Journal of Community Health, Vol. 30, No.

2, April 2005 (
2005)

CIGARETTE ADVERTISING IN MAGAZINES FOR

LATINAS, WHITE WOMEN, AND MEN, 1998–2002:
A PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION
Senaida Fernandez, MS; Norval Hickman, BA; Elizabeth A. Klonoff, PhD;
Hope Landrine, PhD; Kennon Kashima, PhD; Bina Parekh, PhD;
Catherine R. Brouillard, BA; Michelle Zolezzi, BA; Jennifer A.
Jensen, MPH; Zorahna Weslowski

ABSTRACT: Cigarette ads in popular magazines play a role in smoking

and in brand preferences among women and men, but few studies have
analyzed ads directed at women vs men, and no study has examined
ads directed at women of different ethnic groups. Hence, we examined
cigarette ads in popular magazines for White women, Latinas, and men
1998 through 2002 for the first time. Significant differences in the
number of cigarette ads by magazine audience were found, along with
significant differences in the type and brands of cigarettes advertised to
each group. These preliminary findings suggest that the tobacco indus-
try may target women in a manner that differs from its targeting of
men, and may target Latinas in a manner that it does not target White
women. Results are discussed in terms of the need for further research
on tobacco ads directed at women.

KEY WORDS: cigarette advertising; magazines; women; minority women.

INTRODUCTION

Cigarette advertising plays a role in smoking, smoking initiation,

and brand preferences among youth and adults,1,2,11 and (historically) is
the major cause of the birth and subsequent increase in smoking among
girls and women.3,11 In the 1920s, the vast majority of smokers were men,

The authors are affiliated with the Behavioral Health Institute and the Department of Psy-
chology at San Diego State University, San Diego, CA.
Requests for reprints should be addressed to: Elizabeth A. Klonoff, PhD, Joint Doctoral Program
in Clinical Psychology, San Diego State University, 6363 Alvarado Court, San Diego, CA 92120; e-mail:
eklonoff@sunstroke.sdsu.edu.
Supported by funds provided by National Cancer Institute Grant No. 1-U56-CA92079-01A1;
the University of California Tobacco-Related Disease Research Program Grant No. 9RT-0043; and by the
California Department of Health Services Tobacco Control Section Grants 90-11528, 94-20962, and
96-26617.

141
0094-5145/05/0400-0141/0
2005 Springer Science+Business, Media, Inc.
142 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH

and smoking was widely considered unfeminine and hence taboo for
women.3–5 At that time, however, the tobacco industry began to view
women as an untapped market of millions who could be coaxed into smok-
ing. Hence, in the late 1920s, ads for cigarettes began to appear in women’s
magazines (e.g., in House & Garden, Vogue) for the first time, and these were
gender-tailored. For example, the ads of 1929 depicted thin women smok-
ing cigarettes, and further linked smoking to weight control by using the
caption, ‘‘Reach for a Lucky instead of a Sweet’’.6,7 Such ads led to a 312%
increase in sales of Lucky Strike cigarettes that year, due mostly to women’s
purchases.3 Encouraged by this success, tobacco advertising campaigns
designed to recruit women to smoking increased in zeal in the 1930s: The
number of gender-tailored ads for cigarettes increased in women’s maga-
zines, famous actresses were paid to encourage smoking on the radio, and
free cigarettes were distributed to women at fashion shows, bridge clubs,
and secretarial schools nationwide. Consequently, smoking among girls and
women increased (10-fold) from 0.5% before 1929 to 5% by 1939.3
Further encouraged by such success, in the 1960s, the tobacco
industry began producing new brands of cigarettes for women alone,
these accompanied by gender-tailored ads that linked smoking to
women’s empowerment and liberation—the issue of the 1960s and
1970s.3,5,8–10 Foremost among these women’s brands is Virginia Slims
whose 1960s ‘‘You’ve come a long way, Baby’’ slogan has been changed
each decade to continue to attract women to smoking:3 In the 1970s and
1980s the slogan was changed to, ‘‘We made Virginia Slims especially for
women because they are biologically superior to men.’’ In the 1990’s it
was changed to, ‘‘Virginia Slims, it’s a woman thing,’’ then to, ‘‘Virginia
Slims. Find your voice,’’ and then to, ‘‘Tame and timid? That goes against
my instincts’’.3 Additional brands produced for and marketed solely to
women in the 1960s through the 1990s include Capri, Misty, Eve, More, Style,
Ms., and Satin (to name a few). Ads for these brands appear almost exclu-
sively in women’s magazines, and entail captions such as ‘‘Dare to be
More’’ (More), ‘‘Be the one with Style’’ (Style), ‘‘Spoil yourself with Satin’’
(Satin), ‘‘There is no slimmer way to smoke’’ (Capri), and ‘‘Smoke Pretty’’
(Eve, a cigarette in a flowered package with a flowered tip). Such ads
always entail themes of thinness, independence, and glamour—unlike ads
targeting men, which focus on cigarette flavor and on virility.3–5,8–10
The marketing of these women’s brands, along with intense gen-
der-tailored cigarette advertising (and Virginia Slims’ sponsorship of
women tennis for 23 years) played a significant role in the increase in
smoking among women from the 1920s 0.5% prevalence rate to present
rates:3,11 Today, 23.5% of White, 21.9% of Black and 13.8% of Hispanic
 Senaida Fernandez et al. 143

women smoke, with rates of smoking among White and Black women
nearly equal to those of their male counterparts.3,12 Because such
advertising has been shown to play a role in smoking, smoking initiation,
and brand preferences among women and girls,3,12,23 and because more
than 46% of all tobacco ads are in popular magazines,13 further analysis
of the targeting of women with cigarette ads in magazines is needed.14
Specifically, although studies have examined the targeting of women with
cigarette ads in women’s magazines (e.g., Cosmopolitan), no study has
compared ads in women’s magazines to those in men’s magazines (e.g.,
Playboy) to explore possible differences in the number of ads. One study
compared ads in women’s magazines to those in magazines for the
general public (e.g., Time, Newsweek) and found more ads in the
former—indicating the differential targeting of women by the tobacco
industry.15 Yet, without a comparison to magazines that specifically target
men, possible differences remain unknown.
Likewise, studies of cigarette ads in women’s magazines used mag-
azines that target and are read most frequently by White women, with no
magazines for minority women included. Although one ground-breaking
study examined cigarette ads in a magazine for Black women (Essence),
no comparison to magazines for White women was conducted. 16 More-
over, magazines for Hispanic women have never been included in such
studies even though Latinas constitute the largest group of minority
women.17 Given that smoking rates among Latinas are significantly lower
than among White and Black women,3 the possibility that the tobacco
industry now specifically targets Latinas warrants exploration. Finally,
studies of the targeting of women have focused on ads for women’s
brands in women’s magazines, but have not examined ads for other
brands—for example, menthol vs. non-menthol brands. Several studies
indicate that menthol cigarettes (e.g., Kool, Newport) are advertised almost
exclusively in African-American magazines whereas non-menthol ciga-
rettes (e.g., Winston, Marlboro) are advertised in White magazines.1,18–20
This differential advertising accounts for the finding that the majority of
African-American smokers smoke a menthol brand whereas the majority
of White smokers smoke a non-menthol brand.1,18,21,22 In addition, stud-
ies indicate that smoking mentholated (as opposed to non-mentholated)
cigarettes is associated with increased rates of lung cancer,22 and lung
cancer is 50–60% higher in African-Americans than in Whites despite
their equal smoking prevalence rates.18,23 Hence, exploring ads for
menthol brands in women’s vs. men’s magazines may yield valuable data.
Thus, in this preliminary study, we explored the total number, type
(menthol vs. non-menthol), brand (Black, White, Women’s, Other), and
144 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH

size of cigarette ads in magazines that target White women, Latina women,
and men for the first time, and examined changes in ads over time as well.

METHODS

Five monthly magazines were selected: Cosmopolitan (2002 reader-

ship ¼ 2.96 million) and Glamour (2002 readership ¼ 2.51 million) were
selected as popular magazines that target White women, and Playboy
(2002 readership ¼ 3.2 million) selected as a popular magazine that tar-
gets men, each based on annual subscription, demographic, and sales
data (available at AdAge.com and at Market.Research.com). Then, Cosmo-
politan en Español and Glamour en Español were selected as magazines that
target Latina women. Data on the annual audience of the latter maga-
zines (i.e., their popularity) were not available. However, Cosmopolitan
and Cosmopolitan en Español (like Glamour and Glamour en Español) are the
same magazine, with the same publisher. Selecting the Spanish versions
of Cosmo and Glamour as the Latina magazines thereby controls for maga-
zine content, length, publication and advertising policies etc., such that
any differences in tobacco ads between the English and the Spanish versions
of these two magazines represent the differential targeting of Latina vs.
White women. Hence, Cosmopolitan en Español and Glamour en Español were
viewed as superior to other magazines for Latinas (e.g., Latina magazine)
for data-analytic purposes. Magazines for African-American women (e.g.,
Essence, Black Woman) were not included in this initial, preliminary study.
Every issue of the aforementioned five monthly magazines for the
4.5 year period of January 1998 through August 2002 was examined. This
yielded 53 issues of Playboy, 56 issues of Glamour, 53 issues of Cosmopolitan,
35 issues of Cosmopolitan en Español , and 12 issues of Glamour en Español;
the latter two magazines did not appear until 1999 or 2000, hence their
smaller sample size. The total number of magazine issues examined (i.e.,
subjects) was N ¼ 209. Each of the 209 issues was searched for cigarette
ads. Digital photographs were taken of all ads discovered, and these used
in analyses of the number, type (menthol vs. non-menthol), brand, and
size (length · width, number of pages) of ads. These ad characteristics
were coded by 2 and 3 researchers for each ad with 100% agreement.
RESULTS

Number of Ads
The 209 magazine issues contained a total of 630 cigarette ads.
White Women’s magazines (Cosmo and Glamour, N ¼ 109 issues)
 Senaida Fernandez et al. 145

contained 311 ads (Mean ¼ 2.96 ads per issue, r ¼ 1.67); Latina women’s
magazines (Cosmo and Glamour in Spanish, N ¼ 47 issues) contained 47
ads (Mean ¼ 1.0 ad per issue, r ¼ 0.722); and Men’s magazines (Playboy,
N ¼ 53 issues) contained 272 ads (Mean ¼ 5.26 ads per issue, r ¼ 1.47).
The analysis for differences in the average number of ads-per-issue by
magazine was significant (ANOVA Mean Square ¼ 2228.765, F2,208 ¼
107.554, p ¼ 0.0005). Follow-up Tukey tests (at 0.05) revealed Men’s >
White Women’s > Latina Women’s magazines in the mean number of
cigarette ads per issue.

Ad Size
The sizes of the cigarette ads were as follows: White Women’s
magazines Mean ¼ 1.48 pages (r ¼ 0.888), Men’s magazines Mean ¼ 1.46
pages (r ¼ 0.882), and Latina women’s magazines Mean ¼ 1.13 pages
(r ¼ 0.337). The analysis for differences in the average size of cigarette
ads by magazine was significant (ANOVA Mean Square ¼ 2.604,
F2,652 ¼ 3.537, p ¼ 0.03). Follow-up Tukey tests (at 0.05) revealed
Men’s ¼ White Women’s > Latina Women’s magazines in the mean size
of ads.

Menthol vs. Non-Menthol Ads

Significant differences in the prevalence of ads for menthol ciga-
rettes (Salem, Newport, Marlboro menthol, etc.) were found as well. As shown
in Table 1, 51.1% of the cigarette ads in Latinas’ magazines, 28.3% of
the cigarette ads in White Women’s magazines, and 27.2% of the ciga-
rette ads Men’s magazines were for menthol cigarettes. Magazines for La-
tinas contained more ads for menthol cigarettes and fewer ads for non-

TABLE 1

Number Menthol vs. Non-Menthol Cigarette Ads in Magazinesa

Magazine Audience Menthol Ads (%) (n) Non-Menthol Ads (%) (n)

Latina Women 51.1 (24) 48.9 (23)

White Women 28.3 (88) 71.7 (223)
Men 27.2 (74) 72.8 (198)
a
Overall Likelihood ratio X2 df 2 = 10.460, p < 0.005; White vs. Latina women X2 df 1 = 9.219,
p < 0.002; Latinas vs. Men X2 df 1 = 10.015, p < 0.002; White Women vs. Men X2 df 1 = 0.086, p = 0.769.
146 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH

menthol cigarettes than did magazines for White Women and for men
(Latinas’ > White Women’s ¼ Men’s magazines for menthol ads; Latinas’
< White Women’s ¼ Men’s magazines for non-menthol ads, determined
by X2 analyses and analyses of X2 residuals). To clarify this finding, a
stepwise logistic regression predicting menthol vs. non-menthol cigarette
ads from magazine type was conducted. As shown in Table 2, magazines
for Latinas were 2.64 times more likely than magazines for White Women
to contain ads for menthol cigarettes (magazines for Men did not differ
from those for White Women).

Brands Advertised
Fourteen different brands of cigarettes were advertised in White
Women’s magazines and in Men’s magazines as well, but only four differ-
ent brands were advertised in Latinas’ magazines. To explore the possibil-
ity that a restricted set of specific brands are differentially marketed to
Latinas, all brands were categorized as follows, in a manner consistent
with prior studies: White Brands (those advertised most often to
Whites) ¼ Marlboro + Camel + Winston;1,9,14,18 Black Brands (advertised
most often to Blacks) ¼ Kool + Newport;1,9,14,18 and Women’s Brands (adver-
tised almost exclusively to women) ¼ Virginia Slims + Capri + Misty.4,5,8 All
remaining brands were categorized as Other Brands (Salem + Pall Mall
+ Basic + GPC + Carlton + Cambridge, Merit etc.). As shown in Table 3,
the magazines differed significantly in the pattern of ads for these four
categories of brands: For White Brands, the pattern of ads was White
Women’s > Men’s > Latinas’ magazines. For Black Brands, the pattern of
ads was Latinas’ > White Women’s > Men’s magazines. For Women’s
Brands, the pattern of ads was Latinas’ > White Women’s > Men’s
magazines, with the latter containing zero ads for Women’s Brands. For
TABLE 2

Stepwise Logistic Regression Predicting Menthol vs. Non-menthol

Cigarette Ads From Magazine

Reference group: White Women’s Magazines

Magazine Selected/Step b SE Wald Odds Ratio 95% CI

Latinas’ Magazines 0. 972 0.318 9.363a 2.644 1.418, 4.930

Men’s Magazine )0.054 0.186 0.086b 0.947 0.658, 1.362
a
p = 0.001; bp = 0.266.
 Senaida Fernandez et al. 147

TABLE 3

Brands of Cigarettes Advertised in Magazinesa

White Brands Black Brands Women’s Brands Other Brands

Magazine Audience (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n)

White Women 48.0 (155) 25.7 (83) 15.2 (49) 11.1 (36)
Latina Women 19.1 (9) 59.6 (28) 21.3 (10) 0.0 (0)
Men 38.9 (110) 20.8 (59) 0.0 (0) 40.3 (114)
a
Overall Likelihood ratio X2 df 6 = 172.548, p = 0.0005; White vs. Latina women X2
df 3 = 32.887, p = 0.0005; White women vs. Men v2 df 3 = 119.661, p = 0.0005; Latina women vs. Men X2
df 3 = 97.074, p = 0.0005.

Other Brands, the pattern of ads was Men’s > White Women’s > Latinas’
magazines, with the latter containing zero ads for Other Brands. Stated
differently, brands marketed to White Women were White Brands > Black
Brands > Women’s Brands > Other Brands. Brands marketed to Latinas were
Black Brands > Women’s Brands = White Brands > Other Brands. Brands mar-
keted to men were Other Brands = White Brands > Black Brands > Women’s
Brands. Hence, Latinas’ magazines contained more ads for Black Brands
and for Women’s Brands than did the other magazines; White women’s
magazines contained more ads for White Brands than did other maga-
zines; and Men’s magazines contained more ads for Other Brands and
fewer ads for Women’s Brands than did other magazines.

Ads Over Time

Each group of magazines (White Women’s, Latinas’, Men’s) was
analyzed for possible changes in the average number of cigarette ads per
issue over time; to reduce the number of consecutive significance tests, sepa-
rate analyses for changes in menthol ads over time were not conducted. As
shown in Table 4, the mean number of cigarette ads-per-issue decreased in
White women’s magazines over time (1999 > 2000 > 2001= 2002); remained
stable in Latinas’ magazines over time (1999 = 2000 = 2001 = 2002); and did
not decrease in men’s magazines until 2002 (1999 = 2000 = 2001 > 2002).

DISCUSSION

Gender-related studies of cigarette ads in magazines have

compared the number of ads per issue in women’s magazines to those
148 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH

TABLE 4

Number of Cigarette Ads in Magazines, 1998–2002

White Women’s Magazinesa 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002

Mean Ads Per Issue 3.42 4.30 3.04 2.08 1.36
(SD) (1.18) (1.99) (1.43) (1.02) (0.93)
Range Ads Per Issue 2–6 2–10 0–5 0–4 0–3
Latina Women’s Magazinesb 1999 2000 2001 2002
Mean Ads Per Issue 1.18 1.00 1.08 0.70
(SD) (0.75) (0.91) (0.61) (0.18)
Range Ads Per Issue 0–2 0–3 0–2 0–1
Men’s Magazinesc 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002
Mean Ads Per Issue 5.45 5.50 5.25 5.92 3.17
(SD) (1.13) (1.31) (1.22) (1.51) (1.17)
Range Ads Per Issue 3–7 3–7 3–8 4–8 1–4
a
Mean square = 25.286, F (4,108) = 13.102, p = 0.0005; Tukey tests: 1998 = 1999 > 2000 >
2001 = 2002.
b
Mean square = 0.447, F (3,46) = 0.848, p = 0.475; Tukey tests: 1999 = 2000 = 2001= 2002.
c
Mean square = 8.144, F (4,52) = 4.903, p = 0.002 Tukey tests: 1998 = 1999 = 2000 = 2001 >
2002.

in magazines for the general public (e.g., Newsweek), and have found
significantly more ads in the former—this interpreted as the differential
targeting of women by the tobacco industry.15 This study is the first to
compare the number of cigarette ads in magazines that specifically target
men vs. women, and found significantly more cigarette ads per issue in
men’s magazines. Although this finding may indicate that the tobacco
industry targets men more so than it does women, such a conclusion can-
not be drawn from this study for two reasons. First, only one magazine
that targets men (Playboy) was examined. The content of this magazine
differs from that of other magazines for men (e.g, Sports Illustrated, Popu-
lar Mechanics), and so its audience also may differ from that of other
men’s magazines (e.g., may consist of more). The frequent cigarette ads
in Playboy then may be specific to Playboy and its readers alone. Second,
the greater number of cigarette ads in Playboy relative to women’s maga-
zines simply may reflect differences in the number of cigarette ads that
the respective publishers accept. Hence, studies with larger, more repre-
sentative samples of magazines for men and for women are needed.
That there were significantly more cigarette ads per issue in maga-
zines for White Women (Mean = 2.96) than in magazines for Latinas
(Mean = 1.0) is easier to interpret because the magazines in question
 Senaida Fernandez et al. 149

were the same (in English vs. Spanish) with the same publisher. Hence,
this preliminary finding suggests a greater targeting of White than of
Latina women by the tobacco industry. Likewise, the findings on the
brands and types of cigarettes advertised also are readily interpretable
because such results are not an artifact of differences in publishers’
acceptance of tobacco ads: Once a publisher has decided to accept
cigarette ads, the differential advertising of specific types and brands of
cigarettes represents the differential targeting of populations with those
types and brands.14 Three novel results emerged for types and brands of
cigarettes advertised.
First, there were significantly more ads for menthol brands in
magazines for Latinas than in magazines for White Women or for Men,
with Latinas’ magazines 2.6 times more likely to contain such ads.
Because the magazines for White women and those for Latinas were the
same (the English vs. Spanish versions of Cosmopolitan and Glamour),
these data strongly suggest that the tobacco industry is targeting Latinas
in a manner that it does not target White women, and indeed, in a man-
ner similar to its targeting of Blacks. This interpretation is supported by
the findings on specific brands of cigarettes marketed to Latinas: 60% of
the cigarette ads in Latinas’ magazines were for Black Brands, compared
to 26% and 21% of the ads in magazines for White women and for men,
respectively. This suggests that the tobacco industry might view the
Latino population as minorities who are similar to Blacks and so treats
them similarly, i.e., with a preponderance of ads for menthol brands and
with ads for a restricted set of brands (i.e., 14 different brands advertised
to White Women and to Men vs. a mere four brands advertised to Lati-
nas). Given the limitations of the sample of magazines studied however,
this differential targeting of Latinas with a restricted set of primarily
Black menthol brands is a preliminary finding necessitating verification
by larger studies. The recent finding3 that most Latina (i.e., Puerto Rican
women) smokers smoke Newport (a Black, menthol brand) is supportive
of these preliminary findings and encourages such replications.
The second novel finding was the differential advertising of
Women’s Brands. Women’s Brands of cigarettes were never advertised to
men and instead, continue to be marketed to White and to Latina
women, in manner consistent with prior studies as well as with data indi-
cating that the purpose of these brands is to encourage women to smoke.
In addition however, Women’s Brands were advertised significantly more
often to Latinas than to White women. This suggests that the tobacco
industry may be targeting Latinas with Women’s Brands in the effort to
increase smoking among Latinas, perhaps because their rates of smoking
150 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH

are significantly lower than those of White and of Black women.

Similarly, the third novel finding was that the most frequent brands
advertised to White Women were not Women’s Brands, but instead, were
White Brands, with more ads for White Brands (e.g., Marlboro) in maga-
zines for White Women than for all other groups. Marketing Women’s
Brands to Latinas while marketing White Brands to White Women might
reflect a change in the tobacco-industry’s strategy. Specifically, the indus-
try may view White Women as less traditional in gender roles than
Latinas, and so may be targeting White women with the same brands
(Marlboro) that it advertises to men, while targeting Latinas with gender-
tailored, traditional Women’s Brands. Such possibilities require further
research with larger samples of magazines than used in this preliminary
study. The recent finding3 that most White Women smokers smoke Marl-
boro (a White Brand) supports these preliminary findings and hence
encourages such replication studies.
Finally, an additional novel finding was for changes in ads over
time. The average number of cigarette ads per issue in magazines for
White Women has decreased in recent years while remaining stable
in magazines for Latinas. Because the magazines in question are the
same magazines with the same publisher, this too suggests the possible
differential targeting of Latinas (relative to White women). Given the
limitations of the sample of magazines and of the time-frame examined
in this exploratory study however, further research is needed with larger
samples of magazines that cover a broader time-frame.
In summary, this preliminary investigation confirms prior studies
indicating that cigarette advertising directed at women differs from that
directed at men, and also suggests that there may be significant differ-
ences in cigarette ads directed at women of different ethnic groups. The
latter is a novel finding that highlights the need for research on this
topic as well as on the possible role that such advertising may play in
ethnic differences in smoking and brand preferences among women.

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