Judith Lepoma AMH 6907 American Readings II Spring 2013 Dr.

James Broomall Professor

Nativism or Fear of the Unknown In the early 1800s, Americans were captivated with Italy and Italian culture. The Grand Tour of Italy, mostly Northern Italy, was the dream of many Americans. While Americans dreamed of Italy, many Italians dreamed of immigrating to America and becoming successful. While Americans enjoyed the cultured class of Northern Italy, their view of Italians began to change when Southern Italians from poorer areas began to arrive. Americans felt threatened and the Italians found a nation steeped in nativism.1 Nativism was not new to Americans. Immigrants have been coming to America since its discovery by the Europeans. After the American Revolution immigration became a subject of discussion. National, state and local governments began to be selective in who they thought was fit to become an Americans. Early from the beginning of the young United States, nativism had begun. According to Roger Daniels, a University of Cincinnati history professor, Benjamin Franklin was one of the first to demonstrate nativism in his resentment of the Germans arriving. Governments started to develop immigration laws concerning the immigrants. Daniels states that nativism would flare up and then recede and then flare up again. Many nativist formed groups to combat what they felt was a threat to the United States. In Dale T. Knobels book, America for the Americans: The Nativist Movement in the United States, Knobel, the president of Denison University, focuses on nativism from the end of the American Revolution to the immigration restrictions of 1920s. Knobel suggests that the nativist found fraternity and gave them a sense of Republican identity after the Civil War, with all the social and economic changes that were happening. With groups like the

Joseph P. Cosco, Imagining Italians: The Clash of Romance and Race In American Perceptions, 1880-1910 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003), vii.

Lepoma 2 American Protection Agency, nativist continued to pursue anti-catholic, anti-Semitic, and antialien restrictions.2 John Highams book, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, written in 1955, was a great influence on Knobel. Highams book contributed to any of the current works on nativism and his view that nativism was dependent on the number of economic, political, and psychological factors.3 The overall status of the nation at that time was one of the main factors that many of these scholars believe led to increase in the call for immigration restrictions. At the end of the eighteenth century, immigration of radical Irish and French led to the Alien and Sedation Acts of 1798 during John Adams administration, which led to calls of secession. These acts changed the time required before becoming eligible for naturalization from 5 to 14years and allowed the government to deport or arrest those radicals and those suspected of treason.4 The next rise of nativism was in the 1850s, when the potato famine sent more Irish, to America. Many of the Irish were Catholic and along with German Catholics immigrating, many nativists felt their strong Anglo-Saxon values threatened. Daniels states that Catholics became a target of the Know Nothings Party whose demise came with the Civil War.5 After the Civil War, the Chinese were the next target of nativist. A huge influx of Chinese workers between 1849 and 1882 led to immigration restrictions with the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Americans feeling threatened again by wage reductions because of the Chinese workers in the mines of California
Dale T. Knobel, "America For the Americans" The Nativist Movement in the United State,. (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1996). John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-192,. (New Brusnwick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1955). Roger Daniels, Not Like Us: Immigrants and Minorities in America 1890-1924 (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Inc., 1997), 5; "The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: from Folwell's Laws of the U.S., Early America, (1995-2013), http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/milestones/sedition/ (accessed 04 14, 2013).
5 4 3 2

Daniels, Not Like Us, ix-5.

Lepoma 3 led to this act of nativism. In the 1880s, poor Southern Europeans, mostly Italian started to arrive. By the end of the 19th century, many Americans had changed their impression of Italians after thousands of Southern Italians, many of whom were poor, began arriving by the boatload. The Italians mainly settled together in tenements, known as ghettos, with high crime rates. Soon most Italians were considered criminals or mafia who lived by the stiletto and vendettas.6 The Gay Nineties, or the Grey Nineties, as Daniels calls it, was the most violent time recorded in United States history, with the state of Louisiana being the most violent, according to Anthony V. Margavio and Jerome J. Salomone.7 All three scholars blame this violence on the depression that was in place and the number of immigrants arriving in Americas ports like New York and New Orleans. Harvard law professor, Howard Lindsay, states that depression was created by industrialization and the deskilling of labor. Americans began to blame the immigrants for this depression because many would work any job for any amount of money and robbed American workers of a civilized standard of living and threatened to destroy the very foundation of nations exceptionalist identity. 8 Lindsay assertion of the threat to the standard of living seems to agree with other scholars assertion that both white and black were threatened by the immigrants. According to scholars Rick Halpern, from the University of Toronto and Paolo Giordano, from Rosary College in Illinois, the immigrants were needed to work the plantations, as

Daniels, Not Like Us, 20; Cosco, Imagining Italians, vii-1.

Anthony V. Margavio, and Jerome J. Salomone, Bread and Respect: The Italians of Louisiana (Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing CO, 2002), 206. Matthew J. Lindsay, "Immigration as Invasion: Sovereignty, Security, and the Origins of the Federal Immigration Power," Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 45, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 7.
8

Lepoma 4 replacements for the black population down in Louisiana and Mississippi.9 Halpern stresses that plantation owners thought the black workers were restless, mobile, and in the eyes of their former masters, unreliable and unsuited for sugar production.10 The African-Americans were upset that the Italians were taking their jobs at a lower pay because, to the Italians, no job was unworthy, as long as the Italians could make money.11 One observer made a comment that The Negros have shown remarkable energy since the Dagoes entered the fields.12 Branfon, Halpern, Giordano, Margavio and Salomone all indicate that blacks may have felt their livelihood threatened by the Italians and is confirmed in the statement by Booker T. Washington in his observation of Southern Italians in Italy as: living in the dirt, degradation, and ignorance at the bottom of societythe slums and poorer quarters of the colored people of New Orleansis in every way many percent better off than those corresponding classes and the condition of the Negrodoes not compare, in my opinion, with the masses of Italians.13 Washington statement clearly indicates that he believed Southern Italians to be a lower class than the African Americans. Washington complained that the Italians were taking jobs from the black man because the Italians would work for half of the pay of African Americans and would

Robert L. Brandfon, "The End of Immigration to the Cotton Fields," The Mississippi Vallley Historical Review 50, no. 4 (March 1964): 594-595; Paolo Giordano, "Italian Immigration in the State of Louisiana: Its Causes, Effects, and Results," Italian Americana 5, no. 2 (September 1979): 160-77. Rick Halpern, "Solving the 'Labor Problem': Race, Work, and the State in the Sugar Industries of Louisiana and Natal 1870-1910." Journal of Souther African Studies 30, no. 1, Special Issue: Race and Class in South Africa and the United States (March 2004): 19-40.
11 10

Margavio and Salomone, Bread and Respect, 51.

Correspondent to the Louisiana Sugar Planter and Manufacturer, as quoted in Rick Halpern, "Solving the 'Labor Problem': Race, Work, and the State in the Sugar Industries of Louisiana and Natal 1870-1910." Journal of Souther African Studies 30, no. 1, Special Issue: Race and Class in South Africa and the United States (March 2004): 36; Giordano, "Italian Immigration, 161 -167. Booker T. Washington, Louis R. Harlan, and Raymond Smock, The Booker T. Washington Papers, Volume 11, (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972), 203-204.
13

12

Lepoma 5 eventually lead to black pauperism.14 Southern society, both white and black, were feeling threatened by the huge influx of Italians, which soon reached a boiling point in the port city of New Orleans and one of the most largest displays of nativism in which both white and black Americans participated in. According to scholar Giordano, southerners were distrustful of outsiders, especially towards those whose national origin was not acceptable to the white supremacist philosophy, which designated Southern Italians as inferior to the Anglo-Saxon race and a threat to southern society and the southern way of life.15 In Halperns article, he states that Italians in the late 1800s were considered to be white for voting purposes only; but because their skin was more tan than white and their foreheads were small, they were deemed to be criminals, dirty, and un-intelligent, but like the African Americans, they were subjected to severe discipline and inferior housing. 16 Giordano and Halpern clearly indicate that the Italian immigrants were considered to be a threat and on October 15, 1890, that threat became reality. New Orleans Police Chief, David C. Hennessy was shot. His colleague found Hennessy lying on a doorstep, bleeding from several wounds but alive and asked Who gave it to you, Dave? Hennessy replied Dagoes.17 As soon as Hennessy had whispered the word Dagoes, dozens of Italians were arrested with numbers

14

Ibid., 509. Giordano, "Italian Immigration, 161-167. Correspondent, Halpern, "Solving the 'Labor,161-167.

15

16

Richard Gambino, Vendetta: A True Story of the Worst Lynching in America, the Mass Murder of ItalianAmericans in New Orleans in 1891, the Vicious Motivations Behind It, and the Tragic Repercussions That Linger to This Day (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1977),7-8.

17

Lepoma 6 that may have climbed into the hundreds over the next few days.18 Mayor Shakespeare, of New Orleans, declared in a speech two days after the attack that: We must teach these people a lesson that they will not forget for all timeThe Sicilian who comes here must become a American citizen and subject his wrongs to the remedy of the law of the land, or else there must be no place for him on the American continent. This sentiment we must see realized at any costat any hazard.19 In this speech, the Mayor suggested to its citizens that the Sicilian immigrants were a threat to them and helped to contribute to the nativism that was brewing across the country. Nineteen Italians arrested were eventually charged with the murder of Hennessy. Nine Italians went to trial. The jury returned a not guilty on six of the Italians and mistrials were declared on the other three. That night several members of the white elite met together, including the Mayors personal assistant, William S. Parkerson. This group called a mass public meeting for the next morning to remedy the failure of justice, as scholar Barbara Botein of the Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey stated. Botein states that when immigrants retain their ethnic lifestyle, Americans sometimes become suspicious and hostile and that this nativism become verbally and physically abusive and leads to immigration restrictions. 20 This led to one of the most horrific act of nativism on record. Reacting to what they felt was a miscarriage of justice, a huge crowd met at the Henry Clay statue the next morning, March 14, 1890. Parkerson
Assassinated, Daily Picayune, October 16, 1890; Shot Down at His Door, New York Times, October 17, 1890; Humbert S. Nelli, "The Hennessy Murder and the Mafia In New Orleans" Italian Quarterly 19, no. 75 (August 1975): 75-76; Smith, Crescent City Lynchings, XXI XXVI; and Joseph E. Persico, "Vendetta in New Orleans," American Heritage 24, no. 4 (June 1973): 65-72. A League of Assassins, Aberdeen Daily News, October 19, 1890; Italian Molly Maguires Have an Assassination Society in New Orleans, Idaho Statesman, October 19, 1890; and Speech Made by Mayor Shakespeare to the City Council on October 18, 1890, addendum B in Richard Gambino, Vendetta: A True Story of the Worst Lynching in America, the Mass Murder of Italian-Americans in New Orleans in 1891, the Vicious Motivations Behind It, and the Tragic Repercussions That Linger to This Day, 144-145. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1977, 144-145. Barbara Botein, "The Hennessy Case: An Episode in Anti-Italian Nativism," Louisiana History 20, no. 3 (July 1979): 271.
20 19 18

Lepoma 7 incited the crowd into frenzy with a speech and as many as up to 20,000 persons marched toward the prison. Eleven of the nineteen Italians were brutally murdered by lynching. 21 Newspapers played a major role in the lynching. Their headlines screamed in bold capital letters that Italians, Mafias, Dagos, or Sicilians had a Vendetta against Hennessy and shot him down in cold blood. The stories told tales of secret societies, who lived and died by the stiletto and whose vendettas passed on to each family member. Boteins article states that: the Hennessy case confirmed theories about Southern xenophobia and vigilantism..the word Mafia became a household termnewspapers and magazinesoften published unsubstantiated stories..educated peopleintellectual racist further downgraded the image of southern Italians by speculating that they were partly negroidThe very word Sicilian evoked visions of hot-head Mafiosi.22 Botien clearly suggest that these newspaper articles, with the suspicions and rumors that they carried to the public, helped to inflame the minds of the citizens of New Orleans, who had become very protective of their society after the Civil War with the influx of carpetbaggers and immigrants. As these stories spread across the United States, they facilitated the aggression and fear the public had of Italians and increased anti-Italian nativism around the country. Americans reacted. The news headlines around the U.S. declared Italians criminals. Italians became victims of bigotry, as citizens around the country began to suspect every Italian they met. Stories of cover ups and jury tampering were in all the papers. Over the next few days Americans were subjected to headline stories that read: The Cry Was For Blood, Chief Hennessys Death Is Avenged; Vengeance, They Cry, Let Italys Guns Roar; The Dagos Shot In Prison, The Mob Rules and MurdersThe Assassins of Hennessy Acquitted and the People Avenge the
Alan G. Gauthreaux, "An Inhospitable Land: Anti-Italian Sentiment and Violence in Louisiana 1891-1924," Louisiana History 51, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 41-68; Botein, Hennessy Case, 272; Gambino, Vendetta, 78-87; and George E. Cunningham, The Italian, a Hinderance to White Solidarity in Louisiana, 1890 -1898, The Journal of Negro History 50, no. 1 (Jan. 1965): 28.
22 21

Botein, Hennessy Case, 279.

Lepoma 8 Wrong Committed; Hennessy Avenged, Nine Wretches Shot and Killed in the Prison YardVengeance Wreaked Upon Sicilian AssassinsDeath To The Mafia; Parkerson Explains, It Was An Orderly Affair; Mafia Threats, Poison Promised the Leader of the New Orleans Mob and Stiletto for the Rest; Wrath of the Italians, Italy Will Take Action.23 Sensationalized reports suggested retaliation would be attempted by Italians and all involved would be murdered. Many people were alarmed by these reports. Anti-Italian nativism began to increase in every city across America, especially as rumors of war with Italy and vengeance was spread by the press. Boteins examination of the news states that the press gave the lynching an almost religious mystique, praising the people of New Orleans who in one righteous upheaval [] vindicated your laws, heretofore desecrated and trampled underfoot by oath-bound aliens. Botein stated that newspapers did have mixed reaction and editorials varied. An article in the New York Times, according to Botein, stated eighteen hundred Italians in West Virginia were arming and drilling and twenty thousand Italians to attack New Orleans24 Stories such as these, printed without evidence, helped increase wariness of Italians and many people feared for their lives. Historian Richard Gambino, states that the American Press encouraged retaliation against Italian Americans of which many were beaten, abused, fired from their jobs, and even escalated to the point that forty deputies had to hired to protect Italian workers in Pennsylvania on their way to work in the coal mines. 25 Other scholars such as Margavio and Salamone, suggests that news reporting, at the turn of the century, was very prejudice in their articles. Instead of reporting that a citizen committed this crime or that crime, they used stereotypical

The Cry Was For Blood, Salt Lake Weekly Tribune, March 19, 1891; Vengeance, They Cry, Dallas Morning News, March 16,1891; Hennessy Avenged, Grand Forks Herald, March 15 1891; Parkerson Explains, Philadelphia Inquirer, March 18,1891; Mafia Threats, Aberdeen Daily News, March 18, 1891; and Wrath of the Italians, Dallas Morning News, March 17, 1891.
24

23

Botein, Hennessy Case, 272, 273. Gambino, Vendetta, 111.

25

Lepoma 9 descriptions of the person, such as the Chinese coolie, the Jewish moneylender, the treacherous redskin, the Black bootblack and of course the Italian gangster.26 Dago and mafia became intertwined with being Italian. Christine DeLucias research of one newspaper in particular, the New York Times, indicates that the New York Times had a habit of identifying the race of person if the person was black, which they used the term negroes, or Italians, which they sometimes used the word Dagoes, specifically if they were from Southern Italy. Most all other cases the race of a person was never identified.27 These scholars all suggest that the newspapers were very guilty in creating stories that helped to stir up nativism around the country. Italians were not the only ones being subjected to acts of nativism. Both Catholics and Jews were the focus of many nativists because of their non-Anglo-Saxon beliefs as was other religions and races. In 1891, in an attempt to control the influx of immigrants, the first immigration commission was formed and charged with upholding new laws. One such law was the 1891 Immigration Act which blocked entrance to idiots, insane persons, paupers or persons likely to become a public charge, persons suffering from a loathsome or a dangerous contagious disease, persons who have been convicted of a felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpitude, polygamists.28 Daniels suggests that the restrictions put in place were a symbol to attempt to close the frontier and help ease job loss, thereby easing the depression. This attempt failed because only 7/10ths of 1 percent of immigrants arriving were excluded between 1892 and 1900. The immigration agency was unable to keep up with the numbers coming in and

Anthony V. Margavio, "The Reaction of the Press to the Italian-American in New Orleans 1880-1920," Italian Americana 4, no. 1 (March 1978): 72. Christine DeLucia, "Getting the Story Straight: Press Coverage of Italian-American Lynchings from 18561910," Italian Americana 21, no. 2 (September 2003): 214.
28 27

26

Daniels, Not Like Us, 45.

Lepoma 10 increased from 27 employees in 1891 to over 1200 in 1906.29 Daniels assessment indicates that immigration reform became more important to the government after 1891. Perhaps the backlash of what had happened in New Orleans contributed to this. In American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century, Gary Gerstile states that Theodore Roosevelt was one of main figureheads of who was against nativism. According to Gerstile, Roosevelt was very proud of his cabinet; which was the first to have a Catholic, Protestant and Jew serve on it. But Roosevelt was one of the few in government who was against discrimination. World War I, helped to contribute to the increase in fear of Italians. Because of Communists Party in Europe, anti-Communist began to associate all Italians as being communist, which lead to more immigration restrictions. 30 In the 1920s, immigration restrictions put in place stemmed the flow of immigrants. In 1921 over 200,000 Italians immigrated to America; by 1926, less than 9000. The total number of Eastern Europeans immigrating dropped from over 32,000 to less than 2000.31 Gerstile look at 1890s through the 20th century presents a picture of immigration laws that were created by fear of the unknown. Fear of other races and creeds; much like the people against civil rights activist. These scholars all seem to reach a general consensus. Nativism or nationalism increased or decrease according economics and the social climate at that time, and usually is always based on race or creed. Nativism had been around since the beginning of the United States. In books like American Crucible, Gerstile states that nativism exists still today. Some of the same issues regarding immigration and nativism are still alive. Booker T. Washington complained about the
29

Ibid.

Gary Gerstile, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Centur,. (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001), 47.
31

30

"Immigration Act of 1924," United States Histor,. http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1398.html.

Lepoma 11 Italians working for less and sending money back to Italy, and every day you can find the same sentiments posted on the internet somewhere about Mexicans. In the news of the day, just this past week, a new immigration reform bill was introduced to ease restrictions and to legalize many of immigrants who are here today. Hopefully, one day, race will not be an issue.

Lepoma 12

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Lepoma 13 Higham, John. Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925. New Brusnwick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1955. "Immigration Act of 1924." United States History. http://www.u-shistory.com/pages/h1398.html. Inerarity, James M. "Populism and Lynching in Louisiana 1889-1906: A Test of Erikson's Theory Of The Relationship Between Boundary Crises and Repressive Justice*." American Sociological Review 41, no. 2 (April 1976): 262-80. Iorizzo, Luciano,and Salvatore Mondello. "Origins of Italian-American Criminality: From New Orleans Through Prohibition." Italian Americana 1, no. 2 (March 1975): 217-36. Joyce, James. "Lynching At New Orleans." The Living Age, June 6, 1891: 579-585. Karlin, J. Alexander. "The Italio-American Incident of 1891 and the Road to Reunion." The Journal of Southern History 8, no. 2 (May 1942): 242-46. Knobel, Dale T. "America For the Americans" The Nativist Movement in the United States. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1996. Lindsay, Matthew J. "Immigration as Invasion: Sovereignty, Security, and the Origins of the Federal Immigration Power." Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 45, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 1-56. 56P. Lucian. "The Murder of Sicilians in New Orleans: The Largest Mass lynching in American History." Magna Grece. Mar 14, 2011. http://magnagrece.blogspot.com/2011/03/murder-ofsicilians-in-new-orleans.html (accessed Mar 2012, 2012). Mangione, Jerre, & Ben Morreale. La Storia: Five Centuries of the Italian American Experience. New York: HarperCollins, 1992. Margavio, Anthony V. "The Reaction of the Press to the Italian-American in New Orleans 18801920." Italian Americana 4, no. 1 (March 1978): 72-83. Margavio, Anthony V., and Jerome J. Salomone. Bread and Respect: The Italians of Louisiana. Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing CO, 2002. Marti, Jose. "Mob Violence In New Orleans (May 20,1891) La Nacio, Buenos Aires." In Mart on the U.S.A., by Jose Marti, edited by Luis Alejandro Baralt, 187-192. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1966. Meyer, Nicholas, et al. Vendetta. New York, NY: HBO Pictures, 1999. Nash, Gary B, Charlotte Crabtree, and Ross E. Dunn. History On Trial: Culture Wars and the Teaching of the Past. New York: Random House, 2000. Nelli, Humbert S. "Italians and Crime in Chicago: The Formative Years 18902-1920." American Journal of Sociology 74, no. 4 (Janurary 1969): 373-91.

Lepoma 14 Nelli, Humbert S. "The Hennessy Murder and the Mafia In New Orleans." Italian Quarterly 19, no. 75 (August 1975): 75-95. Persico, Joseph E. "Vendetta in New Orleans." American Heritage 24, no. 4 (June 1973): 65-72. Ripoll, Carlos. Jose Marti. 1993. http://www2.fiu.edu/~fcf/jmarti.html (accessed Oct 28, 2011). Ross, Wiliam G. Forgering New Freedoms. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1994. Salt Lake Weekly Tribune. "The Cry Was For Blood, Eleven of the New Orleans Mafia, Put to Death." March 19, 1891: 3. Smith, David A. "From the Mississippi to the Mediterranean: The 1891 New Orleans Lynching and its Effects of United States Diplomacy and the American Navy." The Southern Historian 19, no. 60 (April 1998): 60-85. Smith, Tom. The Crescent City Lynchings: The Murder of Chief Hennessy, the New Orleans "Mafia" Trials, and the Parish Prison Mob. Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2007. "The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: from Folwell's "Laws of the U.S."." Early America. 19952013. http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/milestones/sedition/ (accessed 04 14, 2013). Washington, Booker T, Louis R. Harlan, and Raymond Smock. The Booker T. Washington Papers. Vol. 11. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972.