Security reforms needed

FROM THE NEWSPAPER

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Published 2013-06-13 03:08:08

THE new government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will face a
daunting task in dealing with the critical issues of governance and
the rule of law.
For years, Pakistani society has not just been facing the challenge of
militancy and terrorism; the hard task which the PML-N government will
have to tackle in the coming days is to introduce meaningful security
sector reforms.
The focus of Nawaz Sharif during his election campaign was good
governance, rule of law and a better quality of life. But without taking
bold and courageous steps to establish a culture of accountability,
efficiency and responsibility in areas which are supposed to provide
basic security to the people, the situation on the ground may not change
for the better.
The concept of security sector reforms aims to pursue a non-traditional
approach in dealing with issues which augment a sense of insecurity in
different segments of society. In February 2007, the UN Security Council
came up with an innovative definition of security sector reforms when it
stated that security sector reforms are critical to the consolidation of
peace and stability, promoting poverty reduction, rule of law, good
governance, extending legitimate state authority and preventing
countries from relapsing into conflict. The Security Council encourages
states to formulate their security sector reform programmes in a holistic
way that encompasses strategic planning, institutional structures,
resource management, operational capacity, civilian oversight and good
governance.
Strategically speaking, security sector reforms cover both the military
and civilian components of state and non-state institutions which are
carried out in a democratic set-up with proper transparency,
accountability and vision. Security sector reforms are badly needed in

post-colonial and fragile states where dysfunctional state organs cause

the threat of instability, chaos and disorder.
In order to prevent a conflict and its escalation, state actors in
collaboration with civil society can formulate a strategy to use police,
intelligence agencies and military and paramilitary forces in a planned
manner so that the situation is controlled peacefully and without the loss
of innocent lives.
Without reforming institutions which are responsible for maintaining law
and order and ensuring good governance, the state cannot maintain
peace, stability and provide basic security to its citizens.
In 2004, the British government issued a policy document on security
sector reforms specifically dealing with conflict prevention, management
and resolution. Following a comprehensive approach on security sector
reforms, the policy document argued that the main purpose of the
security sector reforms strategy is to support governments of
developing and transitional countries so that they can fulfil their
legitimate security functions through reforms that will make the delivery
of security more effective and democratic, thereby reducing the potential
for both internal and external conflict.
Human security is considered pivotal as far as security sector reforms
are concerned because extremism, militancy, violence and terrorism
deepen their roots if unemployment, illiteracy, poverty, and social and
economic backwardness are not eradicated. It is the internal rather than
external security dynamics of a state which are a cause of widespread
popular discontent and instability.
By enhancing capacity building of educational, judicial and
administrative institutions through security sector reforms, one can
expect better management of conflicts and unresolved issues.
Why are security sector reforms needed in Pakistan and how can the
PML-N government deal with the issues of human security, good
governance and the rule of law? What are the major challenges in
reforming security sector institutions which are either not performing
properly or are reaching the stage of total collapse?

Although Pakistan cannot be termed a failed state, it certainly comes

under the category of a fragile state. Failure of security agencies to
prevent large-scale acts of terrorism and violence means there exists an
absence of viable security architecture in the country.
According to a report entitled Election 2013: Violence against political
parties, candidates and voters released by the Pakistan Institute of
Peace Studies recently, a total of 148 terrorist attacks were reported
across Pakistan between January 1 and May 15 killing as many as 170
people [while] 743 [were] injured in these attacks.
Furthermore, around 50,000 people, both civilian and in uniform, have
been killed in Pakistan since 9/11 in terrorist and other violent acts. On
Sept 6 last year, then federal interior minister Rehman Malik told the
National Assembly that a total of 1,363 people lost their lives at the
hands of target killers in Karachi during the past five years.
These facts reveal the failure of the state to protect its people despite
spending billions of rupees on the law enforcement agencies.

Dark secrets of shining

democracies
JAWED NAQVI
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Published 2013-06-13 03:03:34

THE oppressive heat in Delhi was interrupted by a brief visit from

the rain clouds this week. Ditto with Edward Snowdens
courageous revelations about the American governments spying
on its own people.
His admission to being the source that spilled the beans on US
espionage at home and abroad came as a breath of fresh air in an
otherwise stifling atmosphere of manufactured consent and submission.
In a way what Snowden revealed from his vantage point as a former CIA
operative promises to turn George Orwells fable of Animal Farm on its
head. In Orwells spoof on Stalins Russia the pigs represent the
secretive Bolshevik leaders who end up adopting the manners of

capitalist humans they once derided. Are we then witnessing the

opposite phenomenon in which capitalist humans are acquiring the
darkest features of Orwells communist pigs?
Actually, it was in the more sombre Nineteen Eighty Four that Orwell
etched a palpably real nightmare of a regimented society in which
citizens are subjected to relentless vigil by the states agencies. It was
somewhat ironic that the news of the NSAs systematic slurping of
phone records and the subsequent revelations about the spying
system were revealed in the same week as the 64th anniversary of the
publication of Orwells dark masterpiece, Iain Thomson wrote
in UK-based portal The Register. Now it seems people are buying it up
either to learn about what could be, or simply because recent events
reminded them to read the classic.
In his shockingly compelling interview to The Guardian from an
obviously unsafe hideout in Hong Kong, Snowden showed that the boot
was now on the other foot. In other words, the elusive quest for a free
world promised during the Cold War had hit the doldrums. Revolutions
devour their own children, it had been claimed, not without a grain of
truth. How should we describe the free-market democracies as they
mutate into secret states once identified with the communist era?
Like everyone else, the Indian government runs a gamut of spy
agencies that at least in one case didnt spare even the finance
ministers office in their snooping zeal. New Delhi has feigned ignorance
of the US governments all pervasive electronic intrusions across the
world in which India is the fifth most watched country. Why just India,
everyone is complicit and conniving in the project of mistrusting their
own citizens. As Snowden asserts, a possible exception is Iceland. It is
there, he believes, he might feel a bit more secure against the powerful
reach of his former employers who now want him as a traitor. Russia
has farcically offered to consider asylum for Snowden, which
inadvertently speaks volumes for the status of probity in the rest of the
free world that doesnt want anything to do with him.
In any regimented society, as in a supposedly freer world, the media
with a few exceptions becomes a useful asset to promote the states
point of view. Indias muddled democracy has its fair share of pliable

journalists. Here, the editors deem it an honour to be decorated with

Soviet-style Padma Shri and Padma Bhushan state awards.
The corporate takeover of the free media is all but complete even as
senior journalists glide into political and corporate lobbies through an
invisible revolving door, never mind the obvious conflict of interests. It is
therefore a no mean blessing that tiny spaces still remain in the public
sphere that resonate with bravehearts like Snowden and Julian
Assange.
Snowdens expose of a rotten system that hides behind the shroud of
democracy ranks equally with Assanges and Bradley Mannings
largesse of state secrets they made available to everyone and anyone
who cared to investigate the global subversion of societies, economies,
cultures and above all of the life-giving sources of nature as well.
Why are democracies, led by the most powerful of them, turning into
secret states that snoop on their own citizens? Or did the epithet of the
Iron Curtain used by Churchill to describe Moscows impermeability to
the daylight of liberal inquiry mask the Wests own similar tendencies?
The truth behind Snowdens agony is best captured in his own words.
What did he think was going to happen to him now? Nothing good,
was his searing answer. Why did he choose to suffer a forbidding fate?
What compelled him to become a whistleblower?
The NSA, he said, had built an infrastructure that allowed it to intercept
almost everything. With this capability, the vast majority of human
communications are automatically ingested without targeting. If I
wanted to see your emails or your wifes phone, all I have to do is use
intercepts. I can get your emails, passwords, phone records, credit
cards.
I dont want to live in a society that does these sort of things I do not
want to live in a world where everything I do and say is recorded. That is
not something I am willing to support or live under.
The abiding irony of Snowdens revelations is that they happened soon
after a meeting of the American and the Chinese presidents in Los
Angeles. The Chinese government had been snooping and hacking into
US defence and commercial establishments. It had to stop for their ties

to remain intact, the leader from China was told. Now Snowden is urging
his own government to do likewise to stop hacking into peoples
emails and phone records.

Vultures and load-shedding

KHURRAM HUSAIN
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Published 2013-06-13 03:04:29

WITH all the talk about bringing in private-sector management to

raise efficiency in state-owned enterprises, a few things are worth
bearing in mind.
First, there is little alternative. Private-sector management is indeed
required because state-owned enterprises inevitably get caught up in
politics and become vehicles for the dissemination of patronage and
political favour.
But, having said that, its also important to understand that private
management brings its own limitations. The chairman of Karachis
electric supply company KESC, Tabish Gauhar, for example, has been
writing about the virtues of private-sector management, saying that the
focus of private enterprise is always customer-centric and therefore
efficiencies naturally follow.
This is fair enough, and there is lots of evidence to support the claim.
Intuition also tells us something similar. But lets also agree that this is
the rosier side of the picture and, like any rose, there is also a thorny
dimension.
The optimists amongst us can be easily persuaded that privately-run
firms tend to be customer-centric. But those of us who have snooped
around in the dark spaces of our economy and business environment
know that the shareholder comes long before the customer in the
calculations of upper management.
The shareholder is interested in one thing only: returns. This is a
euphemism for money. All the shareholder wants, whether at the end of
the day or the start, is money. What distinguishes some shareholders

from others are things like how long theyre willing to wait to get their
hands on that money (as a rule, the longer the wait, the more the
quantity of funds demanded), and the means through which they get it.
Three examples tell the story. In one case, the shareholder is persuaded
by upper management to undertake a massive expansion in operations,
requiring billions of rupees in investment. Bank loans are acquired, and
then through massive over-invoicing, a large portion of these loans finds
its way into the pockets of the primary shareholders. The expansion
comes at a tremendous cost, but nobody asks any questions because
management gets what it wants, and the shareholder gets his returns
before operations even commence.
In another case, a wealthy individual will buy a controlling share in a
large company, lets say 12 per cent or so. Then the individual in
question will bring his own men onto the board (and yes, theyre almost
always men). Once the board is properly stacked up, the CEO will be
pressured to announce outlandish dividends.
If the CEO tries to resist, saying the dividends being demanded are
unrealistic given the state of the companys cash flows, that CEO will be
replaced. If the CEO agrees, the volumes being demanded as dividends
will increase until you have a situation where the company is paying out
more through dividends than the total cash it is able to generate from its
own operations.
How could this be? How could a company pay more in dividends than
its own cash flows? By using borrowed money, obviously. Money
borrowed from banks for working capital purposes will be siphoned out
in the form of dividends, and will once again find its way into the
shareholders pockets.
This route brings an added bonus. The unusually large dividend payouts
will attract the interest of other investors on the trade floor, and the price
of the companys stock will rise very sharply over the time period when
the dividend payouts are under way.
In a few years, the original shareholder would have recovered the
money he had invested to acquire controlling share in the company, and
at this point he will slowly liquidate his holdings, in all likelihood selling
the shares at twice the price he paid to acquire them. Hell sell slowly,

surreptitiously, so as to not spark any chatter in the market, lest his

stealthy exit sparks off a wider sell-off.
Hell likely walk off with a return in excess of 100pc on his original
investment, and will then cast his vultures gaze at the corporate
landscape one more time, looking for another large enterprise to enter,
plunder, and abandon.
And the third example. Here our wily capitalist, the predatory investor,
will own a bouquet of companies. One of them will be a bank. His own
bank will issue a loan at very high interest rates to his own company.
The company will groan and creak as it pays every penny it earns to the
bank in the form of financial charges, telling the wider body of
shareholders that due to problems such as the energy crisis or the
circular debt or whatever, it is unable to offer a generous dividend this
year.
Meanwhile, on the balance sheet of the company, financial charges will
exceed the total cash generated from operations; much like in the
previous example, dividend payouts will exceed total cash generated
from operations. In both cases, when payout in any form whether as
financial charges or as dividends exceed the companys own cash
flow, we can suspect that some sort of predatory activity is under way.
Each of the examples cited is real. The companies involved will remain
unnamed for now but it is worth everybodys while, especially of
the government, to recall that predatory investors are on the prowl. All
the talk of a large-scale retirement of the circular debt has attracted their
attention, because they smell money.
While welcoming the efficiencies that private-sector managements can
bring, it is equally important to guard against the predatory instincts of
private-sector investors. The power sector is far too important, by virtue
of its special place in the daily lives of tens of millions of citizens, to be
left to fend for itself.
Tread, by all means but with caution.
The writer is a Karachi-based journalist covering business and
economic policy

Bomb or bread?
ZUBEIDA MUSTAFA
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Published 2013-06-12 06:02:25

ON May 28, an email was circulating on the web from Dr Shershah

Syed, whose services to womens reproductive health are widely
acclaimed.
Doctor Sahib wrote, Today we are celebrating the atom bomb day when
we are a country where millions of children are not going to school
where millions of kids start their morning without food and will work in
factories.
How true. While chasing the bomb, we have destroyed our people.
What Dr Shershah can add is that this is also a country where one
cannot escape the heart-wrenching sight of little rag-pickers rummaging
through the garbage for food leftovers to ease their hunger pangs. Their
emaciated bodies taunt our bomb-makers with misplaced priorities.
Defence spending is expected to increase in the budget to be presented
later this month. At this rate, though, there will be no one left to protect.
The data given out by the health authorities of the prevalence of
malnutrition and stunting in Pakistan are not exaggerated.
It is said that nearly half of our child population is not sufficiently
nourished. According to the Pakistan governments National Nutrition
Survey 2011, 60 pc of families in the rural areas (72pc in Sindh) and
52pc in the urban areas, suffer from moderate or severe hunger. They
are the families that are described as food insecure.
The fact is that food insecurity is not caused by shortage of food. Dr
Amartya Sen, the Nobel Prize winning economist, had said that a long
time ago when he had researched the 1943 famine in India. Pakistan
grows more wheat today than ever before. Yet many dont have access
to food as it is priced in such a way that it goes beyond the purchasing
power of the poor. If food price inflation is higher than that of other items
it becomes a matter of life and death for the low-income classes. Thus in
Pakistan, the price of the food basket escalated by 81.19pc in 2007-

2011 when general inflation was 61pc in the same period. (Data from
Pakistan Economic Survey 2011-2012.) Today, on an average, a lowincome Pakistani family spends nearly half its income on food and yet
cannot procure enough to feed the children properly.
This is an acute human problem with grave implications for every sector
of national life health, education and productivity. It is no coincidence
that the food insecure and malnourished households are also illiterate,
in poor health and have weak income-generating power. The cost to
sustain them even at this appalling level amounts to 3pc of the GDP.
These triple problems malnourishment/bad health and low
productivity are symbiotic, with one reinforcing the other and making
it impossible for these families to break out of the poverty they are
trapped in.
More has to be spent on their healthcare than would have been needed
had people been better nourished as malnourishment makes them more
vulnerable to diseases of all kinds. Ill health means the lack of vitality
and resistance to illnesses that results in higher working days lost due to
the disease burden (the disability-adjusted lost year, or Daly) as the
measure to assess the state of health of people in Pakistan and its
impact on the economy. Not surprisingly, the years lost are high in
number.
The problem of malnutrition affects education profoundly and as a result
the future of Pakistan. It has also been established conclusively now
that the thousand days between the start of a womans pregnancy and
her childs second birthday offer a unique window of opportunity to
shape healthier and more prosperous futures. How? If the mother
herself is well nourished during her pregnancy she will give birth to a
healthy baby who will stand a better chance in life. Babies fed balanced
and healthy diets for the first two years of their life have a better mental
development and their capacity to think and learn is enhanced.
It has now been discovered that this thousand-day window of
opportunity is time-bound. If infants receive the necessary nutrients
especially proteins and iron at the right time their mental growth will
be healthy. The neurons in the brain, which are going through a crucial
phase of growth and networking, will grow optimally if the requisite
nourishment is provided. On the contrary, children denied adequate

nourishment will be slow learners and their cognitive development will

be retarded. What is worrying is that this deficit cannot be recompensed
at a later stage; irreversible damage has already been done.
This explains why teachers today are constantly complaining about the
large number of children who suffer from attention deficit disorder or are
slow learners. Even mothers who have enough resources to feed their
child but neglect to address their nutritional needs could also unwittingly
cause malnutrition and the resultant deficiencies. They need to be
educated about the basics of child-rearing.
Of greater concern are the impoverished who cannot afford to feed their
children adequately. It is the duty of the state to focus on its human
resources while it is shaping its economic policy. If wheat has to be
subsidised it must be done to bring down its price. In the year 2000
wheat flour cost Rs8 per kg. Today it is over Rs26. There is need for
nutrition-related multiple interventions if our mothers and children are to
be saved.

Circular debt blamed for power

crisis
A REPORTER

File Photo.
Published 2013-06-12 07:05:54

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ISLAMABAD: The Economic Survey 2012-13 has blamed circular

debt, weak financial position of energy companies, falling gas
production, high dependence on oil and gas, low exploitation of
indigenous coal and hydel resources and unutilised generation
capacity for the severe power shortages in the country.
Quoting the National Transmission and Despatch Company (NTDC), the
Survey said: Annual electricity demand growth rate is forecast to hover
around five to six per cent over the next 10 years. With the current
position of expansion, it seems the crisis will not be over which in turn
will effect the economic growth of the country.

It said the power sector heavily depended on gas whose reduced supply
had crippled its performance. The countrys electricity generation is now
highly dependent on imported oil. The bulk of $14.5 billion worth of oil
imported annually is used for power generation.
Thus pronounced shift from hydro to thermal generation, and more
recently from natural gas to oil as the primary fuel for electricity
generation have caused fuel crisis in the power sector. These trends
have further contributed to an increase in power supply cost, the survey
said.
It called for an immediate shifting of fuel mix from expensive to cheaper.
The generation capacity also could not be operated at full due to
constraints in fuel availability and timely payments.
As of March, the number of consumers has been increased to 21.704
million. Even during the current fiscal year, the consumption pattern,
more or less, remained the same with domestic share at 43pc, industrial
26pc and agricultural at about 11pc. About 1000-1200MW is expected to
be added to the national grid by 2015 if land is allocated to new wind
power projects.
The Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission is responsible for planning,
construction and operation of nuclear power plants such as Karachi
Nuclear Power Plant and Chashma Nuclear Power Plant Unit-1 and 2
(C-1 & C-2). The construction of two more units C-3 and C-4 is in
progress. The commercial operation of the under construction nuclear
power plants C-3 and C-4 of 340MW each is planned in December 2016
and October 2017, respectively.
According to the survey, the import bill of petroleum group was $15.2
billion in FY12. In terms of quantity it was 19.2 million tons, including
13.2m tons of petroleum products and 6.0m tons of petroleum crude.
But during July-March FY13, it posted a negative growth of 0.53pc
because of a decline in quantity (negative 0.18pc). The main reason
attributed to the fall is decline in prices of petroleum products globally
and their consumption.
Overall there was a negative growth in consumption of gas during JulMarch FY13. An analysis of sector-wise consumption of gas indicates

that the highest share of 27.5pc was consumed by the power sector,
followed by the industry 22.6pc. The share of household was 23.2pc.
However, the trend of providing gas to the power sector has been
declining since 2005-06, except in 2012 which saw a growth of 6pc.
The consumption of gas by the transport sector grew by 5.3pc in 201112, but it declined by 16pc during July-March 2012-13. Although the
sectors share in gas consumption has increased from 0.6 to 9pc over
the past 10 years, it is now declining because of load management.
The consumption of gas by the fertiliser sector has been declining, but it
still shares a significant amount of 16pc. However, it declined by 7pc
when compared with the last year. During July-March 2012-13, it further
dropped to 12pc.
It is expected that gas will be supplied to 39,000 new consumers and
about 350 new towns/villages will be connected to the gas network
during the next fiscal year.
According to the survey, gas utility companies have planned to invest
Rs17.437bn on transmission projects, Rs27.265bn on distribution
projects and Rs11.165bn on other projects, bringing a total investment
of Rs55.867bn during the next fiscal year.
Foreign policy challenges

By MOEED YUSUF , Dawn 10-6-13

ONE of the first things Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif did after taking oath was to send
a message outlining his foreign policy priorities to Pakistani missions abroad.
The move reflects his interest in getting Pakistans foreign relations right and signals
this intent to the implementers of the countys foreign policy vision around the world.
There was one observation, though not unexpected, that is nonetheless noteworthy:
the importance he laid on Pakistans neighbourhood.
Reorienting Pakistans focus to the South Asian region in a positive way, especially
with regard to India, will be no mean feat. No one knows this better than Mr Sharif
given his experience with attempts to improve Indo-Pak ties during his last stint.
Much has been written about the substantive issues and disputes at hand. Let me,
instead, focus on a seemingly more mundane, but nonetheless critical, issue of
getting the management of the foreign policy machinery right. Without this, the
government is sure to fall short on the substance.

To begin with, Sharif needs someone to take charge of the situation. Any confusion in
the roles of the key people will only allow detractors to stonewall positive initiatives.
His decision to not appoint a full time foreign minister is disturbing in this regard.
Prime ministers holding on to such portfolios can work when the foreign policy
direction of a country is likely to be a continuation of the status quo. In such cases,
the bureaucracy keeps chugging along with its routines and the prime minister, in his
capacity as foreign minister, only has to tinker on the edges.
If the goal is truly transformative, though, a full-time, empowered manager who
commands respect and has some expertise in the subject is likely to be your best
bet. Also, in the Pakistani context, a disempowered foreign minister much less an
absent one always tends to force important foreign actors to go knocking at GHQs
doors to get the job done. This is exactly the opposite of what Sharif wants;
ostensibly, his decision to keep the portfolio is driven by this concern in the first
place.
Sharif has already decided on his two principal foreign policy managers: Sartaj Aziz
and Tariq Fatemi. Both are solid choices. But in the absence of a minister (or till one
of them is brought into that role) they need the right kind of empowerment to pull
off the task Sharif has outlined for them and those who would be working for them in
the foreign ministry. A clear signal to this effect needs to come from the prime
minister. Disturbingly, some PML-N members confide that this may not happen for
purely parochial reasons to do with internal party politics.
Next, one shouldnt overlook the challenge these officials will face in getting a team
in place that shares the prime ministers vision. Some would argue that perhaps even
they dont fully buy into it. Even if so, they given their proximity to the prime
minister and his faith in them will have little difficulty in rallying behind him. The
real challenge will be to pick likeminded people for key ambassadorial positions and
desks in the ministry.
At least on India and Afghanistan, this is not only about finding the brightest and the
best. The problem is that the Foreign Offices traditional outlook on these countries
has never been too different from that of the security establishment. Sharifs vision is
light years ahead and it will require quite a jolt to this highly competent, yet
characterised by inertia, machinery to get the ball rolling. You need people truly
ideologically invested in his vision to take the lead.
The mother of all challenges, however, is undoubtedly going to lie in the civil-military
domain. The security establishment and sections of the Foreign Office most closely
aligned with its vision have run the countrys India and Afghanistan policy for years.
There is no way to make a clean break from that, especially a year before the 2014
Nato exit from Afghanistan. Sharifs team will have to work this incrementally and
without considering the military a competitor. The most crucial role for Nawazs core
team will be to act as credible and effective interlocutors between the prime
ministers office and the GHQ.
The best-case scenario is that the civilian and military enclaves have frank and
regular conversations and agree on a joint agenda to move forward on regional
relations and other priorities. The more probable and less attractive possibility is
that, in typical Pakistani style, sycophants in trying to appear more loyal than the
king will begin to saturate both the prime minister and the military top brass with
rumours and stories that confirm their worst fears about the other and end up

encouraging a rift.
Here, the role of the prime ministers team will be pivotal. They will have to be the
loudest credible voices he can hear and believe. And they will have to prevent such a
rift at all costs. Similarly, the military will have to keep its side in check and take the
shifting institutional equilibrium in favour of the civilians in its stride rather than
seeing this as a dent to personal and institutional egos.

Hope for Balochistan?

By I.A Rehman
WILL Nawaz Sharifs laudable decision to choose for Balochistans chief
ministership a Baloch from outside his party revive hope for tranquillity,
good governance and progress in that much misunderstood and
persistently wronged federating unit?
To a considerable extent, Pakistans future will depend on what answer we get to
this question.
The PML-N chief has opted for the best possible way, in the given situation, to
restore the Baloch peoples confidence in realising their democratic rights through
constitutional means. The National Partys commitment to the cause of Baloch
nationalists is well known.
Also known is Dr Abdul Malik Balochs skill in the art of the possible. During the
discussion on the proposals for the 18th Amendment, he did not curtail his
peoples demands but also showed flexibility in settling for less. He should be in a
better position than the other coalition partners to influence the Baloch elements
that have lost faith in parliamentary democracy.
One would have been happier if Sardar Akhtar Mengal had been a party to the
consensus-making process. Even now it should be possible for him to put his
personal/party unhappiness aside and help a broad-based Baloch effort at
securing the communitys advancement.
Mian Nawaz Sharifs decision is not only in favour of the National Party, it is also in
the interests of his partys Balochistan wing; the latter will not be responsible for
the trials the new provincial government will doubtless face. More than anything
else it is an offer of accommodation to the entire people of Balochistan. If this
view is accepted by all coalition partners they may succeed in burying the
tradition of factious and divisive politics in their land.

The difficult nature of Dr Maliks task can hardly be exaggerated. He will be able
to make a good start only by ensuring that his cabinet functions as a team united
in the pursuit of shared objectives. This will need the fullest possible
understanding not only among Baloch representatives, regardless of their inter
party differences, but also with the Pakhtun community. Baloch-Pakhtun relations
have been under strain for several decades and they need to be repaired on the
basis of justice and equity. Things should start improving if the new government
can remove the impression that a Baloch-dominated assembly cannot do justice
to the Pakhtun belt in the areas of services, economic opportunities and social
welfare entitlements. It is good that the Balochistan Pakhtuns have reposed trust
in a strong party of their own.
The latest election has been much better than the preceding one. The assembly
elected in 2008 suffered from a lack of legitimacy because the nationalist parties
and some other groups had boycotted the contest. While the new assembly will be
free of that stigma, it will have to prove by its deeds that despite the absence of
proper polling and low turnout in Baloch territory, it has the capacity to represent
the entire population.
Perhaps Dr Maliks most challenging task will be to give Balochistan a functional
and efficient government, something it has never had except for a couple of brief
interludes in a long history of anti-people regimes.
Balochistan can no longer afford a government that behaves like the shared
mistress of the sardars and clerics. An open, transparent and incorruptible
administration, one that is both responsible and accessible to citizens, alone will
enable Balochistan to face the challenges of the age.
The elections have not altered the fact that without a resolution of the crisis
caused by involuntary disappearances, peace and order cannot be established in
Balochistan.
The new provincial government will not be able to make much headway in this
direction unless it is helped by the federal government in enjoying as much
autonomy as is allowed to other federating units, especially in the management of
security-related matters. If Dr Maliks cabinet is ineffective in stopping within a
reasonable time the dumping of dead bodies of missing persons and fresh
additions to their list, it will lose not only its high moral ground but also perhaps
any justification for clinging to power.

It may be necessary to have both short-term and long-range strategies for

dealing with the issue of disappearances. The immediate task must be to compel
the law-enforcing agencies to enforce the law, expediting the payment of
compensation and subsistence allowances to the victims families and making due
efforts at recovering the disappeared. The home ministry may be made to
maintain a complete and up-to-date record of all cases of disappearance.
With reference to the dumping of dead bodies, the new government must make
judicial inquiry by a sessions judge in each case mandatory. If it is found that
such probes cannot be expeditiously held due to a shortage of judicial officers, the
appointment of a couple of sessions judges to exclusively decide cases of extralegal killings and the recovery of disappeared persons as mutilated corpses will be
a sound investment.
The long-term strategy will require a thorough revamping of the law and order
cover. It will be essential to develop a police force capable of protecting the life
and liberty of all citizens and which will be accountable to the provincial authority.
If elements from outside the province have security concerns they should be
helped to begin trusting the provincially controlled personnel. The system of
Levies can be reformed by transforming them into a community police.
Dr Malik is likely to find the challenges confronting him daunting and the time for
experimentation limited. Rushing to apply half-baked remedies to Balochistans
chronic ills could be as dangerous as pushing matters under the carpet. Ways will
have to be found for launching initiatives without the loss of time but not without
due deliberation. One thing must be clear in everybodys mind: Balochistan may
not get another chance for the politics of reconciliation like the present one.

. The railways as a metaphor

By Irfan Husain
A FORTNIGHT or so ago, the New York Times ran a long front-page piece
on Pakistan Railways (PR) by its Pakistan bureau chief, Declan Walsh.
Declan, a good friend and probably the best-informed foreign correspondent to
have covered Pakistan, based his story on a train journey from Peshawar to
Karachi. Full of humour, sympathy, colour and detail, the account is more of a
metaphor for Pakistan than a straightforward travel piece.

As somebody who has watched the downward trajectory of our national rail
system for a number of years, I read Declans account with great interest and
concern. I began my civil service career in the late 60s with PRs finance
department. At that time, the track from Lahore to Khanewal had been electrified
and the Karachi circular train was about to be launched.
That no further electrification was undertaken, and the Karachi circular railway ran
only briefly, is a sad comment on the system as well as on national priorities.
Another fact to reflect on is that since independence, we have failed to add a
single mile to the rail network.
Within the splendid red-brick railway headquarters building in Lahore, one could
not imagine then that the organisation was at the beginning of its death spiral.
Senior officers lived in large colonial houses in Mayo Gardens, with its tree-lined
roads and its own electricity supply. As I rose up the ladder, I was allotted the
biggest house I have ever lived in, before or since. One could swim, play tennis or
golf virtually free of cost at the subsidised clubs run by the organisation for its
officers.
In its heyday, PR had a virtual monopoly on bulk transport and passenger traffic. I
recall countless train journeys in air-conditioned comfort, with trains generally
running on time, and the system working reasonably efficiently. Pretty much like
the rest of the country, in fact.
It all started to go downhill under the later years of Ayub Khan when the truck
lobby from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (then the NWFP) prevailed in
persuading the government to divert resources to the road sector, and the
railways monopoly on bulk goods transport was challenged. As bureaucrats used
to having businessmen beg and bribe them to make wagons available, PRs
commercial officers were unable to provide the kind of flexibility the new
environment demanded.
The last nail in PRs coffin was driven by the National Logistics Cell, an
organisation set up under the Ziaul Haq regime. The NLC ran a large fleet of
trucks (with hefty kickbacks allegedly paid to army officers involved in their
purchase). This fleet is now almost non-existent, but the NLC still has the right to
nominate carriers of government goods, so corruption is still reportedly rampant.
The economics of train transport is such that passenger services are usually

subsidised by goods traffic. As PRs share of bulk cargo fell, passenger services
began to suffer. In real terms, government investment in engines, track and
wagons declined. So, too, did PRs finances. From being a profitable organisation,
the system is now barely surviving on subsidies.
Other countries also support their railways for a variety of reasons. They remain
the most economical mode of transport, as well as the most environmentally
friendly. France, for example, maintains one of the worlds most efficient systems
and subsidises it through national and regional budgets. India runs the worlds
biggest and most profitable rail network.
Apart from its systemic problems, PR has also suffered from the corruption and
inefficiency endemic in our state enterprises. In my days with the railways, I
noticed that even the homes of many junior officers seemed to be far more
lavishly furnished and equipped than mine was. And overstaffing was chronic.
In a sense, PRs agony has been replicated across other state-owned enterprises.
As long as they enjoy a monopoly, they thrive, with the consumer paying for their
inefficiency and corruption. As soon as they face competition and begin bleeding
red ink, the burden shifts to the taxpayer.
Thus, Pakistan Steel, the countrys biggest industrial enterprise, did very well
behind high tariff barriers. But as soon as our international commitments to free
trade forced duties of imported steel down, it entered a nosedive from which it
has never recovered.
As its finance director, I recall the constant sense of crisis that hung over this
enterprise as we struggled to keep it going. There were long negotiations with the
banks and the finance ministry for a lifeline. After I left, a series of bailouts have
kept this white elephant alive. Sadly, privatisation was thwarted by the Supreme
Court, and since then, billions more in handouts have been pumped in; no talk of
accountability here.
The national airline, too, is in freefall. Again, its golden era was before foreign
carriers were allowed to compete for traffic. Over the years, successive
governments have forced their appointed CEOs to recruit party supporters. As a
result, the aircraft-to-staff ratio in PIA is one of the most lopsided in the industry.
The problem this government will face is that all the three organisations

mentioned here need such huge infusions of capital that privatisation is the only
option available. But in all three, the unions have a stranglehold, and will make
life difficult for any new owners. Downsizing is a tricky policy, and Nawaz Sharif
will have his hands full of the political fallout. In any case, it will be interesting to
see if our higher judiciary will block the sale of these loss-making enterprises, as
it did with Pakistan Steel.
Tailpiece: Barely two days before the May 11 elections, Declan Walshs visa was
cancelled for unknown reasons. Considering his deep knowledge and affection for
Pakistan, as reflected by nine years of reporting, this ill-considered decision is
something the new government should reverse immediately.

A week in Kashmir
By A.G Noorani
THE strongest impression in my mind after a week in Srinagar last month
is that Kashmirs political process has reached an impasse at all levels.
The unionist parties, the ruling National Conference (NC) led by Chief Minister
Omar Abdullah and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) led by former
chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed are not on speaking terms. Congress, the
NCs coalition partner, is faction ridden. The state Congress chief Prof Saifuddin
Soz is hampered at every stage by union minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, who pulls
the strings of his faction from New Delhi.
The separatists are as hopelessly divided. Two of their leading lights, Syed Ali
Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Maulvi Umar Farooq, are at loggerheads. Geelani once
represented the Jamaat-e-Islami in the united All Parties Hurriyat Conference. In
the last few years, they have drifted apart.
On April 23, the amir of the Jamaat, Mohammad Abdullah Wani, pointedly said
that the Jamaat was aware about the problems of people and knew which party
reaps benefits of boycotting elections and the final decision about participation in
the coming elections will be taken in the Majlis-i-Shoora. This was an allusion to
the NCs grab of the crucial few seats in Srinagar in the 2008 assembly elections
which enabled it to form a coalition with the Congress. Those seats were won by
the NC thanks entirely to a call for boycott of the polls by Geelani. He is playing
the same game now.

It is time to demand the restoration of the five-year term of the assembly. In

1976, during the emergency, Indira Gandhi had the 42nd Amendment to the
constitution enacted, which extended the five-year terms of the Lok Sabha and
the state assemblies to six years. The Janata Party government, which came to
power in 1977 following India Gandhis defeat in the elections, had the 44th
Amendment to the constitution enacted in 1979, which restored the five-year
term of all the legislatures, central and state.
Meanwhile, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah got the regions constitution amended in
February, 1977, to extend the state assemblys term to six years. Though he
stayed in power till his death in 1982, he did not restore the five-year term.
It remains to be seen if any of the separatists will contest the state elections due
next year. The NC is demoralised. Omar Abdullah has proved a colossal failure in
office as chief minister; whether as administrator, legislator or politician. His idiom
is astonishingly juvenile. The PDP is struggling hard to return to power but it is
stuck on the horns of a dilemma. It is decidedly more sensitive to the peoples
sentiments than the NC, but it cannot go the whole hog with the prevalent
popular mood of total alienation from India for fear of losing the centres support.
Neither the NC nor the PDP can come to power without the Congress support
(read: New Delhis support). The Congress has a miniscule presence in the valley
but with the Jammu vote it emerges as the king-maker.
Soz is unable to infuse new blood in the discredited Congress. On May 9 he met
the party president Sonia Gandhi to discuss the fate of three senior cabinet
ministers who are in the dock for allegedly misusing their official position to make
personal fortunes. Greater Kashmir, a Srinagar daily, mentioned their names:
Deputy Chief Minister Tara Chand, Medical Education Minister Taj Mohiuddin and
Minister of State Cooperation Dr Manohar Lal Sharma.
Omar Abdullah cited coalition compulsions as a reason for his omission as chief
minister to sack them from his ministry. He made the same excuse, on May 20,
for his failure to seek the withdrawal of a law that has incurred international
odium: the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It gives the armed forces virtually
a carte blanche to kill with legal immunity. Soz called the chief ministers bluff on
May 27 by making a specific proposal: Since the security situation has improved,
now the chief minister has to make a movement forward for revocation of the law
from certain areas. Omar Abdullah can do so by

convening a meeting of Unified Headquarters of which he is the head to take all

stakeholders into confidence and get the law repealed.
Each side is drawing up a scenario of a break before the polls. Soz is trying hard
to whip up popular enthusiasm for Prime Minister Manmohan Singhs visit; on past
form he is unlikely to break the impasse.
The prime ministers record since 2004 on the India-Pakistan peace process is
creditable. There are signs that, after the sparring over the incidents on the Line
of Control, he is trying to revive the process. In total contrast, his record on the
domestic front has been dismal, largely because he yielded to the wishes of
hardliners such as P. Chidambaram and Ghulam Nabi Azad. Recommendations of
working groups, set up by all-party round table conferences that he had
convened, were ignored. Two deserve particular mention: the working groups on
Confidence Building Measures across Segments of Society in the State and on
Strengthening Relations across the Line of Control. They were headed,
respectively, by Mohammad Hamid Ansari, now vice-president of India, and by M.
K. Rasgotra, former foreign secretary.
Interlocutors galore, official and others, were let loose. The last group of
interlocutors comprising Dileep Padgaonkar, Radha Kumar and M.M. Ansari were
deservedly snubbed by the separatists. They had also boycotted the round table
conferences for the same reason: the centre had no concrete proposals for a
settlement of the Kashmir dispute in its internal dimension. It has no intention of
restoring the states autonomy, withdrawing repressive laws and ending human
rights abuses. The only hope for progress lies in an accord between India and
Pakistan on the dispute.
The writer is an author and a lawyer.

War, peace and the Constitution

By Rafia Zakaria
NEARLY all the victors of Pakistans recent elections wish to make peace
with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
Peace has been touted as the only way security can be provided. Soon after he
was elected, Mian Nawaz Sharif, the leader of the PML-N, announced that pursuing
such negotiations would be at the top of his agenda in the upcoming months.

Leaders of various religious parties proffered themselves as brokers of this

promised peace, all lining up eagerly for the job.
At first the TTP seemed eager as well. Some of their amenability to such a project
had been proven already by their agreement with many of Pakistans political
parties regarding elections in Upper and Lower Dir. The agreement, which
prevented women from voting in those areas, was adhered to by all, suggesting
that deals were indeed possible and that both sides could keep their word.
Such was the situation until the sun set this past Wednesday. Most people know
what happened: a CIA drone strike killed TTP leader Waliur Rehman, who had a
$5 million bounty on his head. His death soured the climate; the TTP leadership,
petulant and annoyed, immediately withdrew from their position.
In the explicit terms of these recent happenings, the Talibans petulance seems to
be the biggest obstacle to peace. If the TTP refuses to come to the table,
Pakistans new political leaders are left twiddling their thumbs, leaving an impasse
regarding who would control the terms of the compromise that everyone seems to
think is necessary.
Transitional justice, then, is the order of the day, to end a conflict that has taken
thousands of lives and left the country in the disarray created by constant crisis
and unceasing trauma. In examples of conflicts past, when violence becomes so
debilitating and life so unnerving and interrupted, the time for peace is ripe. This
is when people are most amenable to compromise, most likely to give up what
they would never have otherwise.
However, while peace is a great idea and a venerable one, the compromises on
which it must be built are not without their own parameters. Although political
parties acting independently may have been free to broker a collective
compromise with the TTP, their leaders now representatives of the state
cannot do the same.
Take for instance the agreement in Dir, which was an example of the sort of
compromise the TTP may be interested in. As per the terms of the agreement, the
participating political parties agreed that female voters would not take part in the
elections in Upper and Lower Dir. In effect, this meant that none of these parties
would bring out women to vote for their candidates. The agreement worked and
there was no violence in Dir on that eventful Saturday of polling.

An agreement like the one in Dir is, however, unconstitutional. Article 25 of the
Constitution of Pakistan clearly states (i) All citizens are equal before law and
entitled to equal protection of the law and (2) there shall be no discrimination on
the basis of sex. And this is not the only provision that would preclude the terms
of Pakistans peace from being brokered on the backs of women. Article 26 further
ensures that Pakistani citizens cannot be discriminated against in their access to
public space of a non-religious nature. The agreement that was reached for
Upper and Lower Dir implicates both provisions, making it a violation of the very
basic principles outlined in the Constitution.
Some of these objections are already being raised. On 28 May, 2013, a petition
was filed in the Supreme Court in Islamabad seeking, under Article 184(3), a
declaration against any peace negotiations. Specifically, the petition requested the
courts opinion on whether a private citizen can negotiate with a private army, and
further whether the armed forces can similarly negotiate a peace with rebels or
private armies regarding a cessation of hostilities. The petition alleged that, since
the armed forces were in conflict with the TTP, no private citizen could negotiate
peace with the group. A day after the petition was filed, however, it was returned
by the SC registrar on the grounds that the petitioner, Shahid Orakzai, did not
have the locus to file the petition. Mr Orakzai has stated that he will appeal and
hopes to re-file the case.
Regardless of whether this particular petition proceeds, similar constitutional
challenges could well be filed in the SC if a brokered peace involves similar
restrictions on the rights of women and minorities. The right to equal treatment,
access to public space, and the right to an education under Article 25(a) of the
Constitution are all likely to be implicated if the peace brokered with the TTP
involves an abridgment of the rights of women or any citizen.
Peace is indeed a venerable and valid goal for any country ravaged by war,
Pakistan even more so given its lack of resources to fight such a conflict and the
external meddling that has defined its parameters. At the same time, at this
juncture, it is important to be conscious of the temptation to construct peace on
the aching, bended backs of the weak. In Pakistan, women are not organised in a
way that could resist these incursions on their already limited freedoms. In turn,
their elimination from public spaces and educational institutions would be just the
sort of overt expression of social control that would appeal to the TTP.

In specifically ensuring equality, access and education in its text, the Constitution
has sought to avoid just such a scenario. Its provisions have been largely ignored
when Pakistan has been at war; perhaps they can deserve a little more
consideration as the nation moves toward peace.

War, peace and the Constitution

By Rafia Zakaria
NEARLY all the victors of Pakistans recent elections wish to make peace
with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
Peace has been touted as the only way security can be provided. Soon after he
was elected, Mian Nawaz Sharif, the leader of the PML-N, announced that pursuing
such negotiations would be at the top of his agenda in the upcoming months.
Leaders of various religious parties proffered themselves as brokers of this
promised peace, all lining up eagerly for the job.
At first the TTP seemed eager as well. Some of their amenability to such a project
had been proven already by their agreement with many of Pakistans political
parties regarding elections in Upper and Lower Dir. The agreement, which
prevented women from voting in those areas, was adhered to by all, suggesting
that deals were indeed possible and that both sides could keep their word.
Such was the situation until the sun set this past Wednesday. Most people know
what happened: a CIA drone strike killed TTP leader Waliur Rehman, who had a
$5 million bounty on his head. His death soured the climate; the TTP leadership,
petulant and annoyed, immediately withdrew from their position.
In the explicit terms of these recent happenings, the Talibans petulance seems to
be the biggest obstacle to peace. If the TTP refuses to come to the table,
Pakistans new political leaders are left twiddling their thumbs, leaving an impasse
regarding who would control the terms of the compromise that everyone seems to
think is necessary.
Transitional justice, then, is the order of the day, to end a conflict that has taken
thousands of lives and left the country in the disarray created by constant crisis
and unceasing trauma. In examples of conflicts past, when violence becomes so
debilitating and life so unnerving and interrupted, the time for peace is ripe. This
is when people are most amenable to compromise, most likely to give up what

they would never have otherwise.

However, while peace is a great idea and a venerable one, the compromises on
which it must be built are not without their own parameters. Although political
parties acting independently may have been free to broker a collective
compromise with the TTP, their leaders now representatives of the state
cannot do the same.
Take for instance the agreement in Dir, which was an example of the sort of
compromise the TTP may be interested in. As per the terms of the agreement, the
participating political parties agreed that female voters would not take part in the
elections in Upper and Lower Dir. In effect, this meant that none of these parties
would bring out women to vote for their candidates. The agreement worked and
there was no violence in Dir on that eventful Saturday of polling.
An agreement like the one in Dir is, however, unconstitutional. Article 25 of the
Constitution of Pakistan clearly states (i) All citizens are equal before law and
entitled to equal protection of the law and (2) there shall be no discrimination on
the basis of sex. And this is not the only provision that would preclude the terms
of Pakistans peace from being brokered on the backs of women. Article 26 further
ensures that Pakistani citizens cannot be discriminated against in their access to
public space of a non-religious nature. The agreement that was reached for
Upper and Lower Dir implicates both provisions, making it a violation of the very
basic principles outlined in the Constitution.
Some of these objections are already being raised. On 28 May, 2013, a petition
was filed in the Supreme Court in Islamabad seeking, under Article 184(3), a
declaration against any peace negotiations. Specifically, the petition requested the
courts opinion on whether a private citizen can negotiate with a private army, and
further whether the armed forces can similarly negotiate a peace with rebels or
private armies regarding a cessation of hostilities. The petition alleged that, since
the armed forces were in conflict with the TTP, no private citizen could negotiate
peace with the group. A day after the petition was filed, however, it was returned
by the SC registrar on the grounds that the petitioner, Shahid Orakzai, did not
have the locus to file the petition. Mr Orakzai has stated that he will appeal and
hopes to re-file the case.
Regardless of whether this particular petition proceeds, similar constitutional
challenges could well be filed in the SC if a brokered peace involves similar

restrictions on the rights of women and minorities. The right to equal treatment,
access to public space, and the right to an education under Article 25(a) of the
Constitution are all likely to be implicated if the peace brokered with the TTP
involves an abridgment of the rights of women or any citizen.
Peace is indeed a venerable and valid goal for any country ravaged by war,
Pakistan even more so given its lack of resources to fight such a conflict and the
external meddling that has defined its parameters. At the same time, at this
juncture, it is important to be conscious of the temptation to construct peace on
the aching, bended backs of the weak. In Pakistan, women are not organised in a
way that could resist these incursions on their already limited freedoms. In turn,
their elimination from public spaces and educational institutions would be just the
sort of overt expression of social control that would appeal to the TTP.
In specifically ensuring equality, access and education in its text, the Constitution
has sought to avoid just such a scenario. Its provisions have been largely ignored
when Pakistan has been at war; perhaps they can deserve a little more
consideration as the nation moves toward peace.

Poverty and human rights

By Anjum Altaf
IS poverty a violation of human rights? I was asked recently to speak on
the subject and faced the following dilemma: if I convinced the audience
it was, would that imply the most effective way to eliminate poverty
would be to confer human rights on the poor?
Two questions follow immediately: first, if that were indeed the case, why havent
rights been conferred already? Second, over the entire course of recorded history,
has poverty ever been alleviated in this manner?
Likely answers to both suggest it would be more fruitful to start with poverty than
with rights. Poverty has always been with us while the discourse on rights is very
recent. Studying the experiences of poverty elimination could possibly better
illuminate the overlap with rights and yield appropriate conclusions for
consideration.
We can begin with the period when sovereignty rested in heaven and monarchs
ruled with a divine right beyond challenge. For centuries under this order a very

small group of aristocrats and clergy lived atop impoverished populations existing
at bare survival.
This did not mean the kingdoms were poor or lacked sophisticated cultures, just
that they were characterised by extreme inequalities and poverty was considered
a natural condition, an element of a divinely ordained order, not a social problem.
At best, it was to be ameliorated through alms and charity which were deemed
moral obligations.
[Since poverty is an ambiguous concept whose definition has changed markedly
over time, it is useful to employ a simple characterisation for purposes of this
discussion.
Consider as poor anyone not being able to afford ownership of a motorised vehicle
(substitute horse-and-carriage for the age of monarchy). This indicator of
transport poverty can serve as an adequate proxy for poverty itself as also for
economic transformation.]
The first major change in the monarchical social and moral order occurred in
Europe, beginning in the 17th century, and over 300 years absolute poverty in
Western Europe and its settler colonies disappeared for good.
Poverty was next eliminated in Eastern Europe beginning with the revolution in
Russia in the early 20th century. Parts of East Asia followed, starting around the
mid-20th century with Japan starting earlier and China still in the process. The
last region to join was parts of Latin America beginning in the late 20th century.
The point to note is that these various eliminations of absolute poverty had very
little systematic relationship with human rights. Only in Western Europe did the
process proceed in parallel with the acquisition of rights as subjects were
transformed into citizens bound in a social contract.
But even here, rights had to be wrested from the aristocracies: civil rights via
social revolutions (the French Revolution, for example, with its explicit call for
equality); political rights via the struggles for suffrage; and economic rights via
the pressure of labour unions.
In Eastern Europe and East Asia, poverty elimination through accelerated
industrialisation was accompanied by gross violations of rights and in Latin
America the sharing of wealth continues to face a violent backlash by entrenched

elites and their allies.

The causes for these transitions were equally varied. In Western Europe, the first
mover, they included infusion of colonial wealth (involving violation of rights of
natives), emergence of capitalism (with exploitation of labour including children),
replacement of communitarianism with individualism through urbanisation, wars
of religion discrediting divine sovereignty, and the need to protect capitalism itself
from its worst excesses and its challengers.
In Eastern Europe the spur was to compete and catch up with the first movers. In
East Asia, social insurgencies hastened pre-emptive land reforms followed by the
challenge to compete globally. In Latin America, urbanisation finally strengthened
the hands of citizens wielding the power of the vote.
Countries with significant absolute poverty today are overwhelmingly in Africa,
South and West Asia.
In South Asia several characteristics are salient: communitarian identities with
weak tendencies to individualism; quasi-monarchical ethos with strong dynastic
traditions; sovereignty in some countries still reposed in heaven; leaders aspiring
or believing in divine right to rule; populations still more than half rural; negligible
economic aspirations to be globally competitive; weak labour unions; poverty still
considered a natural condition with charity the preferred route to amelioration;
moral crusades retaining precedence over political action.
Given this characterisation, South Asia seems barely at the point where poverty is
considered a social or political problem; the poor have yet to mount a sustained
challenge for the acquisition of civil or economic rights the few attempts to date
having been brutally crushed.
The only right, conferred by departing colonial masters, is the political right to
vote and entrenched elites are determined to dilute, fracture and negate that by
any means foul or fair including in places overturning the electoral verdict by force
or manipulation.
It seems a mistake to extrapolate from the Western European experience and
associate democracy unambiguously with human rights and poverty alleviation.
The relationship is a function of the specificity of history and context.

In South Asia, where the power to vote has preceded social equality and civil
rights, a prolonged, bitter and often violent and anarchic struggle is very much on
the cards think of the Naxal revolt in India, the secession of Bangladesh from
Pakistan, or the civil war in Sri Lanka. Poverty in South Asia, much like anywhere
else in the world, is unlikely to be eliminated by a voluntary conferral of human
rights simply because the form of governance happens to be democratic. The
reality is a lot more complex than that.

Defence challenges
By Mahmood Shah
THE recent elections constitute a milestone in the countrys history; the
earlier coalition government was rejected with not an insignificant
degree of humiliation. This is a lesson that the incoming government
ought to internalise: its future may well be the same unless its
performance is different.
Incoming prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif will have his hands full; several
matters are in dire straits and Pakistan has, in international eyes, become
virtually a pariah state. The people are suffering due to the energy crisis and
soaring unemployment rates while violent extremism is rapidly engulfing the
country as a result of a lack of consensus among the political parties.
If history is any guide, Mian Sahib has always made controversial decisions
regarding the selection of his chief of army staff; he has also had an up-and-down
relationship with the armed forces. He has conducted the relations on the basis of
personal preferences but the army is a disciplined and organised institution and its
decisions follow a chain of command, through appropriate forums.
Normally, the most competent and possibly the most senior general ought to be
appointed to the position of the army chief. But Mr Sharif was, in the past, averse
to creating an institutional mechanism to deal with the armed forces and to
understand and debate defence issues.
If Mr Sharif is averse to the idea of the National Security Council (NSC), then he
has the option of strengthening the Defence Cabinet Committee with civilian
defence experts and which should have a permanent secretariat; this secretariat
could also draw suggestions from think tanks and other stakeholders. The
countrys defence policy cannot be resolved through mere bonhomie between the

prime minister and the chief of army staff.

There are also some reports that Mr Sharif is mulling over appointing a national
security adviser. If this is the case, such an adviser should not be reduced to a
ceremonial post. He should have competent staff at his disposal to gauge threats
in the regional and global contexts and formulate the countrys defence policies in
the best national interests.
The recommendations of this body and the suggestions of the GHQ should be
juxtaposed and debated thoroughly at the Defence Cabinet Committee. Only then
will we be able to devise an appropriate defence policy. Once this is achieved,
other policies such as that on the foreign front will follow.
Mian Sahib has many plus points; he is well-received by Pakistans trading
community and he is a diehard nationalist. He could turn the tide on the energy
crises, corruption and unemployment through better governance and
management, as his party has demonstrated in Punjab. He wants to improve
relations with India which is not a bad idea but he appears to be soft on terrorism,
which is a priority issue.
If the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) government in KP doesnt cooperate with the
federal PML-N government, this could further complicate issues (although both
parties take on terrorism is the same).
An improvement in relations with India is a good idea but the pros and cons needs
to be discussed thoroughly. We have already been making distinct efforts in this
regard but some hawks there have taken this as weakness and compulsion.
Possible adverse effects on Pakistans trade will also need to be factored into the
equation.
Curbing terrorism through negotiations and a mindset that says this is not our
war or military solutions have never worked are mere political sloganeering. This
is too simplistic a view about a monstrous issue that is eating into the vitals of the
country.
However, since this has been the PML-N and the PTIs political view, articulated
through their election campaigns, they have all the right to pursue it to its logical
end and the nation should pray for its success.

Yet I must utter a word of caution. The politicians should remember previous
negotiations with the extremists and militants: the militants have always laced the
offer of talks with preconditions such as the release of their most wanted men and
have used the time gained to eliminate important personalities in government and
society. They know that talks are just a farce, notwithstanding the seriousness on
the governments part.
The outcome of the decision to make an effort at negotiations is that either they
will succeed although the Taliban have spurned the talks offer at the moment
following a drone attack that killed a TTP leader or at least these two
mainstream parties will be convinced that the solution to the problem is not as
simple as they had thought. They may realise that the solution lies somewhere
else. And this will bring consensus amongst political parties; the opinion of the
Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazal is best ignored.
We should also remember that we are part of the international community which
is keenly watching the policy the new government will form on terrorism.

Illusions of nationalism
By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar
THIS past Tuesday marked 15 years since we formally entered the
worlds nuclear club.
While patriots of all stripes remind us of our achievement every year, this time
the celebrations were ratcheted up a notch following the PML-Ns election victory.
Indeed, delivering the Islamic bomb is, along with the motorway, touted as the
Sharifs most significant contribution to Pakistan.
Lapping up the applause on Youm-i-Takbeer, the elder Sharif nevertheless
sounded a rather sombre note in pointing out the obvious: a nuclear power
Pakistan may be, but successive governments have proved incapable of meeting
the countrys electricity needs. The prime minister-in-waiting could have added a
host of other basic needs to the list as well.
Many suggest Nawaz Sharif is a more mature politician to the one who oversaw
the nuclear tests. This might explain his voluntary admission of failure on a day
that marks his single biggest achievement. Yet reading between the lines one
finds that the PML-N chief with the rest of his followers exonerates his party

and heaps the responsibility (for the power crisis and almost all other structural
problems) on everyone from Pervez Musharraf to Asif Zardari.
Virtually all Pakistani politicians coming into power and I include generals
tend to explain the prevailing state of affairs to script: previous governments have
failed because they were committed only to their parochial interests whereas the
new government will succeed because it is patriotic and selfless.
In power, our rulers never tire of reminding us that they are unwavering
nationalists. In Pakistan this means going on about Islam, its applicability to all
spheres of social life, and the machinations of its enemies. This is the only state in
the world that attributes religious characteristics even to its prized nuclear
possession.
It is therefore difficult to believe that Nawaz Sharifs lament about our failure to
meet electricity needs signals a new political ethos. Until such a time as the PML-N
or any other mainstream party admits that the rot is at the level of the
state, and not the doing of a particular government, moments of lucidity will
count for very little.
To be sure, the Pakistani nationalist project, and the state that has sustained this
project for almost seven decades, is the single biggest reason for the quagmire
we find ourselves in today. Deconstructing and then building an alternative to this
stillborn project must be the lowest common denominator that brings Pakistani
progressives together today.
This is not to suggest that the Pakistani state is an exceptional case. Nationalism
everywhere has played a similar role throughout the modern era. It is
undoubtedly the most seductive of modern ideologies and, as oppositional politics,
has the power to bring large numbers of disenfranchised people together in the
hope of a better world.
Throughout the 20th century Western colonial powers were sent packing by
vibrant nationalist movements across Asia and Africa, amidst the hope that a just
social order would be fashioned by newly freed nations. Yet in hindsight it can be
said that much of the optimism was misplaced: many new nations were
themselves invented constructs, and structures of power put into place under
colonial rule remained very much intact. Mobilising a nation in opposition to power
is qualitatively different to nationalism as state ideology.

As the latter goes, ours is a unique case because religion became the marker of
citizenship in the new state rather than, say, ethno-linguistic identity which was
the norm in most newly independent countries. While post-colonial nation-building
projects of all kinds have faltered, ours has imploded spectacularly.
We retain the dubious distinction of being the worlds only modern state in which
more than half of the population has seceded to form a new country.
We have created a sectarian, misogynistic and insular Frankenstein within our own
society, the roots of which can be directly traced back to our insistence on
Islamising every aspect of social life. And we are increasingly prone to
proclaiming righteousness whilst simultaneously engaging in cynical everyday
practices.
This last point is, for me, the crux of the matter. The reason why our nationalism
has become increasingly toxic is precisely because of the societal contradictions
that it embodies.
The state tried to foment a nation on the basis of an exclusionary and insular
ideology. It may have failed in conquering the peripheries, but nationalistic
attitudes and contradictions have nevertheless seeped into the nooks and crannies
of Pakistani society.
In other words, it is not just mainstream political parties and state institutions
that harp on about religion and the infallibility of the Pakistani nation. The
problem is that many of us ordinary people have taken on the work of the state
by propagating myths about conspiracies against Islam, the security guaranteed
by the Islamic bomb, and the inextricable link between Islam and state affairs.
Of course things do change; it is no longer possible to argue as our first finance
minister Ghulam Mohammad did that we must spend more than 70pc of the
budget on the military, or as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto did that we will eat grass to
secure The Bomb.
So even while state nationalism continues to be reproduced at the societal level,
enough ordinary people those in the Punjabi heartland in particular are fed
up of loadshedding and the like so that the incoming prime minister feels it
necessary to temper his nationalistic sloganeering with a dose of realism.

Alas it was only a dose. We need much more. Only once we have moved beyond
the illusions and reconciled ourselves to the complex realities that we face both
within society and outside will we be able to foment a politics beyond the twonation theory and the miseries it has wrought.

Pak-India ties: Expect no drastic

changes for now
UMER FAROOQ

Pakistani and Indian leadership is diametrically opposed as far as the agenda of potential
talks is concerned. File Photo
Updated 2013-06-07 16:00:59

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ISLAMABAD: While newly-elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif

made some positive overtures to India soon after his party won the
election, senior Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) officials
say no major foreign policy initiative towards the neighbouring
country is likely to take place soon.
His inner party circles as well as foreign policy-making institutions in
Pakistan have given him the same advice: As far as normalising
relations with India is concerned, keep it slow.
PML-N officials said that it had been decided in party meetings that
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will focus on tackling domestic problems.
For the next one year our government will be focused on the energy
sector our number one, two and three priorities will be the energy
sector, PML-N senior leader, Ahsan Iqbal told Dawn.com.
He added: The electricity crisis has overshadowed everything else, it
has even overshadowed diplomacy. Nobody is taking us seriously in the
international arena. A country where there is 18 hours of load shedding,
how can anyone take it seriously? he said.
Nawaz Sharifs decision to manage the foreign affairs portfolio himself,
and his upbeat statements about relations with India during the election
campaign, created the impression that he might rush for a 1999 NawazVajpayee summit-like event immediately after coming to power. This had
given rise to the impression that a major foreign policy initiative is on the
cards.
Former foreign secretary, Shamshad Ahmed Khan, who is considered
close to Nawaz, also confirmed that the prime minister has been
advised from all sides that he should not show haste in making any
major shift in policy connected with relations with India. Nawaz Sharif
knows my opinion and he knows the opinion prevailing within the foreign
office that we should not rush for it, Shamshad told Dawn.com
Nawazs desire to rush for improving ties with India is likely to be further
blunted when senior military officials brief him sometime next week,
about the security and military situation, including the situation on the
eastern and western borders.

Although the country is facing no immediate threat on its eastern border,

the situation, nevertheless, is far from normal. Indian military planners
have been considering the dangerous Cold Start doctrine, under which
they believe they can punish Pakistan with their conventional military
superiority and yet stop short of invoking Pakistans nuclear response.
Besides, security and foreign policy experts believe that there is hardly
any enthusiasm visible in New Delhi for undertaking a major foreign
policy initiative towards Pakistan. In India, the Congress-led government
is facing a lot of domestic pressure and the opposition, Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP) has adopted a very strident approach towards Pakistan.
Experts say that in this situation, the Indian government will not go out of
its way to normalise relations with Pakistan.
The only major policy shift expected from the Congress government is
that perhaps it will agree to resume dialogue with Pakistan, which they
suspended in January following an incident on the Line of Control
(LoC), security expert Hassan Askari explained.
Ironically, Pakistani and Indian leadership is diametrically opposed as far
as the agenda of potential talks is concerned. The countries have a
completely different set of priorities in dealing with each other.
A senior PML-N leader told Dawn.com that Nawaz is clear that he wants
to normalise relations with India in the spirit of the Lahore declaration.
This would, in practical terms, mean that Kashmir has to be given
primacy, after which come the issues of nuclear security , followed by a
set of issues ranging from trade, to people-to-people contact and other
disputes like Sir Creek and Siachen.
On the other hand, Indian leaders have come to focusing exclusively on
a single point agenda of terrorism, in the wake of the 2008 Mumbai
terrorist attacks.
Yet, despite the stark difference in priorities, there is still hope. Opposing
ideas about the agenda of the talks have, in the past, led to a stalemate
in the dialogue between the two countries. But many former diplomats of
Pakistan say that the two countries can overcome these problems, if
given a chance. These are the challenges for diplomacy, the best
solution for reaching common ground is to let the diplomats make
bridges and you will find the way forward, Shamshad concluded.

From the Newspaper | 29th January, 2013

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A SINGLE Line of Control adventure buried the hard-earned friendship with

our neighbours.
War of words is now on and in the process the Indian prime minister cancelled all the trade
pacts, and also withdrew the visa incentives offered after a series of negotiations.
Without dragging the uniformed personnel, let us look into the overall foreign policy of
Pakistan. China in 2012 entered into a $2 billion cross-border trade agreement with India.
The German and Korean auto industries are moving their plants into India in search of
cheaper labour.
Walmart is opening 10,000 stores in India during the next five years.
These are just a few of the achievements of a successful foreign policy.
It is almost six-and-a-half decades and still our relations with India are like that of Palestine
and Israel.
The uniformed people and occasional democratic governments are equally responsible for
this state of affairs. War with India is no solution and we have no clear foreign policy to follow
since it is always dictated by donors.
Since beggars cant be choosers, our failed foreign policy will continue, glamour or no
glamour.

Balochistans fighting chance

By Nazish Brohi
AFTER ages, there is a note of jubilation in the discussions on the future of
Balochistan. Till about a year ago, many were convinced it didnt even have
a future.
The change is the nomination of the National Partys Dr Abdul Malik Baloch as chief
minister. He will be the first ever Baloch chief minister not embedded in the structure
and from an educated, middle-class background.
His credentials as a guard of the provinces interests are apparent in his growth
through the ranks of the Baloch Students Organisation, the earlier leadership of the

Balochistan National Movement, the foresight of merging with the National

Democratic Party to form the NP, and the issues he unflaggingly raised in the Senate
during his term.
Credit is due to Nawaz Sharif for the statesmanship displayed in dealing with the
assertive claims to the post made by the leadership of his own party, and placing at
the helm someone who was previously a political opponent. It was a potentially
fractious, hence bold political decision.
The nawab of Jhalawan, Sanaullah Zehri, showed political maturity in accepting it
and standing by the decision after his own strident claims and not quitting in a huff.
Had Sardar Mengal agreed earlier to an electoral alliance with the NP, it would have
been the crowning triumph. Since the 2002 elections when Gen Musharrafs regime
ushered the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal into power, the Baloch nationalist groups have
been on the defensive and outside the electoral fold.
The rising power of the religio-political alliance was at the cost of the nationalists.
Their return to the electoral fold under a non-tribal steered leadership is significant.
This should have been the PPPs moment. But the party squandered it in the same
manner it did many others, by first showing long-term vision and making important
structural changes, but then offsetting these with immediate-term governance
disasters.
Dr Maliks present nomination would have been a symbolic but politically ineffectual
change of face had it not been preceded by the 18th Amendment and the
consensually reformulated NFC award. It is devolution of powers and substantive
budgets that will give this government political potency.
In that sense, the PPP paved the way for this historic opportunity, but negated its
own potential by putting forward the inept nawab of Sarawan, Aslam Raisani, as its
chief minister and the partys political face in the province.
This will remain as the outgoing governments imprint, not President Asif Zardaris
apology to the Baloch people for historic grievances, and not the unimplemented but
well-crafted Aghaaz-i-Haqooq-i-Balochistan package.
Dr Malik now has the democratic mandate to rule, the support and goodwill of the
central government, significant fiscal space and financial resources for development
via devolution, the ability to take and execute decisions affecting the province, and
the credibility to do so.
The proverbial spanner, or in this case, slammer in the works could be the role of the
security establishment. The numbers of enforced disappearances attributed to the
state vary wildly, with the outgoing home minister citing 55 and the Voice of the
Baloch Missing Persons organisation saying 13,000, whereas former interior minister
Rehman Malik acknowledged there to be 1,100.
Whatever the realistic count, the effect this practice has had has eclipsed Baloch
narratives and produced immense hostility, fear and insecurity to the point that even
those who disagree with the tactics of the sarmachar (as the nationalist armed
fighters are called), concede that breaking away may be the only survival option.

Continued forced disappearances and recovery of tortured dead bodies as seen over
the past five years, would invalidate any perceived forward steps and reassert the
image of a predatory and repressive establishment.
There are signs that there may be a change in this policy as well. The Frontier Corps
remain the most reviled of state institutions in Balochistan, along with the proxy
death squads attributed to them.
Yet in post-election interviews, people I spoke to say there was no explicit or implicit
coercion to vote for any particular candidate or party by the security apparatus. If
anything, they say they were compelled by the sarmachar not to vote.
While the voter turnout remained relatively low, there was no evident political
intrusion by state agencies. According to some peoples accounts, while dumped
bodies are still being found, there has been a decline in the number of new
disappearances over the past few months.
This cannot be verified because the disappearances are not recorded, as when they
happen the police refuse to register FIRs against the FC or security agencies and the
media often blocks out such news.
For the new government to have a chance at healing wounds and ruptures with the
state, it is imperative that the political victimisation and kill-and-dump policy halts.
Without this, no change is possible and Balochistan will remain poised on the brink.
Even if disappearances do end, it will not resolve all the problems. As in any conflict
zone, the general law and order breakdown has led to a phenomenal increase in
crime such as kidnappings for ransom and a near-complete collapse of the provincial
economy.
This doesnt even begin to touch upon the Hazara killings crisis and the impunity with
which the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi has been able to operate.
The incoming government has to also panic about the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, the
political face of the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi being able to poll over 20,000 votes for the
National Assembly from within Quetta city under the umbrella of the Muttahida Deeni
Mahaz. In others places in the province, people have been able to get elected into
parliament with much fewer votes.
However small and incremental a step, the nomination of new leadership has given
Balochistan breathing space and a fighting chance that it hasnt had for a decade.

SALIENT FEATURES: Income Tax Budgetary Measures

2013-14
Thursday, 13 June 2013 14:21
Posted by Shoaib-ur-Rehman Siddiqui
248

1. To provide relief to
approximately 10000 salaried individuals. The rates of tax for salaried individuals are
proposed to be revised. The existing six slabs of salaried individuals are proposed to be
increased to twelve which shall bring progressivity in taxation.
2. The rates of tax for business individuals are proposed to be revised to support the
middle income earners. The existing five slabs for business individuals and AOPs are
proposed to be increased to seven slabs which will bring progressivity in the rates of tax.
3. To remove the discrimination against the non corporate sector the facility of carry
forward of unadjusted minimum tax is to be extended to Individuals and AOPs which was
restricted to the corporate sector.
4. Current reduction in minimum tax is restricted to the distributors of cigarettes in
corporate sector. Being discriminatory to small taxpayers of this sector working in the
status of AOPs and Individuals, reduced rate of minimum tax is to be extended to the
individuals and AOPs.
5. Currently Corporate Income Tax Holiday for a period of 5 years is available to projects
in Special Economic Zones. To promote industrialization and investment in the country,
the period of holiday is to be extended to 10 years.
6. Currently the goods transport vehicles are subject to withholding tax at the time of
payment of provincial motor vehicle tax and this tax is the final tax on their income. The
goods transport vehicles are also subject to withholding tax @ 2pc on providing transport

services which is the minimum tax. To facilitate the transport sector the withholding tax
on payment of provincial vehicle tax is proposed to be made adjustable.
7. To encourage Hybrid vehicles for conservation of fuel withholding tax on import of
Hybrid cars with engine capacity upto 1200CC has been exempted to provide incentive
and relief. Similarly withholding tax upto 1800CC has been reduced by 50pc and 25pc
for vehicle upto 2500CC.
8. To facilitate the manufacturing sector, facility of exemption certificate on import of
raw material is being reintroduced subject to the payment of tax liability determined for
any of the preceding two years.
9. To provide relief to the corporate sector, the rate of tax for non banking companies is
being reduced from 35pc to 34pc.
10. To support the corporate sector, tax on dividend received by banks from Money
Market Funds and Income Funds to be @ 25pc for Tax Year 2014 onwards.
11. The existing three slabs for property income to be increased to six which will bring
progressivity in the rates of tax.
12. To promote documentation of economy an adjustable withholding tax is being
introduced which shall be collected by the Hotels/Clubs/Marriage Halls/Restaurants etc.
from persons arranging functions.
13. To encourage filing of returns and broadening of tax base adjustable WHT to be
levied on renewal and license fee of cable operators and other electronic media which
shall be collected by Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority. 14. The
transactions of margin financing, trading financing and lending are out of the scope of
withholding tax under section 233AA of the Income Tax Ordinance. Now these
transactions shall be subject to withholding tax @ 10pc of the profit/markup/interest
earned. The tax and shall be collected by NCCPL from the margin financers, trading
financers and lenders.
15. Minimum Tax @ 0.5pc of turnover is payable by companies, certain individuals and
AOPs in case of declared losses or if the tax payable on the declared income is less than
the Minimum Tax. The rate reduced from 1pc to 0.5pc through Finance Act 2012 to be
restored to 1pc.
16. The rate of Withholding Tax on cash withdrawals from banks was reduced from 0.3pc
to 0.2pc through Finance Act 2011. The maximum limit of daily withdrawal was
enhanced to Rs. 50,000 to
Rs. 25,000 through Finance Act 2012. The rate of withholding tax to be restored to 0.3pc.

17. To ensure proper taxation of business income/profits of the builders and developers,
payment of minimum tax at a rate of Rs.25 per sq ft of the constructed area sold and Rs.
50 per square yard of the area sold of the developed land respectively is being introduced.
18. Contribution of the wholesale and retail sector towards the tax revenue is not
commensurate with share of this sector in the GDP.
To ensure documentation of the economy and to bring the traders into the tax net all
manufacturers were made liable to collect adjustable withholding tax from distributors,
dealers and wholesalers through the Finance Act 2012. To remove hardship this
withholding tax is being restricted to the Electronics, Sugar, Cement, Fertilizers, Iron &
Steel Products, Motorcycles, Pesticides, Cigarettes, Glass, Textile, Beverages, Paints &
Foam sectors and the rate is being reduced to 0.1pc. The scope of withholding tax is also
being extended to retailers. Withholding tax @ 0.5pc by the distributors, manufacturers or
commercial importers from the retailers is proposed.
19. The rates of tax on registration of motor vehicles currently applicable were introduced
in 2008. In order to account for the inflation, rates of tax on registration of motor vehicles
to be enhanced.
20. Withholding tax for 10 years to be collected in lump sum at the rates specified in the
first schedule where the provincial motor vehicle tax is paid in lump sum.
21. Separate rates of withholding tax to be introduced for corporate and non corporate
sectors with the objective to encourage corporatization and to enhance revenue and to
ensure effective enforcement of fiscal codes.
22. To encourage filing of returns and broadening of tax base. Dealers/Arhatis acting as
commission agents for different commodities in the mandis/markets is being
introduced.
Withholding tax shall be collected by the market committees. The tax rate shall be as
follows:Group or Class A: Rs. 10,000
Group or Class B: Rs. 7,500
Group or Class C: Rs. 5,000
Any other category: Rs. 5,000.
1. An adjustable withholding tax on foreign-produced films, TV serials and plays etc to
be collected by the authority responsible for their censoring/certification at the rate of Rs.
1 Million for films and Rs. 100,000 per episode for TV plays.

24. The current rate of tax on sale by auction was introduced in 2008 and has remained
unchanged. In order to rationalize the rate of collection of adjustable advance Tax at the
time of sale of any property or goods by auction it is proposed to be enhanced from 5pc
to 10pc to encourage filing of returns for claiming adjustment.
25. An adjustable advance tax @ 5pc of fee of all educational institutions where annual
fee is above Rs.200,000 to be collected by educational institutions at the time of receipt
of fee from the person paying the fee.
26. Rate of deduction of withholding tax, which is final tax on payment of prize on prize
bond to be enhanced from 10pc to 15pc.
27. To rationalize the taxation of the companies, the rate of initial depreciation to be
reduced from 50pc to 25pc for Plant and Machinery.
28. The exemption limit of withholding tax for investment in National Saving Centers to
be withdrawn
29. Following exemptions provided in the 2nd schedule to the Income Tax Ordinance
2001 are also to be withdrawn for being
discriminatory, prone to misuse and causing loss of revenue:(i) Exemption to dividend in specie;
(ii) Free/concessional passage provided by transporters including airlines to its employees
by virtue of their
Employment;
(iii) Taxation at reduced rate of 2.5pc on flying allowance and submarine allowance;
(iv) 75pc reduction in the tax payable by a full time teacher or a researcher being misused
by high income earners and administrators;
(v) Any income of any university or other educational institution established solely for
educational purposes and not for purposes of profit.

Comment By Mohammad Shehzad

Pakistan will have to look towards alternative energy sources to solve its power crisis

Balance of power
Solar panels for sale in Chaman

In the early 1980s, Pakistan had 30 minutes of load shedding, and gas lamps were used as an alternative
source of light. Pakistan was not a nuclear power back then and there was a plenty of gas. Today, we are a
nuclear nation but have no electricity for more than 12 hours in summer, and no gas for more than half the
day in winters.
The country has sufficient renewable energy sources that it has been unable to exploit because of a lack of
political will. A German delegation met President Asif Zardari offering him a solar energy infrastructure. "Your
president's response was disappointing," a delegate told me later. The same delegation went to India and
returned successful.
"The government is not the biggest stakeholder in the energy sector and its regulatory and facilitatory role
too is replete with bureaucratic red tape, making the investment in renewable energy difficult," said Usman
Qazi, an Islamabad-based environmentalist. "The nation is in search of quick fixes such as oil import on
deferred payments from Saudi Arabia and continuation of subsidies to oil and gas guzzling thermal plants.
The technology of renewable energy can only partially supplement the total national demand and any
investments made today will start delivering over a period of time. The political inexpediency of allocating
scarce financial resources to something that will not bear fruit immediately is a major hurdle."
Up to 50 kilowatts of hydel power can be produced in Gilgit Baltistan and the upper Indus. Once set up,
dams and run-of-the-river power generators are the cheapest source of energy for 30 years, according to
another environmentalist Ali Ahmad Jan, who is also a fellow of Leadership for Environment And
Development (LEAD), the largest network of environmentalists across the world. "The national grid is not
connected to the area right now to transmit the power that may be produced," he said. "And there are no
policies or institutional arrangements for private investment on a competitive basis to attract multinationals
and IFIs to invest in the sector." Two brothers from Swat - Inayatullah and Hidayatullah - have constructed a
power generation plant on a mountain stream in Banjot near Mingora that is generating one megawatt of
electricity. They are supplying the power to all the nearby domestic consumers and small industrial units.
This is probably the only place in Pakistan where electricity is available uninterrupted. The two brothers had
to sell all their assets for the project. Their initiative has yet to be appreciated and rewarded by the
government. "We can supply electricity to the entire area if the government could provide us a 500KV
transformer," says Hidayat.
Pakistan has the potential to generate tidal and geothermal power, and it can also generate electricity from
solid waste, but the kind of foreign investment needed for such projects is not possible until law and order
improves.
Nuclear scientist Samar Mubarakmand had said the 175 billion tons of coal in the Thar Desert could be used
to generate 50,000 megawatts of electricity every year for 500 years. But Usman Qazi disagrees. "Dr
Mubarakmand either does not know what he is talking about or is willfully misleading the public. The
economics and the chemistry in his statement do not match. This is low quality coal with a high amount of
sulfur in it. The industrial efficiency of such coal is uneconomical. The 'gas' he is talking about is called 'coal
gas' but requires high grade coal. Cleansing the gas of sulfur dioxide is itself a costly process." Qazi also
questioned the scientist's expertise in the field. "He cannot be a nuclear scientist, a mining expert, an
electrical engineer, a chemist and an economist at the same time."

Renowned physicist Pervez Hoodbhoy agrees. "Thar coal is of very poor quality with large sulfur and
moisture contents. I am told by one of Samar's competitors that his project of coal gasification is being
pursued quite ineptly. Samar does great PR but his scientific credentials are not stellar."
"Gas is much better than coal, but unfortunately we let it be used as a fuel in private cars - a practice that
has to end," says Rina Saeed Khan, a reputed writer on development issues. "We have a good wind corridor
in Sindh and Balochistan. In Pakistan, the cost of (photovoltaic) solar panels has now come down to less
than $1 per watt, which makes it economically feasible (the global solar market has crashed and there is a
glut. As the Chinese manufacturers that supply most of the world's solar panels struggle to avoid bankruptcy
after expanding too fast, developers will use the resulting plunge in solar-panel prices to expand into new
markets." She believes Pakistan could take advantage of the low prices before they go up again.
"According to global experts, solar power is now cost-competitive with nuclear power," she says. "People in
Pakistan are turning to solar power out of desperation, on their own without any help from the government.
All the government has done so far is remove import duty on solar panels. In the next door India and
Bangladesh, with government subsidies and helpful policies, there has been an explosion in the solar energy
sector."
Solar energy is the only option for the poor areas not connected to the national grid, Rina says. "We can ask
China to help us set up solar panel manufacturing plants, so that we can learn to do it ourselves and bring
down the cost even more."
Parvez Amir, a climate change expert based in Islamabad, says the government is aware of alternative
energy options, "but the strong oil industry mafia ensures the status quo to protect its own products."
Sindh and Balochistan have been the major producers of oil and natural gas but people in both provinces
have remained largely deprived of the benefits. Coal is strictly a provincial subject under the constitution of
Pakistan and the people of Thar Desert and Sindh deserve priority rights over all benefits, including
employment.
"The royalty received by the provinces doesn't travel to the resource producing communities due to defective
policy framework, leaving them deprived of development benefits," says Naseer Memon, a rights activist and
writer. "Local people have received very poor shares in jobs in the oil and gas fields. Only a handful of
unskilled locals are employed by companies whereas lucrative management positions are mostly occupied
by non-locals."
As the problem worsens and protests against load shedding become more and more violent, the new
government will have to act wisely to find a sustainable solution. So far, the right-wing Nawaz League has
been able to use their strong ties with Saudi Arabia to import oil on deferred payment, but that may put them
under pressure to stop the project to buy gas from Iran. Resolving the problem will require vision, courage
and strong will.
The writer is an Islamabad-based journalist/researcher. Archived work: www.pol-dev.com
The drone dilemma

The drone dilemma

Following the June 7 drone strike on Al Qaeda targets in the mountainous Shawal area of Waziristan,
Pakistan summoned Ambassador Richard Hoagland, the deputy head of the US mission, to protest this
violation of its sovereignty. It was the tenth time that an American official had to listen to Pakistani "umbrage"
over the 353rd predator strike into Pakistani territory at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Officials there insist at
least since 2010 no drone attack went unchallenged, mostly through formal protest notes. But drones
continue to lob Hellfire missiles on suspected targets.
President Asif Zardari in a recent interview with journalists and anchors representing various private
Pakistani TV channels probably provided the answer to what a very senior army official had described as
"helplessness".
"Even if you shoot down a drone, what next?" Zardari quipped when one of the anchors pressed the issue
and questioned Pakistan's inaction against the pilotless aerial vehicles. He probably knows that the CIAPentagon will chase and kill anybody they consider inimical to American interests - regardless of whether
Pakistan or Afghanistan like it or not.
The monthly average of deaths in the 342 strikes between January 1, 2004 and December 31 2012 is about
27, with 2,670 people killed. There were only eight or so strikes between 2004 and 2006. The number of
attacks between 2008 and 2012 comes close to 67, or more than five per month. The figures for the first five
months of 2013 indicate a substantial decline. Is it a result of raging criticism of the drone campaign within
and outside the United States? Or is the anxious Obama administration - confronted with real hard choices
ahead of next year's presidential election and the drawdown of troops in Afghanistan - looking for ways that
could facilitate its Afghanistan strategy? Has it deescalated the controversial drone campaign as a quid pro
quo? There have been just about 11 strikes in over five months this year, compared with 50 drone attacks in
2012, killing 378 people (according to Ministry of Interior figures).
Analysts are looking at the issue in an international law perspective rather than the perspective of utility
Does it reflect a more cautious and calibrated approach by the CIA in deference to the growing chorus of
criticism? Or is the United States now looking for a middle ground to meet with impending challenges flowing
from an embattled Afghanistan, and an increasingly erratic President Hamid Karzai?
If yes, and even if the drone campaign continued with far lesser ferocity, will this mitigate the primary concern
- the violation of sovereignty of Pakistani territory? Certainly not. Or if these attacks came to a halt altogether,
will Pakistan Army be able to hunt down terrorists holed up in Waziristan? How is the campaign against
drone attacks related to the urgently-needed improvement in governance and greater economic dividends to
the common man?
UN officials, analysts and ex security officials in the US and the UK are also looking at the issue more in the
international law perspective than the perspective of utility. They are also seized with the specter of a third
country, say India, using the same technology invoking the pretext of "terrorists camps inside Pakistan", or
Pakistan launching such preemptive strikes against persons or groups considered detrimental to Pakistani
interests.
In this context, the use of unmanned deadly machines have certainly set a dangerous precedent, also
because the Obama administration still considers them useful and thus a legitimate tool against anti-US
elements.
Anti-drone British campaigners, according The Guardian (June 7) have also joined other critics of the drones
led by the UN to argue that the use of remotely piloted drones by British forces in Afghanistan may be in
breach of international law.

A recent document written by Phil Shiner and Dan Carey of the Birmingham-based Public Interest Lawyers
challenges the well-established legal defence set out by the RAF for deployment of unmanned aerial
vehicles (UAVs) in the UN-sanctioned conflict. In essence, this opinion also challenges the US defense of
the drones.
It argues that use of drones inside Afghanistan is subject to the European Convention on Human Rights
(ECHR). "The requirement to use 'no more [force] than absolutely necessary' in article 2(2) places a
significant restriction on drone use," it says. "Only when it is absolutely necessary to kill someone rather than
arrest/disable them will the use of drones be lawful. And even then, drones may only be used for one of the
purposes in article 2(2), most relevantly, in self defence under 2(2)(c)."
This leads us to four conclusions:
a) Drones are illegal and a breach of sovereignty if not sanctioned
b) Drones have a certain utility for all (besides three dozen Arab and African Al Qaeda militants, drones also
killed Baitullah Mehsud, Qari Hussain, Ilyas Kashmiri, Walirurrehman - all Pakistanis but avowed enemies of
Pakistan)
c) The CIA will not relent in its hunt for its declared enemies (whoever and wherever they are)
d) Pakistan, despite its opposition to the lethal pilotless drones, is virtually helpless in the face of a US-led
NATO resolve to deploy drones wherever necessary
This is an unpleasant challenge to both the United States and Pakistan. Is there a middle ground for the two
countries? Should they, and more importantly can they, find a mechanism which apportions part of the
responsibility of the drone strikes to Pakistan Army?
They probably can, if Pakistan were able to flag the utility argument in its national interest. If the CIA
eliminates militants such as Hakimullah Mehsud and Mangal Bagh, the "avowed enemies" of the country,
why cannot this be turned into a pro-Pakistan narrative?
How can the Sharif government bridge the gap between its oft repeated - though in vain - opposition to
drones and the need for hunting down elements hostile to western and Pakistani interests? This will also
require an admission - at least for future - that the CIA does provide the Pakistani mission in Washington with
a detailed illustrated run-down of almost every drone strike. Legally, Sharif must convey to the US
administration that the presence of Al Qaeda linked foreigners does not justify undermining Pakistani
sovereignty. Neither can a unilateral CIA strike be legitimized in the name of US interests alone because the
CIA cannot and must not be seen as protecting the US national interests by trampling Pakistan's national
interests.
No doubt that the relentless drone campaign has killed or scared dozens of Arab and African Al Qaeda
operatives out of Waziristan. The sense that one gathers from residents of Waziristan is one of relief. But
how does the central government recalibrate its own anti-drone position, and the PTI-led chorus against the
predator strikes?
Washington and Islamabad face the most formidable challenge of finding the middle ground that is
absolutely essential for the $7 billion drawdown of US-led international troops from Afghanistan via Pakistan.
Containing and neutralizing an increasingly desperate Karzai represents another big challenge even if the

US and Pakistan find a middle ground. Karzai is not only upping the ante by making statements in the media,
but has also worked behind the scenes to stall the Doha process.
Why can the US and Pakistan not call their anti-terrorist activity "joint operations" and reach the absolutely
essential middle ground?
Comment By Imtiaz Gul

Education will resolve Pakistan's confusion about role of religion in society, say visiting Turkish scholars

Lessons from Turkey

Imtaiz gu;
Two distinguished scholars from Turkey, Dr Nuri Tinaz and Dr Ali Murat Yel, identified insufficient quality
education as Pakistan's biggest problem - something responsible, in their view, for the confusion that
surrounds the role of religion in the society.
Their deduction was based on the intensive interaction with students and teachers at University of Peshawar,
FC College Lahore, the National Defence University Islamabad, and some discussions with the Pakistani
intelligentsia at think tanks such as Centre for Research and Security Studies. The Turk scholars spoke on
the broader theme of "State, Religion and Democracy," from a Turkish perspective.
Both professors were vociferous in their advocacy for state control of education. Prof Ali Murat for instance,
explained that free, compulsory and standardized education became the key to the present day Turkey
where state control of curricula is producing equal and productive citizens. Similarly, Prof Nuri Tinaz said that
the religious affairs directorate has played the central role in preserving sectarian and social harmony in the
Turkish society. The Directorate - known as Dayanet - basically regulates the functioning of all religious
issues, including university education and training for the clergy. It issues the license for appointment of
Imams after the intensive training. Compulsory and free education has been extended to every corner of the
state in order to achieve the policy of democratization and secularization and this has helped contain
unnecessary radicalization of minds.
Free, compulsory and standardized education made Turkey what it is today
Brushing aside several perceptions with regard to the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since
2002, Tinaz and Murat pointed out that while Islam may be visible in public sphere and while there is a rise
in individual religion and spiritualism, it does not threaten the secular edifice that Kemal Ataturk had raised in
the 1920s. Turkey is not slipping into theocracy, Nuri Tinaz underlined. There is no compromise on the
fundamentals of the constitutional framework provided by Ataturk because people at large have internalized
secularism. Islam is part of life but not part of the state business in Turkey. It is borne by several surveys
according to which less than seven percent of its population supports the sharia-based political system. He
also highlighted the fact that most Turks agree the sharia should not be the foundation for the constitution.
One could easily sum up the instructive observations of the Turkish scholars the following way: Pakistan,
both professors argued, seems to lack quality education and there is insufficient awareness on religion.
Solutions to problems do not flow from mere religious sloganeering. Religion may be the first and foremost

duty of everybody but individuals should be free to practice it the way they wish. A certain group or state
must not impose Islam on others. Allah has given us the choice to decide what is right or wrong. Nobody can
take that freedom away from individuals. Most Turks agree that sin is a matter between God and the
individual while punishment for violation of the law is the duty of the state.
On the civil-military relations, both Dr Murat and Tinaz concurred that while the Turkish military remained a
powerful institution and enjoyed the trust of the people, it has certainly been upstaged by the civilians, ie
parliament, which is trusted the most. This, the scholars said, also reflected the fact that the common Turkish
man wants change and better governance. Both played down the possibility of the creeping craving for Islam
and sharia under AKP rule as galvanizing the society. Dr Murat reminded Pakistani interlocutors that it was
essentially voter fatigue with other parties since the coup of 1980s, and more importantly the worry for bread
and butter, that brought AKP to power and has kept it afloat with almost negligible opposition.
Quoting Turkey's example, the scholars cautioned that the Republican elites - in overriding self-interest - had
created the Ataturk cult and at times even abused the Kemalist principles to legitimize their wrongdoings. Dr
Murat suggested that while Turkey or other countries may serve as an inspiration, Pakistan should not follow
any other country. Every nation needs to have its own model, based on its own socio-cultural context. Turkey
is not following the west. It has constructed its own model according to its own needs.
Create your own niche instead of following others, they said, and avoid making and following cults in this
fast-moving performance-oriented age - in the context of Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan.

Power and policy

32

After a splendid oath taking in Islamabad, the new prime minister is faced with
a herculean task. Although Nawaz Sharif and his party must deliver in all
areas, one problem that has held the entire nation hostage is the growing
energy
crisis.
The government puts peak-hour shortfall in the range of 7,000-8,000
megawatts. And Pakistan's problems might be graver than suggested by the
caretaker government. The country's current power generation capacity
stands at 23,538 megawatts. Its actual peak demand in summers could hover
around 25,000MW. Thanks to a fat circular debt, actual generation lies in the
range of 8,000 to 10,000 megawatts. This means a shortfall of over 12,000
megawatts.
Energy

Mix

and

Economic

Growth:

Pakistan is blessed with abundant resources and there is little or no reason

why it should not exploit those. Its reliance on fossil fuel to fulfill more than 60
percent of the country's power needs has had serious repercussions for its
growth, as inflation continues to skyrocket.
Malaysia is a good case in point. It started off with a four-fuel diversification
strategy in 1980. The country learned from the oil price shocks of the 1970s,
the 1972-73 Yom Kippur war, and the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Fossil fuel
almost entirely dominated the fuel mix of Malaysia. The use of affordable
resources like coal and hydel were almost nonexistent. However, through
political will and a well-coordinated policy, oil is now used to generate only 2
percent of Malaysia's power, with coal and hydel accounting for around 35
percent and 13 percent respectively. Malaysia's coal reserves are 1.72 billion
tons, compared with Pakistan's mammoth reserves of 185 billion tons (sixth
largest
in
the
world).
Power

Sector

Reforms:

A lot has been written about the inability of the government to pass on the
true fuel-adjusted power generation costs to the consumer. But that may not
be the solution. It will only increase the tariff, considering an energy mix
dominated
purely
by
oil
and
gas.
Several energy experts have expressed concerns over the operational
inefficiencies of the distribution utilities and the way the whole unbundling of
WAPDA, together with the emergence of the IPPs, has worked out. That
concern is well justified. It is here that proper governance and law
enforcement
matters
most.
Irregularities in the tariff regime are another issue that must be addressed
immediately.
Pakistan's power sector was initially overseen by WAPDA. In the early 1990s,
the government of Pakistan embarked on a structural reforms project following
the severe electricity shortages of the 1980s, whereby WAPDA was unbundled
into separate generation, transmission and distribution companies.
The unbundled side now looks after the entire thermal generation in the
country and accounts for more than 60 percent of the power sector. It includes

four generation companies, one transmission and dispatch company, and nine
distribution companies (DISCOS), managed by Pakistan Electric Power
Company (PEPCO). These DISCOS have their tariffs determined by an
independent
regulator
called
NEPRA,
established
in
1995.
The distribution companies buy power from the Central Power Purchase
Authority, who in turn buys it from the power generation companies, IPPs,
CPPs and the infamous RPPs.
Some level of transmission and distribution losses is inevitable in any grid
anywhere in the world. The aim of a well-managed utility company should be
to minimize these losses. In a load shedding environment like Pakistan, bulk of
the energy consumption is after sunset and that is when the peak load occurs.
Oil and gas based generating plants are more or less shut down during the off
peak hours, resulting in severe outages for the industrial and commercial
customers.
That is why there is a need to diversify power production into run-of-the-river
hydel projects and more solar or coal based generation. Analysts say the
government should ensure Pakistan produces 70 percent of its power from
hydel
and
coal
sources
by
2018.
Renewable energy should also help unburden the national grid. Freeing up at
least the commercial sector from the national grid and powering it by solar
energy
will
save
up
to
3,000
megawatts.
Even after there is a significant move towards less costly generation, the
DISCOS will have to minimize thefts and collect their revenues in full.
However, as the end customer tariffs determined by NEPRA are higher and
more cost reflective than the tariffs notified by the government of Pakistan,
PEPCO as an agency will continue to sustain a deficit and keep on accruing
circular debt, whilst the government will continue to increase its spending by
paying
subsidies
to
the
power
sector.
A

Coordinated

Policy:

The power sector appears to suffer from a lack of direction. The privatization
policy has been an utter disappointment, as it reversed the fuel mix of
Pakistan instead of more efficient and cheaper fuel mix and renewable energy

sources.
The sector has also not been fully restructured as
the government continues to play the role of a
maneuverer,
particularly
in
power
tariff
determinations, which has led to a lack of
transparency in the cash flows of each company.
Having three regulators and three ministries
overseeing the power sector is resulting in a lack
of coordination within the government itself. There
is no sustainable solution to strengthening energy
functions under the existing institutional setup.
Pakistan will benefit from consolidating energy
functions into one ministry. Such ministries exist
in many countries, including Afghanistan, Angola,
Azerbaijan, Canada, Israel, Kosovo, Nepal,
Philippines, South Africa, and the United States.
Short

and

Long

Term

Measures:

It has taken more than 60 years for the power

crisis to build up, and it will take years to resolve
the problem. Tough measures will need to be
taken, some of which will have political
consequences.
In

the

short

term,

the

government

should:

Monitor private sector activities related to

energy in order to restructure, privatize, and
modernize
the
power
sector
Assess the requirements of the sector through
research and development for the optimal
development of various forms of energy
production
and
utilization
technologies
Clear the circular debt on an urgent basis.

Reforms in tax collection can help achieve this objective. Instead of relying on
debt, tax revenue should be utilized to scale down circular debt
The current power infrastructure is enough to meet domestic power demand,
given the existing power plants are timely repaired and maintained
Energy

conservation

campaigns

should

be

organized

The regulator should be fully autonomous in its decisions regarding the

determination
of
tariffs
A single ministry of energy should be formed. At present, energy functions
and
authority
are
fragmented
amongst
different
agencies
Management of DISCOS should be strengthened. DISCOS should gradually be
privatized. They should also be made accountable for the commercial losses
they incur. Automated meter readers should be installed nationwide in a bid to
reduce chances of theft. These meters should be frequently monitored to
ensure
they
don't
run
too
fast
Solar energy should be a top priority. The commercial sector must be run
entirely on solar energy. Free market competition should be encouraged in the
sale and purchase of solar technology. This will also create jobs
Long

Term

Measures:

The following measures will help sustainably resolve the problem in the long
term:
Large power generation projects should be started. The construction of
Basha Dam, for example, will bring sustainability to the sector. Proper
maintenance
of
the
existing
hydel
facilities
should
continue
Coal fired power plants should be expedited. Pakistan has one of the largest
coal deposits in the world. Private sector investment should help achieve this
goal
Power sector unbundling should be effectively implemented and PEPCO
should
be
dissolved

 The government should look to attract foreign expertise and investment to

bring more renewable energy and hydroelectric projects online
Editorial By Najam Sethi

Policy formulation in hard times

The smile on Nawaz Sharif's face following his party's electoral win has vanished since he became prime
minister and realized the enormity of the challenges facing him. This is good news. It means he understands
the gravity of the problem, which is a first step in trying to resolve it. This is in agreeable contrast to the grin
pasted on President Asif Zardari's face in the five years of the PPP regime when the government behaved
like an ostrich while everything went to pieces around it.
With hindsight, however, President Zardari had a measure of support and advice to offer the new prime
minister. "Democracy has arrived", he noted in his presidential address to parliament, "there is no place for
dictators in Pakistan today". He congratulated himself for having the "honor to be the first elected civilian in
the history of Pakistan to oversee the transfer of power in a democratic manner," adding "it is a cause for
which Shaheed Benazir Bhutto dedicated her life. It is a cause for which I spent 11 and a half years in
prison." He commended the PPP-led parliament for amending the constitution to make the judiciary and ECP
independent and for removing the sweeping powers of the President and making the Prime Minister allpowerful.
But he was equivocal about trying former army generals, especially General Pervez Musharraf, who had
abrogated the Constitution to lead military dictatorships. "It is for this august Parliament and the government
to devise an appropriate and wise policy", he told Parliament. Considering that Mr Zardari assured safe
passage to General Musharraf in 2008 and didn't do anything to prosecute him later, the use of the words
"appropriate and wise policy" left the impression that he is not in favour of holding military generals
accountable for their unconstitutional interventions. Clearly, he owes his five-year term to a policy of
appeasing, even buttering up, the military whenever the occasion so demanded.
In much the same vein, he emphasized that militancy, extremism, and terrorism pose the greatest threat to
Pakistan's national security. "We need strong leadership to overcome the threat. We are ready to make
peace with those willing to give up violence. But we should also be ready to use force against those who
challenge the writ of the state," he said. It may be recalled that the Zardari government first tried to make
peace with the TTP in 2009 and then went to war with it. Now the Sharif government faces the same
dilemma, so Mr Zardari has not closed its options.
He also spoke about US drone attacks on Pakistani soil, and violations of Pakistan's sovereignty. "Drone
attacks are a serious violation of sovereignty and international law. They are also counterproductive and are
not acceptable." This comes from the leader of a government that implicitly allowed drone attacks, as did the
Musharraf regime earlier, on the advice of the military, and echoes another handwringing dilemma for the
Sharif regime. The drones are sorely needed against the TTP liability but also hurt the Haqqani-network
assets of Pakistan in the Af-Pak endgame.
Mr Sharif's early policy decisions also merit comment. There are misgivings over Chaudhry Nisar's
appointment as interior minister because of an unfortunate giveaway remark by his son on his Face Book

page: "Malik Riaz, we are coming for you". This smacks of settling personal scores and harks back to the
vindictive campaigns of the last Sharif regime against its political and media opponents.
The approach to the Foreign Affairs and Defence ministries, which remain in the PM's hands, makes for
gridlock and confusion. Sartaj Aziz and Tariq Fatemi will presumably both sit in the PM's Office and exercise
their mutually undefined writs of National Security and Foreign Affairs over the Foreign Office and Defence
Ministries. The installation of Pakistan's Ambassador to Washington will further muddy the waters: how will
the Ambassador juggle orders from Mr Aziz, Mr Fatemi, the Foreign Secretary and the PM? Too many cooks
are bound to spoil the broth.
The budgetary exercise is also disappointing for being too cautious. There is nothing in it for the poor and not
sufficient sacrifice for the rich to make for an equitable burden sharing. But it is significant that grounds for
welcoming the IMF back to Pakistan are being readied - the government is going to print Rs 300 billion in the
next two weeks and push the fiscal deficit up to nearly 9% by end June so that the back of the circular debt
in the power sector can be broken and some load shedding reduced while medium terms energy plans are
implemented. A reduction in government spending on itself is part of the IMF conditions. In this manner, the
government expects to defray international debt payments due this year by acquiring new debt and
maintaining forex reserves and currency stability.
But this is the beginning of policy formation in a difficult environment. It is bound to suffer hiccups. The
government needs time, and patience from the people.

Pakistan
DAWN.COM | Zahir Shah Sherazi

A key Pakistani Taliban commander, Mutaqi alias Bahadar Khan, was killed along with six
suspected militants in the US drone strike Friday night in Shawal tehsil of North Waziristan,
intelligence officials told Dawn.com on Saturday.File Photo
Updated 2013-06-08 18:51:16

ISLAMABAD/PESHAWAR: Pakistan summoned the US Charge d Affaires, Ambassador

Richard Hoagland to the Foreign Office on Saturday to register a strong protest against the
latest US drone strike in North Waziristan on Friday.
It was conveyed to the US Charge d Affaires that the Government of Pakistan strongly
condemns the drone strikes which are a violation of Pakistans sovereignty and territorial
integrity, said a press release by the Pakistani Foreign Office.
The importance of bringing an immediate end to drone strikes was emphasised, it said.
Hoagland was summoned to the Foreign Office in Islamabad on Saturday evening on the
instructions of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharifs, and was handed a demarche in this regard,
said a press release by the Pakistani Foreign Office.
Key Pakistani Taliban commander killed

A key Pakistani Taliban commander, Mutaqi alias Bahadar Khan, was killed along with six
suspected militants in the US drone strike Friday night in Shawal tehsil of North Waziristan,
intelligence officials told Dawn.com on Saturday.
Missiles from the US drone struck a suspected militant compound in Gubez village of North
Waziristans Shawal tehsil when a pick-up truck arrived from the bordering area of
Afghanistan around 9:00 pm.
According to intelligence intercepts, the militants led by Mutaqi alias Bahadar Khan were
planning to cross over into Afghanistan via Pash Ziarat valley, a strategic corridor linking the
South and North Waziristan Agency and considered a gateway to Afghanistan.
The Pash Ziarat valley is considered a strategic area previously controlled by Tehrik-i-Taliban
Pakistan militants.
Fridays drone strike was the first such attack since Pakistan Muslim League-N chief Nawaz
Sharif was sworn in as prime minister earlier this week.
In his inaugural address to parliament, Sharif called for an end to US drone strikes on
Pakistani soil, which many view as a breach of Pakistan's sovereignty.
The bombing came 10 days after a similar US drone attack killed the Pakistani Taliban's
second-in-command, Waliur Rehman, and six others in a major blow to the militant group.
President Barack Obama said last month the United States would scale back drone strikes,
only using them when a threat was continuing and imminent.

14 June

Optimism leaves us
ABBAS NASIR
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Published 2013-06-15 08:06:51

TO see the Sindh chief minister at the start of his new term in office
at police stations and government hospitals was a reassuring
sight.
For it is here that the dispossessed suffer the most indignities and where
most of their grievances are written. That by his mere presence the chief
minister appeared to be dedicating some of his time to ensuring a
modicum of relief to the most vulnerable, therefore, was welcome.

For some of us rather foolhardy optimists it seemed to mark a turning

point in how our home province of Sindh would be governed, with a
healing touch rather than the uncaring arrogance that marked the PPP
governments last tenure.
But was one giving credit a shade too prematurely to the PPP for having
learnt a lesson in the humiliating defeat in the last elections which saw
its footprint shift dramatically from all the four provinces to Sindh alone
(not counting a couple of exceptions in southern Punjab)?
Would the chief ministers high-profile visits to police stations in Karachi
to verify for himself from the records that the law was being followed in
letter and spirit serve as a strong message to the force that it needed to
be on its toes?
Would he sustain the pressure so the effect wasnt lost over time?
These and many similar questions kept popping up in ones mind simply
because the destruction of law and order generally in Sindh and
particularly in Karachi has been so consummate that even clutching at
straws appears a worthy pastime.
But a reality check wasnt too late in coming.
As we look at the case of Nawab Wassan, the robust PPP MNA, elected
from one of the Khairpur constituencies, lets flag a health warning that
political rivalries often lead to filing of cases etc and in the next few
sentences the aim isnt to talk about the merits of the case, of guilt and
innocence.
During the elections, Mr Wassans political opponents accused him and
his gunmen of opening fire and killing someone from their (the rivals)
camp. The MNA categorically denied the charge contained in the
registered case and secured interim bail before arrest from the high
court.
Earlier this week, he appeared in the local anti-terrorism court (ATC) to
have his bail confirmed. The ATC refused his plea and ordered his
arrest. At this, according to media reports, Mr Wassans supporters
raised slogans and rushed him out of the court and away.

The police officers present are said to have looked on and did nothing to
stop and arrest the MNA as was ordered by the court. There has been
no follow-up in the media about the whereabouts of the PPP
parliamentarian.
What has been reported is that the Khairpur DIG ordered action against
the police officers who were seen as complicit in the escape of the
politician from the court. This was also a welcome development.
However, the next day it was suggested in the media that an unnamed
ba-asar (influential) Sindh personality was very displeased with the
orders of the DIG and, therefore, the Sindh chief minister has ordered
his transfer.
The transfer orders were issued, the report said, despite the
protestations of the IG and the chief secretary. One hasnt seen a denial
anywhere so it would be safe to assume that the report is correct. And if
it is, there can be no sadder realisation for all those hoping for change in
Sindh.
There isnt a bleaker, darker message to send to the police in a province
which of late is remembered less for its association with Bhitai and
Sarmast and more as a place where plunderers, robbers and target
killers rule the roost.
While the media hasnt named the influential Sindh personality it will be
safe to assume he would be what one cynical observer called the TT
(not the pistol) that endangers the province the most. He explained he
was referring to Talented Tappi, the presidents adoptive brother Owais
Muzaffar.
Frankly, Owais Muzaffar has won one of the Sindh Assembly seats in
the last election from Thatta, the stronghold of the strong-armed
Shirazis, who are known both for their popularity in the area as well as
for their inability to brook any opposition. So good for him.
But if the young politician wishes to wield more power than the other
Sindh MPAs, perhaps hed be best advised to step out of the shadows
and into the forefront so one can appreciate his talents and also offer
humble criticism where warranted.

The existential challenge facing the PPP is now clearly greater than
when it faced the wrath of the brutal Zia regime. Then it was the hunted,
the wronged party; it had that mercurial leadercampaigner Benazir Bhutto at its helm and supporting it was a just
cause.
Now it has had a full term in office in all but one province and at the
centre. Its legislative record is no doubt a proud one but its governance,
utter lack of grasp of issues and most damagingly its corruption (and
sorry I, for one, dont believe it was all about the perception created by a
hostile media) leave it badly placed in the political parties honour roll.

Agenda for peace process

A.G NOORANI
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Published 2013-06-15 08:06:52

THERE was much more than a sense of formality in Prime Minister

Manmohan Singhs congratulations to Mian Nawaz Sharif on the
impressive victory of the PML-N in the May 11 elections. Equally,
the response of Mian Nawaz Sharif went far beyond the formal in
its warmth.
Will all this peter out, as previous exchanges did? One hopes not; but
the lessons of the past, especially the recent past, must be heeded and
a sound approach devised to put relations between the two countries on
a promising course. We must avoid unreal expectations.
Nothing came of the then prime minister Narasimha Raos offer of a
comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan to discuss all matters of mutual
concern, including issues related to Jammu & Kashmir because this
very phrasing, in his congratulatory letter of Oct 19, 1993 to the then
prime minister Benazir Bhutto, revealed that he was not prepared to
discuss the Kashmir dispute itself.
Her reply of Oct 20, 1993 emphasised that the Jammu and Kashmir
issue is the main obstacle in the way of better relations between our two
countries. She was right, but her profession of readiness to engage in

serious and purposeful discussions was belied by the non-paper India

received in January 1994. It asked for the moon. Indias non-paper on
Kashmir was no better.
Nawaz Sharif fought the 1997 general election on the plank inter alia of
improving relations with India. Deve Gowdas (Indian prime minister at
the time) message of congratulations proposed an early resumption of
dialogue.
Nawaz Sharifs reply suggested talks between the foreign secretaries.
This resulted in the Islamabad joint statement of June 23, 1997 which
embodied a charter for a composite dialogue. I. K. Gujral wrecked it by
reneging on his commitment at Male to set up a working group on
Kashmir. The Bharatiya Janata Party regime which followed (19982004) did worse.
We have come a long way. We are not at the stage of a breakthrough,
but, at a stage at which a breakthrough can be explored and achieved
before long. The most promising new element is trust which was sadly
lacking between the leaders during the PPP government, especially in
the wake of the Mumbai blasts. (Some significant steps were taken
towards a rapprochement; to wit, the accord on visas and the MFN.)
At least twice Prime Minister Singh felt provoked then to ask, for obvious
reasons, whom he should negotiate with. He now has a committed
partner in the dialogue in Nawaz Sharif. Manmohan Singh wants to work
with Nawaz Sharif to chart a new course and pursue a new destiny in
the relations between our countries.
It is of vital importance that this precious asset of mutual respect and
trust is not squandered, as before, by unreal expectations or
obstructionist elements. Hence, the need to proceed while moulding
public opinion in a positive direction.
The electronic media is an unruly horse; especially in India where TV
channels vie with one another to whip up chauvinistic frenzy vis--vis
Pakistan, China or, for that matter, any adversary real or imagined.
I am not competent to opine on the media in Pakistan. The problem has
an obvious solution lift all the curbs on receipt of telecasts and
exchanges of media personnel; allow newspapers and TV channels to

freely post correspondents in each others country, and, indeed, sponsor

visits of media personnel.
There is something obscene about the curbs that are in place today;
especially on the Line of Control (LoC) trade. Militancy in Kashmir is on
the decline, admittedly. What harm can a proper modern infrastructure
for trade inflict? In 2013, barter trade is shocking. Banking facilities are
needed; so are telecommunication so that traders know the market on
the other side.
To avoid the sad experience of last January, it is of vital importance to
improve the existing mechanism in order to avoid misunderstandings.
Together these two measures on the LoC trade facilities and
mechanisms to solve disputes will go a long way towards improving
the atmosphere. Redeployment of artillery guns and mortars, say, 20-30
kms from the LoC, is another measure worth considering.
Enforcing the visa and MFN accords and a determined attempt to end
the prisoners problem will also be of help. But by far the best
confidence-building measure will be a no-war pact. In 1997, Mian
Nawaz Sharif renewed the proposal in his address to the UN General
Assembly. Back in May 1984, the two countries had all but resolved their
differences on the rival drafts.
Going back even further, India had offered a draft in 1949 which was
rejected. Years later, on Nov 22, 1981 Pakistan sent a note proposing
the pact. Two aide memoires followed; Indias on Dec 24, 1981 and
Pakistans on Jan 12, 1982. They set out the principles each side
considered important. Pakistan presented formally the draft of an
agreement on a no-war pact on May 31, 1982 while India presented a
draft treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation to foreign secretary M.
K. Rasgotra in Islamabad. A breakthrough was achieved in his talks with
foreign secretary Niaz A. Naik.

Off the right track

SHADA ISLAM
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Published 2013-06-15 08:13:16

LIKE many others, I am watching events in Turkey with deep

sadness. Turkey is not an ordinary country. Over the last decades,
even as repressive governments became more entrenched across
the southern banks of the Mediterranean, the world has admired
Turkey and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for having
successfully reconciled Islam and democracy.
Only a few months ago, Erdogan was hailed as a hero by Arab youth,
the rare good guy compared to the many bad ones who ruled over most
other countries in the region. More recently, as hopes generated by the
Arab peoples revolutions have begun to wane and societies in Tunisia,
Libya, Egypt and elsewhere become more and more polarised and
fragmented, Turkey has stood out as a country which could manage its
societal divisions.
No longer. Prime Minister Erdogans heavy-handed response to the
public protests has dealt a strong blow to Turkeys role, standing and
reputation, both within the region and beyond. Its hitherto strong soft
power ability to influence regional and global policies and events stands
eroded. In Europe, events over the last two weeks have reinforced
many Europeans determination to keep Turkey outside the European
Union.
I am saddened but also very disappointed.
The Muslim world is in dire need of someone to admire. An inspiring role
model, a person to emulate. Over his decade as Turkish leader,
Erdogan has achieved this and more, standing head and shoulders over
most others who run the show in other Muslim countries. Significantly,
he has been able after a long struggle to confine meddling
generals to the barracks.
Visiting Turkey has therefore always been a pleasure, with no fear of
being harassed because of ones attire, conduct or views. Ive only felt
the same degree of freedom in Indonesia which also combines Islam
with a secular constitution and where, as in Turkey, conservatives and
liberals appear to have found a modus vivendi.
Elsewhere, across the Muslim world, restrictions and intolerance
abound. And unfortunately, similar narrow views of what it means to be a
Muslim are growing among immigrant communities in Europe.

The unpleasant truth is that many in Europe have long felt uneasy about
opening the doors to a Muslim country, albeit one with a secular
constitution. The conservative religious bent of the prime minister and
his Justice and Development Party causes anxiety and fear among
many Europeans who still feel uncomfortable about the decision by
some Muslim women to wear the headscarf.
Even those who favour Turkish membership of the EU hope that as
Turkey becomes more economically vibrant, it will return to the secular
track set out by Mustafa Kemal. Here in Brussels, I have also often
heard people comment on Erdogans authoritarian streak, his
Ottoman-inspired foreign policy and his ambitions to become a
regional leader. These and other equally negative views of the Turkish
leader have now been reinforced.
True, Erdogans response to the demonstrations has been nowhere
near the violent madness that gripped the former Tunisian, Egyptian and
Libyan leaders. Still, one expects better from Turkey and its leaders. But
Erdogan is not delivering. Instead he has turned an initial disagreement
over parks and shopping malls into a battle between his conservative
supporters and those who want a more liberal lifestyle.
Tolerance and live-and-let-live policies that make Turkey so different
from its neighbours are being tragically shredded to pieces. In fact,
critics have long complained of the Turkish governments intolerance of
free speech. Too many journalists are in prison in Turkey. Politicians
regularly sue reporters for defamation, say analysts and human rights
groups. The prime ministers use of force against the protesters and
recently his tirades against looters and foreign agents are not worthy
of him or Turkey. Dozens of lawyers have been manhandled. There is
talk of giving more powers to the Turkish security services and tighter
curbs on social media.
Erdogan seems to be caught in a time warp when he cautions that his
patience is running out and instructs parents to rein in their children.
The reaction from the EU has been predictable. EU foreign policy chief
Catherine Ashton has urged Erdogan to abide by European democratic
standards and Germany and Italy have warned a violent crackdown on
protesters could harm Turkeys bid for membership of the bloc.

Germany, along with France, does not favour EU entry for Turkey while
Italy, Britain and Sweden want Turkey to become a member.
Ashton has said Erdogans response to protesters must be
engagement not antagonism. This is an important moment for Turkey.
A chance for it to renew its commitment to European values, she said.
I am convinced it can meet this challenge.
EU ministers are to decide this month whether to open a new chapter
for the first time in several years in Ankaras stalled bid for membership.
Ashton said: Turkey as a candidate country needs to aspire to the
highest possible democratic practices. Of the 35 so-called policy
chapters EU candidates must negotiate, Turkey has opened talks on
only 13.

Rowhani is new Iran president

From the Newspaper | 7 hours ago

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TEHRAN, June 15: Moderate cleric Hassan Rowhani was declared Irans
new president on Saturday in a surprise and outright election victory that
ended eight years of conservative grip on the top office.
This victory is a victory for wisdom, moderation and maturity over extremism, local media
reported Mr Rowhani as saying in the first statement after his win.
A former top nuclear negotiator who championed more constructive engagement with world
powers, Mr Rowhani won outright with 18.6 million votes, or 50.68 per cent of those cast, the
interior minister said.
Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khameneis website congratulated Mr Rowhani on his victory
and urged the people to work with him.
Congratulations to the people and to president-elect Hojatoleslam Hassan Rowhani, Mr
Khameneis website leader.ir reported.
I urge everyone to help the president-elect and his colleagues in the government, as he is
the president of the whole nation.

Crowds marched through Vali-Asr Square in central Tehran carrying pictures of the winner
and chanting pro-Rowhani slogans.
In northwest Tehran, people in Kaj Square cheered as passing cars sounded their horns in
approval

Judiciary goes native

AMBER DARR
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Published 2013-06-17 04:17:10

IT is perhaps little known outside of legal circles, that the Supreme

Court of Pakistan has recently initiated a programme for
translating its judgments into Urdu and placing them on its website
for easy public access.
Furthermore, it is now not surprising to find references to Hazrat Ali,
Hafiz and Sheikh Saadi in judgements of the superior judiciary. The
synchronicity between these developments suggests that rather than
being isolated events, these may be aspects of a broader move on the
part of the judiciary to reinvent, not only itself, but also perhaps the very
institution of law in Pakistan.
The clue as to why the judiciary may feel the need to undertake these
measures lies in the history of our legal institution. The manner in which
our courts and lawyers function today is a legacy of the Raj. The British
legal system was introduced in the subcontinent in 1672, when the first
British court was set up in Bombay, and was consolidated in 1774, with
the establishment of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Calcutta.
These courts brought along with them not only British styled laws and
lawyers but also an attendant legal culture which gradually came to
dominate all aspects of life in the subcontinent except perhaps those
regulated directly by the religion of the subjects (eg marriage).
Transplanting a foreign legal system into the complex and diverse Indian
landscape had two distinct yet opposite effects: It forced an entire
population to submit to a legal system, which, despite occasional
attempts at cultural sensitivity, remained at odds with its history, culture

and language and therefore arguably with its psyche, whilst at the same
time, it homogenised and equalised a deeply fragmented society.
It was perhaps for its unifying effect inasmuch as it was for ease of
transition and maintaining continuity, that at the time of Independence,
both India and Pakistan retained British laws rather than adopting those
that may have more accurately reflected their pre-colonial heritage.
From then onwards, other than minor adjustments necessitated by
circumstances, our laws are largely either those that we inherited from
the British or acquired at the dictates of Western-dominated international
institutions; our legal education focuses entirely on these laws and
foreign qualifications especially English remain prestigious; the
English language, no matter how poorly spoken, is the preferred
language in the courts and, despite our climate, dark Western suits are
our uniform.
None of these appearances of assimilation, however, detract from the
fact that the foundations upon which our legal institution is constructed
are foreign and, therefore, perhaps inherently alien to us.
Given the context, it is likely that the superior judiciarys present efforts
are merely attempts towards bridging this sense of inherent alienation. It
is not, however, immediately clear whether these are either meaningful
or sufficient.
The translation of judgements makes one wonder why the judgements
have to be rendered in English in the first place when English is not the
native language of the judges, lawyers or litigants. If the reason for that
is the British foundations of our legal system, then one wonders how a
mere translation that leaves these foundations intact, is capable of
finding resonance with the local population.
The answer to this perhaps lies in the superior judiciarys increasing
trend of citing in their judgements, teachings of scholars from our
Muslim past. Leaving aside the choice of scholars cited (who being nonnative and exclusively Muslim, perhaps still leave a gap between the
system and the populace) this effort seems unlikely to penetrate the
foundations of the system unless the teachings cited are also included
in the curriculum of law colleges in Pakistan and therefore made an
integral part of the analytical and jurisprudential tradition in the country.

Failure to do so will only serve to drive a wedge in the communication

between the bar and the bench and merely displace twice-over an
already displaced legal psyche.
If, as the above discussion suggests, the superior judiciarys efforts are
not geared towards meaningfully indigenisng the Pakistani legal
institution then what, if anything, are they achieving?
An explanation for this may be found in the writings of Dr Frederick
Schauer, professor of law at the Kennedy School of Government and
later University of Virginia.
According to him, law, more than any other institution, is believed to be
a symbol of national sovereignty. Nations, he says, especially new and
transforming nations, may believe that indigenous lawmaking is an
important marker of a successful transformation even if it sometimes
comes at the cost of making good law.
It is important to note, however, that the indigenous lawmaking Dr
Schauer refers to, is lawmaking in the immediate aftermath of
independence (as in the case of former Soviet republics) or the end of
apartheid (as in the case of South Africa) and then too on the part of
parliament.

The other Guantanamo

FROM THE NEWSPAPER
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Published 2013-06-17 04:17:09

PRESIDENT Obamas counterterrorism address last month was full

of promising rhetoric.
Some commentators have welcomed the presidents commitment to
close Guantanamo an unfulfilled pledge since 2008 and its
importance to Pakistan.
Yet largely absent from the discussion in Pakistan on President
Obamas speech is the ongoing plight of detainees at Bagram, which
has become, as President Obama described Guantanamo Bay, a
symbol around the world for an America that flouts the rule of law.

Over 40 Pakistani citizens are being held by the United States at

Bagram in indefinite detention without charge, trial or access to a
lawyer. Neither President Obama nor the Pakistani government have
said one word about the fate of Pakistani prisoners at Bagram, the
United States other Guantanamo.
From Pakistans perspective, securing the release of its citizens in
Bagram is an urgent priority. For years, the Pakistani government has
shirked its responsibilities to its own citizens held by the US, some of
whom the Pakistani government unlawfully captured and rendered to
US forces in Afghanistan.
At a moment when President Obama seems to be insisting that the US
close Guantanamo, a facility that should never have been opened, and
appears to address terrorism in accordance with the law, it is time to
bring the injustice of Bagram to an end.
My organisation, Justice Project Pakistan, represents many of these
detainees and their families. Yet after years of detention without trial and
despite high-level advocacy with the US and Pakistani governments, we
have been unable to even talk to our clients.
Some, like Umran Khan, were tricked into coming to Afghanistan for
work, only to find themselves being sold to the US military in exchange
for a bounty.
Others, such as Hamidullah Khan, were still minors when the US military
hooded and shackled them to ship them off to Bagram. All of these
individuals deserve to have the most basic due process rights respected
and to be released and repatriated to their families in Pakistan.
The Pakistani government is under a duty to protect its citizens,
wherever they may be. This means standing up to the US and
demanding that Pakistani detainees be granted access to a lawyer and
be tried in a court of law.
Legally and morally, the Pakistani government cannot stand by and
watch its citizens rights be violated, particularly by a purported ally. In
the past, the Pakistani government has shown itself capable of
protecting its citizens.

Until 2006, the US held over 60 Pakistani citizens at Guantanamo Bay.

Some were illegally rendered by the CIA with the complicity of the
Pakistani government; some were captured by the US in Afghanistan
and transferred to Guantanamo Bay.
Between 2003 and 2006, Pakistan took quick and decisive action
against the detention of its citizens in a US prison without charge or trial.
It put together a high-ranking delegation of officials from the ministries of
interior and foreign affairs which travelled to Guantanamo and
negotiated a broad agreement between the US and Pakistani
governments, setting out guidelines for the repatriation of Pakistani
citizens.
As a result, 58 Pakistani citizens unjustly held at Guantanamo Bay
returned to Pakistan between 2003 and 2004. Three more followed over
the next two years.
Delegation efforts were later bolstered by actions of Pakistani
representatives in Washington, who addressed the issue with State
Department and Department of Defence officials.
The unjust and indefinite detention of Pakistani citizens was brought to
an end by high-ranking official intervention, sustained negotiations
between the US and Pakistan and the ability of both governments to
come to an agreement over repatriation.
Yet, for 11 years of Bagrams existence, the Pakistani government has
never publicly objected to the detention of its citizens or lobbied the US
to allow detainees access to a lawyer.
The Pakistani government has never conducted sustained negotiations
with its US counterparts; instead repatriations have been ad hoc, and
subject to the up-and-down political relationship between the two
countries.
With the US drawdown and the handover of Afghan detainees to the
Afghan government, Pakistani detainees remain in US custody at
serious risk of falling into a legal limbo.

At this critical juncture, the Pakistani government has failed to invest

seriously in the required political negotiations, and take the concrete
steps necessary to bring an end to their unjust detention.
It took legal action by Justice Project Pakistan to pressure the Pakistani
government into action. Initiated in October 2010, JPPs litigation in the
Lahore High Court seeks to hold the Pakistani government accountable
for the rendition of some of its citizens to Bagram and to push the
Pakistani government to end the illegal detention of its citizens by
repatriating them to Pakistan.
Progress has been made. Over the course of several hearings since
2011, Justice Khalid Mehmood Khan of the Lahore High Court ordered
the Pakistani government to visit Bagram, collect detainees personal
details, confirm their nationalities, and begin earnest, committed
negotiations with the US for their repatriation.

The view from Taksim

Square
IRFAN HUSAIN
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Published 2013-06-17 04:22:21

I FIRST went to Istanbuls famous Taksim Square as a teenaged

student fifty years ago. Since then, I have been back many times as
it is the citys hub with many important arteries leading to different
points. On my first visit, my hostess, an old friend of my parents,
took me for dinner to the then-new Intercontinental Hotel
overlooking the Bosporus. This was the smartest place I had ever
eaten at in my life.
My favourite road leading to Taksim is Istiklal Caddesi, a pedestrian
zone with many restaurants, shops and cinemas. A tram rattles down it,
and is the only motorised vehicle allowed to run along the wide avenue.
From Taksim, you can walk towards one side and catch a view of the
Bosporus. Gezi Park, Ground Zero in the current stand-off between the
government and civil society, provides the only bit of greenery in that

vast concrete space. Theres a lot of history in and around Taksim, so

one can understand why many citizens of Istanbul are opposing the
prime ministers plans to build a mosque, a shopping mall and an
apartment complex there.
Over the years and especially during this governments ten-year rule
Istanbuls skyline has been transformed, with tall and tasteless
structures mushrooming around the city. On each trip, I find yet more old
landmarks obliterated by this frenetic building boom. No wonder so
many people now protecting Gezi Park are saying Enough!
On earlier visits, few women, apart from street vendors, could be seen
wearing a headscarf. Indeed, they were a rare sight on the European
side of the city. Over the years, they have become increasingly visible
across the city: even in the smartest restaurants and shops, colourful
headscarves are now a common sight.
The resistance to Gezi Parks desecration has now morphed into
something far bigger than an environmental battle. Above all, it has
grown into a rejection of Tayyip Erdogans autocratic ways, and his
attempt to impose his conservative values on a secular society.
Importantly, this confrontation reveals a fault-line that is increasingly
dividing the Turkish nation: the cultural differences between the deeply
religious Turks from the Anatolian hinterland and their mostly urban,
secular, Westernised countrymen.
As the ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party has boosted the
Turkish economy, it has widened its support base, enabling it to win
three successive elections with increasing majorities each time. In the
last election, it won fully half of all votes cast. This appears to have
given Erdogan a self-confidence that many see as arrogance.
For decades, secularism was at the heart of the Turkish constitution,
with the military regarding itself as the guardians of secularist values
appointed by Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the father of modern Turkey,
However, the powerful and coup-prone generals have been pushed
back to their barracks by the government which has simultaneously
placed society on a more conservative path.
Privately, many of Istanbuls sophisticated elite view the rising Anatolian
middle class as backward peasants. In a sense, this fault-line also

divides European and Asian Turks, with the latter in power for the first
time in a century. Understandably, this has alarmed educated, secular
Turks who see their personal freedoms and lifestyles coming under
threat from Erdogan and his AK Party.
One reason Erdogan was able to neutralise the military is that he has
led the country very ably, overseeing annual economic growth of around
nine per cent. Simultaneously, he has carved out an independent foreign
policy that has raised Turkeys standing in the Muslim world. But this
high growth rate has been accompanied by a rising foreign debt and a
falling lira. It is significant that Erdogan sees the hands of the interest
rate lobby behind the current unrest.
He has also dismissed Twitter as a plague, and imposed fines on TV
channels giving viewers live coverage of the disturbances at Taksim
Square. In this, he has reacted as so many autocrats do when faced
with opposition, and accused unseen enemies of conspiring against
him.
But Erdogan has only himself to blame for his predicament. With his
large mandate from religious Turks, he forgot that he was also the
leader of those secular Turks who had voted against him. When I was
last in Istanbul two years ago, a Jewish couple talked to me about their
apprehensions from the rise of Islam in the public domain. Even old
Muslim friends have watched the increasing role of religion in shaping
society with considerable alarm.
Now a beleaguered prime minister has managed to unite a whole range
of opponents from Kurds to Alevis, and from environmentalists to
mainstream political parties. The irony is that this is happening at a time
when the Turkish government had finally extended an olive branch to
the separatist Kurdish PKK party, and agreed on a ceasefire.
Erdogan is currently serving his third and last term as prime minister as
he is constitutionally barred for running for a fourth time. According to
observers, his plan was to amend the constitution to give more powers
to the president and then become the head of state. For this, he will
need a two-third majority in Parliament. Given the ongoing unrest, his
plans could well be unravelling unless he can persuade the opposition
to put recent events behind them.

KP govt presents budget

with outlay of Rs 344
billion
APP | DAWN.COM | DAWN NEWS

A view of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly. File photo

Updated 2013-06-17 17:47:31
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PESHAWAR: The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf-led provincial

government was presenting its maiden budgetary plan for Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa with an outlay of Rs 344 billion for the 2013-14
financial year, of which Rs. 211 billion have been allocated for
current revenue expenditures which is 10 per cent more than the
outgoing fiscal.

The session was being addressed by provincial finance minister Sirajul

Haq.
The minister said the budget had been divided to satisfy tasks pertaining
to welfare, development and administration.
The budget allocates Rs 118 billion to the Annual Development Program
(ADP).
Under the budget, the PTI-led KP government will introduce 531 new
schemes in addition to the ongoing 565 which had been set in motion by
its predecessor.
The minister said that Rs. 83 billion have been allocated for Provincial
Development Programme (PDP) which is 12 per cent more than the
approved estimates of the current fiscal year.
The PDP, he said, is comprised on 983 projects including 609 ongoing
and 374 new, saying more funds were allocated for ongoing projects to
ensure its timely completion.
The budget moreover allocates a record massive Rs.66.60 billion to the
education sector. Rs. 22.80 billion have been allocated for the health
sector followed by Rs. 23.78 billion for the police department, Rs. 3.12
billion for the irrigation department, Rs. 1.97 billion for promotion of
technical education and manpower training, Rs. 2.91 billion for the
agriculture sector, Rs.1.27 billion for environment, Rs. 4.93 billion for
communication and works sector, Rs 0.24 billion for pension and
Rs.11.16 billion for debt clearance.
The budget also proposes a subsidy of Rs 2.5 billion on wheat without
imposing any additional taxes.
The government has also decided on a 15 per cent increase in the
salaries of government employees falling within the Grade 1 to Grade
16 bracket. Moreover, there would be a 15 per cent increase in the
pension of retired government workers.
The minister also said that Rs. 35 billion under head of foreign
assistance is expected in the current fiscal year.

Punjab govt presents

budget with outlay of Rs
882 billion
DAWN.COM | DAWN NEWS

A view of the Punjab Assembly. File photo

Updated 2013-06-17 19:42:40
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LAHORE: Punjab Finance Minister Mujtaba Shujaur Rehman

presented the budget having a total outlay of Rs 882 billion, before
the provincial assemblys special session, with Speaker Rana Iqbal
in the chair.

A major cut in the expenditures for the Chief Ministers house were
announced, which are proposed to be reduced by 30 per cent.
The finance minister announced 20.4 billion for the provinces energy
sector.
The minister said that the minimum wages for labourers are to be set at
Rs.10,000.

Balochistan cauldron
ZAHID HUSSAIN
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Published 2013-06-18 05:05:46

THE latest bloodbath in Quetta is yet another grim reminder of

Balochistans dangerous slide into anarchy. The gruesome killing
of women students and the subsequent siege of the Bolan Medical
Complex indicate the growing stridency of the militants and raises
serious questions about our counterterrorism efforts.
Beyond any doubt the twin attacks are the work of the same militant
nexus responsible for previous massacres of Hazara Shias in Quetta as
well as other terrorist violence across the country.
It was a precisely organised and highly coordinated militant attack in the
city that has been drenched in blood so often in recent times. The
suicide bombings and gunfire inside the hospital were aimed at causing
maximum casualties. The target was ostensibly Hazara girls, but an
apparent miscalculation led to the militants bombing a bus carrying
students belonging to a mix of ethnic groups.
The terrorists had plotted to kill more members of the Hazara
community who would have rushed to the hospital to see the victims.
Things may not have gone according to plan; nonetheless the bombing
and indiscriminate shooting inside the hospital killed many people and a
senior government official.
As in the past, Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) lost no time in claiming
responsibility for the carnage, flaunting the brazenness of the terrorist
network.

It was the first major incident of violence since the newly elected
government has taken charge in the province and had raised hopes of
normality being restored.
The Quetta carnage happened hours after the destruction of the Quaid
residency in Ziarat by the Balochistan Liberation Army. There appears to
be no connection between the two terrorist acts. But both served the
same purpose of embarrassing the newly installed provincial
government led by Dr Abdul Malik Baloch. Both groups seek to
destabilise the democratic process.
That underscores the complexity of Balochistans situation and the
grave challenge faced by the new nationalist government. The attack on
the Ziarat residency was much more symbolic and shows the
desperation of the separatists who seem to have lost a lot of ground
because of the success of the electoral process in the province.
The separatists sought to disrupt the elections, which they believed
would damage their cause for independence. The decision by the
nationalist groups to return to the democratic process also dealt a huge
blow to the insurgents.
Now with a democratically elected nationalist government seeking a
political resolution of the Balochistan crisis, it is certainly not a happy
situation for the rejectionists. The bombing of the residency was a clear
warning to the provincial as well as federal governments.
It was also meant to sabotage the governments offer for dialogue with
the insurgents. Such terrorist actions may create problems for the
nationalists and strengthen the elements within the security agencies
advocating the use of brute force to crush the insurgents.
Violent sectarian militancy in Balochistan, however, poses a much
greater threat to the stability not only of the province but of the country
as well. The massive escalation in sectarian-based terrorist actions in
recent years highlights the strengthening nexus between the LJ, the
Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and elements of the Afghan Taliban
who have a huge sanctuary in the province.
What is most disturbing is the impunity with which the militant network
continues to operate and carry out terrorist attacks. The way in which

the militants carrying explosives and sophisticated firearms entered the

hospital indicates the complete collapse of security at important
installations. It was certainly not the first such incident when the militants
carried out an attack inside a hospital. Countering sectarian terrorism
and improving the security system is going to be a serious challenge for
the new provincial administration.
While Balochistan, particularly Quetta, has become the main centre of
gravity of Sunni sectarian militancy, the latter is certainly not an isolated
provincial phenomenon. The problem is much more deeply rooted and
has links with the terrorist networks operating in Punjab and other parts
of the country.
There is a definite link between the LJ and TTP. The tendency of
political parties and security agencies to draw a distinction between the
two is disastrous. By offering to talk to the TTP the government would
legitimise militancy, thereby providing more space to the sectarian
extremists. The policy of appeasement will only increase the militant
threat to the countrys unity and integrity.
The issue of sectarian militancy in Balochistan does not have piecemeal
solutions. There is a need for a comprehensive national
counterterrorism and counter-radicalisation policy to deal with this
growing menace. There is also a need to further strengthen antiterrorism laws. Under existing laws it is impossible to convict any
terrorists.
Foreign funding for radical madressahs and sectarian outfits has
contributed hugely in fuelling religious extremism in the province. The
security agencies too in the past propped up these extremist groups to
counter Baloch nationalists groups, with disastrous consequences. It will
take a massive effort now to dismantle those networks. But it has to be
done to salvage the situation.

Paying it off
MOAZZAM HUSAIN
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Published 2013-06-18 05:05:18

SO we are told that the government plans to retire the circular debt
and restore power supplies.
Under the present circumstances, it is hard to imagine a better policy
stimulus that will spur supply side growth. One hoped, however, that the
money would be raised more prudently, on the fiscal side; either through
austerity measures or by collecting taxes owed by those who dont file
returns.
Perhaps because these are difficult policy choices, the government,
preferring the path of least resistance, has looked to the monetary side.
From here it intends to raise circa Rs500 billion through a treasury bill
auction. In layman terms, this is known as printing money.
The last time such a clean slate solution was attempted was in 2009,
when most of the Rs200bn debt was moved off Pepcos (Pakistan
Electric Power Company) balance sheet and on to a newly created
power holding company.
This company in turn repackaged the debt and sold it as term finance
certificates. Back at that time, this financial wizardry was also mooted to
be a one off affair. This is a crude form of an asset class known in the
world of finance as derivatives.
Monetary measures on this scale are not without their macroeconomic
effects and inflationary impact. Arguably this money will be incremental
to the business as usual deficit financing that our governments
consider routine.
Unlike fiscal measures which can be targeted, these have an inflationary
impact which falls on the poorer segments of society. It would also
appear to leave less money on the table for other economic stimuli,
such as recapitalising the state-owned enterprises, if the government is
planning to turn them around.
Others may argue that the Rs500bn T-bill auction would also reduce
liquidity for the private sector, which is clamouring for credit at low
interest rates. To put things in perspective, in 2009 the total outstanding
credit to the textile sector alone was Rs535bn. As electricity supplies
resume, so will the appetite of this industry which generates over half
of our total exports for working capital expand.

The other important consideration is to ensure that the circular debt

does not accumulate all over again. A sharp increase in electricity prices
alone is not enough. The previous government also doubled prices
during its tenure. Tough reforms across the energy sector are needed.
Which brings us to the essential question; is the government up to
taking some tough policy decisions early in its tenure? Or, as with the Tbill, would it choose some easy, circumventing path?
Even after taking all the tough and unpopular policy decisions, the
structural anomalies that produce the circular debt will take time to fix.
During this time the circular debt will, in all probability, build up again.
One more round of retirement may be necessary. The size of that pile
will depend on how quickly the government is able to carry through its
reform process and bring the power supplies to economically
sustainable levels.
In all this there is a silver lining. If a monetary expansion on the one side
is accompanied by an increase in aggregate supply on the other, then
arguably the two should cancel each other out and the inflationary
impact would be neutral.
If this is what the governments economic planners are hoping to
achieve then it is a risky but nevertheless a justifiable executive
decision. The risk is that the money is being printed first and after that if
output doesnt expand, then were left to deal with the inflationary
effects.
But beyond that, lets look at circular debt more closely. At the bottom of
the cascade, it ends up as money payable to four companies, three of
which are producers of primary energy in Pakistan, the Oil & Gas
Development Company, Pakistan Petroleum Ltd and Mari Petroleum,
while the fourth, Pakistan State Oil, is the countrys main importer of
primary energy.
All trains terminate here. Excepting Wapdas hydropower units, the other
players in the energy chain, the refineries, the public-sector generation
companies, the gas utility companies, the independent power
producers, the distribution companies et al are intermediary stations
leading up to the top of the cascade where sits the consumer. What may
not be so obvious is that the money the Rs500bn is also there. It is

not lost. It is available in the form of unpaid electricity bills, and most of
these pertain to federal, provincial and local government entities.
Others pertain to commercial entities that invariably have disputes with
their power utilities over the amount. In addition part of the Rs500bn
may well be normal payables and receivables which make up for the
working capital of the energy companies. Financial prudence would
require the government to retire the Rs500bn T-bill as the revenue from
these unpaid bills materialises.
Provision of electricity will fuel aggregate supply. But beyond that there
will be other benefits. As the liquidity crunch ends and choke points are
removed, the biggest beneficiaries will be the oil and gas sector, in
anticipation of which the Karachi Stock Exchange has enjoyed an
unprecedented rally in recent weeks.

In the line of fire

NASSER YOUSAF
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Published 2013-06-18 05:06:09

AT the young age of 18, Sharafata had already attained the

attributes of a quintessential Pakhtun woman born and bred in
rural Peshawar. Of course she knew of the threat that her job
entailed, but in her decision to eschew security while administering
the polio vaccine to children she was guided solely by her natural
fearlessness and audacity.
No one can dare touch me is how Sharafata must have reacted to the
words of caution from her family while going out on her mission in her
traditional all-enveloping burqa on the fateful day of May 28 the day
she was gunned down.
Sharafata and her companion Sumbal, who belonged to the same
community, had not reckoned to what depths their cowardly and
soulless assailants could stoop when the latter opened fire without even
challenging the two girls who were armed only with vaccines against a
deadly ailment.

Sharafata died on the spot while Sumbal lived with her grievous wounds
for some days more before expiring on June 8 at the trauma centre in
Lady Reading Hospital Peshawar. Sharafata did not live to hear her
wedding bells that were only weeks away while Sumbal left behind a
large family of five sisters and several young brothers to mourn not only
their beloved sibling but also their breadwinner.
Attacks on polio workers across the predominantly Pakhtun-inhabited
areas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have attracted attention across the world.
Bill Gates is also said to have spoken to the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf
chairman Imran Khan urging him to contribute to the cause of
eradicating polio from the planet.
But that approach unfortunately does not appear to work. It would take
much more than asking individuals, howsoever influential they might be,
to intercede as the damage done to the polity appears to be immense.
Before Sharafata and Sumbal fell thus, six female polio workers were
killed in cold blood on a side road of the Peshawar-Islamabad motorway
near Swabi. Many other women were targeted and killed in Charsadda
and Peshawar in hit-and-run incidents reported widely by the national
and international media.
The dawn of the present millennium has seen many catastrophes in
Pakhtun lands, the worst being the use of children as suicide bombers
and the treating of women as legitimate targets in the internecine war
bearing visible marks of religious frenzy.
The long-held popular belief that women and children were outside the
ambit of hostilities raging among the Pakhtuns is now questionable in
the much-celebrated, centuries-old Pakhtun code of ethics.
A Pakhtun must defend the honour of women at all costs and must
protect them from vocal and physical harm so demands the tenet of
namus in the code of life called Pakhtunwali or Pashtunwali and
practised not only by Pakhtuns but also by those living alongside them
in the Pakhtun areas. The day Sharafata was killed and when other
polio workers were exterminated, not a leaf moved nor were the
Pakhtuns as a self-respecting polity seen decrying the tragic turn of
events.

On the contrary, as is the norm these days in a vastly desensitised

society, it was quite heart-wrenching to hear people attributing sinister
motives to the ongoing anti-polio campaign.
Who knows, these girls might have been working for the CIA, a
heartless young man from the Khyber Agency remarked when his
attention was drawn to the brutal incidents involving the killing of women
in the Pakhtun communities.
It appeared that the highly educated young tribesman, who was himself
on the run from the embattled Khyber Agency, was merely echoing the
viewpoint of the society at large a society that by not registering even
a feeble protest has lent strength to the perpetrators of these
unforgivable crimes.
The world appears to be waking up to injustices. Despotic regimes have
been forced to bite the dust in the Middle East by people who were once
considered to be in a slumber. The death of a fruit vendor in Tunisia
triggered a revolution whereas plans to level a small park in Istanbul
have stirred an uprising that has the all-too-familiar stamp of discontent
fomented by whimsical decisions.
In KP and the adjoining tribal areas dozens of groups acting in the
fashion of private armies have ripped the area apart, killing and maiming
people without any compunction. People partly out of fear and partly out
of callous disregard for human life have assumed an eerie silence.
The unknown, unarmed victims of drone strikes are lucky to the extent
that so many people across the world are speaking for them these days.
Some lobbies in the West opposed to the US on ideological grounds
have even succeeded in holding protests against drones both in and
outside Pakistan.
On the other hand, few people have raised their voice for the thousands
of citizens of KP slain by the militants. Perhaps it may be unfashionable
to do so.
Posthumously conferring the highest national medals for bravery on
Sharafata and Sumbal and their colleagues would be a step in the right
direction. By doing so, we can send a strong message to the killers of
these valiant Pakhtun women.

Perils of reaching out

SYED IRFAN ASHRAF
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Published 2013-06-18 05:02:48

IN his first press conference after winning the elections last month,
the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister Pervez Khattak surprised
hardly anyone with his comments regarding the stance of his party,
the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), on the Pakistani Taliban.
Khattak said: We appeal to the Taliban that we are not at war with you,
this province is yours [and] we are ready to honour you.
Call it lack of experience or a well-thought-out party line, but the remarks
by Mr Khattak were alarming in their context, if not content.
For the last decade we have been watching people die in a war against
religious militants. Now the PTI leadership in KP wants people to forget
and forgive what has happened and invite the Taliban to usher in a new
era of development. This points to a compromise where both sets of
Taliban good or bad would be accepted wholeheartedly.
This confused mindset is the outcome of an ineffective counterterrorism
strategy pursued by the state, which has caused militancy to flourish.
What justification can be offered to wipe from the history books the
struggle of thousands of people who laid down their lives while fighting
the forces of terror? Despite winning, do the PTI leaders have the moral
authority to interpret their newfound mandate as the publics acceptance
of their stance on the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)?
Understandably, people in KP are weary of violence and want an early
end to the bloodshed. This reconciliatory mood, nevertheless, should
not be translated into the kind of language the PTI leadership has used
to woo the Taliban. Political over-enthusiasm of the sort is neither
reflective of true public aspirations nor is it helpful in bringing an end to
terrorism.
For the public, the TTPs reign of terror is too horrible a tragedy to be
forgotten and forgiven so easily. That was the message we got in 2008

when public reaction against the TTPs terror attacks enabled the antiTaliban Awami National Party (ANP) to win a landslide victory in KP. This
success was meant to help politicians get rid of the terrorists.
However, the ANP during its rule in the province resorted merely to
abstract rhetorical constructs, which did not deliver anything concrete to
the public.
For example, the ANP won the 2008 elections by giving people the
impression that the liberal and secular credentials of the party would not
let any sign of conservatism gain a foothold in the province.
Therefore, the election slogans conveying messages such as
Kalashnikov na kalam (preference for pen and books over gun) helped
win the party a maximum number of seats in the terror-hit areas,
especially in Swat valley where the ANP won all seven provincial
assembly seats.
Yet once in power, the ANP leadership paid no attention to the hundreds
of schools destroyed in Swat, nor did the party complete any major
development work. For example, the important Kanju Ayub bridge has
not yet been completed while the 2010 floods destroyed the 35km-long
Swat-Kalam road, which is the backbone of the tourist economy. The
road is still in a shambles.
The same is true for the broken promises of restoring normal public life
in the province. Instead, corruption charges against Azam Hoti, father of
former ANP chief minister Ameer Haider Hoti, went viral.
On top of that, the ANPs jingoistic nationalist slogans such as watan ya
kafan in the 2013 elections were seen as little more than political pointscoring. By offering old wine in a new bottle, the ANP high command
intended to cash in on the Talibans targeted killing of their workers. But
this could not convince the voters.
In the last leg of their election campaign, the ANP leadership started
criticising the lack of security for its candidates and workers.
Though the loss of over 60 party workers in the last two months before
the elections speaks volumes for the challenges the party faced in its
campaign, such barriers do not mean that the party should have

stopped searching for alternatives to fulfilling election promises and

looking for ways to reach out to its voters.
Similarly, the PTIs coming to power does not mean that the public mood
on terrorism has swung from one extreme to another. It simply means
that the ANP failed to fulfil election promises, which pushed voters into
the swirling orbit of Imran Khans tsunami.
Therefore, this change does not introduce Imran Khan as a factor in the
politics of KP, where the concept of a permanent vote bank hardly exists
as it may appear to do so in Punjab or Sindh.
Concerning the Taliban, the PTI cannot afford its peace overtures to be
casual and one-sided. Public aspirations and sensitivities should also be
taken into consideration for two reasons. First, the TTP know that they
are good in fighting only, which is why the more they achieve, the more
they demand. Peace for the Taliban means a brief lull in fighting, which
hardly makes them reliable partners.
Second, the PTIs over-enthusiasm in embracing the TTP resembles the
ANPs over-smartness in confronting them. Public aspirations are
sandwiched between these two extremes, which is going to damage the
future prospects of both parties if not handled properly.

Afghan forces take over

security from Nato
AFP

In this Thursday, June 13, 2013 photo, an Afghan National Army soldier aims his weapon, in
Sangin district of Kandahar province southern Afghanistan. AP Photo

Published 2013-06-18 14:44:48

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KABUL: Afghan forces took control of security across the country

on Tuesday, marking a major milestone as US-led combat troops
prepare to withdraw after 12 years of fighting the Taliban.
Speaking at a military academy outside Kabul, President Hamid Karzai
said the police and army were ready to take on insurgents, but a bomb
in the city underlined persistent instability.

Three civilians were killed in the attack, which targeted a prominent

lawmaker as his convoy travelled to parliament just before the handover
ceremony began.
Our security and defence forces will now be in the lead, Karzai told
Afghan and Nato officials at the event, the timing and location of which
had been kept secret due to fears of a militant attack.
From here, all security responsibility and all security leadership will be
taken by our brave forces, he said. When people see security has
been transferred to Afghans, they support the army and police more
than before.
Doubts remain over the ability of Afghan forces to thwart the Taliban,
and the Nato military coalition will retain an important function in
logistics and air support as well as in combat emergencies.
But Nato chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen said that by taking the lead in
security on Tuesday, Afghan forces were completing a five-stage
transition process that began in March 2011.
They are doing so with remarkable resolve, he said. Ten years ago,
there were no Afghan national security forces... now you have 350,000
Afghan troops and police, a formidable force, he said.
We will continue to help Afghan troops in operations if needed, but we
will no longer plan, execute or lead those operations, and by the end of
2014 our combat mission will be completed.The handover of the last 95
districts from Nato to Afghan control includes areas in the south and
east where the Taliban have concentrated their bloody insurgency since
2001.
As Afghan soldiers and police take over the fight against the militants,
who were ousted from power after the 9/11 attacks, the 100,000 Nato
troops will focus on training and mentoring roles.
But recent attacks have demonstrated the Taliban's ability to strike at
Kabul as the country prepares for presidential elections next year and
the Nato withdrawal by the end of 2014.

Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq, a leader of the ethnic Hazara minority who is

likely to play a key role in April's presidential vote, was unhurt in
Tuesday's bomb attack but his clothes were burnt.
Four of my guards are wounded and are in hospital, he told AFP. I
was going to the parliament and it was near the office of the
Independent Human Rights Commission.
I heard a big explosion on the side of the car. Only my cloak is a little
burned, other than that I'm fine. The lawmaker said that he had been
threatened. The intelligence agency was sending letters that I should
be careful. There was a threat against me. I was rarely going to the
parliament.
Mohammad Zahir, the police investigations chief in Kabul, told reporters
at the scene that three civilians were killed and 24 others, including
some guards, were wounded when the improvised explosive device
detonated.
On Tuesday last week, a suicide car bomb killed 15 civilians outside the
Supreme Court in Kabul. The previous day, gunmen fired grenades at
the city airport and an international aid group's compound was targeted
in a seven-hour battle late last month.
Despite the attacks penetrating the capital's defences, the effective
response of elite Afghan security forces has been widely hailed as a
sign of increasing professionalism.
Karzai used his speech to exhort the army to avoid civilian casualties,
an issue that has often triggered anger aimed at Nato forces, and he
stressed that foreign air strikes should not be called in when fighting the
insurgents.
Under no circumstances can Afghan civilians be hurt and/or the air
force be used in our villages and residential areas only in medical
evacuations, he said.
Doubts over the Afghan forces' capacity have been fuelled by high rates
of desertion and fears for the future of foreign aid post-2014.

On Friday, the US commander of the Nato mission in Afghanistan

warned that gains secured over the last 12 years would be lost if donor
nations cut back support after the foreign withdrawal.
We are not where we need to be yet, US General Joseph Dunford told
foreign journalists. The continued presence of the international
community politically, in development and in security is necessary to
sustain the progress that we have made.