka n penerbitannya setelah manuskrip ini ditolak secara rasmi oleh DBP (atau mana-m ana penerbit). (i) Tempoh penerbitan sesebuah manuskrip mengikut Piagam Pelanggan DBP ialah dal am tempoh kurang sembilan (9) bulan selepas manuskrip lengkap diterima. (ii) Bayaran royalti kepada penulis akan diberi sebanyak 12% untuk buku umum. Ba yaran 50% akan dibuat sebaik sahaja buku terbit dan dicetak sepenuhnya mengikut jumlah cetakan yang diluluskan. Selebihnya 50% lagi akan dibayar berdasarkan jua lan. Bahan akan dinilai pada peringkat awal oleh bahagian yang akan menanganinya meng ikut bidang (samada novel remaja, kanak-kanak, dewasa, buku teks , sastera) unt uk dilihat kesesuaian sama ada boleh diterbitkan atau tidak. Sekiranya sesuai, manuskrip tersebut akan dikemukakan kepada Jawatankuasa Editor ial (JKE) dan Jawatankuasa Penerbitan (JKP) Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka untuk menda patkan kelulusan. Setelah manuskrip tersebut diluluskan oleh JKP untuk diterbitkan, penulis perlu menandatangani satu dokumen Perjanjian Lesen Penerbitan dengan Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka yang mengandungi terma-terma tentang hak cipta dan royalti buku penulis. Sebaik sahaja dokumen tersebut ditandatangani oleh kedua-dua pihak, maka secara rasminya penulisa telah menjadi penulis Dewan bahasa dan Pustaka

Sekiranya terdapat sebarang pertanyaan sila hubungi:

Pentadbiran Jabatan Penerbitan (03-2148 1120) Bahagian Buku Bahasa (03-2148 3025) Bahagian Buku Kanak-kanak dan Remaja (03-2148 9614) Bahagian Buku Sastera (03-2148 2684) Bahagian Buku Sekolah (03-2148 1058) Bahagian Buku Umum (03-2148 1154) Penghantaran makalah, esei atau bahan karya kreatif boleh dihantar terus kepada editor majalah melalui e-mel. Dewan Masyarakat: shukri_m@dbp.gov.my Dewan Sastera: rozninah@dbp.gov.my Dewan Ekonomi jun@dbp.gov.my Dewan Bahasa zaidi_i@dbp.gov.my Dewan Budaya mohidin@dbp.gov.my Dewan Siswa yusaida@dbp.gov.my Dewan Pelajar ghanig@dbp.gov.my Dewan Kosmik syukri@dbp.gov.my Pelita Bahasa armin@dbp.gov.my Tunas Cipta arruslan@dbp.gov.my Makalah yang bertaip bolehlah dihantar melalui faks 03-21484208 atau melalui ala mat pos, Bahagian Majalah, Tingkat 20, Menara Dewan Bahasa, Jalan Dewan Bahasa, 50460 Kuala Lumpur. ada prakata, Untuk pos, sila sertakan surat iringan, 1 salinan manuskrip bersih biodata penulis dan sertakan salinan lembut (softcopy). Karya hendaklah ditaip d i atas kertas kuarto berwarna putih dan ditaip jarak langkau dua baris. Sekiranya terdapat sebarang pertanyaan sila hubungi: Bahagian Majalah (03-2148 2241)/(03-2148 2427)/(03-2148 4480)Khidmat Nasihat DBP Al-Syariah Jilid 4: Fiqh Jenayah Penulis: Siti Zalikhah Md. Nor et al. Penerbit: DBP TAFSIRAN Karyawan Tamu Dewan Seorang tokoh karyawan yang dilantik oleh DBP untuk menghasilkan karya bagi DBP di bawah tataurusan ini. DBP/Dewan Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Malaysia. Lembaga Pengelola Lembaga pengelola DBP, Malaysia. Tataurusan Tataurusan ini sebagaimana yang digubal pada asalnya atau sebagaimana yang dipin da dari semasa ke semasa, mengikut keperluan. Alamat Urus Setia Karyawan Tamu DBP, Bahagian Pembangunan Penerbitan, Tingkat 28, Menar a DBP, Jalan Dewan Bahasa 50460 Kuala Lumpur. Projek Projek termasuklah pengkaryaan melalui penyelidikan dan penulisan yang menghasil kan karya secara konvensional dan elektronik, yang merangkumi karya kreatif dan bukan kreatif, sama ada asli atau/dan terjemahan, dalam bahasa Melayu atau bahas a asing atau bahasa-bahasa yang difikirkan sesuai sebagaimana diputuskan oleh Ja watankuasa Pelaksana. Jawatankuasa Pelaksana

Jawatankuasa Pelaksana Karyawan Tamu Dewan berfungsi mengawasi pelaksanaan dan k egiatan agar mencapai matlamat Karyawan Tamu DBP. TUJUAN Program Karyawan Tamu Dewan bertujuan untuk menyediakan kemudahan bagi melahirka n lebih banyak karya asli atau terjemahan yang bermutu, yang ditulis oleh penuli s yang dilantik khusus oleh DBP, berdasarkan pengalaman serta ketokohannya dalam sesuatu bidang ilmu dan pengalaman kerjayanya yang cemerlang.VISI Menjadi pusat latihan bahasa, sastera, dan penerbitan yang profesional dan unggu l di peringkat kebangsaan dan antarabangsa MISI Menyelenggarakan kursus bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan yang profesional; Menunjang pelaksanaan pengajaran bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan dalam usaha meng embangkan bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan; Mewujudkan jalinan kerjasama dengan badan-badan bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan d i dalam dan luar negara. OBJEKTIF Membina dan meningkatkan kemahiran dan kepakaran serta profesionalisme dalam bah asa dan sastera Melayu; Membina dan meningkatkan kemahiran, kepakaran dan profesionalisme dalam bidang p enerbitan sebagai usaha untuk memperkaya kepustakaan Melayu dengan karya-karya y ang bermutu tinggi dan bertaraf dunia; Membina dan meningkatkan kemahiran penulisan, kepengarangan dan profesionalisme bagi menghasilkan karya agung serta menggilap tokoh karyawan dalam pelbagai bid ang, khususnya bidang kebahasaan dan kesusasteraan dalam bahasa Mela yu; Mewujudkan program ulang kaji bagi meningkatkan dan memperkemas penguasaan dan p engetahuan peserta sesuai dengan perkembangan ilmu bahasa, sastera dan penerbita n yang mutakhir; dan Mewujudkan kerjasama antara pakar-pakar bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan di IPT te mpatan dan luar negara, dan dalam kalangan negara anggota MABBIM dan MASTERA mel alui aktiviti-aktiviti latihan seperti persidangan, seminar, forum, pertukaran p akar, lawatan sambil bekerja, dan pertukaran pelajar. Mewujudkan kerjasama antara pakar-pakar bahasa, sastera dan penerbitan di IPT t empatan dan luar negara, dan dalam kalangan negara anggota MABBIM dan MASTERA me lalui aktiviti-aktiviti latihan seperti persidangan, seminar, forum, pertukaran pakar, lawatan sambil bekerja, dan pertukaran pelajar. FUNGSI Menjadi pusat latihan untuk karyawan DBP di luar DBP yang bergiat dalam bidang b ahasa, sastera dan penerbitan; Melahirkan lebih ramai karyawan yang terlatih secara profesional dalam bidang ba hasa, sastera dan penerbitan; Membantu mempercepat usaha DBP untuk memenuhi keperluan memasyarakatkan pengguna an dan penguasaan bahasa Melayu yang betul dalam semua bidang dalam kalangan rak yat dan penutur bahasa sama ada di dalam mahupun luar negara; Melaksanakan lebih banyak kursus secara tetap untuk karyawan dalam industri pene rbitan, pegawai awam khususnya dalam sektor pendidikan, pencinta bahasa dan sas tera, serta staf DBP sendiri. ILTIZAM Menyediakan kursus dan latihan dalam tempoh pembelajaran yang anjal serta sekita ran yang kondusif untuk semua sektor dan peringkat. Kursus ditawarkan untuk memenuhi dan mengikut keperluan pelanggan.PENGENALAN Khidmat Nasihat Bahasa

KNB membantu anda menyelesaikan pelbagai masalah penggunaan bahasa Melayu. Ejaan Rumi dan Jawi Perkataan dan istilah Penyemakan bahasa Khidmat Nasihat Sastera Khidmat Nasihat Penerbitan Khidmat Nasihat Korporat Sumbangan masyarakat kepada DBP Khidmat Nasihat Bahasa Khidmat Nasihat Sastera Khidmat Nasihat Penerbitan KNP menyediakan perkhidmatan perundingan dan khidmat nasihat yang meliputi: Peluang penerbitan Panduan penulisan buku Hak cipta dan royalti. Penyediaan manuskrip. Proses penerbitan. The Religious Undercurrents of Muslim Economic Grievances Timur Kuran, Professor of Economics and Law, and King Faisal Professor of Islami c Thought and Culture, University of Southern California Many of the arguments heard since September 11 have invoked the economic underde velopment of the Islamic world to explain why so many Muslims appear angry at th e West and particularly at the United States. Economic globalization has benefit ed the West and harmed vast segments of the Islamic world, it is said. Some add that Islam has exacerbated the conflict by transforming economic grievances into mistrust of Westernization, even into antagonism to modernity. This hostility i s consistent, we are told, with the emergence of an Islamic banking system and w ith Al-Qaeda's use of hawala, an old Middle Eastern credit delegation instrument , to finance its deadly operations. Other observers, trying to counter the perception that such acts of economic sep aratism represent broad trends, note that mainstream Islam has been, and remains , supportive of markets, technological creativity, and material prosperity. Noth ing in Islam conflicts with economic development or global economic integration, say the latter group of commentators. The nineteen Arab hijackers of September 11 hardly spoke for the millions of Muslims who yearn to participate in the glob al economy as equals. Whatever their inconsistencies, none of these interpretations can be dismissed o ut of hand. Each captures important truths that we ignore at our peril. Widespread Muslim misgivings about globalization are not a figment of anyone's i magination; just as there are anti-globalists all across America and Europe, so there are many in Egypt, Pakistan, and Indonesia. But for the most part the obse rved Muslim resentment is less an expression of opposition to modern capitalism than it is a cry of desperation. Middle Easterners who have acquired skills to c ompete in the global economy, when given opportunities to participate in it, usu ally prefer peaceful production to hateful destruction. The Hebron crowd that da nced in the streets on September 11 consisted overwhelmingly of people pushed by modern technologies to the fringes of the global economy. Does it follow that poverty is responsible for whatever clash we observe between Islam and the West? Will the current tensions subside if measures are taken to uplift the Islamic world's desperately poor sectors? While it would be comfortin g to believe that a quick-fix exists, it is doubtful that the problems will resp ond to economic incentives alone. After all, the hijackers of September 11 were not unemployable souls living at the margins of subsistence. Holding university degrees, some of them were perfectly capable of achieving prosperity through leg

itimate means. What motivated them was not material deprivation but an all-consu ming ideology. They were not just Muslims but also Islamists pursuing goals they considered higher than life itself. The difference is critical. Just as Timothy McVeigh belonged to a small minority of Americans consumed by hatred against th eir government, so Islamists, whether or not they are prone to violence, differ from most Muslims by a commitment to radical global transformation. Islamists believe that to be a good Muslim is to lead an "Islamic way of life." In principle, every facet of one's existence must be governed by Islamic rules a nd regulations marriage, family, dress, politics, economics, and much more. In every domain of life, they believe, a clear demarcation exists between "Islamic" and un-Islamic behaviors. Never mind that in all but a few ritualistic matters the I slamists themselves disagree on what Islam prescribes. They have been educated t o dismiss their disagreements as minor and to expect a bit more study of God's c ommandments to produce a consensus about the properly Islamic way to live. The march of history, Islamists are also trained to believe, is going their way. Earlier generations of Islamists had predicted that the two major economic syst ems of the modern era, capitalism and communism, were doomed to fail, because in their own ways they both bred injustice, inequity, and inefficiency. One part o f this prediction was borne out by the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Now it is the turn of capitalism, which is far less stable than the pace of its arr ogant global spread might suggest. Just as communism collapsed like a house as c ards as soon as communist societies discovered it was safe to revolt, so capital ism will self-destruct when someone manages to expose its vulnerability. Capital ism has failed humanity because it breeds emptiness, dissatisfaction, and despai r even among the materially successful. View/print essay only

See also essays on this site by Olivier Roy, Tariq Modood, Mahmood Mamdani, and Robert Hefner addressing other aspects of Islam and Muslim societies. What Islamists offer as an improvement is an Islamic economic system. The key c omponents of the envisioned Islamic economy are an Islamic banking system that a voids interest, an Islamic redistribution system based on Qur'anic principles of sharing and equity, and a set of norms to ensure fairness and honesty in the ma rketplace. To anyone familiar with the complexities of modern economic relations , this list will seem hopelessly truncated. In fact, the "Islamic" elements of t he planned economic transformation do not go much beyond these three elements. Consequently, there exists no workable Islamic economic system. Government-champ ioned "economic Islamization" efforts in Sudan, Pakistan, and Iran have all ende d in failure. Leading Islamist writers rationalize these disappointments by argu ing that no properly Islamic economy can exist so long as the world is rife with corruption. Some add that none has existed in history, except during the initia l few decades of the first Islamic state founded fourteen centuries ago in Weste rn Arabia. After that "Golden Age," corruption took over, breeding unfairness, i njustice, and inefficiency. There is, of course, a massive contradiction here. How can the march of history be favoring the Islamist agenda if that agenda has repeatedly been frustrated fo r the last fourteen centuries, since shortly after the birth of Islam? And why s hould anyone believe in the viability of Islam's economic agenda if its proponen ts cannot cite a single contemporary example of successful implementation? Yet, within the Islamist mind set, observed failures establish merely the need to red ouble efforts to defeat the offending sources of corruption. Today, so goes the

argument, the principal source of corruption is Westernization, which masquerade s as globalization and whose chief instruments are the military, cultural, and e conomic powers of the United States. Americans have been corrupting people every where, including Muslims, through seductive advertising and the dominance of the ir Godless media. They have also been propping up client regimes that are commit ted, despite appearances to the contrary, to frustrating Islamist goals. Not that this tendency to blame outside forces for various sorts of failures is limited to terrorists. Islamists with no affinity for violence attribute sundry domestic problems, including failures of their own movements and initiatives, to the prevailing moral standards. Articulated incessantly in diverse contexts, su ch excuses foster an intellectual climate that enables violent groups to justify their destructiveness as essential to ridding the world of evil and building an Islamic utopia. It also aids these groups in finding recruits. Contrary to common understandings, the notion that Islam offers the world a work able economic system destined to outperform its alternatives is a recent creatio n. It emerged in late-colonial India, in the 1930s, a time when leading Muslim I ndians were intensely debating whether the dominant element of their communal id entity was their Muslim faith or their Indian nationality. Some Muslim leaders p roposed that to be a Muslim was to live differently from Hindus and Westerners, and that their Westernized co-religionists were Muslims only in name. To substan tiate these views, they undertook to show that Islam offers distinct prescriptio ns in all domains of life marriage, friendship, dress, government, economics, and mu ch more. Concepts such as Islamic economics and Islamic banking emerged in the c ourse of a sustained campaign they launched to differentiate what they considere d the properly Muslim lifestyle from other lifestyles. Many clerics in South Asia and elsewhere endorsed this campaign, partly because the elevation of religious values would enhance their own authority. Weak govern ments, including ones run by essentially secular Muslims, have had their own rea sons to support Islamist efforts to define, articulate, and, where necessary, in vent an Islamic way of life. To stay in power, they have found it convenient to trumpet their Islamic virtues by supporting Islamist pet projects. The Saudi reg ime has bankrolled Islamic universities in numerous countries, sponsored confere nces on the Islamization of knowledge, and built institutes to train Islamic ban kers. Pakistani leaders known to have a low opinion of Islamic economics have pa id lip service to the ideal of economic Islamization, supported a ban on non-Isl amic forms of banking, and founded an Islamic redistribution system. Neither individually nor collectively have the economic measures taken in the na me of Islam revolutionized the economies they were supposed to cleanse and perfe ct. This is hardly surprising when one considers that they were inspired by cult ural goals rather than efforts to stimulate economic development. In any case, w hatever the economic successes of Islamic history, it is patently unrealistic to expect the Qur'an or early Islamic precedents to yield the blueprint for contem porary economic life. A modern economy is far more complex than the seventh-cent ury Arabian desert economy that contemporary Islamists treat as their model. The inspiration for economic development must come primarily from outside Islam and Islamic precedents. Forced to confront this plain fact, even some Islamists grant the necessity of b asing the design of modern economic institutions at least partly on non-religiou s experiences and human judgment. Yet, such recognition does not amount to a dis carding of their Islamist beliefs. Their capacity for mental compartmentalizatio n (a capacity we all share) allows them to revert to Islamist thought patterns i n contexts where it is convenient to have clear and simple answers to complex pr oblems. Their mental compartmentalization is facilitated by the prevalence of Is lamist discourse and by the paucity of challenges to its premises, assertions, a nd arguments.

The economic grievances that contribute to Muslim resentment of the global econo mic order have, then, an unmistakable cultural, and specifically religious, dime nsion. Muslims who are angry at the United States are propelled by more than the ir own poverty or that of their societies. They are driven also by a vision that treats Islam as the answer to every conceivable problem and attributes all fail ures to non- Islamic influences. If I am right, there can be no immediate solution to the current world crisis. C atching Osama bin Laden and destroying the Taliban will do nothing to alleviate nightmarish conditions in the Afghan countryside or the slums of Cairo. Nor will it keep Pakistani and Saudi youths from being taught that capitalism is evil an d that an oversimplified form of Islam is a source of unrivaled economic wisdom. A lasting solution to our crisis requires an arduous two-pronged strategy of eco nomic development and cultural repair. Out of both compassion and self-interest, the developed countries must take steps to assist the Islamic world in ways tha t go beyond window dressing. For starters, the United States and the European Co mmunity should lift barriers to the industrial and agricultural exports of the I slamic countries, especially the poorest. Equally important, the developed world must lend a helping hand to the secular education systems of the Middle East an d South Asia. Within the Islamic world itself, governments and civil organizatio ns can join the struggle through a dual program of their own. Making a renewed a nd credible commitment to poverty reduction, they must also be willing to counte r the nonsensical and destructive elements of Islamist discourse. Regardless of their faith or creed, the world's intellectuals can also help out by abandoning the relativist strains of modern multiculturalism. Although all ma jor cultures, including those associated with Islam, offer much that is valuable and instructive, they are not equally successful at producing viable economic s olutions. In particular, whatever other comforts Islamism gives its adherents, i t is clearly an inferior instrument of economic development. In fact, some of it s variants, including that of the Taliban, have proven to be positively harmful, even hostile, to material prosperity. The laudable goal of cherishing the achie vements of diverse cultures and respecting cultural differences does not absolve us of the responsibility to acknowledge failures, dead-ends, and dangers where they are noticed.