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AT THE

UNIVERSITY OF

TORONTO PRESS

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http://www.archive.org/details/essexinstitutehi01esseuoft

o 7-

HISTORICAL

COLLECTIONS

OF

IHJB

ESSEX INSTITUTE

'\7'OXjTTfXX:

X;.

salem::
Publislied for the Essex Institute^. BY HENRY WHIPPLE & SON,
1859.

F It
v./

613107

%_

CONTENTS.

TSTuinbei* 1.
lotroduction,
LesUr-'a
lietreat,
'

1
2 2
file

Ancient Pulpit Notices,

Curious Indenture between a Master and Servant in
1713,
,

14
14 15

The Ilathnrn -s,

Abstrauts iVom Wills, Inventories, &c., on
fice of the

in the of-

Clerk of the Courts, Salem

Copied by

KarratiTe of the Piracy of the Ship friouJship, of Sa lera, by CM. Eodicott,

Ira J. Patch
Materials f jr a History of the IngersoU faaiily in Salem,

3
12 13

Extracts from the

first

book of

BirtliS,

Deaths of the City of Salem.

Patch

Marriages and Cupied by Ira J.

Revolutiunary Letter,

35

Kelics of a ' Peculiar Inatitution " in Salem,

14

Nu-inber
Extracts from Records kept by Rev. John Fiske, during
his ministry at Salem, 4'c

2.
66 66 66
67

37

General Court in Salem, in 1774 Samuel Browne's Letter to Capt, John Tjuzell, voyage
to the

Odd Notes, Normau Kings, 10661151

Meiliciues in " Old Times,"

44
46
47
.le

West Indies, December

19, 17-'7,

Trees in the streets of Salem, in May, 1S59

Abotrcts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on fice of Uie Clerk of the Courts Salem,
in the of-

Notice to Proprietors of Beverly Bridge, iu 1788,. ... Richard Weight and John Bushueil's depusitiuna before

Gov. Endicott, 20,

4, 1655.

48 52
55

Some Remark^ on the Commerce

to 1740, with

of Salem, from 1620

Minutes

fur

a Genealogy of the Jacobs familj, by C.

M.

Eiidicott,

a Sketch of Philii> English, a merchant iu Salem, from about 1670 to abuul 1733-4,
\>j

Brick Buildings in Salem, in 1806, Biographical Sketches of Rev. Joseph Green, Rev. Peter Clark, and Rev. B. Wadsworth, ministers in Salem
Village,

G. F. Chever

67

(now Danvers,) by

S.

P. Fowler

66

Number
Some Remarks upon
to 1740, bv

3,
M. C,
to

the

Commerce of Salem, from 1626

Continued.,
file

Letter of Hon. B. Goodhue,

Elias Uaskett

George F. Chever.

77

Derby, City of

New York

in 1787

Ill

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on

fice of Clerk of Courts, Salem, Mass

in the Of-

Privateer Junius Brutus

91
7

Cnrius Bill of Lading of a 'Whightt llors," TLe Okl Planters of Salem, who were settled here before the arrival of Governor Endicott, in 1628, by Geo.
D. Phippen

Expedition to Rhode Island in 1778 112 Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and Deaths of the City of SUem. Continued 113

97

A Genealogical Ramble The Very Family

l]5

ne

ISTiimber
86me remarks on the Crtmmerce
in of Salem, from 1626 to

4r.
1

1740. with a Sketch of Philip English, a

Merchant

S ilem, from about 1670 to about 1733-1, (continfile

ued), by Genrpe P. ('hever,

John Lyford John Woodbury William Woodbury 117 John Balch

143

48

J50
jSj-

151

Abstracts from WilU, Inventories, &c., on

fice of

in the Of-

Clerk of Courts. Salem, (continuerl)

of Salem,

Materials for a Genealogy of the IngersoU Family, by B. F. B I53

The " Old Planters"

the arriv
,1

who

were settled before

Notes on Americon Currency, No.

1,

by M. A.

Stick-

of Gov. Endicott in 1623, '.continued)

by
145

ney

jgj
158

Geo. D. Phippan

The Endicott House in Salem

Number
A' Sketch of Philip

5.
188
188

English a merchant in Salem from about 1670 to about 1733-4 by Giorge F. Chever,. .157 Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c., on file in the
O.TiCf of Cl>;rk of Courts,

Thomas Gray
John
Tilley

Salem, Mass.

Cojiicd

by Ira

J. Patch,

Thomas Gardner, Continued. Bichard Norman 181 John Norman

184
Richard Norman, William Trask
jr

190

Nathan Keed. Sketch of, The "Old Platiters" of Salem, who were
by George D.Phippen.
Peter Palfray

191 191 192193

settled here before

the arrival of Gov. Endicott, in 1638

Concluded
185
186
187

viz:

William Jefifry John Lyford

Extracts from
the first book of Births, Marriages Continued. and Deaths, of the City of Salem. Copied by Ira J. Patch.

195
197

Walter Knight
lYiUiam Alien

2a0.>

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
OF THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.
Vol.
I.

April, 1859.

No.
Town

1.

and Chtteoh Rec; Inscriptions and The principal object, that the founders Epitaphs from the old Burial Grounds; of the Essex Historical Society had in also, such other materials of a kindred
gleanings firom

INTRODUCTION.

ords, in said County

view, at the organization of said Society,

nature as (which, in 1848, was incorporated with sources. the Essex County Natural History Society,

may be

obtained from other

Selections from the

reports

under the name of the Essex

and comcharacter,

Insti-

munications of

historical
at will

tute,)

which have been read of all authentic memorials relating to the the Essex Institute, civil history of the County of Essex, in

was the

collection

and preservation

the meetings of

appear in
of the

its

pages, or such abstracts

same

as

the state of Massachusetts,

and of the
its
;

eminent
limits,

men who have

first

may be deemed

advisable.

resided within

from the

settlement

and

Genealogical sketches of the familiSfe

of the early settlers, will
occasionally be
inserted ; several have already been pre-

thus to provide ample materials for a correct history of this part of our

Common-

wealth.

pared with
dividuals

much

care and accuracy.

Al-

In furtherance of the plans contemplated by these early Pioneers in our local history, it is

so, brief biographical notices of

those in-

who have been

identified

proposed to issue, occasionally,

the prominent interests, or

with have held re-

as circumstances
lication, to

may permit,

a serial pub-

sponsible positions in the

of this section of the state.
Finally, such
Avill

public afiairs

be called THE HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE ESSEX IN-

facts

and statements
all

as

STITUTE.

tend in any manner to elucidate the

the various

This publication will contain abstracts history of this county, in

relations to society, will be duly chroniof Wills, Deeds, and other documents which are deposited in the offices of the cled. to It will be our earnest endeavor County of Essex; Records of Bibxhs, Mabbiages, Deaths, Baftisxs, &c., make this publication the medium of

communication with the public, of

materials of the above-named

all

Cheese, which some

fited to their

ill

Natured People
unjustly
:

attrib-

character,

Fear, but very

indeed

which may come

vided
'

into our possession, pro-

that
to

sufficient

patronage be exits

had they really ben Cowards they Would not have had much reason to be afraid, because
they

knew

tended

authorize

continuance.
is

the Soluiers must have done their

BuBsinees

When we
;

&

returned to Boston, before they

this they
first

consider that this County

one could reach Salem, and

to

of the earliest, settled by Europeans, in New

soon Learnt

be the Case on their

Halt, which

was

England that the various records extend at a Tavern, when they meditated a return, and which was Performed in martial order. But back nearlv to its first settlement Pioneers, or bloody Minded men as they were, they resolved these that the descendants of their immediate followers, are now scat- not to go home without doing some execution,
;

tered over every section

is

of this Union,
if

it

and therefore they

valiantly

attacked and de-

reasonable to infer, that,

our work

is

molished several Barrels, whose Precious blood they drew and intirely exhausted, flushed

faithfully executed, a liberal response will

saw Them. However operation of all friends of historic re- such another Victory would have brought search, in this undertaking. them all to the ground, if not have ruined them, as it was they were scarce able to Crawl home and most of them haveing disgorged the LESLIE'S RETREAT. blood of the slain which they had so plentiMessrs, Editors: I have in my possession a humorfully drank, returned as pale and feeble as ous letter, written shortly after "Leslie's Retreat," they set out, and Look'd as Lank as tho' they at the North Bridge in Salem, in 1775. I send you had ben drawn thro' the river instead of Passletter for publication, if
first
;

be given.

We

with Victory they made a

ance than when I

much

better appear-

cordially

invite the

co-

an exact copy of
think
it

this

you

of sufficient importance to print.

It

may

be

ing over
dition.

it.

So much

for this

military Expe-

of interest to some persons, as showing that the ex-

Your

Effectionate

Son

citement on the occasion alluded

aaithe towns on the

to,

extended as far
b.

Merrimack River.

Addressed

To
COLL.

WM. G ALLISON.
JOHN GALLISON
Marblehead.

Amesbury, March

%, 1775.

Honr^d Sir
Expedition

An

account of the Amesbury

May

not be disagreeable to you as

you are a Son of Liberty.

having ben informed that a few Days ago a Small Party of Troops took a Sail & a Walk
for

an airing &c. It was suppos'd their dewas to seize some Military Stores at Salem. The alarm soon reach'd us & Set all the and have sent it to you for publication. CHILDREN OF WILLIAM HATHORNE. Country round us in motion. Happening at born, 11th 1 mo. 16345. Sarah, that (time) to be at dinner I saw upwards an " 1st 6 " 1637. Eleazer, hundred men from Various Parts of Merri11th 6 " 1639. Nathaniel ' mack river, moving towards the scene of ac" 4th 6 " 1641. John, tion. Cyder being exceeding Scarce & the " 12th 10 " 1643. Anna, Last Season but an indifferent one for That, " 1st 2 " 1645. William, ^ey Look'd pale & meagre & seemed to Trem" 22d 5 " 1649. Elizabeth, Salem, March 12, 1859. olo under tho burden of their guns & bread &
Bigns

Messrs. Editors: I was present morning at the Auction Sale at " Hollingworth Hill"; and in my rambles over the old place, I found in a book printed in 1610 a record of the births of William Hathorne's children, written by himself, on a blank leaf. I thought tho item was wortli saving,

The Hathornes.

this

fl?

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac, John Sanders, 10th mo., 1643. ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF Will of John Sanders, of Salem, dated 28 .COURTS, SALEM, MASS. October, 1642, mentions son John Sanders, unCOPIED BY lEA
J.

PATCH.

der age,

his

father Joseph

Grafton.

Good-

man Hardie and Joseph

Bethiah Cartvoright, Ath mo. 1640.

Grafton, his adm'rs.

His wife living.

Will of Bethiah Cartwright of Salem, dated ^d May, 1G40, mentions her sister, Elizabeth

Capon, in Walderswich,

in

Sussex

Marj
;

Inventory of estate of

Abr'm Belknap, 12 mo., 1643. Abraham Belknap of

Norton, the wife of George Norton in Salem

Lynn, who deceased the beginning of the 7th

John Jackson, son of John Jackson ; Marga- mo., 1643, taken 16th, 12 mo 1643 amounting Elizaret, wife of John Jackson, of Salem Signed by Mary Belknapp. to 53 lOs 3d.
;

beth Peilen

Elizabeth Wickson.

Witnesses

Elizabeth

Wickson,
first

Thomas

Hugh Churchman, 5th mo,, 1644. Will of Hugh Churchman of Lynn dated 4th, 4th mo. 1640, mentions William Winter into Court.) and wife, and their son Josiah and daughter Hanna, both under age, widow Ambrose. EdSamuel Smith, 10th mo., 1642. ward Burt, Mr. Whiten and Mr. Hobert. Will of Samuel Smith, of Enon, dated 5th OcWm. Winter, sole ex'or. Probated 9th 5 mo. tober, 1642, mentions wife Sarah bequeaths her 1644. ^'My farme in Enon, with all the housen vpon Inventory of above estate, amounting to 24 it, as alesoe all the frutes vpon it, as come, 9s lid, returned by Hugh Burtt, Eobert Dri> hemp, and the like, for bar owne proper vse ver. for the tearme of bar lif, vpon consideration
Warren.
(The above will was the
to be brought

John Mattox, 5th mo., 1644. on maridge, which is vnto my Sunn, William Inventory of estate of John Mattox, who Browne, fiftie pounds alsoe that she shall deceased 22d April, 1643, amounting to 14 giue vnto his two children, William and John Goodm Edwards and Browne, 20 lb. betweene ym all, which shall 03s 09d, returned by Prince, 6th day 5th mo., 1644. be paid by my exequeters hereafter named." eon Thomas, daughter Mary, his wife Sarah and son William Brown, ex'ors and his son, Thomas Payne, 5th mo., 1644.
; ;

that she shall discharg

me

of that promise vp-

Thomas Smith,

supervisor of his will, proved

Will of Thomas Payne, dated 10th 2d mo.,

27th, 10th mo, 1642.

Inventory of above estate taken

18th, 9
;

mo., 1642, amounting to 395 098 02d turned and sworn to 28th, 10 mo., 1642.

re-

Thomas, a weapart owner of Ship Mary Ann, of Salem, his kinsman, Henry Bloomfield, son Thomaa, Ex"or, and Mr. John Fiske, of Salem, Supervisor. Probated
1638, mentions
his wife, son
ver,

dan, Mary, two sons,

is

Ann

Scarlet , ^th mo.^ 1643.

Scarlet,

10th 5th mo., 1644,

Ist

Will of Ann
]land,

of dated

2d

mo.,
Robert Lewis 5th mo., 1644.

1639, mentions brother

Samuel, in old Eng-

her children Mary, Margaret and Joseph,

Inventory of Robert Lewis, deceased 4th of

sister Dennis, her brother, James Lind, her brother Browning and his wife, her broth-

her

er Joseph Grafi|K)Q, admTf

May, 1643, amounting to 26 128 8d returned by Goodm Edwards and Prince, 6(b of 5tbmo., 1644.
;

Joan Cummins, 5th mo., 1644. Will of Joan Cummins, of Salem, dated -, mentions son John, Goodman Cornish, Mr. Noris, grandchildren Mary Bourne and Johannah Borne to the Church twenty shilGoody Wathin, Goody lings, Goody Cotta, fileld. Goody Broagham, Ann Shiply, Goodman Boyce, Goody Corning, John Browne's wife, Deborah Wathin, Dec Gott, and Goodman Home, exors. Probate 10th 6th mo.,
;

Robert Hawes^ Wife, 7th mo., 1645. Will of Robert Hawes' wife, testified to by witnesses William Googes, Katherine Darlin

Sarah Bartlett, who heard her on her death

bed, on the 12th June, 1645,
dictate her will/

mentions the young child Thomas she had by

1644.

Inventory of above

estate,

amounting

to

Hawes, 20, her three sons, Robert Edwards and Matthew EdwardSjRobert Hawes' daughter, Alise, his sons, Robert and Matthew, her sister, Ellen Hibbert, in Old England, two maids who tended in her sickness, viz: Kathrin Darlin aud Sarah Bartlett.
Robt.

33

Massey, Jarvis Probate 10th 7th mo., 1645. Garford, George Eardry, 17th 3d mo-, 1644.
Os Od, returned
Jeffrie

by

Margaret Pease, 10th mo., 1645. Will of Margaret Pease, widow, of Salem, Inventory of estate of Kobert Pease, of Sa- dated 1st 7th mo., 1644, mentions grandchild lem, amounting to 39 12s 6d, returned by John Pease, son of Robert Pease, Thomas Jo Alderman Myhill Shaflinge, 3d 11th mo., Watson of Salem, to be foffeye of trust. Ann 1644, mentions his widow, Maria Pease, admx. Isball testifies to taking great pains with her 2 sons, John and Kobert. when sick ; also that said Pease made a beRobert Pease, Qth mo., 1644.
quest to Edith Barber after her will

was writ-

John Talby, llth mo., 1644.

ten.

Inventory of the estate of John Talby, aInventory of above estate, amounting to mounting to 28 18s 5d, returned by Peter 19 28 8d, returned by John Alderman and Palfrey and William Lord, llth mo., 1644! John Bulfinch, 1, 11 mo., 1644.

Margery Wathen, llth mo., 1644.

Inventory of the estate of Margery Wathen,

Wm.
Inventory of

Place,

2d mo., 1646.

widow, amounting
Peter Palfrey,

to

39
1644.

estate at

Thomas Weeks's
2d

138 5d, returned by

Wm.
Home

house, of William Place, deceased 14th

Alfard and

Nathaniel

mo., 1646.

Porter, 28 6 mo.,

Gott and John

Govt

to settle

Deacons Charles hands of Richard Waters, returned 5th 6th appt by J. Endicott mo., '46 acct of charges of Thomas Weeks the estate, 3d llth mo., 1644. against estate of Wm. Place, incurred during
:

Also an inventory of tools in

his last sickness,

amounting

to

3,

West, llth mo., 1644. Inventory of estate of Isabel West, amounting to 51 128 Od, returned by Henry Skerry.
Isdiel

Wm.

Googs, 4th mo., 1646.

Robert Cotta, and George Ropes, 2d llth mo.,

1644.

Inventory of estate of William Googe, a-

Jane Gaines, 5th mo., 1645. Inventory of estate of Jane Gaines, of Lynn,

mounting to 28 lis 6d, returned by Nathaniel Handforth and Francis Lightfoot. Ann, his widow, app'd admx., left 3 small Probate 30th 4th mo. , 1646. children.

amounting
las

to 43 5s 7d, returned by NichoBrown and Edmund Needham, 10th 5th

John Thome, 6th mo., 1646.

Eliz'h

m9^7 1645.

Harwood,

Margaret Jackson, and

John armes of his mercy in Christ Jesus, intreatthese inge of him to stay my soule there in the worst woards vinsit that hee did giue unto Ann bowers, even in death itself, vnto him I leave Pallgrave all his estate, as money, goods, ap- you with yors together with myself and all arell & debts, out of which sayd aparell it his, and rest, yor faithful and loving Brother, RICHARD BARTH0L0MEV7." was the will of the sayd John that John JackSupEKSCErpTioN. "To my Lovinge Brother, son, Junior, should haue his best Hatt, and further moure it was his will that James Thom- Henry Bartholomew." Probate 4th 6th mo.,
Eliz'h Esticke, testify as
to the
'vrill

of

Thome,

that

they heard

him "say

as should haue something out of the estate, if

1646.

the sayd

Ann

Paulsgrave so pleaseth."
1646.

Dat-

Inventory of above estate, amounting to

ed 27th July,
1646.

Probate 4th 6th mo.,

286

Qs Id, returned

by

Wm. Hathome and

Jeffrey Massey, 4th 6th mo., 1646.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting

to

27 16s 2d, returned by Jeffrey Massey, Geo. Emery and John Herbert, 4th 6th mo., 1646.

Francis Lightroot, lOth mo., 1646.

Francis Lightfoot, of Lynn, dated Dec. 10, 1646, mentions brother John Lightfoot, of London, in case he be living, or his

WiU of

R. Bartholomew, 6th mo., 1646. "Boston the 6th, 11th '45. Sister IsabeU Lightfoot, living in children. Brother Henry, heare in clossed is a notte "Linckhoonshire, in ffrestone, near olde Bosof whatt estatte I have shippt with me, & tone," brother Idell, Samuel Cockett, Hannah what is here owinge to mee wth whatt I owe Idell, Dorythe Whiting, Elizabeth Whiting, in England, wch is all I owe in the world as Samuel Cobit his wife executrix. Probate
;

know

off these things

only the

bills

of Ex.,

29th 10th mo., 1646.

I haue consigned to in London, hee

to
is

Mr. Edward Shrimpton,

Debts due.
to

To
;

ye brassers bro at Boston,

sheep and swine

to
:

James Ayer, for keeping Mr. George BurrUl

to Allin Breed.

him

I have wrighten yt in case

God should

Goodmn

Mansfield

London, yt he would these goods, pay my debts, and returne ye remaynder to you. I should haue been glad to haue Been you before I went, but if god should not
not bringe
to

me

Debts owning, by Samuel Bennet,

Ally,

Hugh

Edward Ireson, John Witt. Anne Lightfoot, widow, app'd admx. by

Inventory of above estate, amounting
to

the Court.

returne mee againe, but take

death,

mee away by

by Nath. Ingalls, WUliam goods come to yo'r hands, that they may be Tilton, and Edward Burthum, 29th lOth mo., thus disposed of, viz To your two chUdren

my

desire

is

yt the returns of these

51

Os 2d, returned

to my bro William's 3 chil40 apeace to my mother, yr likinge, dren, 20 apeace

;

1646.

Emma

Mason, lOtA mo., 1646.

10; to Mr. Gearringe, beinge very poore, 10 and the remaynder of my estate, bee it
;

Inventory of the estate of

Widow Emma

whatt
dessire

it

will,

more or

less, all

that

is

mine

may

be equally devided betweene our

to

Mason, deceased the 26th 3d mo., 1646, amounting to 26 16s 8d, returned by George Corwin and Walter Price, 30th 10th mo.,
1646.

bro Thomas, Abraham, and Sister Sara, (only

Estate ordered to be divided, to the

el-

what Jacob Barney owes

him,) but for

mee

give

it

to

der brother a double portion, and the remainder equally between the rest of the children.

my

other debts, house, ground,

&c., devide as before.

This
if-

is

my

desire,

and
Michael Salloios, 10/A mo., 1646.

that I would haue done

to take

God should

please

me away.

I desire to cast myself only

to
reet

vppon him, and

myself only in the

Will of Michael Sallows, of Salem, dated 14th 9th mo, 1646, mentions Micha Sallows^
,

6
hia youngest son, his daughter Martha,

son

Saunders, and Richard Knight, until

Gen'l Court, 6th 5th mo., 1647.

order of

Thomas, Robert, John and Samuel, and Ed-

ward Wilson, his son in law, Edward Wilson, and Robert Sallows, ex'rs. Probate 31st 10th
mo., 1646.

Wm.

Clarke, 5th mo., 1647.

Inventory of estate ot Mr.

Wm.

Clarke o(

Edward Wilson and Robert Sallows having Salem, amounting to 587 declined, Jeffrey Massy, John Jolhson and Mrs. Katherine Clark. George Emery are appointed ex 'rs in their
stead.

38 2d,

returned by

31st 10th mo., 1646.

John

Fairfield. 5th mo., 1647.

Will of John Fairfield, of

Wenham,
wi.fe

dated

Mary

Hersoine, lOfh mo., 1646.

11th 10th mo., 1646, mentions

ter, his cousin,

Elizabeth,

Inventory of estate of

Mary

Hersoine, wid-

Benjamin, youngest son, under age, son Wal-

ow, of Wenham, deceased the 2d 7th mo., 1646, amounting to 21 17s Id, returned by John Fairfield, Wm. Fiske, and George Norton, 29th 10th mo., 1646.

Matthew Edwards, wife ElizaHenry Bartholomew and Robert Hawes, both of Salem, to bo
beth, sole executrix, and Mr.
supervisors.

John

Fau-field died

Probate 7th 5th mo., 1647. 22d 10th mo., 1646.

Geo. Pollard, 10th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to Will of George Pollard, of Marblehead, da- 113 38 7d, returned by Eliz'h Fairfield, widted 13th 3d mo., 1646, mentions Goodman ow, adm'x, 7th 5th mo., '47. Tyler of Lynn, John Hart, Jr., Christopher Charges against said estate for the keeping Nicholson, son of Edmond Nicholson, appoints of two children, the one 2 yr old, 5 mo., and Mr. Walton of Marblehead, ex'or. Mr. Mav- the other 8 yrs old, 2 mos,, 10 for 1 child, Charles to assist Mr. Walton. old, 5 mos., 1. erick and

Wm

Probate 31st 10th mo., 1646. Inventory of above estate, amounting to 66

4s 3d, returned 31st 10th mo.
,

The

estate being divided into four parts ia

to each

128 lOd.

1646.
Christopher Young, 5th mo., 1647.

Edioard Candall, 10th mo., 1646.

Inventory of estate of Edward Candall, deceased the 15th of November,

Will of Christopher Young, of

dated 19th 4th mo., 1647,
children,

Wenham,

mentions three

1646, amount-

ing to

12s,

returned by

Wm,

Ager and mouth,

Peter Palfrey.

Joane Cummins, 11th mo., 1646.

Inventory of Joane Cummins, amounting
to

to be sent to Great YarOld England, to his father in law, Mr. Richard Elvin, and his mother in the said father and mother law, Mrs. Elvin in law, with John Phillips, of Wenham, to

who

are

in Norfolk,

be his

feoffees
if

of trust.
;

Said Phillips to adopt

39

3s 4d, returned

by Henry Skerry and

bis son

he be living

mentions bis

sisters,

George Emery, 14th 11th mo., 1646.

the wife of Joseph Young, and

;

the wife of

Thomas Moore, of Salem gives his great bible Mrs. Goodale and John Lowle, 5th mo., 1647. to his daughter Sarah, and his otiier bible to Adm'n granted on estate of Mrs. Goodale, his daughter Mary, and a book entitled "God's unto Mr. Edward Rawson, Richard Kent and all sufQciency to Christians,'' to his son gives Henry Choot of Newbury, until order of a book entitled the "Deceitfulness of many on estate of Hearts" to bis dear friend, EzdrasRead, appts. Gen'l Court. Ad'm granted John Lowle, of Newbury, unto Wm. Ger- William Browne, of Salem, Ezdras Reed of rish, Richard Lowle, Richard Noyes, John Wenham, and the wife of Joseph Young, ex'rs
;

his friend

Henry Bartholomew,

supervisor.

the ago of one and twenty yeares, fifteen pounda

Probate 8th 5th mo., 1647. Inventory of above estate, amounting to 5 lis, returned by Phineas Fiake, William ITiske,

given them by

will

of their father, viz

ten

pound

the elder, at his time of one and twenty yeares, and five pounds to the younger
to

and Edward tspaulding, 7th 5th mo., 1647.

when he

shall bee at the

like age

also that

the bookes bequeathed

them by

their father

Luke Heard, Jih mo., 1647.

Will of Luke Heard,
to
ot

be given them by equall division, according to

his will.
testified

Ipswich, as

4.

That

five

pounds more be paid to the

(if living,) or ei-

by John Wyatt and Simon Tompaon, who

:

children of the said Sarah,

ther of

heard him make his will, to wit

est son,

To

his eld-

them at her

will

and discretion, as shee

it

age

to his son
;

Jobn, 10, to be paid at 21 years of Edmond, 5, to be paid at 21

his books to his

shall see cause to divide

in even or

unequall
to the

portions to them, or

to give the

whole

years of age

two sons,

to be
is

younger in case the elder be better provided

for.
5.

equally parced between them; "alsoe this

my

and Sarah shall any such further shal be fitt, to be putt forth to such trades as order as the Court of Ipswich shall see meet they shall choose," his wife Sarah, sole execu- to require upon the motion of thej,said advissaid Joseph

will yt

my

two sonnes be brought up to

That the

writing and to reading, and then

when they

doe, or admit to bee done,

trix.

Probate 28th 7th mo., 1647.

ors, for the

securing of the forementioned dues

to the children, as well as for the freing of the

Bond of Joseph Bigsbyand Sarah Heard, said Joseph and Sarah from any entanglewidow, both of Ipswich, to the Court of Ips- ments on the children's part, by reason of her wich, in the sum of 30, dated 15th 10 mo., exequetrixship, or otherwise from hence arising
1647.

Signed Joseph Bigsby, the

mark

of

Sarah

Heard.

Witness
this

Margaret

beside the direct and true

meaning and intent

is

Rogers,

of these conditions.
6.

John Rogers. "The condition of

That whereas, there

Sufiblke,

a portion of land
in

obligation is such,

in Asington, in

England, wch

yt ye above bounden Joseph Bigsby and Sarah

shall bee the right of the said

Hearde, (in case they

marriage intended,)
shall doe or
if

proceed

together in

Sarah after the decease of her mother, (the tenor whereof ia

they or either of them

bee done these things

not certainly

known

to us,)

if

the said Iand9

cause to

bee not entailed,

then the

said Joseph shall

following
1.

not claim any title hereunto by virtue of marThat the two children of the said widow, riage wth the said Sarah, but the said Sarah wch were left unto her by her late husband, shall have the whole and sole power to dispose Luke Hearde, of Ipswich, Linnen weaver, be of it, both the use and the gift of it, when and well brought up and due meanes be used to to whom she shall thinke meet. teach them to read and write well as soone as That then this obligation shall bee void and they are cappable, of none effect, otherwise to stand and bee of 2. That at the age of thirteen yeares at the force." Signed Joseph Bixby, the mark of furthest, they be put forth to be apprentices in Sarah Heard. Witnesses Margaret Rogers, such trades as Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, their Jobn Rogers.
:
|

Grandfather Wyat, and Ensigne Howlet, in

writing under their hand, or any two of them
in like

Richard Woodman, 10th mo., 1647.

manner
of.

shall advise unto,

dren like
3.

That onto the said

John Gillow and Henry Bartholomew testify as to'will of Rich'd Woodman, of Lynn, children be paid, at as follows four pounds to the elders of Lynn,
:

and the

chil-

8
iortie fibillings apieco
;

all

the

residue of his

goods he would give to Joseph Belknap, Kich-

ard Moore, and his

equally divided.
exor.

master,

John

Gillow,

John, Samuel, dau Sarah wife to William Bitnar, son Henry, brother Francis Ingalls and Francis Dane, son in law, overlen, sons
seers.

Appoints Joseph Belknap,

Probate 14th 9th mo., 1648.

8s lOd, returned 14th 9th mo., 1648.

Probate Ist 10th mo., 1647,

Inventory of above estate, amounting to

135
John Pride, Idth mo., 1G47.
Inventory of estate of John Pride, of Salem,

Allen Kenision,

10th mo., 1648.

amounting

to

88

16s.

Will of Allen Keniston, of Salem, dated

10th 9th mo., 1648, mentions Capt. Hathorne

JRich'd Bayley,

1st mo., 1648.

Will of Rich'd Bayley, of Ro-wley, dated

15tli

5, Capt. Davenport, 3, John Bayley, either a heifer or a cow, Mr. Curwin and Mr. Price,

20s apiece, his wife Dorothy to take the rest, and appoints her ext'x. Gives to Mr. Norris 50s, to Mr. Sharpe, Michael Hopkinson, his nephew, John BayProbate ley, Thomas Palmer, his wife Edna ext's. 40s, and to Mr. Bartholomew, 40s.

12th mo., 1647, mentions son Joseph

Bayley, wife Edna, brother James Bayley, and

Probate 28th 1st mo., 1648.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 106 18s 10 d, returned by Joseph Jewett,

27th 10th mo., 1648.

Wm.

Sauthmead, 12th mo., 1648.

Maximillian Jewett and

Mathew

Boyes, 27th

Inventory of estate of William Southmead,

of Gloucester, amounting to
bate 20th 12th mo., 1648.

7th mo., 1648.

43

10s,

Pro-

John Balch, ^th mo., 1648. George Varnum, 1649. Will of John Balch, of Salem, dated 15th Will of George Varnum, of Ipswich, dated May. 1648, mentions Annis his wife, eldest son Benjamin, second son John, youngest 21st 2d mo., 1649, mentions wife, son Samuson Freeborn, wife Annis and son Benjamin el, dau Hannah (single,) appoints Thomas ex'ors, and John Proctor and William Wood- Scott and son Samuel, ex'ors. Inventory of above estate, amounting to bury, overseers. Witnesses, Peter Palfrey,
Nicholas Patch,
Jeffrey

Massey.

Probate

86

17s, 6d, taken 12th 8th

mo., 1649.

28th 4th mo., 1648.

Inventory
of above

220 13s

4d, returned by

Palfrey, Jeffrie

amounting to Miles Ward, 1th mo., 1650. John Porter, Peter Inventory of Istate of Miles Ward, ofSar Massy, and Nicholas Patch. lem, what debts to receive, and what debts to pay, related by himself, in Virginia, the 3d
estate,

John
Inventory

Jarret, 7th m,o., 1648.

of the 1st mo., 1650.

"In England, given by his father as a legRowley, amounting to 69 16s 2d, returned gacie, for tie pounde, to bee payd to the sd Miles by his brother, wch he both giueth and 7th mo ,,1648. bequeath to his foure children." His wife
of estate of

John

Jarret, of

Edmond

Ingalls,

9M

io.,

1648.

living.

Will of Edmond Ingalls,

of Lynn,

dated

Thomas Cook, 7th mo., 1650. estate of Thomas Cook, awith his wife. Son Robert, daughters Eliz- mounting to 40, returned by Wm. Bartholabeth, Mary, dau Faith wife to Andrew Al- omew, and Wm. Vamey.
28th August, 1648, mentions wife Ann, and
appoints her ext'x, leaves Katherine Skipper

Inventory of

Hugh Burt, Idth mo., 1650. Walter Tibbetts, 1651. Will of Hugh Burt, of Lynn, dated dated 5th Will of Walter Tibbetts, of , mentions his wife, and appoints her ext'x, 2 4th mo., 1651, mentions his wife, making her children, uncle and aunts in England. Pro- ext'x, grandchild Richard Dicke, daughter
,

bate 21st 10th mo., 1650.

Mary
amounting
to

Haskell, wife of

Wm.

Haskell, Joseph,

Inventory of above

estate,

son to

Wm.

Haskell, William,

another son of

65

158 lid, returned Slst 10th mo., 1650.

Wm.

Haskell, son in

law Edmund Clarke,

Elizabeth Dicke,
Trill.

John and Joseph Clarke,

Edmund Lewis, 12th mo., 1650. Will of Edmund Lewis, of Lynn, dated 18th
11th mo.,
Lewis.
1650, mentions eldest son,

Elenor Luscombe, Salome

Lewis, his wife to be sole ex'or,

John son Thomas

to

Probate 25th l2th mo., 1650.

estate,

John Hardy, 4ih mo., 1652. Will of John Hardy, of Salem, dated 30th 1st mo., 1651, mentions Roger Haskell, his

Inventory of above

amounting

122

7s 6d, returned 25th 12th mo., 1650.

Joseph

How, Ath mo., 1651.

John, and Elizabeth, Elizabeth, daughter of my son Joseph Hardy, daughter Elizabeth Haskell, wife Eliz'h, and appoints
William,

son in law, and his 4 children, viz:

Mark

Will of Joseph How, of Lynn, (Jated 10th Feb., 1650, mentions his wife, daughter Elizabeth, mother How. Probate 26th 4th mo.,
1651.

her his ext'x.

Probated 30th 4th mo., 1652.

estate,

Inventory of above

amounting

to

393 4s

6d, returned

by Edmond Batter and

Walter Price.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting

to

Thomas Warren,

1th mo., 1652.

107

10s 8d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1651.

Deposition of Rebecca, the wife of Water

Joy, aged about 27 yrs., the

17th 7th mo.,

John Osgood, 9th mo., 1651 Will of John Osgood, of Andover, dated

Apr. 12th, 1650, in his 54th year, bom in Wm. Sergent, of Glocester, and that there is 1595, July 23, mentions son John, Stephen, none nearer of kin in this country, and I, bedaughters Mary, Elizabeth, Johannah, daughing a little related, do desire Wm. Sergent ter Sarah Clement, daughter Rakah, son John may adm'r on the estate and be accountable, and wife, ex'or. Probate 25th 9th mo., 1651. before me. Increase No well. Inventory of above estate, amounting to I, John Hill, formerly living in Bristol, in 373 7s, returned by Sarah Osgood, ext'x, Ould England, being hear, testifieth. That 25th 9th mo., 1651. Thomas Wathing, son to Edmun Wathin, is
cousin to

Thomas Warren, who dyed with Prince Rupert, was cousin German to
1652, says that

Wm.

Sergent, the said

Wm.

being

his father's sister's son. This deponant further James Boutell, 9th mo., 1651. Will of James Boutell, of Lynn, dated 22d saith, that this Thomas Wathing went with 6th mo., 1651, mentions son James, daughter Rolert Gray in Captain Wal serves. 27th Sarah, appoints wife Alice ext'x., son John. 7th mo., 1652, before Wm. Towens, Robert Tucker, Robert Elwell. Probate 26th 9th mo., 1651.

Inventory of above estate returned 26th 9 th

mo.,

'51-

John Cross, 7th mo., 1652.

Inventory of estate of John Cross, Ipswich,

Henry Birdsalh, 9th mo., 1651.

Inventory of estate of Henry Birdsalls, a-

amounting to 382 58 2d, returned by Richard Kimball, Sp., and Robert Lord, 7th mo.,
1652,

mounting
3

to

47

19s^ returned 9th

mo., 1651.


16
Henry Somerby, 9th mo., 1652.
Petition of Judith Somerby,
cis Ingalls,

Henry

Collins and

Edward Bur-

widow of Hen-

thum.

ry Somerby, Newbury, mentions son Daniel tinder 18 years, daughters Sarah and Eliz'h

Thomas Millard, 9th mo., 1653.

Will of Mr. Thomas Millard, of Newbury,
declared
in

under 16 years

18th 9th
by

mo., 1652.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting

to

the

presence

of

Wm.

Colton

and Ann, his wife, and John Butler, on the Richard Browne, and Anthony Somerby, 30th 30th day of August, A. D., 1653, mentions wife Anne and 2 children, Rebecca and Eliz'h, 9th mo., 1552.

164

4s,

returned

Edmund

Greenleaf,

the children to have their share

when they are

hinder
age.
2,

Will

Wm. Averill, March, 1653. of Wm. Averill of Ipswich,

7 children,
appoints
her ext'x.

married,

and

his wife

not to

dated 3d Abigail

when they

are eighteen yoars of

them, Pro1653.
to

4th mo., 1652, mentions

bia wife,

bate 25th 9th mo., 1653.

Died Sept.

Witnessed by
Foster. Probate

Inventory of above estate^ amounting

Andrew Hodges and Reginald

29 th March, 1653. Inventory of above estate,
29th March, 1653.

343 3s 4d, returned by Richard Towle and Anthony Somerby, 24th 9th mo., 1653.
John Robinson, 9th mo., 1653.
Inventory of estate of John Robinson, a-

amounting

to

50, returned by A. Hodges and R. Foster,

Thomas Wathen,

'ith

mo., 1653.

mounting to 57 8s 6d, returned by Elias Stileman and Richard Prince.

Wathen, amounting to 3 15s, returned by Zebulon Hill and Stephen Glover, both of Gloucester.
Geo. Cole,

Inventory of estate of Thomas

Wm.
Will of

Bacon, 9th mo., 1653.

4M

mo., 1653.

Inventory of es'ate of George Cole, of Lynn,

Bacon, of Salem, as declared George Emery and Elizabeth Boyce, mentions son Isaac, under 21, if he dye before 21, his (Wm. B.) wife to have his
in presence of

Wm.

amounting to 32 Os 8d, returned by Edward Burthum, Nathaniel Handsoth, 28th 4tb mo.,
1653.

share.

Ann

Potter, wife

Rebecca Bacon.

Overseers, Joseph

Boyse,

Lawrence South-

wick.

Inventory of above estate, amounting to

Will

Wm. Stevens, 4th mo., 1653. of Wm. Stevens, of Newbury,

16s, returned by Thos. Gardner, Joseph Boyce, 9th 9th mo., 1653.

184

Sr.,

and

dated

May

19, 1653, mentions eldest son John, son

Abraham Warre, 1654.

Will of Abraham War, of Ipswich, married man, dated 22d day 2d month, 1654, mentions daughter Sarah and wife, to bring her up in
the fear of the Lord, and to have a care of her
as if she were her

Samuel, both under 21 years, appoints Eliz'h Died his wife, ext'x 30th 4th mo., 1653.

May
166

19, 1653.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting to

Samuel

own, his wife ext'x. WitAnthony Som- nessed by Roger Sampson, Wm. Simonds, erby, Francis Plummer, and Nicholas Noyes, John Warren. Taksn Juno 13, 1653. appraisers. Inventory of above estate, amounting to 47 5s Id.
Bitfield,

143 6d, returned by Eliz'h Stevens, ext'x.

George

Little,

Wm.
amounting
to

Tilion, 5th mo., 1653.

Inventory of estate of

Wm.

Tilton, of

Lynn,

Wm.

Varney, March, 1654.

128 4s lOd, returned by Fran-

Inventory of estate of

Wm.

Varney, of Ips-

11
wich, amounting to 57 23 8d, returned 30th
Ist

returned by Thos.
ton, Sr

Browne and Robert Moul-

mo., 1654.

Thomas Buxton, Ath mo., 1654. Thomas Buxton, a^ wich, amounting to 66 Ms 8d, returned by mounting to 52 8s, taken 5th 4th mo., 1654, Edward Browne and Robt Lord, 28th let mo returned by Thomas Gardner, Sr.. and MiJohn Cooly, March, 1654.
Inventory of estate of John Coolye, of Ips-

Inventory of estate of

1654.

chael Shaflin.

Richard Hollingworth, iihmo., 1654.

Inventory of estate of R.
IJollingworth, of

Will

ol

Wm. Ager, Ath mo., 1654. Wm. Ager, of Salem, dated

Ager,
if

3d 1st
he be

Salem, amounting to 365 14s 6d.

4th mo., 1654.

returned

mo., 1654, mentions Joseph

living, if not, his (J.

by Walter Price and Samuel Archard, 25tb

A.) son Benjamin to have his father's share, mentions son Jonathan, daughter Abigail Kibben,

wife Alice,

Dan' I
mounting
to

Rolfe, 4tA mo., 1654.

appoints his wife ext'x.

Witness, Nathaniel

Inventory of Daniel Rolfe, of Ipswich, a-

Pickman, Tabitha Pickman, Elias Stileman,

73 178 8d, returned by Daniel jr. Probate Nov., 1654. Thurston, John Gage, Robert Load, prized Inventory of above estate, amounting to 24 June, 1654, mentions father Humphrey 43 14s 8d. taken by Em'd Batter and Elias Bradstreet, Goodman Weeks, of Salem. Stileman, 20th 4th mo., '54.
Geo. Burrill,
4/7i

mo., 1654.

Thos. Scruggs, 4iA mo., 1654.

Will of George Burrill, Sr., of Lynn, dated 18th October, 1653, mentions sons Francis, John, free, George, free, his son Francis' child. Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cobbett, and Thos. Laughton, with his son Francis,
filled.

Inventory of estate of Thomas Scrugss, tak-

en 24th June, 1654, amounting to 244 10s

2d, returned

Patch, and

to see the

willful-

by Roger Conant, Nicholas Dodge. Deed of Margery Scruggs, widow, dated

Wm.

24th 4th mo,, 1652, to her son in law, John

lOs,

Inventory of above estate,

848

returned

amounting to Rayment, of all her right of dower in her husby Edward Burcbam, band Thomas Scruggs' estate, for certain valuable considerations, as set
forth in

Francis Ingalls, taken 21st 4th mo., 1654.

said deed

on

file

4th mo.^ 1654.

Witnessed by

Roger

Wm. Wake^Ath
Will of

mo., 1654.

Oonant, Nicholas Patch, William Dodge.

Wm
if

1654, mentions daughter Kathrin

Wake, dated 17th 2d mo., Wake, in

Wm.

Fiike, 7th mo., 1654.

and brother John Inventory of estate of Wm. Fiske, of WenWake, in England. Ililliard Veren and Wal- ham, taken 16th 7th mo., '54, amounting to ter Price to be overseers. Witnesses, Thomas 141 I2s 6d, returned by Phineas Fiske, AusSmith and Jonathan Porter; tin Eillam and Edward Eemp. Inventory of above estate, amounting to 60 88 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and Elias Geo. Williams, 9th mo., 1654:. Stileman, taken 22d 4th mo., '54. Will of Geo. Williams, of Salem, dated
England,
she be living,

Thos. Trusler, 4/A mo., 1654.

John

23d 7th mo., 1654, mentions his wife Marie, eldest son, his dau Marie Bishop and
her 2 children, sons Sam'l, Joseph and George,Sa-'

Inventory of estate of Thos. Trusler, (died

5th Ist mo., 1654,) amounting to 188 12 8d,

daughters Sarah and Bethia, bis daughter


12

He was recomMarie and son John mended to Gov. Endicott by Matthew Crajoint ex'ors. Thomas Norton, Henry Wood- dock, the Governor of the Company in EngWitness- land. He was granted a farm of 80 acres, at berry and Jeffrey Massy, overseers.
rah to have a double portion, "in respect of 1629, and settled at Salem.
Ilia wife

her infirmitie."

es,

John Home, Elias Stileman,

estate,

Jr.,

Thos.
to

Riall Side,

Cromwell.
Inventory of above

which descended to his sons John and Nathaniel. He was authorized in 1637,
to establish a ferry over the

amounting

North

river, in Sa-

326

lis lid, taken

18th 8th mo.,

1654, by

lem, and to charge one penny for every passenger.

Eliaa Stileman, Jr., Rich'd Bishop.

To be Continued.

MATERIALS FOR A SOLL FAMILY IN SALEM.

He died about 1644, Anne, his wife, was a member of the Church at Salem, 1634. After Richard's decease, she married John HISTORY OF THE INGER- Knight, of Newbury, and died 1677: His
children were George, Nathaniel, John, Sarah,

In an old Manuscript book, running from 1685 to 1695, in which the writer,

Joana or Jane, Alice and Bathsheba.

in

Capt. Samuel Ingersoll, of Salem, recordmatters relating to the

sale ot

George Ingersoll, son of Richard, was born England, 1618, and came to Salem with

ed

many

his

and his and their marriage, and the dates of births and names of his children, and many miscellaneous memoranda, I find the following formula for a Hair Restorer, which may perhaps be as useful as many of the present day nostrums. It is, however, defective, in that it does not specify whether
cargoes, disbursement of his voyages,
his wife's birth,

own and

In 1655, he lived at Falmouth (now Portland,) where he built one or two mills, and in 1657 he was of Gloucester, where he had previously lived in 1652, and was a
his father.

Representative to the General Court from that

town

in that year.

Alice, daughter of Richard Ingersoll,

was

married to Josiah Wolcott, Bathsheba to John

the 'Metson'

is

for internal or external use, nor

whether a man.

it is

as efficacious for a

woman

as for

William Haynes and afterwards to Joseph Houlton, and Jane to Richard Pettingall.
Ingersoll, marand lived at Salem Village, and was Deacon of the church there. He had one daughter who died before he did.
ried

Knight, Jr., of Newbury, Sarah to

Nathaniel, son of Richard

"A

Metson

to
:

make a man's hear groe

flies

Hannah

Collins,

when he is bald "Take sum fier

and

and sum Redd wormes, sum hune bees, and dri them, and then pound them to powder, and mixt them in milk or water." On another page is the following record
black pnayls, and
:

He appears

to

have been a very worthy

the community.

and much respected in

man He

died early in 1718-19, his wife surviving him.

By

his will he left fifty shillings to the

church

'Samuel Ingersoll was born the 6th day of

October, 1658. Sarah, his wife, was born the 11th day of December, 1665, and we ware marred ye 28th April, 1684. Sarah, our Dafter, was born ye 12th October, 1686. Margaret

at the village
for the

to

purchase some Silver Cupa

he

left

more adorning the Lord's table, and two acres of land to the inhabitants of

the village for a training place forever.

The

bulk of his property, after his wife's decease,

left to his

was born ye 8th

ot April,

1690.

Susana he

adopted son, Benjamin Hutchin-

was born ye 4th Day of December, 1692."

This Samuel Ingersoll was the son of John, who was the son of Richard Ingersoll, or Inkersall, the first of the

son, subject to the

payment of some

legacies

to several of his relatives.

John

Ingersoll, son of

Richard, and father

name

in

New

England.

of Samuel,

was born

in

England, 1625, and

He

emigrated from Bedfordshire,

England, in

married Judith, daughter of Nathaniel Felton.


13
His children were John, Niithaniel, Ruth, Richard, Siirah, Samuel, Joseph and Hannah.
Samuel, the owner of the Manuscript, appears to have been a shipmaster, and his voy.

Short Creadet for them

for

and

it will

be very Difecolt

me

'

of the

Do without them as I have the Command Light Infentry Company and our Regt is unto

der marcheu orders Seposed to go to Alboney and if

ages seem to have been to

Barbadoes,

New-

we go

into that Conterey

most Sertain

my

dutey will

Consist in Scouten the woods which will be very uncofetebel in

foundland and Saltatudoa, and from

tries ot ''great

and

little

some engeneral ;" beseems ocfishing

Hot wather with

thick Cloathen.

Theirfore I
this

am

under tbe absolute Nesety of askea

casionally to have gone on

voyages.

Faver of you for which- 1 hope you will bo

Ue

died about

1C95, and his widow

Philip English.

became
Estate

Pleased to grant and you shall be wal Paid as soon

as Posable.

the second wife of

538

153.

As

illustrating the relative value of land

and

stock, I give

some items of the appraisement

as

of the estate of Richard Ingersoll,

made by

you must think that it is a hard thing that afhave Kcskud my life for upward of six years in the Publiek Seivis to Be Brought so Low as to not be able to By a Small matter of Somer Cloathen But it is in fackt the Case Prohaps you will Say it is by
Sir
ter I

Townsend Bishop and

4th, 1C44
:

Jclirey

Massy, October

Reason of
the case.

my

one enprudeus but I think

it

is

not

I engaged in

the Servis in 1777 and Re-

34 2 Young Steers, 4 one ceaved the Nomenel Sum of my wages in old Conti7 p-'oxen, 14: 2 horses and mare, nelton Dollars and all I have Reccaved sens Jany 1st 1780 is Sixty Hard Dollars and Sixty New omisandaYopng Colt, 25, a Farm of 80 acres, ion it is true Some of the troops have Receaved some 7 among other items was a Moose Skin new omesion for the year 1781 but my Companey
7 Cows,
;
;

Ball,

Suit.

B. F. B.

being at the Sotherd the money was

for 3

Drawn
it

for

them

months and
to

it

grue so Bad that the Coll.

Saw

Proper

Return the money again as

was of no

A EEVOLUTIOXARY LETTER.
The
following letter, written to Joshua Ward, Esq.,

Vallew in Virgeney where they were.

I hope you wont think I ey other genilemon for
it,

of Salein, by a gentleman

who

afterwards held a

you our Hard forten

in the least.

but
if

am a Blamen yoa or Enam ondly menshenen to it dont all Diseorage ma

it

conspicuous position as one of the most respected

I hant none what

was

to

Command

one Dollar this 2 months nor I Dont no as I shall for

six

members

of our community,

exhibits

the condition

months

to

come but

I Can get a few shirts and

of our troops during the revolutionary itrnggie, and

a few thin cloathen I feal

tented to be with out

my

Self Pritey wal Confor

on that account may not be devoid of

interest.

money

A. N.

I have beene so long in the servis to so

lam Dctarmend a^i it out if I am

fo Trobelen

even a bleage to fight with even a Shirt.

Camps Near West

Dear Sir:
Creadet
this time that is to se if

PoiSjt,

Feb'y 12, 1782.

to

Sir,

I must

Beg your Parden

you

Poverity Drives
you
for the

me
will

treble

you at

with so long a Scrall and Conclude Subscriben

Self your

my
.

be so kind a? to
it

me

Following artecels to

for LinN. B.

Most obedient and Humble Servent. S A

Sir if

nen a nough for six shirts and 12 yards of Jane of a Dark Snuf Co\1&t it Being for a Pattnn for two Pare of Overalls and two Wescoats and a patton of White Bibed Stuff for a Wescoat & Briches such as would answer for Somer ware what you should think most Proper if you will Creadet me for the a bove artecels while I Come whome or while we draw wages you Shall be well Paid for the Same and you will greatley a Bleage me at this time as I am entirley Destetnte of money and am not able to get these things

you Should be Pleased to Send the a bove articels by the Barer Pleas to Send a bill of tho Coast for I will Send the money as Soon as in my Power if I dont Come whome my Self. S. A. their would want a Small matter of Corsen Lisa
for Pockets

and waggon Linens.

at Uiis time without

Some gentlemon

will give

me

14

RELICS OF

"

PECULIAR INSTITUTION " IN

SALEM.

whilst he was reading of

all

it.

was

in the

meeting

the while the papyr of Notification for the

Com-

moners' meeting was reading, and can testify to the

Among my

old

papers,

I find

the

following

truth above written,

if I

Should be callccd there to.

scraps, which, together with

some other old matters

NICHOLAS NOYES.
Salem, March 30, 1702.

of a quaint and curious nature, which I propose to

send you from time to time for publication,

illustrate the

sferve

to

manners.and customs of our Ancestor^

Tosfrne of Salem."

CURIOUS INDENTURE BETWEEN A MASTER AND SERVANT, IN 1713.

Messrs.
Editors:

in

"ye quiete and peaceable

"Janeuary ye 4th 1710 Rescued of

fifteen

Wm.

Pickering

The

following Indenture
in
print, as

ia,

pounds in money being in

full for

an Indian

think, worthy

of being preserved

a re-

Gerll sd Pickering boft of

Fra's Holmes.

me

in
p.

augustt Lastt.

cord of at least two by-gone institutions, viz:

Servants," and the

"bound

custom of teachiilg servants "lo

b. m. Hi

Salem,

May

11, 1732.

read a chapter well in the Bible."

This

Day

Sold to Mr. Myles

Ward

Jnn'r

Negro

Girle Caled Betty for fifty five pounds and took oble-

Made the first Day of September, RRae, Annae Nunc Magnae Brittaniae Duodecimd
This Indenture,

gation for the same.

James Lin Jail.

Witness, James Lindall, Jun'r, Sarah Lindall, Tertius.

annoq Dom., 1713, Witnesseth that Nicholas Bourguess, a youth of Quarnsey, of his own free and voluntary will, and bv and with the Consent of his present Master, Capt, John Hardy^ of Guarnseyj
aforesaid,

Marriner, hath

put himsclfe a Servant

A]?fClBNT PULPIT NOTICES.

Vnto Mr. William English, of Salem, in the County

of Essex, within the Province of the Massachusetts

Bay
Messrs. Editors:

in

New

England, Marriner, for

the space of
hereof, vntill

The certificate, of
to

which I send

four yeares from the

the aforesaid

Day

of the Date

you a copy,

refers

the old custom of notifying

Terme of

four yeares be
all

fully

Com-

Town

Meetings, Trainings, and other secular occa-

pleat

& Ended, During

which time the said SerExecutors, admin-

sions, at the

Thursday Lecture in the Meeting House;

to

vant his said Master,

istrators or assignees

his heircs,

Dwelling within the province

serve,

It reminds us of a little incident which was said

aforesaid, shall well

ful

and faithfully
shall

their law-

have taken place in one of the churches in

leans one Sunday, a few years since.

New

Or-

commands obey; he
had from him
ot

not absent himselfe

The

officiating

from his or their service without Leave or Lyoenso

first

clergyman, at the close of his sermon,

made

the fol-

them; his

Master's

Money,

lowing announcement: "I

tice that there will be a

le or wast; at unlawful 1 Games he shall not Flay; Horse Race in the rear of Tavernes or Alehouses he shall not Frequent; fornithis house, immediately after divine service. My cation he shall not Committ, nor Matrimony Contract; but in all things shall Demean himselfe as a hearers, I trust you will all be present." B. faithfuU Setrant During the Terme aforesaid, and Salem, Match 19, 1859. the aforesaid Master, on his part, doth for himselfe, This may signify to whom it may conceme, that his heires and assignees. Covenant, promise and on February the 18th, 1701, being our Lecture day agree to and with the said Servant; that he or they at Salem, Joseph Neal, being at meeting, continued shall and will provide & find him with sufficient

am

goods or other Estate he shull not PurloiOej embearequested to give no-

quietly and orderly at the time of the publick worship,

Meat, Drink, Cloathing, washing

Case of Sickness,

&

Lodging,

&

in

for

public worship as

During the Terme aforesaid, and to Learn him to when training read a Chapter well in the bible, it he may be capa> days are warned, or Town meetings appointed and ble of Learning it, & to Dismiss him with two suits he was not forbid reading of it as I know, or any of Apparell for all parts of his Body the one for
is

and read not the papyr (paper) of Notification the Commoners' meeting till such time after the
usual with us,

with

Phisick,

and

attendance

tlissatisfactioQ signified against

his reading

of

it,

Lord's Days, the other for working Days.

In Testi-


IS
luoriy
tiiiiiied

&

for

Confirmation

whereof the parties aforetheir bands

the course of their extensive maritiino enterprises, visited the

bare Interchangablj set

and

northern part

of

this island
settle-

Scales the

Day & Yeare

<t

first

above written.

by

nicollas bourgaize,

John Hardy.
Stephen

way

of the Red Sea,

and formed a

Signed, Sealed

Delivered in
Justice peace.

presence of us,
Sewall,

ment
sided.

at Aclieen,

where intermarrying with

since re-

Marg't Sewall, Jun'r, Susannah

Bewail, Not. pub.

the natives their posterity have ever

&

The

coast from

Acheen southward was

ori-

NARRATIVE OF THE PIRACY, AND PLUNDER ginally peopled by Malays, but wherever the OF THE SHIP FRIENDSHIP, OF SALEM, ON Acheenise iiave made settlements the aborigiTHE WEST COAST OF SUMATRA, IN FEB- nes have invariably been exterminated, either RUARY 1831, AND THE MASiACRE OF PART by secret assassination or poison and by such OF HER CREW: ALSO, H^R RE-CAPTURE and kindred foul practices they have possessed OUT OF THE HANDS OF THE MALAY PI- themselves of the whole of the pepper coast,

RATES.

and scarcely a real native Malay

BY CHARLES
M. ENDICOTT.
Institute,

is

now met

with.

All writers, for centuries past, have

people as the

kead

at a meeting of the

Emsex

Jan. 28, 1858.

agreed in representing these

Before proceeding with the narrative, I will say a few words upon the character of the natives of this coast
;

the impression having gon^

stated in

abroad, and has even been

pits

our pul-

and elsewhere, that the wrongs they have

have led to their and that we. Americans,
for
it.

experienced at our hands

most subtle, crafty and treacherous of all the nations of the East. Our dealings with them generally (I will not say always for bad and unprincipled men are sometimes found engaged in all trades,) but generally our dealings with them are such aa of necessity they must be with a people from whom we can

bad faith and perfidy

never obtain redress for any bad faith or

dis-

are, after all, responsible

That

this is

honesty

a base calumny and has no

truth,

foundation in
in the
is

tribunals

who acknowledge no laws, have no of justice to which we can appeal for

we shall first endeavor to show. *{It may be proper perhaps to state

Outset, that the

whole of the pepper coast

broken faith or violated contracts, and hold themselves bound by no ties of integrity or honor for it would be as difficult to carry
;

inhabited by emigrants from Acheen,

idence of the king^,

the reshis do-

out equitably any compact

if it

made with themj

and the capital

they

of

should conflict with

to expect

their interests, as it

minions

and although

are generally

would be vain

fepoken of by us as Malays, are nevertheless a

distinct race

cious tenants of their forests.

mercy from the feroThat they have

from them, speaking an unwrit- at times been over-reached at their own play Malay tongue in their attempts to defraud and impose upon and difiering from them in everything but us, and that the measure they mete unto oththeir religion. The Acheenise have an imper- ers has been measured to them again, will not
ten language wholly unlike the
fect

and vague

tradition,

which savors more of be denied

and that our

interests

have also

by their frauduants of a people, who, at a very remote period, lent practices, is equally certain. If we were emigrated from the Mediterranean, or, as they not always on the alert to detect and counterexpress it, from "Roma," (by which is meant, balance their frauds, and sometimes even to no doubt, a colony of Phenicians,) who, in aniicipate them, we should be obliged to abandon the trade altogether. But the Munchau*The matter contained between these brackets sen stories which are sometimes banded about, Was published in the Boston Courier by the author are often without any foundation in truth, and of this account; in the sommer of 1652.
fable than reality,

that they are the descend-

frequently suffered

severely

16

are not unfrequently the ofispring of the brain

chase pepper of his subjects, the

sold
it

first

person
last I

who

of individuals,

who hope
trials

to gain in this

way a

me any was
it

laid in irons.

At

found

character ibr great shrewdness in their dealings.

impossible to procure a

grain, unless I con-

But

these

at circumvention, in

sented to take
after I

of him at his
for

own

price

and

which thoy as
it,

often gain the advantage as lose

justify the

had agreed
its

three hundred bahars

do not certainly

piracy

and at nearly double

their
I

value, to

my astonishment,

murder of our countrymen trading upon

shores.

found he exacted seven per cent, by way of

custom, for the very pepper I had purchased

perfidious

of himself. I afterwards contracted with a perand treacherous, by our intercourse with them, son wiio was distinguished for his knowledge that of the laws of Mahomet, and even passed for it will bo found, by a little research, these attributes in their characters existed, in a prophet himself, but finding some black sand

So far from becoming corrupt,

upwards of two centuries and setting aside the insignificance into which the king's power has dwindled, the accounts of them then would answer as well as any description which could now be given. In Mavor's historical account
as eminent a degree,

among

his pepper, I

remonstrated.

At

last I

ago, as at present

found he weighed out the commodity wet^ and although a complaint to the king might
have procured

mo

revenge,

I chose

rather to

submit to the loss than enter

into

with this sanctified personage.

at length with the impositions

a dispute Wearied out

^

of early voyages,
lieu's to the

is

one of Commodore Bieu-

of the tyrant and

East Indies in 1619

22,

underthe

disgusted with the chicanery

of

his subjects, I

taken for commercial

auspices of the French
is

purposes, under

resolved to depart."

This

author also adds,

most viany on the coast. They are proud, With an outward guished character, both for the integrity of perfidious and envious. show of being strict Mahometans, they are his conduct and the extent of his abilities. The account he has given of his enterprise is the most consummate hypocrites. If they onuniversally admired, for candid statement, ly suspect that any one bears them any and easy, unaffected detail. lie left France ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by
government.

Mons.

"The

inhabitants of Acheen are the

Bieulieu

represented as an officer of distin-

cious of

October 2, 1619, with three vessels under his

false

accusations,"
is

Commodore
by
all

Bieulieu's

command, and
ited

in the course of his voyage visperuiis.sion

account

corroborated

the

early

Acheen, to obtain the king's

king, and
the

to traffic within t is dominions,

his reception by the

lie

describes

pomp and
time,

magnificence of his court at that

also details several

and

instances of his majesty's

savage cruelty in mutilating his subjects upon

the moft trifling pretext, to which
painful eye-witness.
Finally, after

Acheen under the direction of the East India Company, immediately after its first charter by Queen Elizabeth in 1600. The character of these people, since that period, has undergone no radical or material change it is essentially the same in
visited
;

English navigators,

who

he was a

all respects,

now

as then.

We

omitted to re-

along ne- mark that Commodore Bieulieu had one of gotiation, and submitting to much extortion, the vessels under his command burnt by the he succeeded in obtaining t^e desired permis- natives, and all the plunder detained by the We think no candid, liberal and unsion, and, in his first attempts to avail himself king.
of
it,

he gives the following account

avarice of this
his

prejudiced
less

mind

will seek far,

or look deep,

"The

monarch was not

for motives to

stimulate such

mercenary

detestable than

cruelty.

No

representait.

people to acts of violence on our ships whenever opportunities

offer
;

tions or presents could get the better of

Not-

withstanding

had procured a license

to pur-

incentives are needed than such as are

and that no other found

17
inherent in their
This, let

own

breasts,

that

is,

a love

of the island, as well as Acheeniire, and

therefore

19

of plunder, to deeds of crime and outrage.]

it

governed
.

jointly

be borne in mind, was their charof the

Fathers, at Plymouth.

Acheenise Rajah

We

by a Pedir and remained here for the

obtained all

acter in the year 1020, the very year

purposes of trade, until the 5th of November

following, at which time, having

landing of the Pilgrim

One can

therefore appreciate

how

far

we,
as a

the pepper of the

old crop,

Ainericans,

nation, and

who had then no existence who had no intercourse with

per not coming in until

left

and the new pepMarch or April, wo

our voyIsland,)

these

that port, and

prosecutioft of

people for 170 years after this

period, are re-

age visited several others, and finally returned

to

sponsible for these traits of character, and

Pulo Kio,

(i. e.,

in English,

Wood

we therefore have corrupted their in- about two miles from Qualah Battoo, the lattegrity. Having now finished our preface, we ter part of January, 1831, intending to remain there until the coming in of the pepper will commence our narrative.
far

how

And
stacle,

here

this account,

^e would remark, in compiling we have met with a serious obbaffled all

crop.

One bright moonlight

night, shortly after

which has

our

skill

to over-

come that is, how to avoid the too frequent and objectionable use of the little personal approaching the ship in a very stealthy manpronoun I, which must strike every reader of ner, and under suspicious circumstances. I the narrative, in common with myself. We immediately repaired on deck, and saw the trust, however, the peculiar circumstances of boat directly in our wake under the stern the the case will be considered and appreciated, most obvious way to conceal herself from our and thai charity extended to me which the observation, and gradually approaching us subject seems imperatively to demand. with the utmost caution, without the least The ship Friendship, of this place, under my noise or apparent propelling power, the oars
,

our arrival at this place, I was awakened by the watch informing me that a native boat was

to the Messrs. Pickman being struck so lightly in the water thai its from Salem for the west surface was scarcely ruffled. Having watched coast of Sumatra, with a crew of seventeen their proceedings a few minutes, we became men, including officers and seamen, on the convinced it was a reconnoitering party, sent 26th of May, 1830. The persons composing to ascertain how good a loot-out was kept on the ship's company, were as follows Charles board the ship, and intending to surprise us M. Endicott, Master Charles Knight, Ist for no good purpose, to say the least, if they

command, belonging
Silsbeea,

and

sailed

William Bray, were not discovered. We therefore hailed them Algornon War- in their own dialect, asking them where they ren, John Davis, John Massey, George Col- came from, what they wanted, and why they such a stealthy, lins, William Parnell, Gregorie Pedechie, were approaching the ship Charles Converse, Philip Manning, John Pat- tiger-like manner. We could see that all was terson and John Byrne, Seamen William instantly life and animation on board her, and Francis, Steward George Migill, Cook ; and after a few moments we received an answer after the usual succession of fair winds and that they were frieftds from Qualah Battoo,

Mate

John Barry, 2d Mate

;

Carpenter

George Chester,

foul, calms

and storms,
touched
North.

arrived

safely at her
fol-

place of destination on the 22d September

with a load of smuggled pepper, which they were desirous to dispose of to us. We however, positively forbade

lowing.
in Lat. 3

We

first

at the port of

Qua-

lah Battoo,

(i.e., in

English,

Rocky
is

Eiver,)

nearer the ship,

after

or to

them to advance any come along side but,

;

48m
5

This place

inhabited

considerable

discussion,

we

at length

^by natives from the Pedir Coast, on the north

gave our consent for them to come abreast th^


18
ship at a respectful distance, and we would curity from the fact that we had already been Bend some of our own men on board to ascer- warned by some of our old friends not to place and if there too much confidence in any of them, all of tain if their story was correct was nothing suspicious about her, on their whom, in consequerice of the low price of pepgiving up their side arms we would rig a whip per, and from various otlier causes, were actuupon the main yard, and in this way take on ally contemplating piracy along the whole board their pepper, and allow one man to coast, whenever a good opportunity should ofcome on board ship to look after it. All our fer, we considered, with a suitable degree of own crew had, in the mean time, been mus- caution, the danger was but triflirg,and theretered and armed, and a portion of them placed fore concluded a contract with them, and proas sentinels on each side the gangway. In ceeded at once with tlie ship to Qualah Battoo. this manner we passed on board some 50 or Strict regulations were then established for the 60 bags of pepper. We were afterwards in- security and protection of the ship. Two of formed by the 2d officer, that while this was the most important were, that, in the a'^sence going forward, the chief officer, who subse- of the captain, not more than two Malaya quently lost his life, was secretly scoffing at were to be permitted on board at the same and no boats should be allowed to apthese precautions, attributing them to cow- time ardice, and boasting he could clear the decks proach her in the night time upon any preof a hundred such fellows with a single hand- tence whatever, without calling an officer. This boat, we subsequently ascer- Then mustering all hands upon the quarter spike. tained, was sent by a young man named Po deck, I made a few remarks, acquainting them Qualah, the con of the Pedir Rajah, for the with my apprehensions, and impressing on the their minds the importance of a good look-out, express purpose which we had suspected pepper having been put on board merely as particularly in the night, and expressed my an excuse in case they should be discovered. firm conviction that vigilance alone would It was only a sort of parachute, let off to see prevent the surprise and capture of the ship, from what quarter the wind blew, as a guide and the sacrifice of all our lives that the in their future evil designs upon us. Ascer- words of Po Adam, which they had so often taining, however, by this artifice, that the ship heard him utter, "must look sharp," had no was too vigilantly guarded, at least, in the idle meaning. Having thus done all we could night, to be thus surprised, they set them- to guard against surprise, and put the ship in selves at work to devise another plan to decoy as good a state of defence as under the circumus to Qualah Battoo, in which, I am sorry to stances was possible keeping her entire arsay, they were more successful. mament in good and efficient order, and firing A few days after this occurrence, a deputa- every night an eight o' block gun, to apprise tion was sent to invite us to Qualah Battoo, the natives that we were not sleeping upon representing that the new crop of pepper was our posts, we commenced taking in pepper, beginning to make its appearance, and they and so continued for three or four days, the could now furnish us with from one to two Malays appearing very friendly, and everyhundred bags per day, and would ho doubt be thing went on satisfactorily.
; ; ; ; ;

enabled to complete loading the ship

course of forty days.

in the

On Monday, February

7,

1831, early in the

Being in pursuit of a morning, while we were at breakfast, my old cargo, and having been always on friendly and tried friend, Po Adam, a native wellterms with the natives of this place, who I known to traders on this coast, came on board
did not consider worse than those of other in a small canoe from his residence at Pulo
|)arts

of the coast, and feeling

beside some se-

Kio, in order to proceed on shore in the ship's

 a
19
boat, which shortly
offii-er,

after started with the

2d

soon returned,

four seamen and myself.

On

our way

nothing wrong.
the

remmkiag there appeared to be The ship lay about threethe beach there

ty of the ship, and also an entire

fidence in

Po Adara expressed much anxiety for the safewant of conMr. Knight, the
his broken
first ofiicer,

fourths of a mile from the shore,

scale-house and

and betweea was a

which,
re-

piece of rising ground, so that

scales

standing at the

however, I then considered

unfounded,

we could just seethe

ship's topgallant

English, "Ae no look yards. I had observed a vessel in the offing Malay-man." On being in the course of the day, apparently approachasked if he realli/ believed his countrymen ing this place or Soosoo, and, being at leisure, would dare to attack the ship, he replied in walked up towards the beach to ascertain if the affirmative. I then observed to the 2d she had hoisted any national colours. The officer, it certainly behooved us, the boat's instant I had proceeded far enough to see our crew, who were more exposed than any of the ship's hull, I observed the pepper-boat, which ship's company, to be on our guard against was at this time within two or three hundred surprise, and proposed when we next came on feet of her, as she rose on the top of the swell, shore, to come prepared to defend ourselves appeared to have a large number of men in but did not think the danger sufficiently immi- her. My suspicions were instantly aroused
in

marking

sharp, no undersland

nent to return to the ship for that purpose at

the present moment.

that there

was something wrong, and

the

I re-

When we

reached the

landing

we were kindly received, as usual, men who were sent down to man who was a stranger to me, of rather pre- river. I was Ihen informed,
pleased with

turned to inquire into the circumstance of the

mouth

of the

for the first time,

possessing appearance, pretended to be very

as they approached the boat 6 or 7 Malays knowledge of the lan- jumped up from the high grass and rushed on guage, for which he was profuse in his com- board her and as she passed out of the river, pliments, and, to hear me speak it, followed they saw her take in from a ferry boat, that close upon my footsteps through the bazars, was passing, about the same number but as and was very assiduous in his attentions. they all appeared to be ''youngsters,'^ to use Such circumstances being, however, of almost they did not think the

much

my

their

own

expression,

was nothing particular in this to excite suspicions of any evil intent, and we were soon upon easy and familThe natives were bringing in pepiar terms. per very slowly only now and then a single Malay would make his appearance with a bag upon his head, and it was not until nearly 3 o'clock in the afternoon tbat sufficient was collected to commence weighing and between 3 and 4 o'clock the first boat started from the The natives were, however, still bringshore.
daily occurrence, there
; ;

circumstance of sufficient importance to mention

it.

They were reprimanded

for sufih

an

omission of duty, accompanied with

the re-

mark, "your youngsters, as you call them, will, I suspect, be found old enough in iniquity, at
least, to

capture the ship,

if

once ad-

mitted upon

her

decks."
that

The words of Po

Adam,
struck

that morning,

look sharp,

no undersland Malay-man,''^

"Mr. Knight no now

Mr. Barry, the

mo

with their full force and a fearful

opinion as to

foreboding, and 1 appealed to

ing in pepper, with a promise of another boatload during the day. This was, however, a mere

2d

officer, for his

what would be
remarking "Ae

orders." Mr. was passing out of the river, I noticed her stop Barry, however, expressed his fears as to the upon one of the points, and believing it the result, remarking be knew so well the contempt object of her crew to steal pepper, and secrete which Mr. Knight entertained for these peoit among the neighboring high glass, two men ple, "tbat be will probably conclude your pre'were sent down to look after them. They
certainly
will not

Bubterfuge to keep us on shore.

As

Mr. Knight's probable course,

disobey
his

the boat

20
cautions to be altogether uDoecessary,

and

"there
tion

is

trouble on board. Sir,"

to the ques-

that he can allow them to come on board with

"What did you

see?"

he replied,

"Men

knowing any- jumping overboard." Convinced at once, of thing of the circumotance, and no harm will our own perilous situation, and that our escape come of it." This view of the case certainly depended on extremely cautious and judicious did not have the effect, in any degree, to al- management, I answered "We must show no lay my anxiety, and I observed, "if your pre- alarm, but muster the men, and order them dictions prove correct, the ship is taken ;" immediately into the boat " At this moment but concluding it to be altogether too' late for we did not know, of course, whether it was the ua on shore to render any assistance to the natives or our own crew who were jumping ship, and still clinging to the hope that Mr, overboard, there was nothing certain further Knight would, after all, be faithful to his than that the ship was undoubtedly attacked, trust, Mr. Barry and two men were directed and we on shore must look out for our lives. to walk up towards the beach without any The men got into the boat in their usual delibimpunity, without your ever

apparent concern, and watch the ruovements

erate manner, and

winded her head round

to-

on board.

I should

have remarked, on

my own

way up
near a

to

the

beach,

just before, I passed

wards the mouth of the river, when Philip Manning, one of the crew, who had yet no
suspicion of
I

tree,

under the shade of which a group

what was going on, reminded me

the

of 10 or 12 natives were apparently holding a

consultation, and, as I approached, all conversation ceased.

had not locked

chest

containing the
perhaps,
to re-

weights.

And

here I ought,

The

object of

this meeting, as

I was attervvarda informed, was to consider whether it would be better to kill us before at- price of pepper, and for the bettor satisfaction tempting to take the ship, or o/ient-arrf; and of both parties I had recently adopted the plan the conclusion arrived at was to be sure of the of locking up the weights over night in a chest This was in ^Vi^ first, the killing of us appearing to them kept on shore tor that purpose. as easy, to use their own simile, as cutting off the first place to prevent the Malays taking out the heads of so many fowls the manner how the lead, and in the next, convincing them that had already been decided, the time when was we did not violate our part of the contract by
:

mark that in this trade the weights are as much a matter of contract and bargain as the

all there

was

to be considered,

native hav-

putting any secretly in.

Such

is

the

mutual

ing been already appointed, and the price fixed for the assassination of each of the boat's crew.

want

of confidence

manifested in Qur dealings

with each other on this coast.

The

price set

upun

my
500

life

for the
of the

2J

officer's,

was 1000 dollars, and

It

dollars,
for

Everything being now in readiness, we pushed off from the shore, the Malays having no

each

seamen 100

dollars.

ness of

my

officious

friend,

whom

was the busi- suspicion of our design, believing we intended 1 met that to remain for the other boat load of pepper,
and thinking
for
it

morning on
little piece

landing, to

bestow that delicate

to be

our intention, by our ap-

of attention
as

upon me.

parently unconcerned manner, to cross the river

As soon
I noticed a

Mr. Barry had reached an eleva-

stroll in

the opposite Bazar, as was our

tion where he could iairly see the ship's hull,

frequent custom.

quick convulsive movement of his

turned short round, and
however,

had
I

left

the bank of the river,

The moment the boat's stern Po Adam sprang

limbs, and that he

into her in a great state of excitement, to

whom
cap-

walked, without hastening his steps, directly towards

exclaimed,

"What

do you come too, Adgot

kill

me

passing me,

without

am?" he
He

answered

"You
must

trouble,

discovering any

emotion, our eyes not being

tain, if they kill you,

Po Adam

first."

pyen directed

towards each other, and said,

suggested

we should immediately

steer

the


21
boat as far as possible from the western

bank
to the

of the river, which was here not more than one

peared completely panic struck, and made an effort to get out of our way. It was, however,

hundred
for

feet w^ide,

when

remarked

a close shave,

so

close that

one of their

boat's crew,

"now
or

spring to your oars

are all dead

my lads

Epears

was actually over the

stern of our boat,

your

lives,

we

men."

am

exhibited the utmost alarm and

tion, encouraging

my men

to exert

Ad- which with my hand, as wc passed, I pushed aside. It was long before the countenances of themselves, those men, as they sat resting on their spears,
consterna-

and talking English and Acheenise both in the faded from my recollection, so indelibly were same breath, now exclaiming in Acheenise, they engraven on my memory. They often di-yoong di yoong hi !" and then exhorting visited me in my dreams, and disturbed even them to "pull, pull trong !" The men work- my waking hours. We are not at all inclined
ed with a will at their oars, and what with
their efforts

and the

assistance of a favourable

cident to

current,
river.

we made rapid progress out of the As we doubled one of the points we saw

hundreds of natives rushing with wild impetuosity towards the river's

their weapons,

a belief in special providences, but this inmy mind is as remarkable as the cessation of surf, related by Riley, which enabled him to escape from the shore out of the hands of the Arabs on the West Coast of Africa.
10

mouth, brandishing The Malays on the last point of the river as we passed, appeared perfectly frantic at our esand otherwise menacing us. Adam upon seeing this was struck with dis- cape, and ran into the water up to their armmay, and exclaimed '"if got blunderbuss will pits, in their endeavors to intercept us, wavkill all," but luckily they were not provided ing their swords above their heads, and shoutHaving now with that weapon, and we therefore escaped ing at the tops of their voices. A ferry-boat was next discovered run the gauntlet, all danger for the present its dangers.

with ten or twelve Malays in her, armed with

long spears, evidently waiting to intercept
I ordered
us.

was passed, and during the breathing spell which it allowed us, we quietly proceeded the

Mr. Barry into the bows of the boat, remainder of the distance out of the river withand with Adam's sword to make demonstra- out any further incident or molestation. We tions of being armed, and also to cun the boat had now time calmly to contemplate the scene in such a manner as to run down the ferry through which we had just passed, with hearts, boat, which I concluded was our only chance I trust, grateful to God for his kind protection Our own boat being a pinnace of and safe guidance in the midst of its perils. to escape. soma twenty-five feet in length, high out of This was the part of their plan, otherwise well they had tawater, and the ferry boat a long low canoe, conceived, which was defective, the thing appeared quite feasible. With head- ken no measures to prevent our escape from

long impetuosity we were rushing towards our

antagonist, nerved with the feeling of desperation.

the shore, not believing for a

lives

moment that our were not at their disposal, unprotected and

caw
us.

minishing.

The distance between us was rapidly diWith profound stillness and breathless anxiety we awaited the moment of collision,
like a fated boat over the cataract of Niagara,

defenceless as they

The whole

scene would furnish an admirable

subject for the pencil of the artist, the fragile

boat running the gauntlet, and forcing her

way

with scarcely one chance in a thousand cape death.

to es-

The points

of

their pikes

could

through the narrow passage out of the river maugre the efforts of hundreds of Malays who
are endeavoring to intercept her; the neighbor^

Already I observed Mr. Barry with his sword elevated, as if in the act of etriking. But when we had approached within some twenty feet, her crew all at once, aa if
be plainly seen.

ing bazar and the points of the river crowded

with natives,
the water

many

of

whom
and

are actually in

up

to their

arm-pits,

while othera

by the direct interposition of Providence, ap- are running to and

fro,

all in

a state o

22
the greatest excitement, vociferating to the extent of their voices.

ceed at once to

Muckie
distant,

for assistance, wiiich

was

The doomed ship laying some 25 miles

with sails turled, and three American vessels a pepper boat alongside, with a multitude of commenced rolling down over the mountains, natives in every part of her, and none of her and the rumbling of distant thunder, and sharp
tranquilly in the roads,
visible, with the exception of a man on the top gallant yardj and some 10 or 12 heads just even with ttie surface of the water.

where wo knew two or were laying, heavy clouda

own crew

flashes of lightning,

gave sure indications that

the land wind would be accompanied with del-

uges of rain, rendering the night, at least the

first

High mountains

back ground densely clothed with wood, and a long range of low
in the

part ot
it

which
our

it, one of Egyptian darkness, in would be almost impossible to grope

thatched houses, with here and there a few co-

way

safely along shore towards that place.

coanut trees surrounding them, and a sandy beach of miles in extent, on which the surf is
beating most furiously.
Its well

Under

those discouraging prospects,

to

Po Adam

advised us to proceed
shelter in hia
fort.

drawn sketch
marvel-

Pulo Kio, and take Submitting ourselves al-

could not

fail to

gratify the lovers of

most wholly
ed

to his guidance,

we

at once

pull-

lous and thrilling adventures.

away

for that place,

but before we reached

Having thus cleared the river, which it his heart failed him, and he represented his was like passing the limits of the valley of the fort as not sufficiently strong to resist a vigoshadow of death, our first attention was directed rous assault, if one should be made, and would
and judge of our feelings when, not therefore be responsible for our lives, but moment's observation, we were convinc- suggested we should proceed to Soosoo, which ed she was captured. None of our crew, ex- being some two miles further remote from the
to the the ship,

after a

cept one

Soosoo river, whic h we had scarcely entered and making evident signals ot success to when Po Adam's confidence again forsook him, the natives on shore. Without consideration my and he advised us not to land. We therefore first impulse was to propose boarding her, and only filled a keg with water from the river and
cloths,

man aloft on the fore top gallant jard, could anywhere be seen, and the pirates were conspicuous in every part of her. waving their

scene of the late outrage, he concluded

we

might be

safe.

We accordingly

proceeded for

with her

was very properly reminded that if the ship came out over the bar, intending to make the full armament had been taken with best of our way to Muckie, having more confidence, alter
all,

80 many of her crew on board, we could do comparatively nothing in out unarmed state, towards her recapture ; and the idea was as

in the

elements,

than in the

Boon abandoned as entertained,

treacherous specimens of humanity with which we were then surrounded.

if,

indeed,

it

The night now came on dark and lowering,

and just as we had
left

was ever

seriously entertained at all.

Soosoo river,

the land

however continued to row up towards wind, which had been some time retarded by a the ship until we could see the Malays pointing strong sea breeze, accompanied with heavj her muskets at us from the quarter deck, and thunder and torrents of rain, overtook us, and that they appeared also to be clearing away the came pelting down upon our unprotected stem chasers, which we knew to be loaded to heads. Sharp flashes of lightning occasionally their muzzles with grape and langrage, which shot across the gloom, which rendered the would be exceedingly unwelcome visitors in our scene still more fearful. We double manned
defenceless situation to encounter. At this two of the oars with Mr. Sarry and Po Adam, moment, three large Malay boats crowded with and I did the best I could to keep the boat'B men, were seen coming oat of the river, and to head down the coast, it being impossible to pull directly towards up. While debating what see any object on shore, or even to hear the to do, and whether it would not be best to pro- Burf, by which we could judge our dlfitan

We

23
"Yes," was the anIt was puw,oir which was a dangerous ehoal, it be- but the work of a moment to clamber up her came a matter of concern how we should keep sides on to her decks, where we were instantly clear of it. We frequently laid upon our oars surrounded with captain, officers and crew, all and listened, to ascertain if we could bear it anxious to learn the particulars of our sad W^e could tell them only of our break, but the noise of the elements rendered misfortune.
fnuii
it.

Having proceeded

in

this

way

until

you, Capt. Endicott?"

swer, "with
all

we

begi^n to tiiink ourselves near

North Talla-

that are left of us."

impossible. Directly we felt the boat lifted upon a high wave, which we knew immediately must be the roller upon this shoal, which passing, broke with a fearful crash some three It is almost or four hundred feet from us. unnecessary to say, had we been that distance nearer the shore, it would have been the last
it

own adventures

the circumstances of the cap-

ture of the ship, and the massacre of part of

her crew, were to be hereafter revealed.

known

of the Friendship's boat's crew, as

Having communicated with the other vescommanders repaired on board the Gov. Endicott, when it was instantly concluded to proceed with their vessels to Qualah Batthe too, and endeavor to recover the ship. These
sels, their

boat would undoubtedly have been dashed to

pieces on the shoal,

vessels

were laying with most of their

sails

un-

and

all

on board her must

bent, but their decks were quickly

all life

and

But through the kind protec- animation, and the work of bending sails prowe were preserved ceeded so rapidly that before 3 o'clock all the vessels were out of the roads and beading up from such a fate. Having thus providentially passed this dan- the coast towards Qualab Battoo. Both the
have perished.
all-

tion of an

merciful God,

gerous spot in safety, the weather began to

clear a little, and here
ita

land and sea breeze were light throughout the

it

and there a star made day, and

looked compassionately

was not

until about the

middle of

appearance, and
us.

the afternoon that

we

sighted the ship.

Ev-

down upon

The

off shore

wind,

too, be-

ery arrangement was

ture.
of the It

now made
to

for

her cap-

came more steady and the rain

clear the boat ot the quantity of

ceased.

To
first

was our intention

throw as

many

water which

had rained into her, now occupied our

attention, which, however,

crews of the Gov. Endicott and Palmer as could be prudently spared, on board the
the largest vessel,

we found a slow James Monroe, being

and

and tedious process, as we bad nothing larger than a tin pot to bail with. We also commenced ripping up some gunny bags which were left in the baat, and tying them together for a sail, under which we found the boat
bounded along quite briskly we therefore all bands being now quite exhausted, and proceeded in this way the rest of the distance to Muckie, where we arrived at about 1 o'clock, A. M. We found here the ebip James Monroe, Porter, of New York, brig Gov. Endicott, Jenks, of Salem, and brig Palmer, Powers, of fioston. On approaching the roads, we were first bailed from the Gov. Endicott, and to the question " What boat is
;

proceed with her directly into the roads, and lay her alongside the Friendship, and carry
her by boarding,
at a

the other
But

vessels

following

short distance.
all

as soon as

completed

our arrangements, and while

we had we

laid in our ours,

sea breeze began

were yet several miles outside the port, the to fail us, with indications that the land wind, like that of the day before,

would be accompanied with heavy rain. We however stood on towards the place until the off shore wind and rain reached us, when all three vessels were obliged to anchor, and suspend further operations until the next mornBefore dark 1 bad taken the bearings of ing.

the ship by compass, intending, if circumstanthat?" the response was, ''the Friendship's, ces favored it, to propose a descent upon her from Qualab Battoo," which answer was im- during the night but the heavy rain continmediately followed witb the question "Is that ued the most part of it, and we were baffled
;

24
in that design.

light found us

of defiance, "that they should not give her The first upon the decks of the Monroe, up so easily, but we might take her if we
indicationa
of day-

watching

for the ship,

which, in

the yet inin the

could.''^
fires

All

three vessels

then opened their

upon the town and ship, which was reThe horizon in the offing was also turned by the forts on shore, the Malays also roads. searched unsuccessfully with our glasses but firing our ship's guns at us. The first shot
distinct light, could

not be

discerned

as objects

became more

distinct

we

at last dis-

from one of the

forts passed

between
feet

tlie

masts

covered her close in shore, far to the westward

of her late anchorage, inside a large cluster of dangerous shoals, to which position, as it then

of the Gov. Endicott, not 10

above the

heads of the crew, and the second struck the

water just under her counter.

blank shot
of the fort,

This vessel had

appeared, the Malays must have removed her during the night. What I now most appre-

been kedged in close to the shore within point with springs upon her

hended was that they bad got her upon one of cable, determined on making every gun tell. the reefs, and if so, her recapture would have The spirited manner in which their fire was
been useless
;

but when the day had

enable us with

sufficient-

returned soon silenced this fort, which mounted 6 six-pounders

pieces.

ly advanced to

our

glasses to

and

several

small

brass
testi-

make a

careful examination of her position, to

relief

It

appeared afterward, by the

our great
the case.

we

ascertained

this

was not

mony

ot

one of ray crew,

the firing

who was
effectual
split

confined

One thing was however,

certain,

we

here, that

was

so

that

it

could not carry out our original design of running her alongside in her present situation
;

dismounted their guns and

riages.

the

carsit-

The other two

forts,

which were

the navigation would be too dangerous lor

either of the
ships,
this

and must therefore be

approaching the roads

uated at a greater distance from the beach, continued firing, and no progress was made
the ship, which, after all,

abandoned.
or

At

moment we saw a Prou, towards recapturing

;

was our only object. It was now between 3 from the westward, with which I communica- and 4 o'clock and the land wind began to ted, and of which I hired a canoe, and sent a make demonstrations ol another rainy night, messenger on shore to inform the Rajahs if and it was certain if the Malays were allowed they would give the ship up peaceably to us to hold po8ses8}on of the ship much longer, them, otherwise we they would either get her on shore, or burn vre would not molest We then held a council of war on board should fire both upon her and the town. This her. was considered the most advisable course all the Monroe, and concluded to board her with the fleet being in pursuit of cargoes, some ap- as large a force as we could carry in three prehensions began to be entertained lest hos- boats and that the command of the expedition Justatithis tilities should be the means of breaking up shouldof course devolve upon me. their voyages, or at least vitiating their insur- juncture the ship ceased firing, and we obAfter waiting considerable time for the served a column of smoke rise from her decks ance. return of the messenger, during which we abreast the mainmast, and that there ap-

Malay trading

craft,

could see boats passing

this delay was'jonly a

close in

shore from

peared to be great confusion on board.

selves

We

the ship loaded with plunder,

ther time for that purpose, and
across the

we concluded subsequently
we
fired

ascertained that they blew them-

subterfuge to gain far-

a gun

der,

from

up by setting fire to an open keg of powwhich they were loading the guns,
Ev-

bows of one

her progress.

ot them, which arrested In a few minutes the canoe

after having expended all the cartridges.

erything being in readiness for our expedition,

which we had sent on shore was seen putting we pushed off. The ship lay with her port The answer received, however, was one side towards us, and, with the intention of off.


25
getting out of the range of her guns, pulled to

the westward at an angle of some 33 deg., until

we opened her starboard bow, when we bore up in three divisions for boarding, one at each gangway, and the other over the bows.

There had been evidently a fruitless attempt to cut it off. While we were clearing the chain, and preparing to kedge the ship off
into the roads, the Malays,
still

noying
prize,

us,

and unwilling

to

bent upon anabandon their

We were now
iD each boat

before

the

wind, and two oars

to

were

suflBcient

propel them

the rest of the crew, armed to the teeth with

were seen drawing a gun over the sandy beach upon a drag, directly under our stern, which, having fired, it jumped off the carriacre

maekets, cutlasses and

ehip as the boats

pistols,

sat

quietly in
i

and was abandoned.

wind,

The
;

rain,

their places, with their muskets pointed at the

now

set in

again

it

with the land was, however, the

the ship off

approached.

The Malays
to

wci'k of but a short lime to kedge

into deep water,
tive security

now,

for the first time,

seemed

comprehend

and anchor her in compara-

our design, and as we neared the ship, were struck with consternation, end eomuienced deserting her with all possible dispatch, and
in the greatest

alongside the other ehipa in the

roads.

confusion.

The

The next morning a canoe was seen apnumerous proaching the James Monroe, from Pulo Eio,
;

boats of all descriptions, alongside,

mediate! v

were im- with five or sis men in her, whom wa took, as and those who could find no a natter of course, to be natives but we were other means of conveyance, jumped overboard soon hailed from that ship, and informed that and swam for the shore. The beach waa con- four of the number were a part of our own sequently lined with boats, and the Malays crew, I proceeded immediately on board and
filled,
|

took to ihe jangle with the greatest precipitation, 80 that when we reached the sbip, the.-o

Wm, Parnell, John Muzzey, Algernon Warren, seamen, and Wra. Bray, was, to all appearance, no one on board. Still carpenter. Their haggard and squalid appearfearing some trea'*hery, we approached her ance bespoke what they had suffered. It with the same caution, and boarded her, cut- would eeem impossible that in the space of lass in hand, in the same order we should have four days, men could, bj any casualty,
found them to be
so en-

done had we known her to be full of men. Having reached her decks, and finding them deserted, before we laid aside our arms a strict search was instituted throughout the ship, with instructions to cut down any who thould be found, and give no quarter. But ehe was completely forsaken, not a soul on board.

They bore no semblance to their former selves, and it was only by asking their names that I knew either of them. They were without clothing, other
tirely lose their identity.

than loose pieces of cotton cloth thrown

their persons, their hair

over matted, their bodies

crisped

and burnt

in

large,

running

blisters,

Her appearance,

at the time

we boarded

her,

besides having been nearly

quitos, the poison of

devoured by masleft evi-

defies description; suffice it to say, every

partot

whose stings had

;

her bore ample testimony of the Bcene of violence

dent traces of

its

virulence

their flesh wasted

and destruction with which she had been vis- away, and even the very tones of their voices That many lives had been sacrificed, were changed. It is no exaggeration to say ited.
her blood-stained decks abundantly testified. We found her within pistol-shot of the beach, with most of her sails cut loose, and flying
their appearance forcibly

reminded
his

me

of the

men, at their first interview with Mr. Willshire, under the from the yards. Why they had not succeeded palace walls, near Mogadore. The few pieces in their attempts to get her on shore, was soon of cloth, which covered their nakedness, being apparent. A riding turn in the chain around all their flesh could bear, and these it was ne(y the windlass, which they were not sailors e- essary first to oil, to enable them to do eveD
print of Capt.

Riley and

nough

to clear,

had no doubt

prevented

it. Itbat.

They had been wandering about

in the


a^
jungle without food ever since the ship
taken, and the story of their sufferings
painful one.

was was a

right,

and supposed

to

have fallen into the

Their account of the capture of

the ship was as follows:

When

the pepper-

boat came alongside,

crew that

all

was observed by the on board her were strangers, and

it

not one was recognized as having been off to the ship before. They were also better dressed than boatmen generally, all of them havinr^ on

white or yellow jackets, and new ivory-handled creises.

The steward, at the galley, was also badly wounded, and was only saved from death by the creia striking hard against a short rib, which took the force of the blow. Of the two men on the stage over the ship's side, one was killed, and the other so badly wounded as to be made a cripple for life. The chief officer was seen, after he was stabbed, to rush aft upon the starboard side of the quarhold.
ter deck,

No

notice appeared

to be taken

and endeavor

to get

a boarding pike

of these suspicious circumstances by the mate,

out of the beckets, abreast the mizzen rigging,

claimed,

and all except two men, who were left to pass up pepper, were admitted indiscriminately to come on board. One of the crew,^named Wm. Parnell, who was stationed at the gangvray to pass along pepper, made some remr.rii, to call bis attention to the number of natives on board, and was answered in a gruffy manner, and asked if he was afraid. No, replied the man,
not afraid
;

where he was met by Parnell, to whom be exdo your duty ;'^ at the same instant
^

two or three Malays rushed upon him, and he WQ8 afterwards seen lying dead near the same On spot, with the boarding pike under him. the instant the crew found the ship attacked^
they attempted
to get aft into

the cabin for

arms, but the Malaya had placed a guard ou

each side of the companion-way, which pre;

but I know

it

to be contrary to the

vented them they then rushed forward for an oath, to pass along pepper, and mind his own handspikes, and were again intercepted and business. The natives v/ere also seen by the being completely bewildered, surprised and crew sharpening their creises upon the grind- defenceless, and knowing. thai several of their stone, which stood upon the forecastle, and a shipmates had already been killed outright be* man named Chester, who was subsequently fore their eyes, and others wounded, all who killed while starting pepper down the fore- could swim plunged overboard, and the others hatch, asked them in pantomime, for he could took to the rigging, or crept over the bows not speak the langur.ge, what so many of them out of sight. The decks were now cleared, wanted on board, and was ans-^rered in the and the pirates had full possession of the ship. eame livay, that they came off to see the ship. The men in the water then consulted toHe was heard by one of the crewr to say, "we gether what they should do, concluding it cermust look out you do not come for anything tain death to return to the ship and they de worse," at the same time drawing a handspike termined it would be the safest to 'swim on within his reach. The Malays had dis- shore, and secrete themselves in the jungle;
regulations of the ship.
ordered, with
;
;

He was

the decks in the but as they approached it they observed the most advantageous manner for an attack, and beach about Qualah Battoo lined with natives, at some preconcerted signal a simultaneous and they proceeded more to the westward, and assault upon the crew was made in every part landed upon a point called Ouj'ong Lamab

tributed themselves about

of the ship. Two Malaya were seen by the steward to rush with their creises upon Mr.

Knight, who was very badly stabbed in the back and side, the weapons appearing to be buried in his body, up to their very hilts.
Cheater, at

the fore hatch, notwithstanding

bis distrust and precaution,

was

killed out-

Moodah, nearly two miles distant from the ship. On their way they bad divested themselves of every article of clothing, and thej were entirely naked at the time they landed. As it was not yet dark, they sought safety and seclusion in the jungle, from whence they emerged as soon as they thought it Eafe^ and


2?
Walked upon the beach in Cape Felix and Annala'ooo, intending
the best of their the direction of
to

to retrace their steps, endeavor to pass in the night,

Qualah

make Battoo
with

without being discovered,

and reach the hospitable residence of Po Adam, at Pulo Kio. They accordingly took up el, on board which they would find shelter their line of march towards that place, imand protection. At the approach of daylight mediately, and reached, as they supposed, the
to the
latter place,

way

the hope of meeting there some American ves-

they sought a hiding-place again in the bushes

;

neighborhpod of Capo Felix by the morning,

but

it

afforded

them only a

partial

pro-

when they again

retreated to the jungle,

where

tection from

the scorching rays

of the sun,

they lay concealed another day, being Wednes-

from which, being entirely naked, they experienced the most dreadful efiects. Hunger and thirst began also to make demands upon them; but no food could anywhere be found.

day, the day of the recapture of the ship, but

at too great distance to

hear

the firing.

At

night they again resumed their journey, and

having reached the

landed in so

spot where the Malays

haste

They
fused

tried to eat grass,

it.

but their stomachs

re-

much

when they

deserted

They found a few husks of the eo- the ship, they found the beach covered witfi coanut, which they chswed, endeaToring to canoes, a circumstance which aroused their extract some nourishment from them, but in suspicions, but for which they were at a loss vain. They staid in their hiding-piace the to account. They now concluded each to take whole of this day, and eavr Malays passing a canoe, as the most certain way of passing
along the beach, but were afraid to discover
themselves.

Qualah Battoo without discovery, and so proceed to Pulo Kio.

At night

they pursued their jour-

As

they

passed the roads,

ney again, during which they passed several small streams, where they slaked their thirst, but obtained no food. About midnight they

they heard one of the ship's bells strike the

hour, and the well-known cry of '^AlVs welly^

but fearing

it

was some decoy

her,

of

the natives,

came
id,

to

a very broad river, which they did not

The current was very rapand they had no means of conveyance other than their own limbs, and having been 36 hours without food of any kind, they did not dare attempt it. This river I have alv/ays supposed to be Qualab Toepah, about midway between Cape Felix and Annalabco. Here, then, they wete put completely hors de combat ; they found for want of food their energies were fast giving way, and still they believed their lives depended on not being discovventure to cross.
ered.

but proceeded on their way, and landed at Pulo Kio, secreting

themselves once more in the jungle, neap the
residence of

they would not approach

Po Adam, until the morning, when four naked and half-famiahed white men

were seen to emerge from the bushes, and approach bis fort with feeble steps, who, as soon
as recognized, were welcomed

by him with the

;

strongest demonstrations of delight

his bands, shouting at

slapping

the top of his lungs,

his joy

and in the exuberance of

all

committing

I have since

been struck with the

Re-

marks of Dr. Kane, on the effects of a want of food, which are so much like the account given by my men, that I cannot refrain from "The first symptom," says he, inserting it. does not show itself in hunger, but in a loss of power often so imperceptibly brought on that it becomes evident only by an accident," themselves, they were conveyed by Adam and Buch, for instance, as the inability felt to cross his men on board the James Munroe, in the
this river.

They now heard of the recapture of the ship, and the escape of the boat's crew on shore, which it had never occurred to them were not already numbered with the dead. They were clothed as we have described, and a breakfast of boiled rice prepared, being the first food that they had tasted for the period of 72 hours. Having refreshed
kinds of extravagances.

Since further progress

towards
resol7e<2

pitiful condition of

which we have before spo

Annalaboo appeared impossible, they

ken.

28
In the course of the latter part of the same another canoe, with a white flag disresembling most a butcher's cleaver, which he

day,

by throwing up his naked arm, and fell upon the outer part from the direction of Qualah Battoo, contain- of his hand, severing all the bones and sining three or four Chinamen, who informed us ews belonging to three of his fingers, and leavthat four of our men, two of whom were ing untouched only the fore finger and wounded, one very severely, were at their thumb. Besides this he received a creis wound houses on shore, where their wounds had been in the back, which must have penetrated to the cared stomach, from whence he bled from his mouth dressed, and they had been otherwise and that we could ransom them of the the most part of Khe nightlie was likewise for

warded

off

played, was ohserved

approaching the

fleet

the force of the blow

Rajahs at ten dollars each. To this I readily very badly wounded in the ham just below the agreed, and they were soon brought off to the groin, which came so nearly through the leg Bhip in a sampan, and proved to be Charles as to discolor the flesh upon the inside. WonConverse andGregorie Pedechio, seamen, Loren- derful, however, to relate, notwithstanding the
zo MigelI,cook, and William Francis, steward. Converse was laid out at full length upon a

want of proper medical

advice,

and with noth-

ing but the unskillful treatment of 3 or 4 ship

masters, the thermometer ranging all the time,

board, as
ed.

if

dead,

evidently very badly wound-

was a sad one, from 85 to 90 deg., this man recovered from lie, with John Davis, being the two tallest his wounds, but in his crippled hand, he carmen in the ship, were on the stage over the ried the marks of Malay perfidy to his watery Their first im- gi-ave, having been drowned at sea from on side when she wo,s attacked. The
story of the poor fellow

pulse was, to gain

defeated in

board of the brig Fair American, in the winby the pirates, who ter of LS33-4, which was, no doubt, occastood guard over the gangway, av.C making sioned by this wound, which unfitted him for repeated thrusts at them. They then made a holding on properly while aloft.
this design

the ship's decks, but were

desperate attempt to paes over the pepper-boat, Tlie fate of his companion Davis, was a Bnd thus gain the water, in doing which they tragical one. He could not swim, and after were both most severely wounded. Having reaching the water was seen to struggle hard

reached the water,

the ship's

Converse swain round to to gain the boat's tackle full at the stern, to and grasped the chain, to which he clung until the Iilalays dropped the which he clang as well as be was able, pepper boat astern, when he was observed apcrippled in being badly one of his parently imploring mercy at tlieir hands, hands, with other severe wounds in various which the wretches did not heed, but butcherWhen it became dark, he ed liiai upon the spot. Gregory was the parts of his body. man crawled up over the bows as well as his exhaus- seen aloft when we had cleared the river, cutted strength from the loss of blood would perting strange antics which we did not at the mit, and crept to the foot of the forecastle time comprehend. By his account, when he stairs, where he supposed he must have faintreached the fore topgallant yard, the pirates ed, and fell prostrate upon the floor without commenced firing the ship's muskets at him, the power of moving himself one inch further. which he dodged by getting over the front side The Malays believing him dead, took no heed of the yard and sail and down upon the collar of him, but travelled up and down over his bo- of the stay, and then reversing the movement. dy the whole night. Upon attempting to pass John Masury related that after being woundover the boat, after being foiled in his endeav- ed in the side, he crept over the bowa of the or to reach the ship's decks, a native made a ship and down upon an anchor, where he was pass at his head with his '^parrunff,^^ a weapon sometime employed in dodging the thrusts of
j

bows,


29
a boarding pike in the hands of a Malay, un- in taking the wounded men on shore to their houses, and dressing their wounds with somo til the arrival of a reinforcement from the shore, when every one fearing lest he should simple remedies, which at least kept down inIn doing this, however, they not get his full share of plunder, ceased fur- flammation.
ther to molest the wounded.
stcAyard has already been told.

The

story of the

were obliged to barricade their dwellirgs, to guard them against the insulting annoyances
of the natives.

The

ship, the

first

night after her capture,

according to the testimony of these men, was

a perfect pandemonium, and a Babel of the

most discordant sounds. The ceaseless moaning of the surf upon the adjacent shore, the heavy peals of thunder, and sharp flashings of
lightning directly over their heads,

the sigh;

ing of the wind in wild discords through the

rigging, like the wailings of

Qualah Battoo bazar that day presented a luAlmost every Malay was decked out in a white, blue, red, checked, or striped shirt, or some other European article of dress or manufacture, stolen from the ship, not even excepting the woolen table cloth belonging to the cabin, which was seen
dicrous spectacle.

woe from the displayed over the shoulders of a native, all manes murdered shipmates and all seemingly quite proud of their appearance, this intermingled with the more earthly sounds and strutting about with a solemn gravity and oriental self-complacency, that was perof the squealing of pigs, the screeching of ludicrous. Their novel and grotesque fowls, the cackling of roosters, the unintelligi- fectly
of their
ble jargon of the natives, jangling and vociferating, with horrible laughter, shouts and yells,

appearance could not

that a tribe of

fail to

suggest

the idea

monkeys had made a descent up-

in every part of her, and in

side carrying off plunder
;

the boats alongfigures

their black

on some unfortunate clothing establishment, and each to have seized and carried off whatever article of
taste

unexpectedly darting forth from every unseen

quarter, as if rising up and again disappearing through the decks, and gambolling about in the

dark, so like a saturnalia uf demons, that

it

fum^s of sulphur were actually invading their olfactories, and the whole scene more fully realized their ideas of the infernal regions, than any thing with which It is their imaginations could compare it. the general impression that Malays, being Mussulmen, have a holy horror of swine, as the very touch of which unclean animals imposes many ablutions, and abstaining from
to fancy the
;

was easy

dress was most suited to his and fancy. According to Gregory, who, not being wounded, remained on board, the ship was all day filled with Malays searching into every possible nook and cranny where they thought money might be secreted, and carrying off the veriest trifles which could be of no use to them. In the afternoon, on the appearance of the fleet from Muckie, they were determined on running her ashore, lest she jshould be re-taken, and with that view commenced weichinc anchor, and everything for some time gave as-

food for several days together,

ing to the testimony of my men, it was perfectly marvellous how they handled, that night,

The ship was already drifiing towards the beach, when the anchor came in sight, and they let go the .chain, ceased heaying at the those on board our ship, going into their windlass, and made a rush forward to see it. pens, seizing, struggling, and actually emhraAt this moment the weight of the anchor

but,

accord-

surances of the fulfilment of

their wishes.

dng them,

until

they succeeded in throwing

eyery one overboard.

The morning succeeding her capture, affairs fathoms had thus disappeared, it jumped, and on board appeared to be getting to be a little caught a riding turn around the windlass, znore settled, when several Chinamen came off
which brought
it

caused the chain to commence running out with great velocity, and when some 12 or 13

to

.^ad performed the part of

.9

good Samaritans,

a stand.

Poor Gregory

30
cargoes, we were followed through the streets which of of the bazar by the natives in great crowds, course they did not believe, and tied him in exulting and hooting, with exclamations simiJ the rigging, and made demonstrations of rip- lar to these, "Who great man now, Malay ping him open, flourishing their knives in fear- or American?" "How many man American "How many man Malay dead?" ful proximity about his person in a state of dead?" We now commenced in good earnest to pregreat exasperation. They next made a fruitpare our ship for sea. Our voyage had been brokless attempt to cut it off with the cook's axe. Thus matters stood, when the land wind with en up, and there was nothing left for us but to
clear
it,

Was now bronght forward to persisted it was past his

but he

skill,

heavy rain

set in,

and the natives sought

shel-

return to the United

States.

We

finally left

Muckie, wbitiier we had already proceeded, and she drifted to the westward into shoal wa- on the 27th February, for Pulo Kio, accomter, where the anchor again took hold and panied by ship Delphos, Capt. James D. Gilbrought her up in the place we discovered her lie, and the Gov. Endicott, Capt. Jenks, where
ter in the cabin, leaving the ship to

her fatcj

the next morning, and where

we boarded and
ta-

was yet

in hopes to recover

some

of

my nautical
Ac^axn,

took possession of her.

Gregory was then

instruments.
I

With

the aesistance

ofPo

ken on shore, and confined in the fort, which was silenced by the Gov. Endicott. The ship was now once more in our possession, with what remained of her cargo and crew. She was rifled of almost every movable article on board, and scarcely anything but her pepper remaining. Of our outward cargo every dollar of specie, and every pound of opium had of course become a prey to them. All her spare sails and rigging were gone not a nee-

succeeded in obtaining, for a moderate sum,

my sextant
enabled

and one of

my

chronometers, which
ship.

me

to navigate the

We

sailed

from Pulo Kio on

tense interess

the 4th of March, and ar-

dle or ball of twine,

palm, marling spike, or

!

piece of rope were left

All our charts, chro-

nometers and other nautical instruments

all

our clothing and bedding, were also gone

every description.
ever, been spared.

as

well as our cabin furniture and small stores of

Our

ship's provisions, such

as beef, pork and most of our bread, had,

how-

Of our armament nothing

but the large guns remained. Every pistol, musket, cutlass, and boarding pike, with our entire stock of powder, had been taken. With assistance from the other vessels we immediately began making the necessary preparations to leave the port with all possible dispatch, but owing to much rainy weather we
did not accomplish
it for

of July. The inand excitement caused by our It being arrival may still be remembered. nearly calm, as we approached the harbor, we were boarded several miles outside by crowds of people, all anxious to learn the most minute particulars of our sad misfortune, the news of which had preceded us by the arrival of a China ship at New York, which we had met The curiosity of some of our at St. Helena. visitors was so great that they would not be satisfied until they knew the exact spot where every man stood, who was either killed or wounded. Even the casing of the cabin, so much cut up in search of money, or other valuables, was an object of the greatest interest. But the feeling of presumptuous exultation and proud defiance exhibited by the natives, was of brief duration. The avenger was at
rived at Salem on the 16th

hand.

In something

less

than a year

after

this outrage, the

U.

S. Frigate,

Downes, appeared off and anchored in the outer roads, disguised in leaving the place in company with the fleet as a merchantman. Every boat which visited bound for South Tallapow, where we arrived her from the shore was detained, that her charon the 14th February. When we landed at acter mighr not be made known to the natives.
three days after refinally

Potomac, Com^ the port of Qualah Bat-

capturing the ship,

when we

succeeded

too,

this place

with the other masters and super- Several amusing anecdotes were told,

ol

the'


31
fear

and

terror exhibited in

the countenances
so

or proud

defiance.
irresistible

All

appeared impressed

of the natives,

when they

unexpectedly

found themselves imprisoned within the wooden walls of the Potomac, surrounded by such a
formidable armament, which bespoke the er-

power of a nation that could send such tremendous engines of war as

with the
the

Potomac

frigate

upon

their

shores,

to

rand that had attracted her to their shores. They prostrated themselves at full length upon for them to attend to their pepper plantations, her decks, trembling in the most violent man- and cultivate the arts of peace, than subject ner, and appearing to think nothing but cer- themselves to such severe retribution as had which it required followed this act of piracy upon the Friendtain death awaited them

avenge any wrongs committed upon its vessels ; and that it would in future be better policy

oil

the

efiForts of

the officers to dispel.

ship.

reconnoitering party

was

first

sent on
traffic.

Perhaps, in justice to Po

Adam,

I ought to
cir-

shore, professedly for the purpose of

remark, before closing, that the account

But when they approached, the natives came culated by his countrymen of his conniving down to the beach in such numbers, it excited if not being actually connected with this
and errand had somehow preceded her, and it was considered prudent not to land. Having, therefore, examined the situation of the forts and the means of defence, they returned to the frigate. The same night some 300 men, under the guidance of ^r. Barry, the former 2d officer of the Friendship, who was assistant sailing-master of the frigate, landed to the westward of
their suspicions that her character

at,
pi-

racy, a falsehood with which

they found the

means of deceiving

several
afliiir,

American Shipis

Masters, soon after the

a base calum-

ny against a worthy man, and has no foundaThe property he bad tion whatever in truth.
in my possession on board the ship, in gold ornaments of various kinds, besides money, amounting to several thousand dollars, all of

which he

lost

by the capture of the ship, and

the place, with the in^'ention of surprising the

forts

never recovered, bears ample testimony to the

His countrymen also and the town, but by some unaccounta- falsity of this charge. morning was just breaking when worked upon the avarice and cupidity of the the detachment had effected a landing, and as king by misrepresentations of his exertions to they were marching along the beach towards recover the ship, thereby preventing them from the nearest fort, a Malay came out of it, by making him a present of her, which they prewhom they were discovered, and an alarm giv- tended was their intention. His sable majesty, en. They however pushed on, and captured in consequence, absolved every one of his debtthe forts by storm, after some hard fighting, ors, all along the coast, from paying him their and set fire to the town, which was burnt to debts. He also confiscated all his property The natives, not even excepting the he could find, such as fishing-boats, nets and ashes. women, fought with great desperation in the lines, and other fishing tackle, and appropriforts, many of whom would not yield until ated the proceeds to his own use, so that ho shot down or sabred on the spot. The next was at once reduced to penury. All this wag day the frigate was dropped in within gun- in accordance with Commodore Bieulieu's acshot, and bombarded the place, to imnress count, already cited, upwards of two hundred them with the power and ability of the United years before, viz "If they even suspect that States to avenge any act of piracy, or oth- any one bears them an ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by false accusations." The king er indignity offered by them to her flag.
ble delay, the
:

When I visited the coast again, some five also sent a small schooner down the coast, tnonths after this event, I found the deport- soon after, to reap further vengeance upon l^o Arriving at Pnio Kio, while Adam tnent of the natives materially changed. There Adam.
yraa

now no

longer exhibited either arrogance was absent) tbej

rifled his

fort of everything


32
valuable, and even took the

ornaments, such

as armlets and anklets, off the person of bis Intelligence having been conveyed to wife.
Pt>

I take the liberty, also, to subjoin a copy of a letter,* recently received from Capt. Hambor, and incensed, as it was natural he should inond, of the ship Maria, of New York as he treatment, he left this place lately, it will sho' whether I base and cowardl be, at 8>_ have been telling you otherwise than the melimmediately ope^^d a fire upon her and sunk ancholy truth, or grieve without a cause. She was after^ her in nine fee., jf water. Wishing you. Sir, and your old compan-

A<3am of

this outrage,

he arrivei home in
lelc
Llid

own, I e'lall not have reason to regret the warm and sincere friendship ever displayed towardr your Captains, and all other Americans. tiiding on this Coast.

the night before the schooner had

har-

'

tvards fished

up by the Potomao
if

frigate,

and ions

converted into fire-wood.

in the Sumatra trade, and their Captains, health and prosperity, and trusting that, be-

We

do not know

Po Adam

is

now

liviug,

but BLme sixteen years since, we saw a letter from him to one of our eminent merchants,*
asking for assistance from our citizens, and
ptating truthfully
all

fore many moons 1 shall, through your assistance, be released from my present wretched condition, believe me very respectfully,

Your
(signed)

faithful servant,

the

PO ADAM,
:

in Arabic characters.

facts in his case.

endeavoied at the time, through our then representative to Congress,

to bring

Copy of

the letter from

Capt.

Uammond

the matter
it

above referred to

before that body, but from some cause

did

Soosoo, 21 July, 1841.

not succeed, and the poor fellow has been allowed to live, if not to die, in his penury. We
will, however,
case, in his

To

the

Commander of any

U. S. Ship df

War,
:

touching on the West Coast of Sumatra

permit him to state his

language,
written t his

own
in

This

may

certify that the bearef,

Po Adam,

own

which he does

the following
tion
:

letter,

own

dicta-

at present residing at Qualah Battoo, has applied to me to write this statement of his situation, that he can present it as above.
I therefore state the following I have been acquainted with him for the last twenty-five yeaiiS, and have known him in prosperity and in adversity the same. It is well known that he was the principal means of saving the life of Capt. Charles M. Endicott, with his boat's crew, at the time that they captured the Friendship, of Salem, and by that act he has lost his property, and incurred the hatred and jealousy of the Acheenise. He is the most intelligent man among them, and one of the best pilots; is ever ready to render assistance to any American, and as he is at present very destitute, it would be an act of charity, as well as duty, if the American Government would assist him in his present circumstances. He wishes to proceed to the United States to visit his ^Id triends, and wishes to go in some Ship of War, of our nation. I hope hia r-x^uest may be granted, as he would there fiud influencial men to represent his case to the Government of the United States.
:

QuALAH Battoo, 7th October, 1841.

Some years have passed since the capture of the Friendship, commanded by my olc" Mend, Capt. Endicott. It perhaps is not known to you, that, by saving the life of Capt. Endicott, and the ship itself from destruction, T became, in consequence, a victim to the hatred and vengeance of my misguided countrymen some time since, the last of my property was set on fire and destroyed, and now, lor having been the steadfast friend of Americans, I am not only destitute, but an object of derision to my country;

so wealthy and so prosperous, I have thought, that, if acquainted with these distressing circumstances, that you would not turn a deaf ear to my present condition. I address myself to you, because through agency many of your ships have obtained cargoes, but I respectfully beg that you will have the kindness to state my case to the rich pepper merchants of Sulem and Boston, firmly believing that from their generosity, and your

men. You, who are

my

(signed,)

JOHN HAxALMOND,
New
York, and a

Master of the ship Maria, of

resident of Salem.

4*Io Joseph Peabody, Esq., of Salem, Masb.

EXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS, OF THE CITY OF SALEM.
COPIED BY IRA
J.

Mary, dau'r of Tho's Barnes, by Mary

wife, born the 12th of 8th

hia

mo., 1658,
dau'r

&

died

ye 14 8 mo., 1660.
19tli

their
to

Mary bora

PATCH.

Attw;iter, sonne of Mr. Jno. Attwa4;er, borne by Mehittabell his wife, .20th day of December, 1687. sone Francis borne 2d Oc-

John

March, 1661. Isaac Burnap Married

Hanna Antrum
,

tober, 1690.

by Major Ilathorne, 8th 9 mo 1658. James, son of Mr. William Browne, born by Sara his wife, _28th 10 mo., 1658, & died
6 mo.

Jno. Adams

his daughter Elizabeth, borne

20th Octobor, 1682.

John born ye 4th 2d mo., 1659, & died Mary born 15 February, 1687. John born ye2l8t3dmo., 1659. Margarett Borne March the March 16, 1689 Mary, dau'r of Sam'l Belknap, born by SaIst daught'r, Margarett, Borne .8th, 1695-6.

by Sarah his wife, the his daughter Sarah borne 13th October, 1684.

John Browne, Jun. Married

son.

to

Uanna Hub-

bard by Leift Lothrop, 2d June, 1658-

their

feb'y 11, 1692.

Ebenez'r

&

deceased

May
at

14th 1694.

ra his wife ye 17th 6 mo,, 1658,

So

Mary

borne

Abby, son of Samuel

Abby &

Wh 8th mn.,
mo., 1658.

1656.

Mary,

his wife,

was borne

Salem Village

The wife of Old Rich'd Bishop died 24th 6

Mr. Henry Bartholomew,
ra, born by Elizabeth,

Marcy Abby, July the Slst, 1683, cue. daughter as abovesaid, was borne the first ot March, 1684-5, cue. Sarah Abby, diiughter Hepsi.as abovesd, was born July 4th, 16

his

daughter Sa-

his wife,

ye 29th 11th

mo., 1658.

bah Abby, Daughter as abovesd, was born 1688-9. Abigail Abby, February' 14th Daughter as abovesd. was bjrn November 19th 1690. John Abby, eon, as abovesd, was born June 4th, 1692. Benj'n Abby, son as abovesd,

Benjamin Bulflower, died ye 24th 12th ma.,

1660.

Jeremiah Bootsman and Hester Lamber-t were Married by Major Hathorne, 8th of 8th mo., 1659. their dau Mary born 4th July,

was born the 4th of June, 1694.

Saiab Archer, daughter of Stephen Archer

1660, son Jeremy born 4th

November, 1662,

son

Mathew born

11th September, 1665.

Mr. William Browne, son John borne about

10th 8th mo., 1669.

&

Sarah
Phillip

his wife,

born at Salem, \24 June,

son Joseph

borne in the

1698.

month of August,
Attwood

.1672, son

Benjamin borne

&

Sarah Tenney,

(now of

in

Bradford,) was married July 23d, 1684.

Mary Abbot, daughter of Robt. & Mary Abwas born Sept. 28th, 1706. Samuel Andrew, son of Wm. Andrew & Seeth his wife, was borne 4th August, 1693. Jonathan Ashby, son of Benja. Ashby & Hanah his wife, was borne 38th September,
bot,

Auguat, 1674. George Burch his dau'r Mary, born by Eliza his wife, yc 30th 9 mo., 1659. dau'r

Eliza born 4th

June, 1662.

ceased 20th 12th mo.,

dau'r Mary de1662. son John born

28 May, 1664.

Jacob Barny & liana Johnson maryed by Major Hathorne, 18th 6th mo.. 1657. their 1694. daugh'tr Hana born 30th 3d mo., 1659. Abigail Allin, daughter of Joseph Allin & Uana the wife, dyed 5th 4 mo., 1659. Abigail his wife, was borne at Salem June the Jacob Barny & Ann Witt were maryed by

first,

1696.

Capt. Marshall 26th 2d mo.,

dau'r,

Eliza Backster, daughter of Danyell BaokBter,

liana,

born 2

their
.au'r

by Eliza, hid wife, was born 7 mo., 1644 dau'r Susanna 7 mo., 1646 their

Priseilla

Rebecca born 11th mo, born in ^une, 1652.

their

born 12th
8th mo.,

7th

mo

1660. their 2d March, 1660. Sarah 1662. Abigaile born 3d

dauo''r

1663. John born 1st mo., 1665. Jacob 21st 3d mo., 1667. Ruth born 27t|i
7th mo., 1669.


34
Richard Bishop ajarried to

widow

Golt, by

James bo. 3d 12th mo., '65. Dulsabell died ye 28d Gth mo., 1G58. Rich- their son Bartholmew borne 31 March, 1669; ard Bishop deceased 30th 10th mo., 1074. son James deceased 10th mo., 1670. DaughAnthoyno Biixston his son Anthony born ter Elizabeth born the 20th January, '70.
1664.

Maj. Ilathorne, 22d 5th mo., lOGO.

the wife

tholraew, by Majo. Ilathorne,

the

5th 7 mo.^

son

ye Gth 7th

mo

1G.53,

by Eliza his wife.

Gth mo., 1G55.

son Samuell born 14th

son James born 8th Gth mo., 1G59

Tho's born 24th 12 mo., 'GI. son JameS died 15th 8th mo., 1GG2. Tho's died 20 8th mo..
1GG2.

their

their

Daughter Ilanna born 9lh March, 1672.

sort

James born 23d May,

'75.

their don

Edmond
9th

Bridges, his Daughter

Hanna

borni

June. 1609.

27 January, 16G5. and deceased 14th 8th mo., "61. Dau'r Mary born by Sara Susana, wile of Samuel Beadle, deceased his wife 9th 9th mo., IGGl. 13th 12 mo., '62. ye said Samuel deceased Cornelious Baker maryed to Hanna Wood- ye 10th March, '63.

their son Joseph 1GG3. dau'r Hanna born

James Betty,
his

born ye 17

5 mo.,

Abigail Beadle, daughter of Samuel Beadle, born by Susana his wife, ye 24th 7th mo., '61,

Beachum, Mary, the wife of November, 1GG2. 2d dau'r Hanna born 28 Edward Beachum, deceased March 1667-8. 9 mo., 1GG2. their daughter Mary deceased the t-ame week. John Buttolph Maryed to liana Gardner ye Mr. William Brown, Jun'r, Maried to IGth 8th mo., 16G3, by Major Ilathorne. Hanah Corwin by Maj. Hathorne, 29th lOi their son John borne 11th 7th mo., 1GG4, & mo., '64. son William borne ye 28 July, died ye 23d Aprill, 1665. son Jona. born 9th 1666. 2d mo., IG Ruth, dau'r of Christopher Babadg by AgSam'l, son of John Browne, Jun'r, borne nes his wile. bo. 21 Ist mo., '63. their son by Hana his wife, ye 14th 1st mo., 1GG2, & Jon borne 15th April, 1606. Agnes his wife son John born deceased the 17th November, 16G7. died ye Slst lOth mo., 1GG3. the said
beJ-y,

2Gth

April,

1G58. their

Daughter
diad

Samuel Beachum,

sf>n

of 'Edward

Hana born 14th

mo., IGGO,

&

Gth

deceased 20 9 mo., '62.

ye 2l8t 12th mo., IGGl,

before.

son

Peeter

Christopher

Ba'jadg

& Hana

Carlton,

Wid-

March, 10G4,
ell

&

died about 3 mo. after,

Abi-

born 2l8t March, 1G72-3. John Biy & Rebecka Golt were Maryed by Majo. Hathorne the llth of 9 mo., 1GG3. their son John borne 27th January, 16G4. Henry Bullock, ye elder, dyed the 27th
10th mo., 1GG3.

dow, were married the 5th 8th mo 1674. their daughter Hanna borne the 15th July,
1675.

daughter

Mary

borne

Ist

March,

1670-7.

Abram, son
wife,

born

of Sam'l Belknap, by Sara his 4 4th mo., IGGO, son Samuel

Danyell Bacon married to Susan Spencer by Major Ilathorne, ye Ist August, 1GG4. their son Danyell bo. 14th October, '65. daughter Alice bo. 28th 8th mo., '69, & deceased about dau'r Susana born ye 18th 7 weeks after.

borne 2d 3d mo., 1G62.

July,

John Barnett

(alias

Barbant,)

Married to

1670. Mary borne 8th June, 1673. Ed'd Bush & Mary Hidz maryed by Maj.

Mary Bishop, 14th 8th mo., IGGl. their Hathorne, 17th Octo., '65. their son EdDau'r Mary born 30th 8th mo., 1GG2. their ward bo. the 2d 7sh mo., '67, & died ye 5th
Dau'r Familliar born 26th 7 mo., 1664. 12 mo., '67. Dau'r Eliza born 5th July, 1666. Thomas Barnes, his son Benjamin born by Jonathan Brown Maryed Abyhaile Burreil, Mary his wife, Ist Octob. '55. their sort by ye worshipfull Mr. Symoiids, 28 4 mo.. Tho's bo. ye year '57, & died ye same ye&r; 1664. the said Thomas Barnes the elder, was drown^ tfames Browne Maried with Hannah Bar- ed December, ('63.)


3S
John
Biilaen

&

Arrabella
in

Norman were mo.,

'

1673.

married by Maj.

Dcnnis(Jn

Sept. ,1064.

'

April, 1676.

daughter 6u>ianna borne 20th of their sun Thomaa deceased the

da liana bo. 1.5th October, 1667. John borne the 26 9th mo. 1668.

20th May, 1676.

Mrs. Sarah B.itter, tlie wife of Mr. Edmond Thomas, son of Tho's Cromwelli deceased Batter, deceased the 20th of the 9th mo., 16 March, -63. '1669. John Bnttolph, his aon George borne by Mr. Edmond Salter & Mrs. Mary Gookiil Ilanna his wife, the 15th of October, 1667. were maryed ye 8th June, 1670. their son

Thomas Brackett,

his son Joseph deceased

May
1

ye 15, 16

January,

'67.

his daughter Lidea deceased son Thomas deceased the

Jr.,
his son

Edmond borne

the 8th J.anuary, 1673.

15th January, 1667.

Edward Beachum & Elizabeth Metcalf were maryed the 8th of November, 1670. John Best & Susana Durm were married ye
10th of 8th mo., 1670.
7th mo.,
167^.

Mr. William Browne,

deceased
liana, by
2-ith

William
daughter

8th mo.,
his wife,

1666.

their son John ye 5th

Susana borne the

iiis

Hana

daughter

borne ye 16th March,

30 4 mo., '68. Joseph Boyce & Sarah Meachum were marSamuel borne by Hana his wife, 8 ried 4th 12 their daughter Sara mo., 1667. 8th 'mo., 1669. son Wi'liam borne 5th 7tft was borne 4th 10 mo., 1668. too., '71. son of John borne ye 2.9 mo., Thomas Browning Deceased in February, 1672. son William deceased 18, 7, 72.
their son

1067-8.

diiu'r Hana deoeiised

28th 11 mo., 1673.

1670.

daughter Sara borne the 10th lOmo., 1674.

John Baxter & Abigaile Whiterig were marled by Maj.

their son

Nathaniel Beadle
the 20th

& Mary Hix were maryed

Deneson, 25th

November, 1667.
15th 10th mo.,

John

borr.e the 14th 10 mo., 1668.

1670. his son Thomaa Mary his wife, 21st 11th mo.. 1671. daughter Mary borne 20th 9th mo., 1673.

of Aprill,

borne by

their

daughter Abigaill ye

1670, their daughter Elizabeth the 25th May,

1673.

son Nathaniel borne the l7tb lOth mo., 1675.

their son

Mary

John borne the 29th 2d mo., 1678.

borne the

borne

tlie

26 10 mo., 1674.
7th mo., 1075.
Collens were mar-

daughter Elizabeth
1679.

the sd

Mary died the 19th John Browne & llanna

25 October,

their son John ye second borne ye 12th

led the 27th of

ter Prissilla

January, 1668.

their

August, 1683.
Peeter Baldin & Rachel] Dellocloce, widdoWj were married by Major William Uathome, ye 27th May, 1672.

daugh-

borne 1st 4 mo.,

Collens

'69.

borne 23d April. 1671.

mo., 1673.
1678.

Ilanah

Joseph

Margarett
of Decem-

borne 11th 7

borne 22d July,

first

their son William born ber, 1677. Daugh'er Mary borne

1692.

Thomas Bouenton & Sara Sothwick were

maried ye 30th 10th
mo..

4 January,

'70. their soa

Thomas Borne Ist March. 1671. eon Benjamin borne 24 July, 1675. their Daughter John Buxton & Mary Small were married by Maj r Hathorne 30th of March, 1668. Abigail borne the 25th July, 1695. Thomas Burt & jNIary Scthwick were marytheir daughter Mary borae 3d 7th mo.,
1669.
Elizabeth borne ye 13th

August, 1672.

John borne

the 29th

9th mo.,

son 1675. Mary

the

ed the 18 9th mo., 72.

his wife deceased the 27th 11th mo., 1675.

Samuel Beadle maryed

20th June, 1668.

to

Hana Lemon

Jacob Barney, Jun'r, his daughter Dorcas by Ann his wife, 22d 2d mo., 1671.^ their son Joseph borne the 9th March, 1672-3.
bo.Tie

son Israeli borne the 17th June, 1675. son 1669. Samuel borne llth Jonathan borne the 29 March, 1677. son th mo., 1672.son Thomas borne 28th 9th Samuel borne the 10th 12th mo., 1678.
son Nathaniel borne
the 29th of March,

their

daughter Hannah borne the

12 mo., 1680.


36
Robert Bray, his son Daniell borne by Tamsen his wi'b, the 29th 9th mo., 1673.

Natha

Batchellor born Feb'y 9th, 1703-4,

being ye son of Jno.

&

Bethia Batchellor,
Michaell borne by
October,
1676.

Georg Burch,
his wife,

his

dau Mary borne by Eliza

mo.,
1667.

Daniel Bacon, his son

ye 26th 7-h

Abigaile
de-

Susanna

his

wife the 23d

borne 16th

August 1669,

son

Georgo borne daughter Liddea 23d 12th mo.,

dea deceased 25 10 mo., 1081.

1678. son
said Lid-

27th April, 1671, sd Ge'org, the father, ceased 1st 8th mo., '72.

John borne 24th 11 mo., 1680, the

John Bly,

his son

Benjamin by Rebecka his

1666.

John Baxter,
igaile his

his son

William borne by Ab1076.

wife, borne the 8th of 8th mo.,

Mary

wife the 14th October,

the

borne 25th May, 1668. Rebecka 20th July, said Abigaile his wife deceased 22d 9 mo., 1670. Edmoud borne 14th 7th mo, 1672. 1676. Juhn Baxter married to Elizabeth MackHanna 8th 8th mo., 1674. son William borne

ye 17th 7th mo., 1676.

ried

mallen, widdow, 4 9th mo., 1679. theire John Batcheler & Mary Herrick were mar- daughter Sarah borne 15 August, 1680
the

14th

of August,
m.j
,

John borne ye 26 2d

their son 1675. son Jona1673.

theire son Samuell borne the lOih June, 1683.

Mr. John Barton,

his son

John borne by
1676,

than borne the 29th March, 1678. Joshua Buffum & Damarice Pope were married

Lidea his wife, the 2d 12th m>.,

ceased the 7th of the same month.

&

de-

theire son

John borne 30th Jiinuary, 1677.

Batchellor, daughter of Jona.

Buth

& Ruth Thomas

borne 7th July,

168.8,

*80,

Bntchellor, born

Dec

27th 1703.

borne 1st 2d mo., 1683,

son

son

theire son
Zacheus
born

Samuell

Mary

Batchellor, daughter of Josiah

& Ma-

John Blethin & Jane Marker were maryed 1674, theire son. John Blethin, Caleb Buffum & llanna Pope \ ere maryed borne 14th March, 1676-7. ye 26th March, 1672. their son Caleb borne James Browne, Glazier, hi-? daughter Sara, 14th May, 1673. son Robert borne the Ist by Hannah his wife, borne the 10th day of

ry Batchellor, born Nov. 5,

1701.

their son

30th August, 10th May,

Wm.

born Octob- 20, 1703.

10

mo

1675.
Bailey, his son

August, 1678.

Mr. James

James borne by

John Batcholor,

Mary

his wife, the

12th Aprill, 1675.

sonn

hjs

son

Josiah borne by

Mary

his wife, the 6th of

March, 1679-80.
of

John borne 29th 7th mo., "76, & dyed 29 10 mo., '77. sonn John borne the 10th May, -78. SamuiU borne 2d March, 1679-80.
children

Efjenezer

Buxton,

soci

John Buxton &

Elizabetn his wife, borne the 20tb June, 1690. Ledia Buxton borne Octoher 16th, 1692.

Samuel Buxston & Racheil Buxston, the Benj'n Buxton, son as aforesd, borne lOtb of Anthony Buxton^ deceased the March, 1694-5. James Buxton, son as afore-

24th 12

mo

1675.

son

Anthony deceased

sd,

borne 28th Septemb., 1698.

May, 1676,
wife, borne the 10th March,

George Booth, his son Benjamin by Ales his 1675. daugh'tr seph Bachelor borne the 18th July, 1678. theire daughAles borne the 6th July, 1078. Hanna, daughter of Edmond Bridges, borne ter Susanna borne 21st September, 1680. by Sarah his wife, 7th mo., 1669. theire son

Joseph Bachelor & Meriam Moulton were maried the 8th 8th mo., 1677. theire son Jo-

John Bachelor the

1675,

eld-^r

deceased 13 9 mo.,

Caleb borne 3d Jun

1677.

William Bennett & Elizabeth Smith, widdow, were married in March, 1674. theire John Batchelor's son Zachariah born Feb'y dsiughter Grace born February, '76, & dyed anothei son Zacha. died Dec, shortly after. 5th, 1701-2.
day of the same month.

&

his wife Elizabeth

deceased the 10th

20, 1700.

[70 BE CONTIMJED.]

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
OF

THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.
Vol.
I.

May, 1859,

No.

2.

EXTRACTS FROM RECORDS KEPT BY THE George Downing wasoqe.) From Salem he REV. JOHN FISKE, DUI^INQ HIS MINISTRY wept to Wenham, and remained there fourteen AT SALEM, WENHAM AND CHELMSFORD. years, when he removed to Chelmsford, with
a part of his church.
In this latter place he
his

By

the kindnesa of

David Puleifer, Esq., of

pi

continued in the ministry until

death,

Boston, wo have been

rmitted

to print in

which occurred on the 14th of January, 1676.

our columns the following extracts, which are

contained
in a quarto manuscript volume in

Gathz
50. 5.

my Sts.

togethz unto

me

yos yt baue

the handwriting of Mr. Fiske, which was giv-

made a Covenant with me by

sacrifice.

Ps.

en to him several years since by Sam'l Tcnney,

Esq.

Mr. John Fisk was born in the parish of St. James, in the county of Suffolk, England, about the year 1701. JJe was the eldest of four children, all of whom came to America afterwards with him, and left descendants. ^His father, having devoted him to the service of Christ, first sent him to a Grammar school, and afterwards to the University of Cambridge, where he resided until he became a grudqate.

bers of ye pesent

whose names are hjjunder written, memChurch of in Salem, haueing found by sad expience how dangerous it is

We

to sit loose to

ye Covenant; yre

make with our

of our
first

god.

4nd how
in

apt we are to wander into bye

to

pathes, yea, euen

ye loosing

aymes
nall

entring Church

Fellowship.
of

Doe

therefore solemnly

inyepesenpe

ye eter-

God, both
shajl or

for

our own comforts

find yis
:

&

yos

who

may
jst

be joyned unto us, renew yt

Ue then began to preach, but soon afterwards appied himself to the study of phyeick aqd obr
tained a license
|\)r

Church Covenant, we
unto at there
enant with ye Lord,

church bound

beginning, viz

That we covanother,

practice.

Soon after the

de-

&

one with

&

death of his father, the care of his mother,

doe bynd ourselves in ye pesence of god to

two

sisters,

and a youngef brother having

him, he removed
lie arrived at
to

walke together
he
is

in all

bis waies,

according as
in his

volved upon
the ministry,

America,
exercise of
in

please-]

to reveale

hims.

unto us

where he could quietly pursue tho

Blessed
in

word of truth,

&

doe

more

explicitely

New England

ye name
test to

1637, and for three years he resided at Salem,

wber'>.

& feare of the Lord, p feese and walke as followetb. thro ye belpe &
ye Lord to be our god,

he was both

a preacher and a
(the

tutor to
Sir

poux of ye Lord Jesus.

Ist.

divers

young scholars
10

well

known

We Avow

&

ourselucs his people, in je truth

and

simplici-

ty ot or Spits.
2.

We
&

giue

uporseluea

to ye

Lord

Jesufi

nor will we deale opp essingly with any wherein we ate the Lord's stewards, also promising to or
as ye buno of any State,

hardly or

Christ,

ruling ship

& ye word of bis grace for ye teaching, & sanctifying of us in matters of worconversation, resoluing to cleaue to
life

best abilities to teach

our children

&

servants

ye knowledge of ye Lord,

&

his will, that they

him
his

alone for

&

glory,

&

to

oppose
of

all

Contrary
in

may s^rue him also. And all yis not by any

should be sprinckle.

strength of or owne,

wayes, cannons
worship.
3.

&

'stitutions

men

but by ye Lord Christ, whose bloud

This or

we

desire

covenant made

Wo

promise to walko with our 'brethren

Congregation, with
all

in his

name.
Eiiz. Endicott
dis. to pace:

&

sisters in yis

watch
provokbut

Sainiiel Sharp, Eldr.

fullness

&

tendernes, avoyding all Jealousies,

Alice Hutchinson
Eliz.

John Endicott

Leech

Buspitions, buck bitings,

ings, secret risings of gpit

censurings,

against them,

Hugh Peter, pastor Philip Verin

in all offences to follow ye rule of the Lord Jesus,

Hugh taskin
Roger Conant Laurance LeccTi William Auger Francis Johnaon Thomas Eborne George Williams George Norton Henery Herrick
Peter Pal fry

Alice Sharpe Johane Johnson Eliz. Holgraue

&

to beare

&
us.

forbears, giue

&

forgiue as

Margarett Bright Eliz. Dauenport

he hath taught
4.

Mary Alford Sara Conant

Jane Alderman Agnes Woodbury
Judith

In publick
to

&

private

we

will

willingly

doe nothing
will be

ye offence of ye Church, but

Raymond

ready to take advice for or seines

will not, in ye

&

Johane Gotta
Dorcas Verin Sara Batter Eedith paltry Eedith Herick

ours, as occasion sha) be pesented.

5.

We

Roger MaUry
for-

Congregation, be

Tho. Gardner

ward, either to shew our owne gifts or parts in speaking or scrupuling, or there discouer ye fayling of or brethren or sisters, but attend an orderly cale there untoo, knowing how

John Sibly John Balch Samuel xMoore John Holgraue

Ralph Fo<:ge

Hanna Maurie Susanna Fogge Joano Watson

Alice Ager

much

the Lord

may

bee dishonouredj

gospel in ye p fession off it distempers (& weaknesses in publick.

6.

and his slighted by our

John Ilornn John Woodbury

William Traske

Ann
Elly
Eliz.

Ingersoll

Townsond Bishop Thomas Read

Rich.
Jeffry

Warth
Elyn

Wee

bind our sejues to study ye advanceSc

Raymond
Massy
Batter

ment

of the gospel in all truth

peace,

both

Edmond

Anne Dixy Anne Bound Anne Home

Margery Balch
Presca Kendall

in regard of those yt are within

or without,

no waye sleighting our

sister

churches,

but

Elias Stileman Edmond Giles

useing there counsell as need shalbee, nor lay-

ing a stumbling block before any, no,

Indians, whose good
so to

not ye

Richard Dauenport John Black Leeeh Tho. Scrugges Will Al'ea

Will King Rich. Rootes John Aloore

Anne

Scarlett

Gertrude Elforde, exc. Katherin Digweed

Anne Moore,
Lidia Bankes Mary Gigles

vid.

we

desire

to promote,

&

converse as
euill.

we may avoyd ye

very ap-

pearance of
7.

Dixey

Mary Lord Anne Garford

Susanna Goodwin Bniyne, vid Hart joane A mes Eliz. Williams Mary Norton Bethia Rea Isabel Robinson

We

heereby promise to carry or selues in

obedience to those yt are set our

all lawfull

us in Church,
well

& common
it

wealth, knowing
to

how
they

pleasing

wilbee

ye Lord, yt

John Sanders Jacob Barney Rich. Bracknbury John Blacke Joseph Pope Peter Wolfe
Will

should haue encouragement in there placeS, by

Bann

our not greiving theire spirits

Irregularities.
8.

through our
to

Sam. Tho.

A
hail

Anne Robinson,
ims

vid.

Edm
to approiie or selues

Wee
in or

resolue

ye

Joh
.

Turner, vid. dead Sanders, dead

Lord

ticular callings, Bhlibning Idlehes

deruan

Mary Gedney Deborah Holme

30
Lartholomew no Browning Tho. Goldwhatye John Browne
'William Grose

Marshal
Eliz. Goldtl.wayt

3. yt be bolrne to 4.

bath not brought bis child lacely

Alice Baggerly Gift Gott

him utito baptisme. yt commonly he neglects

to

beg a

bless-

Margaret Weston

Josua Holgraue James Moulton

Jo. ffiske

Anne Fiske Mary Moulton

Sara Stan dish Arabella Norman Anne Spooner Anne Barney Mary Symonds

ing,

& to giue thankes W. he ansurs.

at his eating.

John Gedney John Hardy Tho Venner

1.

To ye keeping back

his child.

yt he judged hims. as
din. as to ye othx,

sufficient to

one or-

Hen Burcbal
Edw. Batcheler Benery Skerry
Jn. Hinds

Margaret Jackson Ruth Ames

Elizabeth Blackleech

now ye XX had judged him,

one.

as insufficient

Tho. Spooner
Jo. Simunds Jo. Jackson Ric. AVaters Benj. Felton

Jane Anthrop Anne Pickworth Lucy Downing Tryphen Myrrel

E. during ye time of his distraction ye Elder bad told him

it.

&

since

now

of ye necessity of

Anne

Stretton

W.

Yet he could not

'ceive

but

Tho. Olny Wm. Clerk Wm. Robinson Mich. Sbaflin Tho. Avery Emin Downing Jo. Hart Daniel Ray

Ray
Soutbwick

ye opinion
insufficient

of ye XX, he was jot accounted

bee. of his distraction.

Marg Mary
Mary
Port

arkes euer

yis sliould haue humbled him bexx. but, whithx does he now desire co-^ion with ye x x ? for he had manifested

E.

Then

fore ye

Holmes
Susan Greene Dorothy Kenniston
Alice Weekes
Eli2. Pickering

James
"Wil

Giifford

his desire of return to Engl.

Osburne Laurance Soutbwick Tho. Antru Obadiah Holmes Francis Higgison

Jos. Ketberell,

W.
E.

he would demur on

it,

&

by reason bee.

of his unfitnes thro, god's

visit

ng of him.

Eliz.

Dunton

Mary Grafton
Edwards Martha Tbo'son

drowned

charges ye devil

Thus he charges god, not hims. a. he his fall ws fro his bee.
:

Hen Swan
Jos. Grafton

tempting of him.
p. chsged

him of a
him

lazie idlenes disposition,

Salem, 1637.

as ye cause.

R. he hath sometimes desired freedom for qu ppounded to je x x, bj ye desire of ye ye X X com n a. for com g into ye assemyis 'try. Magist of bles, yt he hath sd yt he is not bound to sit What way or course is best to be taken of within ye watch of ye congregation, but may continuye X X 8 for Mrs, mayntenance, & ye be abroad in time of gods worp without ye ance & upholding of x x ordinances ? meet g house. K. ye X X bath taken it into yr 'sideration. W. This he justifies also.

At a X X meeting.

W.

he

justifies

as yt.

Will
brought

Walker.
to

Or

JBro

Walker's

case

^. R.

&

c.

There eyes
a.

(it is sd.)

were

fas-

tened vpo

ye x x.

him
is

He had

been distemped in head

&

abroad to
distracted

many objects draw away ye mind.

at meatc.

are tenderad

& 8 yt
Supp.

time, suspended fr ye Scrt of ye

Lo

To giueing of thanks
:

W.
is

yt he

not bound to giue appa

ce

of

now

yt he

judged to be recoaed thzof, be

it.

is 'sidered.

E. 1. in' of offence.

Eldr.
to be

1. that

be bath not manifested hims.

y

2. in' of reverence so' gesture

is to

be used

humbled
ye

for bia miscarriages in yt timd.

W.
yt Boule refernce
suffice
:

2. that he refusetb to

come

to

Assembly &

& ye

hatt

may

to ptake in

scales.

be on, &o.

40
E. to yt 1 Cor. 6-20.

When

he had nothing to say

2. bee. he

was admitted

to subsription to

ye

hia
:

defence

covenant.

furthx yr sd he was 'victed. yr urged

did not 'fesse bis sin.

why

he

W.

yt he desired not co
'tented

ion

R. 1 yt he was not dismissed but onely recomened to ye x x wch implyed a purpose of

if

unless ye xx were

with ye x x stay for a time onely hx. to 2. with ye hand of was thro' mistake of ye xx.
0. ye X X

he were,

it

god on him.
'Twas objected ag him. 1. yt he would not stay fr eating with him had be^^d a bleesing.
2. yt he

now

dissolved

whence
13.
;

he re-

comended go
till

Es. 44, 5,

Numb.

othxs

R.
2.

1.

it ia it

denyed,
yt recommendats' be so a

grant
bee

man
a

would answ

yexx why

he saw

may

ofl"

many x

xs together.

cause onely.
3.

p. to

ye 2,

ficrifturea,

Numb.

13,

was

yt he was not bound in giueing thanks

rash vow.

words before god. a. yt ye X X enquired further upon him why was supposed ho was vy Ignorant. he would subscribe & yt ye same day. p. What ye 5t comdt was? he would not a. for recommendiiti thx are toxes. tho not tell & asked what diice betwene vocation and so manifest for dismission. Justification he would but could not. And yt in Col. 4, 8. 0, shewes yt yer is a a. he 'fessed yt he read not a chap by ye distinction of membs & a pp'ety to euery whole weeke togethx. church.
to exprse
4. yt

a. yt he neglected

ye duty of prayer commof

ly

family.
a. yt

one of you
a.

&

one of us.

he had sd yt poynts of Evidenceing

be medled

ye Cov then not j'st made but ronued.

is

salvation, are not to

with

b\'

Euill

R. yt dismipsion
tion for

but a terrae of distinc-

men.
a. yt

recommendation

Si lettrs

dismissive

ye pastor shold catechize his boy

ye day af.er he was taken

&

are nothing but letters recommendatory.

a. as or

not him.

Lord hath diuers housholds, now

And

with a dis-

tho ye Lord sends a srvant of one by ye bye

tracted disteup. in his head.

Issue.

The xx
it

g.iue

him an admonition out

of p. 15,19.^:21.
p.

upon a message or ye like to ye othx. Those him Intertaynmt. But he shall haue no powr of transacting any thing
s'vents shall glue
in yt

&

vpon

pesntly tur'y hia back h6 went

house

like as thx fr

whence

he ca

forth ye assembly.

so heere.

Rob. Cotty.

His

A
case

qu WX8 moued

to ye church.

'tribu1.

decided by ye x x

tion,viz:

Whithx
:

'tribution

was.

to be

wch was yt he
XX
[he

'ceived hims.

a memb. of

this

eury Sab
2. tice

ca before

ye

xx

with a portugal
to be

cap on. as pr objected.

1. fr

done so as euy one might take no'tribute.

ye dang of
is
'

what each doth

is

it,

intimating yt soule

R, It

referred to

ye lurthx thoughts of

revence onely
2, ,try to

ry to 1 Cor. 11-7.

good report.

Warranted things
all

are of good report.

Provide

things honest

Vpon an other

day.

S.

Weston.

The

case

in ye sight of all men.]

of or Sister Weston brought before yo xx.

C. he a
1.

memb

of yis x x.

Bee. berecomended to

yex

x.

When a matter of diflTerence betweene hx & anothx was at ye Court put unto ye Jury.


she excepted ag. 2 of the Jury
tberefure otfended,

41

men who were

W.

1.

yt he

justifies

not his practise in yo

&

with them others also.

time of his distraction.

2. yt tis not

E. demaunded her reason.

S. yt she did thinke
it

hx powx to reforme h
x
it.

s.

hx

lib'ty.

3. yt he stands at yo dispose of ye

x.

E. True yt yr

is

lib'ty.
tis

but exception

E. ye

XX

expectes his repentance.

implies a just cause or

not equal, viz, yt

yt he regards not

W*
E.

he knowes not what to say to

he will not doe Justice,

or,

What
he

he answer to ye x x as touching ye

an oth, or yt he beare s splene. M. The law graunts it in case of 'sanguini-

withholding his child fro

Baptisme.

W.

silent.

tieorsomenie relation, but then ye ground or reason must be shewed to ye Judge of ye

Courts.
S.

E. ye

XX

desires satisfaction.

W.
for CO

yt he lookes not vpon

himselfe

asmeet

ion.

But

yt he

shalhe meet
(yet yt
&

when

She denyed
to bis

to

render a reason, least yt

god shall

turne his heart,

he well
yt bee 1

impeachmt
ed
sig.

good name who

she exceptall

understands ye

xx

expectation)

g Mesy.

&

sd

yt ye othx was

one

distemped 2 faith

lesse.

Pastor, yt it apps he is nndr a Temptation, with ye pty agt hx & more freqjent with him yn any one memb. Mr. Batter. & twere St his case were commended to god R. Mr. Batt at Mr. Pesters with Mr. Noyso by fasting & prayer. E. Whithx he desires yis. p ter ward j othx haue bad frequent dealings W. yt be knew not what to say to it. thx. & yt S. hath broken a rule. Mat 18 & Leu 19, Mr. Humfry. Mr. tlumfres case brought

yt suspect

yt she delt not with y g will long time before ye For ye things were s

to

ye X X.
Eldr. he 'plaines ag ye

Courtes.
S.

xx

of Lin. yt twice

She knew not yr should be of ye Jury

a temptation

he was thx hindred ye seales.

yt 1 bee. of
s

she intended not a scandall.

a. yt she 'ceived yr in

difference
yt day

betweene him

&

&

leiften.

gifts

blind ye eyes of ye wise.

IIow who excepted ag. him. ye 2d time, bee. one Thomkins was

reci'i'^d

R. Jn aggravation of bz fault
in ag hx.

it

brought

into

XX CO

ion

notwithstanding he

excepted ag. him.

Pastor,
it

hx carriage to or bro. Johnson. hx disv>rderly carriagyn before ye xx. hx y taxing our pastor of Hypocrisy. hx opening ye greivance thx ag. a bro. in bx owne case. hx not dealing with such suspected brethren
before afr so long a time.

seemes as

if ye

x x yes denyed him

if

not yt CO
It

ion.

was agreed ypo

yt

ye x x

&

he so

csent yis x x

may have ye whole mattr

discou-

ered by writing fr

both

sids,

&
.

c.

This day Deborah ilolden Bro

Gidnies wite

Bro Marshals wife, Ja. Moulton.

made yer

pfessions, & Testimonies were giuen of yer saw no sin in y godly life. Sa ye next sab. yr were recej'd into wch aggravated hx exception. ion. CO hx taking ye occasion fr suspitious reports X X Some othx p pounded should haue come in, eg. ym. but were excepted agst. So she referred to ye next x z meeting. Whx vpon warning was given by ye Elder

hx

'fessing she

yt ye reasons of yr exceptions might be brought

Walker ye 2d time. Eldr: He asks or Bro. Walker how ye Case stands now with
Br.

in to him. before ye next

xx

meeting.

bim.

Deacons, p pounds to ye x x to 'aider of yo dispose of Mrs. Skelton's children..

a
Whithx if 6 or 8 of ye XX. & wich we hope ye interim or Pastor was sent to be godly, yet not aggreeing with us in yer je 2d time for to meet the Elders of ye x x at Lin to' fer Judgmt may not haue a peaceable depture fro with chem. Who fr both pties brings this us togathx a X X ? relation to ye x x. R. 1. These psons must jat giue ye x x sat1. yt he withdrew himselfe. bee. he was loth isfaction for yer schisme.
10th of 11th month.
:

Mr.

HumfrfS. case

to offend ye x x.

2 tis p bable y t theSe would not keep co ion 2 yt ye 2d time he withdrew himselfe bee. with this church. he was oflFended by ye x x who tooke in an un3. These haue not asked leaue of ye x x but worthy member. doe take leaue of ye x x.

To
1.

yis twas determined.

It

determined these should be sent

for.

Bro Weston. Elde desires of or Bro. Weston & not rathx for dealfor withdrawing h a. ye grounds of his withdrawing fr ye xx. ing with ye 1st Bro. prvately according to rule W, yt he had already told ye Elders his

yt ye X X

is

to deale

with Mr. Humfrey

let.

p.
viz.

hx ye terim fell in qu whithx an Irritation

should app bee. anger
1, Cor. 11.
is

grounds.
yis

discourse,
lor

unfitts

ye
to

E. he desired him to declare y

to

ye x x.

W.
hx
ing to

yt ye

XX

he counts to walk according

Sort.
it

light or apprehension
hid. 1.

a short madnes.

&

he walks accord-

A.

an examined

ma tishia

ground, bee. he not suffered to

tis

du-

ask qu. in publicke, but

for pride.

imputed

to

ty to eate.
qu. VVjithx a bro.
is like else to

him

may

abstayne when he

giue offence to an othx.

to write to yos Elders

E. Tis desired yt he should

of ye season
:

refraine in reg.

A. no,
2. yt ys

ye Lo. day.
yr a ground of his withdrawing.

XX

is

1 becyr take on
privately.

memb

ag. opposition

& xx. & 2,

but qu.

is

W.

Yes bee. he count h

bound prsently

to object

&

so seek cleering of Truths.

2. bee. yr suffer ye unseasonable opposition

E. he neu'r delt in private with ye elders

for it.

of members, for members are not to reason be-

tweene pp before ye xx by way of opposition, but membs must speake yer case toyexx.
yis writ

W.
dam
:

2. teas. bee.

or pastor touching his

g
f

to be st

by vtue of ye c

ion yt

when he questioned about comming off at Rotter& what kind of x x yt was Twas an:

is

betweene yes x x s.
Sepatists.

swered by

yt he was

neithx

fitt

forxx,

nor commonwealth.
3d. bee. some are admitted into yis xxfrom Rotterdam, touching who yi write ytyi ca

The case of ye brethren yt withit

drew yp
2.

ys X X brought forth.
out of
If.

Pastor yt yi doe

disorderly

away

&

if

yt be a true x x,

why

are

bee yi would ye peace of ye

xx

seing yi
x.

these recj'd withit satisfaction jst giuen.

cannot peaceably hold co

to goe.

ion with ye x
xx.

Pastor. 1. yt he

towne 2yeero& a
thence.

halfe,

3. yi are not resolved as yi pretend

& whithx

not objected ye ag.

2. yt

ye 2d rat of this wife,

who had no

a. yt yi object not ag. ye

letters of dismission fro

onely. yt those yt recejd on did not renounce

qu.

How

far,

or

publickly ye gou't of Engl.

&

yt one about
libty of ob-

seeke lettrs of dismission

whithx a wife ought to if ye man be dis-?

full,

hearing in Engl
It
t

&

yt one yt yi no

missed.

jecting in ye X X ag

what

is

taught.

R, by m. 1 yt not need
obj. she

put to ye X X8 'eideration.

must co

in, in

a way of god bz;


43

M.

Tis tjatisfactiaQ enough ytsbe be a

memb

Ma. Whithx a p'vate Scruple a ground of

sepatj.

of an othx church.
obj. yt X

s hath manifested
not

itselfe

offended

This course tends but to schisms

heresie

&

so to

for her disorderly

comming away.
herselfe

wch

is

damnable,
is

Past, she thought

bound

to

W.

This wch

now

called

damnable was
yt one

req're yer letters, her husband being heere.

obj
It

once called lawfull.

should app as

if

yrmight be some-

M. he wch
breake
off Ir

holds

&

teaches

thing dissurderly observed in hx carriage since

her husband's comming away.

Past, ye fault was of negligence by ye elders
in not

any discontent, op at taking offence ag. a brother &c is a damnable herisy for it rases ye foundation of

a xx, upo

may

ppounding her

to

ye churchshould be wrott to

grace.

It. t 'eluded

yt letters

Rotterda

E. yt Bro. Westo
his sepation.

shew a
to be at

text of Scr for

about ye psons yt did disorderly

hath sd in pub-

come

off thence.

W, He
E. he
ing.

is

silent.

VV. 4. or. bee. or pastor oft

lick to yis effect,

is

desired

ye next x x meet'

we had
x,

better part then liue

contentiously.

pa.

mt

in a

way of
reas.
,

Bro: Ony.
of

He is desired of ye x x ye grounds

ma.
neithx

to ye
fitt

2d

yt twas he yt sd. be waa

his sepation.

for

xx

nor commonwealth, bee. by

greiues

bis oft questioing

BO yt he

thinkes

still

way.

hx Bro

Talby

obj.

charitable speech.

Ony, yt he had told ym to ourpastor. he desired him to discour ym to ye x x. his withdrawing was but for ye po sent. so long as be holds yt bee. ye Sort ca-suddenly before he couldj enfjrme ye x x of his scruple. yt it it was an unWhxup it prsently went abroad yt he was
Magistr.

&

Mrs.

&

& &

K. yt he breakes a rule, Being he

should

quite broken

off.

haue

delt

with or
is

Ma

privately.

&

ys kind of

Whx'as be

speaking

disorderly.

&

'ceived h s unde a temptation haueing touched a dead body ought to re^

"W. 5 reas. bee. yis church holds co

ion
i
i

frayne.

with such as doe hold co

Engl.
viz.

ion

with ye x x of

gregation

ye members of Mr. Lathrop's Conwch hath both co ion with this

Church & ye XX of Engl. dam tal E. yt he should haue delt with yos members
privately,

man may breake off co he see or suppose so practize in ye x x yt he allow not off. M. or p. Neg. gal. 5. Circumcisio a funqn. by one whithx a
i

on with a x x,

if

error yet not a

ground or rule yr tbrou

out ye Epist. of scpatio

yt x
f

x.

yis

So holding of Paule, so of Apollas. So in Thyatyra Jezabells doctrine. & yt no rule giuen for eepating fr eytber. Ma. The case may be resolved in yia one O. Were euch membs admitted? question, M. There is ye same reason of admission & qu. Whithx one under sin in his opinion, keep g in of membs. not in ye opinion of ye x x, is a just grouncj of O. Such as haue ben defiled with idolatry his leaving the church ? haue ben hx admitted without washing yr W. a private scruple agst any is not to be hands by repts.
ye end of his practise jy. E. Bnt ye beginning must be peaceable too.
is

W.

6. bee.

he

is

'selled to

follow peace:

&

So

in ye

X X of Corinth.

Fornication.

made

publick, Least otbza should be brought

M.

There practize giues satisfaction ^ In jt

to scruple too.

they joyne with ye true x x of x.

44
O.
hearts.

They may yet retayne Babilon

in

yr

O.
tion,

Thx ought to be yet a publick detestaag yes courses, his Texes for sepation.
6.

M.
O.

We

are to be

more charitably

aflFected

2 Cor.

be not unequally yoked.

to such.

M.
unlease

yt yeilds no reaso

of

his

withdrawing

Ezech. 43, 9, 10, 11.

we were pved

Idolaters.

ings

Are not or brethren ashamed of yr do& wo haue a test opposeing this practice of when yi will not abide by it ? his Reu 2. 18 20. Whx ye Lo: 1. acknowl. Bro: Gidney. he gaiie ye right hand of ye good in yt x x yn he speakes of her sins &

M.

Fellowship to me.
E.

Judgmts.

Why

then so lately

&

not

now?
to

&
know He
ye

in X

p 24. he
of

saies to yos

not so sinned.

0.

yt his Judgt so altered, so as not

to giue ye right

lay no other burden

upon you, but &c.

how
X
X.

hand of lellowship
newly altered

The dn
P.

idolatry or of circumcision

may

be heild in a x x are so
in yor

&

yt ye x x a true x x.
6,

That you pa. judgmt Consider.

1.

jt place.

2 Cor.

mt

of idolatry out

of ye XX

&

ye Ap. wrot to ye whole x x.

ye frame of yor h xt at yt time were

mt

yt yi should co

out

fr

ye Idolaters

you in a humble praying frame & in ye way of amongst themseluas. an ordin. R. mt of yr being among Idolaters & ye Does it carry you nigher to x now and Joy g to yr idoU feasts. 2. to more humbleness. ye Jewish Synagogues. a. X. sepated not f you should have told it to yo elders, pa. 3. yo p phiO. ye diuers reasons of yt. fr

9, 7

rebuke a wise
for fr

man

&c.

cies

Ezech 43, 4, yt place in Ezech 43, you misapply

thence we note.
neur shew ye true formes of his

were not fulfilled. & X CO ioated not in yr corruptions. In Zach. 11: yr is set downe ye worp. z P.

did

CO icate

in.

1 yos are most capable of je things of god

[TO BE CONTINUED.

yt are ashamed of yr iniq'ties.

2.

God

will

house but to y
inig'ties,

is

yt are washt from

there

&

yes Formes are ye inwards,

wch

are ye scales.

ODD NOTES. NORMAN KINGS

10661154.

3 The story
relapsed

William the Conqueror was King of England to 1087He had three children, And told hx what she should see vpo hx William Rufus., who succeeded him, Henry, returne. for yr falling off yi loosed ye pat- who succeeded William Rufus, and Adelaide, who married Stephen, Count of Blois. Henry terns of ye house, had a daughter AJatilda, who married 1st the 5, Can you challeng any of spiritual whoreEmperor Henry V, and had no issue, and maramongst do us. O 1. yt if yos. yt relapsed, be a x x ried 2dlv, Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Ang jou, by whom she had a son, afterwards Henry state, ought to be ashamed ere yi capable &c. go. much more, yos yt neu a x x state. It. At the death of Henry I, however, Ste2 he could not challenge any without peju- phen, son of Stephen of Blois and Adelaide, dice or offence, but yis p. fessors, of all men, usurped the throne, which properly belonged After some strife howhis cousin Matilda. t were most bitter ag. sepation at jst.

&

ye p.

had revolted & ph exhorts hx to hx Ist loue

ys.

This

agayne.

from 1066

whonowjoyne without
p.

being ashamed of yt.

x's

ever, the matter

Such breaches as these in x casion to yt of yr bitternes.

gaue oc

ising to give
tilda's

was settled by Stephen's promup the crown at his death, to Mason Henry, which was done.

45
House
of

Plantagenet 1154

1399.

Henry
at

II died in 1189,

Lion, GeofiFrey,

and left Richard, Coeur de aad John, surnamed Lackland,

Richard III reigned untU defeated and slain Boaworth, 1485, when Henry VII, son of
ascend-

Edmund Tudor and Margaret Beaufort,

Richard

no children, Geoffrey left a son Arthur, who was murdered by bis Uncle,
left

ed the throne, and united the roses, by marrying Elizabeth of York, daught-^r of Edward IV.

John, and John

left

two sons, Henry

III,

and
left

Richard, Earl of Cornwall.

Henry

III

Edward I, surnamed Longshanks, and Edmund the Humpbacked, Earl of Lancaster, whose
great granddaughter Blanche, 1st heiress of the
rights of Lancaster, married

House of Tudor 14851603. Henry VII had Margaret, who married James IV (Stuart) King of bcotland, Henry, who married Catharine of Arragon,

and Mary, who married 1st Louis XII of France, and 2ndly Charles Bran-

3d son of Edward

John of Gaunt, don, Dukeof Sufiulk. Edward 1 left a son Margaret and James of Scotland bad a son Edward II, of Caernarvon, who left a son EdJamea V, who had a daughter Mary, Queen of ward III. Edward III had Edward the Black Scots, cruelly beheaded 1587, leaving a son, Prince, William Lionel, Duke of Clarence, James VI of Scotland, and afterwards James I John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Edof England. Henry VIII had by Catherine of ward. Duke of York. Arragon, a daughter Mary by his second wife Edward the Black Prince bad a son Richard Anne Boleyn, a daughter Elizabeth, and by Lionel, d of ClarII, who was deposed 1399.
III.
;
|

bis third wife

ence had a daughter Philippa,

who married
|

ceeded his father as Edward VI.

Edw. Mortimer, and was mother of Roger Mortimer, the father of Anna Mortimer, who married Richard, son of Edmund, d of York, Edward Ill's youngest son. John of Gaunt married Blanche of Lancaster, and bad two sons, John Beaufort, a natural son, and Henry, who usurped bis cousin
Richard's crown, and became Henry IV.

Jane Seymour, a son, who sucMary, and Charles Brandon bad a daughter Frances, who

married Henry Grey, d wf Suffolk, and a daugb* ter Eleanor, who married the Earl of Cumberland,

Earl of Derby.

and had a daughter who married the Frances Brandon and Henry Grey bad three daughters, Jane, beheaded 1554, Catharine and Mary.

Edward VI d in 1552, and was succeeded by House of Lancaster (Red Rose) 13991460. his sister Mary, who died 1558, and was sucHenry 17 bad a son Henry V, who married ceeded by her sister Elizabeth, who died 1603, Catharine of France, and she afterwards marleaving no children, when the crown passed ried Owen Tudor, and had a son Edmund Tuover to James VI of Scotland, son of Mary dor, Earl of Richmond, who married Margaret
Beaufort, 2d heiress of Lancaster, (and grand
Stuart.

daughter of John Beaufort, natur.il son of

John of Gaunt) and bad a son who became Henry VII. Henry V had a son Henry VI, who was King until 1460, when his opponent Edward IV became King.

House of Stuart 16031689. Jamea I of England had two children, Charles I, beheaded 1649, and Elizabeth, who married Frederic, Elector Palatine, and bad Sophia, married to
Ernest Augustus,
first

Elector of Hanover.

II, who died 1685, House of York (white Rose) 14601485. who married William II, Prince of OrMary, Edward IV was descended from Lionel, d of ange, and James 2d, who abdicated 1689(; bis Clarence, through Anne Mortimer, his grand children were, Mary, who married William daughter, who married Richard, son of Edmund of Ybri; be was succeeded by his son III, Prince of Orange, son of Williaai II and Edward V, who was murdered in the Tower by Mary Stuart, Anne, Queen 1702 14, and Jas. Edward, who had Charles Edward, died at command of bis uncle Richard, 1483.

Charles I had Charles

13


46

kome

1788, and Henry of York, Cardinal,

who

died 1807, the hist Stuart.

House

of

Hanover, since 1714. At the death

of Queen Anne, the crown passed over into the

possession of George

nest

I, son of Sophia and ErAugustus of Hanover. George I was succeeded by his son Geoi-ge Wine, and the quintessence remaineth at the bottom II, who had a son Frederic Lewis, who dying perfect. This quintessence is of extraordinary vertue for 1751, left a son George III, married to Char- the purifying of the blood, flesh and skin, and conselotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, by whom he had quently of all diseases therein. It cures also the Falling-sickness, & strengthens the Brain, Sight and among others George IV, William IV, and Hearing, and p; eserveth from Gray hairs, reneweth Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent. George IV Youth, cureth the Gout, Consumption, causeth Sweat, ia very good in and against Pestilential infections." died in 1830. and William IV died 1837: Ed"Aqua Magnanimilatis is made thus: Take of Ants

& digest them fifteen days in Balneo, or so long til the Wine be sufficiently covered, which poure forth; then pour on mure of the foresaid Spirit of Wine till all the quintessence be extraoteil: Then put all the tinged s|)irits together, and draw off the spirit in a gentle Balneo till it be thick at the bottom; on this pour Spirit of Wine Caryophyllated, and slir them well together, and digest them in a Circulatory ten days; then abstract the spirit of
metically,

ward Augustup, Duke

toria, Princess of

of Kent, married Vic-

Saxe Coburg, and died 1820, born

leaving a daughter Victoria,

May

24,

who succeeded William IV who now reigns*

1819,

in 1837,

and

or Pi.-mires a bandtul, of their eggs two hundred, of Millepides, or Woodlice, one hundred, of Bees one hundred and fifty, digest all these in two pints of Spirit of Wine, being very well impregnated with the brightest soot. Digest them together the space of a month, then pour off the clear spirit and keep it safe. Good to stir up the Animall spirits. It doth also wonderfully irritate the spirits that are dulled and deaded with iny cold distemper."

MEDICINES IN " OLD TIMES."

It
ip a'

prevalent notion

that the piesent time

is

worse, in every respeet,

than any former period.

if

Here is a receipt for aiiotber "Aqua Magnanimisomething like the above, which is represented to be of "excellent use to stir up the auimall spirit in so much that John Casmire Palfe grave
tatis,''
:

AVe talk about "good old times" as

adays.

the present were

'very bad times," and there was nothing

Ours

is

called

an age
it
is,

of

"humbug,"
with

good nowand

of the Rhcne, and Seyfrie of Collen, Generall, against the Turks, did aiways drinke of it when they wont to fight, to increase Magnanimity and courage, which
it

perhaps in some respects

short-comings, but a very

but

did even to admiration."

all

its

knowledge of history is required to sbow us the vast improvements in Art, Science, and Religion even, that have been made from time to time, and that the world is, upon the
little

whole, continually growing wiser and better. I

am

led

to these

remarks by the perusal of

"A

Treatise of the choisest Spagyricail Preparations,''

printed in 1651,

containing some receipts for medisome may

I have,

cines which are very curious, and perhaps

"Elixir of Mummie. Take of mummio, (viz. of small four ounces, Spirit of Wine terebinth inated ten ounces, put them into a glazed vessell, (three parts of four being empty,) which set in horse dung to digest for the space of a moiietb, then take it out and express; let the ex* pressiou be circulated a month, then let it run through Manica Hippocratis, then evaporate the spirit till that which remaines in the battome be like an Oil, which is the true Elixir of mummie. This elixir is a wondertull preservation against all infections, alSo very Balsa micail."'
mail's fiesb Lardened,) cut

There are some receipts in this book so bad that however, you a few samples for publi- they would, I believe, cause the hairs of your corcation, in order to show what "doses" people were respondent, who furnished you awhile sines with a to "stand upon willing to submit to in the old Witchcraft, Quaker- "Metson to make the hair grop," an end." whipping times, that we so much reverence: There are also in this singular book some very ''The Quintessence of Snakes, Adders or Vipers. Take of the biggest and fattest Snakes, Adders or curious experiments, a few of the titles of which I Vipers which you can get in June or July, cut off will give. their heads, take off their skins and unbowell them, "To make the representation of the whole ;70rld then cut them into small pieces and put them into a in a Glasse." Glass of a wide mouth, and set them in a warm Bal"To make powder that hj ..pitting upon cball ba
think unworthy to be preserved.
it

thought

best to send

done

neo, that they may be well dryed, which will bee inflamed." in three or four days. Then take them out, "To make artificiali Fearle, as glorious sa any and put them into a bolt bend, and pour on them of Oriental!." the best alcolizated Wine as much as will cover them "To make Gold grow and be incre&aed in tho iz or eight fingers' breadth. Stop the glass Her- earth."

5 131 18 139
1

47
"The author
of this

work says

id

his Preface, "I

tejoyce as at the break of the day, after a long tedi-

ous eight, to 806 bow this solary art of Alchymie begins for to shine forth out of the clouds of

Everett, Essex, Endicott, Federal,

Flint,

29

reproach

6 l60 26 189 il

which it There are two things which have a long time eclipsed it, viz., the mists of ignorance, and the specious lunary body of deceit. Arise, Sunne of truth, and dispell these interposed fogs, that the Queen of Arts may triumph in splendour!" I think I have given your readers a sufficient dose,
hath a long time undeservedly layen under.

Friend. Forrester,
Felt,

4
6
15 6

17 63

Grove
Harbor, Hancock, Hatboine, High,
Holly, Laurel, Lafayette,

49 66 10 35
7

17 18

45
9 166 37 12
3

and

will therefore for the

present take

leare of the
B.

eubject.

TREES IN THE STREETS OF SALEM, IN

MAY.

1859.

The following account of the

ties of treej, that are

different varie-

129 Lagrange, 4 Leach 3 Lynde, Mount Vernon, 3 Mason, 34 Margin, 12 March, 10

28

13

19 42 18
11 3

growing

in the principal

Newbury, Norman,
North, Nortbey, Oak,
St.

streets of

Salem, during the month of May, 1859, has been prepared with much care and

2 6 83

6 16
9 6 3
5

accuracy, by a gentleman of this city,

who

Peter,

has devoted considerable attention to this subject.

Pond,
Purter, Prescott, Pickering,

6 108 9 19 15 1

6 6
7

It is valuable,

and worthy of record, as

is

ex-

hibiting the degree of interest, which

devot-

Pickman,
Pleasant, River,

ed, at this time, to the planting of trees

Btroets

6 10
1

17 31
3 6 9 71 7 23 15 36 3 15 23 6 21 33

the

and public places

of this city.

Kopes, Salem,

6 9

a
B

Summer,
."t

36
6 15 10
2

12
1 1 6

5
1

s s c g
2 1

s.

1^

Skerry, School,
Siiunders,

Andrew, Andover,
Arabella, Boston, Bevkford, Bridge,

18

27
2

n
8

4 16
10

3 33

14
1

33 115
8

South, Turner, Union,

12 11
13 23

Webb, Webb, East,

Walter,

Buffum,

Brown
Briggs,

57 7 48 10 8 27
1
.

6
7

23

80 90 35
2

6 10

Whittemore,

12

Broad, Barton, Beaob, Barr,

Chesnut,

70 17 4 2
15 70

97
9 2

Around Com160 12 mon, Avenue to Alms House. 20

10

183
23

10
1

46 82
4 12 8 12
29 5

Elms, 1656; Maples, 353; Horse CLestnut, 213; Linden, 65; Ash, 133; Poplar, 24; Cherry, 110;
Acacia, 8.
in

Cambridge,
Ghaicfa, Carlion,

4
6 8 3

Brown

street

In addition to the above, there are, 2 Tree of Heaven, or Ailanthus;

;

Cherry,
Cet'^r,

U
1

Briggs street 2 Oak

al street 1

Broad Street

Locust ; Feder-

Cabot,
Cer.tral,

Cross,

11
9

Doming,
Derby, Dwufborn,

12 103

9 15 12 12 117

Buttonwood; Friend street 9 Oak; Felt street 9 Birch; Harbor street 1 Tree of Heaven; Hathome street 2 Buttonwood; North street 4 Willow, 1 Buttonwood;
ctreet 1

Oak street

Walnat;

St. Peter

Tree of Heaven; Porter street 1 Poplw}


48
Prescott street 1

Balm

of Gilead;

Summer

street 1

Willow; Ropes street 1 Walnut; total number of

trees, 2615.
i..

This is a true copy out of the records County in Salem, fr me.

for the

Hillard Veren, Recorder.

Nath' Merrill, Mar,, 1655.

Will of Nath'l Merrill of Newbury, dated ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac, ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF Mar. 8, 1654, mentions wife Susanna, daugh-

COURTS, SALEM, MASS.

Copied by Ira J. Patch.

ter

Susanna, under 21 years, sons Nathaniel,

John
John

Abraham
Merrill

Daniel and Abel

all

under

CONTINUED FROM PAGB

21 years, appoints
12.

son Nath'l ex'or.

Bro

& Anthony Somerby

overseers,

Mary
"Will of

Williams, 9lh mo., 1654.

Marie Williams of Salem. Widow, dated Ist 8 mo., 54', mentions her late husband, George Williams her daue fSarah, Ma;

witnesses Richard .Knight, Anthony Somerby and John Merrill, probate 27th Ist mo., '55. deceased March 16, 1654-5.

rie Bishop, Bethia,

sons Samuel,

Joseph and
Thos. Rob-

Inventory of above estate taken Mar. 23, 1654-5, by Dan'l Thurston, Richard Knight

George.
ins.

Witness

Ric'd Bishop,
estate,

and ArcheUus

Woodman .amounting

to

84

6s

returned 27th let mo., '55.

of above

Inventory

amounting to

131

OS 3id, taken bj Elias Stileman jr

&

Rio'd

Alice

Ward, Mar., 1655.

Bishop, 17 9 mo., 1654.

Inventory of estate of Alice

Ward

of

Ips-

wich, widow, taken 23d llth

Eliz'h Hardy, lOth mo., 1654.

mo., 1654, a-

mounting to 37 148 lid, by Robert Lord, Hardy of Sa- John Warner. lem, widow, amounting to 151 9s 2d, taken Joannah Smith the wife of Thos. Smith, by Wm. Dodge, Wm. Dixey, 11th 9th mo., Elizabeth wife of Jacob Perkins and Jane
Inventory of estate of Elizh
1654.
wife of

Francis Jordan,

testifie

that

Alice

"Granted to Jno. Hardy, 27 10th To fforty acres of vpland and sixe Acres Baker & Elizabeth his wife, the said Sarah of meadow to the East of that land which is W^ard & her estate to bring vp the said child graunted to Richard Dodge." vera copia in the feare of god. and gave vnto the sd Elizaa Atteste. pr Edmond Batter. abeth Baker her keyes & desired her to take of
1638
:

Ward, widdow, on her death bed did commit mo., Sarah Ward, her daughter in law, vnto John

all,

&

to discharge her debts.

25th of the 8ih month, 1653.

Gervis Garford of Salem,
in the

Sworne

in

County of
ster-

1st mo.. 1655.

Court held at Ipswich the 27th Robert Lord, Cleric.

Essex, Gent., hath sold vnto Elizabeth Hardie

of the same, widdow,

ling, his dwelling

for eighty

pounds

Eleanor Tresler. Alh mo., 1655.

Will of Eleanor Tresler of Salem, dated 15th

house

ble

land,

&

six

acres

& ten acres & a quarter

of Ara-

dow

neare drapers point,

adjoyning to the house,

plaine,

of med- Feb., 1654, mentions sons Henry & Nicholas vppon Bass Riuer, to be joint ex'ors. son Edward, 2 daughters, Elezabeth, John Phelps, and eighty Acres of grandchildren
Hill

land lyin^ betweene Lord's

&

Birch-

Sam'l
to his

& Edward,
daughter
in

children of

Nicholas, men-

on Bass Riuer

side,

within the pre-

tions legacy bequeathed

sincts of Salem, as

by deed dated the 26th day

by her late husband England, to wit., 10.

of 7-ber, 1653, aprth.

witness

Robt. Moulton, senr.,

George Gard-

49
ner. Robt. Moulton,
jr.

proved 26tb 4tbmo.,

(dated

for it,

and wished
to

his friends

Robert Long and

it.

1655.

James Jackman
Mar. 13,
06d, return-

take charge of

Inventory of above estate

1654-5.) amountino; to 131 033

ed bj Robert Moulton

&

George Gardner.

Wm.

Knight, ^th mo., 1655.

WillofVVm. Knights, dated Dec. 2 1653. mentions wife Elizabeth, son John, dau Ane & her children, son Francis, dau Uanna, John 4th mo.. 1655.
Ballard, Nathaniel Ballard,
after

John Jackson, 4ih mo., 1656. Will of John Jackson, senr, dated Zlst 11th mo., 1655. mcntiona wif^j Mary, Margaret Nouel, appts son John Jackson exor. appts Wm. Browne, Edma Batter overseers, proved
Inventory of above estate

taken 10th lat

6s.

the lega-

cies are paid to these above, the

balance to be
children
Eliz'h

mo., 1655-6, amounting to 20

equally

divided

between his four

his last wife

which he had by

eldest

eon Jacob to have a double portion,

appoints

his wife Eliz h ex'x, his brother Nicholas Pot

ter

overseers.

and George Keasur and John Witt to be Witness John Faller & Nichoprobate 28th 4th mo., 1655.

Thomas Wickes, 4ithmo.,lQ5Q. Wickes of Salem, dated 9th 7th mo., 1655. mentions wife Alice, and appts herextx., daughters Bethia & Hannah, appta
Will of Thos.
loving cousin

and friends Robert Gray, Mr.

las Potter,

Edmond
to

Batter

&

Ellas Stileman, jr.,

to be

Inventory of above estate,

amounting

overseers.

154

15s Od, returned 28th 4th mo., '55.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting
Veren

to

192
Robt. Moulton, 4th mo., 1655,

lOs. returned

by

ililliard

& Thom-

as Cromwell.

Will of Robt. Moulton, senr., dated Salem Feb'y, 1654, mentions son Robert, & appts him ex'r, dau Dorothy Edwards, grand20th
son Robert Mjulton, good wife
Buffo m and Joshua Buffiim, witnessed by George Gardner, Henry Phelps & Nichi Phelps, probate 2Gth4th mo., 1655.

John Hart, 4th mo., 1656.

Inventory of estate of John Hart, Marbleh'd, taken 14th let mo., 1655-6, by Moses Maverick and Jona Bartiett, amounting to

74

lOs 06d.

Inventory of above estate,

amounting
'55,

to

Fran. Parratt. 1th

ed 15th
5s Cd.

mo

1656.

113 08s, returned 26th 4th mo., Henry Phelps & John Hill.

by

Inventory of estate of Francis Parratt, dat7th mo.,

1656, amounting

to

357

Henri/ Fay, 1655.

Inventory of estate of Henry Fay, weaver,

of

James Noyes, 9/A mo., 1656.

Will of James Noyes, dated Oct. 17, 1656,

Newbury, who deceased June 30th, 1655, Thomas Browne & Abraham Tappan. Richard Pike testified that Henry Fay said to him that if he died a single man, then his
taken by Thomas Hart.
brother's children shall have this estate.

mentions wife and children, couoin Thomas

Parker,
brother

Nicholas

Noyea.

probate

Nov. 26, 1656.

James Noyes died Oct.

21, 1656,

Inventory of above estate, anjounting to

Robert Long, James Jackman, and Jane

Jackman

all testify

that said

Henry Fay
if

said

657 lis 4d, returned by Rich'd Knight Anthony Somerby & Benjamin Swett.
Mrs. Sara Noyes, the wife of deceased, makes
oath to the same.

at several different times he wished

er's children to

his broth-

have his estate

they came

13


50
Rehecca Bacon, 9th

Will of Rtickah Bacon,

executor, Eobert

mo 1655. Widow, dated

,

proved to the convenient bringing

let

up

&

main-

taining of one or morescholhire in the said College,

mo., 23, 1655. mentions son Isaac as ber sole

&

only such to have benefit

Buffum
;

to assist

him, Isaac
Potter

or friends cannot otherwise maintain.

to

whose estate 14 lbs

being

under

aj^e

cousins
frees ber

Anne

Eich'd Cheelcraft
gives hi

man

Cornelius

& &

be spent oh

his funerall.

prGved 25th let

mo., 1656.

a suite ot

clothes; sister Buffum,

Inventory of above

estate,

amounting to

Sister Coja, Sister

horniss.

Sugthwike, Sisters Averj & Brother Kobert Buffum, appoints

Joseph

308

78 3d, returned 25th Ist mo., 1656.

Brothers

Boys
:

Thomas Avery &

mentions Sister Ju-

John Friend,
1655,

1st mo., 1656.

Nath'l Felton, overseers

dith, in
dell,

Will of John Friend, c'ated 4th

11th mo.,
exor.,

Old England, cousin John, Georg Beefltate,

mentions son Sam'l,

Bethiah

apt.

dauB

proved 29th 9th mo.. '55.

aThounting to
1655, by 'fhos.
8s 6d, taken
sr.,

Eliz'h Pecker,
his friends,

Heeter

&

son James,

Inventory of above

195

10th July,

overseers.

Gardner,

&

Joseph Boyea.

Dodge & William King, George Emery, Edmund Grover & Henry Herrick. proved 27th
Witnesses

Wm.

1st mo., 1656.

John Bridffeman, 9ih mo., 1655. Will of John Bridgman mentions Mr. Perkins after his claims paid, the rest to go to bis

Henry Smith, Mar., 1656.

Inventory of Estate of Henry Smith
lev,
()f

Row-

daughter,

probate 9th mo., '55.

taken 1st mo., 16,

1654-5, amounting to

Inventory of above estate, amounting to

19

12g Od, returned by Rich'd

Swan & John

69

078 07d, taken by

Walter Price, Philip

Smith, allowed 25th 1st mo., 1656.

Cromwell.

Henry
John Ward, Mar.,
'56.

Setva/l,

Mar., '56,

Inventory of Mr. Sewall's estate, amounting

to 364 6s 8d, returned by Joseph Jewett, Mathew Boyle & John Tad. allowed Mar. 25,

Ipswich, in
bei, 1652,

Will of John Ward, sometimes resident at New England, dated 28th Decemmentions
to

Cousin Nath'l Ward,

1656.

the son of his Uncle, Nath'l

that house

&

land given

Ward me by my
:

doe give
father in

Huffh Chaplin, Mar., 1657.

his will, and that lies

in East

Mersey, in the
;

Will

of

Hugh Chaplin

of Rowley, dated

County of Essex in Old England cousin Ward's, of wethersfield, two youngest sons, Cousin John Barker of Boxted in Essex, his Eldest dau, Anna, son Sam'l. to his mother's poore kindred ten pounds Cousin Sam'l Sherman's, who some years since lived in Boston, N. E.. two youngest sons, both under age; Cousin Philip Sherman of Rhote Island gives books to Thomas Andrews of Ipswich, and also his Ohirurgry chest, & all yt is now in it.
:
;

15th 1st mo., 1654, mentions his beloved wife,

Elizabeth

liam Jewett,

Thomas Mighell MaximilThomas Diconson, Hew Smith,

eldest son

John Pickard,
March, 1657.

John.

Witnesses

Joseph Jewett,

John Pickard. proved 3l8t

Anthony Newhall, Mar., 1657.

Will of Anthony Newhall, dated 14th Jan., 1656, mentions grand-children Richard

&

Eliz-

Robert Paine, ex'or.

The balance

of

his estate be

laid

out

in

Mary m'd son John, a Nath'l Pentland, Matthew Farrington and

abeth Hood, daughter

standing anility, to be bestowed on the Har-

John Fuller
1657.

to be overseers, proved 31st

Mar.

vard Coll, Cambridge, and would have

it

im-

51
Inventory of a*>ove estate
tuken 6th 12th

mo., 1656. returned by Richard Uood, 31st

Mar., 1657.

John Robinson, Mar., 1658. Will of John Robinson of Ipswich, wheellight, dated 27th Feb., 1657, gives to Alice
Howlett, wife of Thos. Howlett
;

10

to

Thos.

John Pickering, bth mo., 1657. Will of John Pickering of Siletn, dated 30tb 5th niu. 1655, inenuons eona John & Jonathan,
,

Howlett, Jr., his Chest and

Thos. Howlett, Sr.
appts bim sole exor.

all

his tools,

&

to

all the rest

of his estate,

&

minors, wife Elizabeth, wife

& two sons,

Batter,

esors

John

Home & Edmund

overseers,

Witness James & John How. proved 30th Mar., 1658. Inventory of above estate amount 54 19s
debt

proved let 5ih mo., 1657.

clothes, attendance

Henry Bullock, 5th mo., 1657.

Inventory of estate of Henry Burock,
jr.,

Howlett tor diet, and physicke. 22 16s 3d allowed 30tb Mar.. 1658.
6d,
to

due

Ensign

taken by Thos. Gardner

&

Nath'l Felton, 10th

lOtb mo., 1656, amounts to 121 2s Od.

Humphrey Gilbert, Mar., 1658. Copy of will of Humphrey Gilbard of

wich, dated 14tb
son John,

Ips-

12th mo.,

1657,

mentions

wife Eliz'h, daughter

Abigail,

&

John Trumbull's,

Sept., 1657.

her 3 sisters all under age.

Inventory of esta'e of John Tiumball of

Administration granted to Elizabeth,

the

Rowley, amounts to 225 17s lOs. returned by his widow, Ann Trumbull, 29tb 7tb mo.,
1657.

widow, the 30th Mar., 1658.

Inventory of above estate, amount 53 Os
lid, taken by Philip Fowler.

Agnes Balch. ^th mo., 1657.

Inventory of estate of Agnes B,ilch, amount

Thos. Wathen, 4th mo., 1658.

Inventory of estate of Thos. Wathen, dec'd,

taken 30th 4th mo., 1658, amount
his

lis Od,

taken by John

Nov. 25, agst, her estate, which accrued

Herrick,
sickness due toBenj. Balch,

Rayment & Henry returned by 1657, and Liat of debts

in

14s 2d,

kinsman, Ezekiel

Wathen,

30th June, 1658.

Thos. Scudder, 4th mo., 1658.

her long
12^.

amount 18

Testimony of Anna Woodbury, widdow, his wife, Nicholas Patch, her brother and El Abagail Qill, Rachel Rayment, Hannah Wood-

Will of Thos. Scudder of Salem, dated 30th Sept., 1657, mentions wife El'zabetb, and
appts her soleex'x., his children, John,
as and

bury, John Grover, that the estate of Agnes Balch, dec'd, is not enough to satisfy the
charges of Benj'n

ThomHenry Scudder. and dau Eliz'h Bartholomew, grandchild Thomas Scudder, son of
Witnesses Richard
Waters,

Balch ag'st the estate for

son William Scudder dec.

charges in her long weakness and sickness.

Wm.

Traske,

Joseph Boyle, Thomas Lowthop.

Humphrey
The
their husbands of

Proved 29th June, 1658.

Gilbert, Jan.,

1657-8.

Thomas Scudder
with
de-

deceased 1657.

petition of the four

daughters,
Gilbert,

Inventory of above estate, amount

4d, returned by Eliz'h scudder.
Geo. Bunker, Ath mo., 1658.

73 OSa

Humphrey
their four

who

ceased Jan. 20, 1657, to the Court to

grant

administration to

husbands, Peter

Harvey. Rjc'd Palmer, Rich'd Comer. Moses Ebberne. Administration granted according
to the petition.

Inventory of George

Bunker amounts 300

15s Od, returned by Jane Bunker, widow, 29th

June, 1658.

52
James Patch, June, 1658.
Will of James Patch of Beverly, dated 7th Aug., 1658, mentbns wife Hannah, gave her his house & land, orchard, and all the appurtenances to
it

was condemned and executed during that fearful delusion, when upwards of eighty years of age, without any regard to the usual rulea
of evidence or other
proprieties of law.

Hig

helonging to his

together with that

Ric'd Dodge
acres of

also

home grounds, principal accusor was his own misguided parcel of meadow lying near granddaughter, Margaret, into which she waa 2 cows, together with ten terrified while confined in prison for the same
offence,
;

Kooky Land, Ijing on .he east side oi tbe home lott, for wood also all the housestuffti

revilings,

by the intriguings. threatonings and upon her own confession, of the deor rather Inquisitors, to

bold

in

the

house fur the competent

signing Magistrates,
life,

bringing up of the children. save h^r own To his son, James Patch, all his part of the He
year.

being then only in her

in

I7th
called

resided

what was then

farme

called

Knights farm, both upland

right there be
it

& Salem
the

Village, in a secluded spot off east from

meadow,

main road leading *o Topefield, and bortogether with the two youngest oxen & the dering upon the river leading to Danvers Port. borse. He appears to have bought his homestead of Tohisdau, Mary Patch, two oxen, which Richard Waters and Joyn, his wife, containare eldest, with one cow also ten acres of up ing a house and ten acres of land, the 20th land Laying neai Sawyer's Playne. to which he afterwards added Nov., 1658 To his dau Elizabeth, two middle oxen, with about four acres more, consisting partly of one cow also 20 acres of upland laying by marsh land. He was also the owner of four the land called Eastyes land, and joyning next acres and six cow leases on Ryall side, being unto paid land appoints his wife Hannah to the opposite shore, which he received by grant his two brothers, Nicholas Woodbe extx. from the town of Salem. This portion of land bury & John Patch to be overseers of his will. remained in the family during the childhood Witnesses Thos. Lowthropp & John Hill. and minority of my great grandmother, Eliza;

all his

more or

les,

Proved 2d 9th mo., '58.

Inventory of above estate, amount 250 168

beth Jacobs, the great granddaughter of the

guiltless victim,

taken 27th 6th mo., 1658, by Rie'd Brackenbury, John Thorndike, Zabulon
Hill.

George Jacobs, senr., she be-

Hill

& John

ing the daughter of John,

G<^orge. jr.,

who was

the son of

who was

the son of
told

George senr.
tliat

[TO BE CONTINUED

The
J

old lady has often

me

previous

to her

marriage with

my

great
to

grandfather,

John Endicutt, she used

paddle a canoe

MINUTES FOR

A GENEALOGY OF GEORGE JACOBS, SENIOR, OF SALKM VILLAGE, VVHO SUFFERED THE UTMOST PEN ALT i'

aeroFS the river, and milk the cows in this very

lot and when the tide was out, she was accustomed to pass and repass over the flats upon OF THE LAW DURING THE WITCHCRAFT TRAGEDY, ENACTED IN NEW ENGLAND, a row of stones, or sort of causeway, leading A. D., ie92. wade through to the channel on both sides

BY

C.

M. ENDICOTT OP SALEM, A

upon her return safely depiofit her burden in These stones, we have George Jacobs, Senr., (tbe picture of whose her father's house. family still residing told by of the some been trial for witchcraft, before one of those extrahomestead, remain to this day, a ordinary tribunals, partaking both of a civil upon the old

DESCENDANT IN THE SEVENTH GENERATION.

the channel with her milk pails and milk, and

and
and

ecclesiastical

character,

embellishes the

memorial, not only of the perseverance of our

fathers, but of the hardihood of her

entrance to the libraries of the Essex Institute

who

so of-

Salem

Atheneum,

in

Plummer

Hall)

ten passed

and repassed with tbe

fruits of her

; :

53
daily toil and industry over them.

She was a
It

that period, except upon the

roads, all others being
paths.

most frequented
called bridle

woman
is

of

uncommon energy
wlieu
to the battle

of character.
Col.

what were
his

relited of her, that,

Pickering,

Tradition has, however, kept alive the

on his way

of Bunker Hill halted

fact that he

was buried upon

own land.
a very aged
in

his regiment at the Bell

Tavern, Darivera, she

His reputed grave has been recently opened,

was
Col.

so

displeased
said,

that she walked

up

to the

and found

to contain the bones of

oa airth don't you march? don't you hear the guns at Charlestown?'" George eenr's Will isdated29th Jan., 1691-2, and probated the October following.
His wife's name was Mary.
if his It

and

"Why

peraoD, without a single tooth

the jaw,

which were no doubt the remains of this inoffensive, artless, but unfortunate old gpntleman.
It

would bo a melancholy

satisfaction could

we

would seem as
(being so

extreme age and feebleness

with equal certainty identify the graves of the victims of this dire delusion, the records of

bowed down with decrepitude and the weight of years that he required two cunes* for support,) should have shielded him from such a
wretched
tice,

which

fill

such a dark page in our

New EngJa-

land history.

Children of George and

cobs, Jr.

Mary ^George
;

fate

and ignoble death at tha hands

officers

of those inexorable

of (miscalled) ^'m5the judicial

all

who seemed determined upon

malice, credulity or

m. Rebecca Frost John Andrew, and had -3 Ann, ^'Elizabeth an i ^M iry.

^George Jacobs lesided

^Ann Jacobs m.
daughters, viz

murder and indiscriminate slaughter of

Second Generation,

whom

misguided fanatiIt is re

cism, might select for their victims.

lated of Chief Justice ytougliton, that

stead,

when he
vic-

heard the Governor hud reprieved several

tims

upon the old homeand died previous to 1718 m. Rebecca Both he and his wife, with Frost, 9 12, 1074. their dangluer Margaret, suffered persecution
:

who were awaiting

oi

sentence ot deaiii in
that

prison,

he was so displeased

he

lett the

accused

Bench and went out

the Court,

exclaiming.
1

during the witchcraft delusion. Upon being he ded, but his wife and daughter Margaret were imprisoned, but were after-

'Who it is know not.

obstructs the

course of justice

wards released.
unfortunate
3George,f

Children ot '^George and Reb.

We

were

in a

way

to

have cleared

becca -^Margaret,

Nov. 26,
of
her

1675.

The
in

the land of these, &c.

the country."
bigotry,
it is

Ti>e Lord be merciful to

accuser
29,

grandfather

In contrition of his errors and

said

b. .Sept.

1677.

Was

living

Mr.

Stoughton afterwards
*'^

Wells, Me., and sold

er's

his portion of

his fath-

erected the

building

Hall,^^ for the use of

however,

difficult to

kuown as Stoughton Harvard College. It is, see any connection bethat their
his

farm

to his brother

John,

in 1718.

Mar-

ried there in 1702,

where

his posterity are

cow

tween the two circumstances.

There
ancestor

is

a tradition in the family

tree

"George Jieolw,

^Third Generation. b. in Salem Villasre, now Danthe

was hung upon a

on

own

vers Port, Sep-. 29, 1677, w:ts a ^rand-dn of

<ruililcss victiiTi Gei>r<re

land and buried there,

Vol. 2, P. 482
]

[vide Felt's

Annals,
another

This conflicts with

tradition, related

by

my

great grandmother,

that his body after

execution in

Salem, was
son,

brought home
witnessed
horse,
his"

for burial

by

his

own

who
at

execution, across the back of a

cart

ways being almost

unknown

Jncobs, senr Removed to Wells, Me., abiui 1700, where he mHriieii, first, 2d. Oct. December 16, 1701 Hrnnnh Cii-sins, 21, 1742, Eli/abeih Burnham. Children, *Lydia bNov 1726; 11. Dec. 11, 1702, m..I<isii.h SiLvens ^Hannah b. June 20, 1705 m. John Sievcns June 10, 1727 ; *Georsie. m .\iary Woodman Dec. 10, 1741; *.John m. Dcb^rali Ware Oer .'50, 1745; *Pricdla m. Jo>hiia Har btt Sept 16 17.36; ^Elizabethni. Joseph ThvIoi Sept. 1734 ;* benjamin m. Hannah Bank of York Me., June, 1750.

*Tho very canes are now in tbe possession of the Essex Institute.

Fourth Generation.
^George Jacobs lived
in

Wells,

Me., married

14


54
probably living; ^John,
'Jonathan,
b.

b.

Sept.
;

18,

1G79

er's Will

^Elizabeth, bap. Sept. 27, 1719,

at

July 29, 1G81

no memorial of

the So. Church, Danvers; m. JT)hn

Endicott,

him

''Mary, b. Alay 20, 1G83.

May

18.

1738
,

d.

Aug. 1809,

a.

90: children
;

Third

Generation.

by Lydia

*IIenry, bap^

May

21, 1721
his

was

'John Jacobs, b. Sept. 18, 1G79. Lived upon the old Jacobs homestead, in Salem VilMarried for his first wife, Abigail lage. Died 17G4, for his second wife, Lydia a. 85. Was a member of the Ist Church, Sa, .

living in 17GG, per receipt for

;

portion left

him by his father no further memorial of him probably the father of Henry Jacobs,

killed at Lexington,

April 19,
;

1775

*Lydia,

bap. July 25, 1725

was
;

living

in 17G0, the

George Were petitioners for the South Danvers Church, called at that time the Middle Precinct, in March,
lem.
his

He and

date oi her father's will

m. John Small.
5,

brother

Fourth Generation.
*Daniel Jacobs bap. Nov.
1711, at the Ist

1710-11. Was a substantial land holder. Will dated Jane 24, 17G0. Sons Ebenezer and Henry, executors. Proved June 25, 17G4.
Left the Jacobs' homestead to his son
er.

Church, Salem.
early
lifcj

Was

a cordwainer by trade in

then a farmer.

Lived in Danvers to

Ebenez^Abigail,

an advanced age residence on tiie Salem bounMarried Sarah dary line in North Fields.

Children of John and Abigail

1,

Dudley

of Boston

June

17, 1735.

Died in tho

bap. Sept.
lem.
ther's will,

1706, at the First

Church, Sa-

family of his son-in-law, Qen'l Gideon Foster,

Was

living in 1760, the

date of her fa

is

m. a Felton

*John, bap. July 25,

Lived
in to 1758j

The following Oct 1809, in his 99th year. an extract from an obituary notice of him
p-jssessed

"Mr. Jacobs
age.

great vigor

in his

old

1708, at the First Church, Salem.

Sutton, Ms., and died
left

previous

and

ed 90.

He was mowing in his field after he passHe had an uncommon cheerfulness of

one son, *John, whose posterity are proba-

temper,

bly living in that vicinity; ^Daniel, bap. Nov.

5,

&a

relish ol life

till its

close.

His

sister

1711iatthe
to

in Danvers

bap.
vers,

May
;

15,

Lived First Church, Salem. an advanced age; ^Ebenezer, 1715, at the So. Church, Danof Cornelius

who married

into the family of Gov. Endicott,

died lately, above 90 years of age."

One of
dis-

the descendants of Mr. Jacobs remembers

tinctly seeing hiin saddle his horse
like

m. Elizabeth Cutler, dau.

^Desire,

and ride off a young man, when he was upwards of 95

Children
living in

Cutler

bap.
:

IVlay 15,

1715, at the
to

So. Church, Danvers

d.

previous

1758

years of age.

'Daniel, b. Aug. 22,

m

m. a Porter, and
her father's will
;

left

children,

mentioned in
l-i,

1737.

Was

New Hampshire

1761.

*Sarah, bap. July

;

where probably
1717,
.

his posterity are at present re.

at the So. Church, Danvers

m. an Andrews,
of her
fath-

,.
*="

siding

*Sarah
; '

&

>

Jonathan

.,

S*^
J

gemini, b. Aug. 24. 1739; u- no memorial oi him ;

<

and was

living in 1760, the date

'Benjamin, b. March 24, 1740-1, m. Sarah

'Abigail, b. April 15, 1743, m. PutMarv Won<imnn Dec lb, 1741. Children. *EIias nam Cleaves, and had 3 children, *Daniel, a m- Mary Dorman uf Wells, Angus 1768; 'George Daughter *Sarah and ^Abigail, who m. in. Hepsibah Brown Feb 1779; *Dib(irah m. Jabez Dorm fin of Arundell, May 1780; *Jon>uhan Amos King. Daniel removed to Saco, Me. m. 1st Sarah Tenney. Dec 26, 1782, m. 2d Re- and had children 'Daniel, ^Sarah, ^Mary, ^aIbecca S. Emerv Feb- 1784 *Samuel m. Hannah mira 'Depire, b. Dec. 21, 1746, m. Zachariah Hubbard Dec. 13, 1785.
; ; ;

Moulton

Fifth Generation.
*Elias Jacobs lived in Well.". Mc., married Mary ChiHren, ^Hannah m. 1768. James Maxwell; 6Aar"n m. Sarah Stover of York, Feb. 1804; 6John m. Abieail Phillips of

King, ch
sire,

sZiicbariah, *Daniel,

^Anios,

*De;

^Eben'r,
b.

Jonathan,

*Samuel,

^Mary

Dorman Ansnst
York May 1804
field Sept.

'Lydia,

Aug

24, 1743,

m. John

Tn'-kz-r. ch.

'John, ^Andrew

&

^Betsey, gemini, ^Jonathan,

,

eObediah

ni.

Lucretia Liitle-

Gideon, Marcia, Sam'l D, "Mary

b. Oct. 6, 1750,

'Marcia,
ch.j

1813

m. Gen'l Gideon

Foster,

55
Gideon, John, Murcia, and another *daughter.

BRICK BUILDINGS IN SALEM.

From
the

^Ebenezer Jacobs, bap.

the South Church, Danvers,
old homestead,

May

15,

1715, at

Gazette of February ith, 1806.

3Ir.

Cuxhing.

Perhaps the following

may come

list

of brick

Lived upon the

baildings in Salem

within the request of

m. Elizabeth Cutler.

Died

in

1793.

Will dated 13th Feb'y. 1790,

Proved

13th Nov. 1793, son Eben'r and wire Elizabeth, Executors.

gail,

Children
;

*Ebenezer, 'Abithree died

in

jour correspondent "Caution," who has denired % communication of an J/ /acts connected with the subject, which ho is discussing. I bare made the list with care, and I believe it contains all our brick
buildings.

*Hannah, ^Elizabeth

the last

The dates placed against some of them

they

are intended to show when

ished.

were built or
list.

fin-

before their father,

bis will.

and are not mentioned

Some
any

of your correspondents, I hope, will

correct

errors they

may

discover in the

It

Fifth Generation.

will be a carious fact in the history of Salem,

(which

*Benjamin Jacobs,

b.

March

4,

1740-1, m.

was

settled three

years betore

Boston,)

that at the

Sarah Moulton about 1770. Lived in South Danvers. Children of Benjamin and Sarah
eSally, b. 1771
b.
:

beginning of the year 1806, there were but fifty buildings (out of about 2000, entirely of brick in
the whole town.

fact.

^Lydia, b 1773
;

sBenjamin,

July 17, 1775

^Martha,

b. 1779.

B
Ward No.
Essex Street, "
'*

*Ebenezer Jacobs, uncertain when born. Liv-

ed in the old Jacobs homestead

in

Danvers,

left

1.

him by

his father, m.
b.

Eunice lucker. Children.

6Ebenezer,

Feb'y 17, 1783. m.

Phebe Mar-

E. S. Lang, Benj Dodge,

1803 1805

tin, of Andover, and had 5 children. ^JohnD, Wash'ton St., IJatliorne & Gray, ^Warren Martin, ^Elizabeth Cutler, ^Martha Market St., F'uh Street, Samuel Gray, Frye D, ^Martha Martin 6 Jonathan, b. 1785, Charter St., Gilbert Chadwick,
;

Henry Rust, John Daland,

1805 1805 1805 1804 1802

d. 1831,

unmarried
;

ejohn,

b.

1787, d. 1821.

Vine

Street,

Jona. Mason,

unmarried
*

Aaron,

b. 1790, never

married

William,
;

b. Sept. 22,

1796, married and had

2 children

^Allen, b. Oct. 12, 1800, married

several children.

Bnd bad 3 wives and

" Water Street, Neptune St., Union Whf., Derby Street, "
Essex Street,

Nathan
Smith

Pierce,

Douglass,

Elipbalet Butman, Page & Ropes, Henry Prince, Moses Townsend,

2.

1 1 1

1805

Ward No.
Sixth Generation.
*

Benjamin Jacobs,

b.

July 17. 1775.

Lived
til.

"
''

John Gardner, William Gray,

Chase & Kust Jacob P. Rust William Steams,
3.

1805

in

South Danvers.
1856.

Was a

Ship master,

"
Court Street, Essex Street,

1769

Sally Poor Jan'y 17, 1802.

She died

Feb'y

29.

1802, d. Oct. 9, 1802

Children ^Sarah, b. Sept. 19. ^Nancy Poor, b. July

:
;

Ward No.

15, 1804, m. Franklin Osborn

^Benjamin,

b.

Henry Rust, John Ilathorne, John Appleton,

Abel Lawrence, Mrs. Uaraden, Joseph Ropes,

1772

March

29. 1806,

m. two

sisters

by the name
Wash'ton
St.,

ofButtrick; 7 Joseph, b Feb'y 10, 1808, m. rSarah, b. Aug. 1, 1809, m. Susan Wilson P L Winchester ^George, b. April 11, 1812, ^Richard, b. Aug. 14, 1813, m d. May 1857
; ;

1805

Joshua Ward,

Summer
Chestnut

St
St.,

Sarah Nourse

1815, m. R. Smith, d.

Ann.

b.

July 28,
b.

yMary Abbott, b. May 10, Warren St., March 1857; 7 Eliza Ward No. 4. Essex Street, Albert Gray, 1817, m. E. F. Lamson
;

Joseph Baker, Daniel Gregg, Jonathan Hodges, Thomas Saunders, Chas. Cleveland,

1805 1805 1805 1805

'Susan Poor, Baker.

April 23,

1819,

m. Francis

" "

Federal

St.,

Daniel Saunders, Robert Peele, Joseph Spragae,

tions
for relief disclose

56
Court Street,

John Derby,
Archelaui" Rea,

" Boston

1 1 1

their sad

condition,

and they appear

13

to

have been even more detaken

off,

Street,

Jonaibau Dean,

sirous that the attainders should be

26

than to receive remuneration for their

losses.

Court Hoise, in Buildings of other descriptions. Court Street: Baptist iMeeting House, Marlboro St.; House. Ash St.; R. St.; Sujiar Balein Bank, Essex Stone's Distillery, N<>ptune St. ; John Norris's DisWin. Gray's Stable, St. Peter's tillerv, Water St St.; two workshops of one .'tory, in Derby St.; Fort
;

The following

is

the petition of Elizabeth Co:

rey, d->.ughter of Giles Corey, for aid

Pickering on Winter Island; Powder House, in the Great Pasture. Total, 11.
Buildings partly of brirk. ^Sun Tavern, Essex St.; Capt. Sage's House, E:?sex St.; Ebenezer Srnit'.., Essex St.; .lohn Watson, Union St.; John Bust's, CounWidow of Daniel Rust, County St.; Jo-iah ty St. Parsons, Water St. ; James Pope's .Marlborough St. Kev. Mr. Spaulding's, Summer St ; Wm. Fabons's,
;

Commite, apointed by the General Courte to make Enquire with Respect to the Sufferings in the year 1692 These are to give you a short account of our

"To

the Honourable

Sorrows and Sufferings, which was

1692.
er

in the

year

Sometime

in

March, our honored fath-

High

St.

Stephen Phillips's, Chestnut St.:

Total, 12.

Savary's, Briggs Court.

& mother, Giles Corey & Martha his wife, was accused for soposed witchcraft, and imRichard prisoned & was Removed from one prison to another, as from Salem to Ipswich, & from Ipswich to Boston, and from Boston to Salem
again, and so remained in close imprisonment

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF REV. JOSEPH about four months. We ware at the whole GREEN% REV. PETER CLARK, AND REV. charge of their maintenance, which was very BEN.JAMIN WADSWORTH, D. D., MINISTER6 OF SALEM VILLAGE, (NOW DAN- chargeable, and so much the more, being so VERS CENTRE. farr a distance *"rora us, also by reason of so
BV SAMUEL
r.

FOWLER.

many
less

removes, in

all

which we could doe no

than accompanie them, which further add-

Eead

at a

meeting of the Essex Instxtute, Thursday, March 11, 1838.

Before entering upon oui- subject, it will be necessary to notice the condition of tbe people at Salem Village, previous to the settlement of

Rev. Joseph Green.

After the frenzy of 1692 had subsided, and

a comparative calm had succeeded this violent storm, its inhaijitants began more fully to realize the extent of their misfortunes.

During

ed both to our trouble and charge, and although that was very great, it is the least of our grevence or cause of these lines. But that which bleaks our hearts, and for which we goe a mourning still, is that our father was put to Soe Cruell and painfull a death as beour mother was put to ing prest to death Death also, though in another way. As we cannot sufficiently expr^ss our Grief for the loss of our father & mother in such a way. So
;

the excitement in

the

were only intent themselves and their friends from imprison- But, after our father's death, the Sheriff ment and death. But when the witchcraft threatened te seize our father's Estate, and for delusion had subsided, they felt most severely fear thereof wee Complied with him, and paid the confiscation of their property, the imposi- him Eleven pounds six shillings in monie, by tion of fines, and the suspension of agricultuwhich we have bein greatly damnified and
all

summer of 1692, they we cannot Compute our Expences and Cost upon endeavoring to save but shall Comit to your wisdome to judge of.

and the conseiiuent loss of their impoverished, by being exposed to sell creaWe have documentary evidence of a tures and all other things for a little more crops. largii amount of property being taken from than half the worth of them, to get the money those accused of witchcraft, and expenses irto pay as aforesaid, and to maintain our fathcurred fur which they were but partially reBut that which is er and mother in prison. muneratei by the Genoral Court. Their petiral labor,
;


57
grievous to us
is.

that

we

are not only

im-

poverished

but also Reproached, and so

generations,

may demned
cient,

ment 21 weeks, and upon her Tryall was confor supposed witchcraft, upon such

be to

all

and that

wrongfully

evidence as

now

is

Generally thought
;

Insuffi-

and died in Prison 1 being well perAll which we humbly Committ swaded of my mother's Innocency of the crime ing thereof. I Humbly Deto the honoura'-le Jourte, Praying God to di- for which she was condemned. The rect to that which may bee acceptable in his sire that ihe Att:iinder may be taken off. Charges and Expenses for my mother during sight, and for the good of this land,
tew, unless something be done for the remov-

September ye 13/A, 1710.

her Imprisonment,

is

as follows
J

We cannot Judge our necessary

be
less

Expense to

The money which

was forced

to

pay the

than Ten pounds.

Wee

subscribe your

humble Servants

in all Christian obediance.

Keeper before I could have the dead body of my mother, to bury her, was 2 lOw money
;

Elizabeth Corey,
in behalf of the rest

daughter of ^JUes Corej, of the familie.

&

provisions expended

while she was in Pris6 pounds 10 Shil-

on,

4;

total

expences,

lings.

To

the Honerd

Commity apointed by

the

Abram Fost^,

the son of the Deceased.

General Court to Inquire into the names proper to be inserted in the bill for takeing
off the

To the Honored Committee, appointed by

ye Generall Court to Inquire into ye names of

Attainder, and what damages They Sustained

that

are to signify such *s may bo meet for takeing off ye Attainwas Imprisoned to- der, and for ye makeing some Restitution ; gether with my VVhife, in Salem Prison, and and these Humbly and Sorrowfully Shew that then carried to Boston Prison, and there lay our Dear and Honored father, Mr. George nine weeks; from whence we made our Escape, Burroughs, was aprehended in April, 1692, in which time, beside our Charge in flying. Imprisoned several months
their
[,

by

prosecutions:

These

Philip

Englishj

at Wells, and

in

and had Qur Estate taken away from the Wharf House, at the point of Kocks, to the amount of 1183 2 shil. And is a true account of what I had seized, taken away, lost and embezled, whilst I was in prison, in ye year 1692. And whilst on my flight for my life, besides a considerable quantity of household go> ids and otiier things, which I cannot exactly give a particular account, and for all which I never Received any other or further satisfaction for them, than Sixty Pounds paid me by the Administrator of George Curwin, late Sheriffe, deceas'd, ard the Estate was so seized and taken away Chiefly by the Sheriffe and his under officers, notwithstanding I had
given four thousand
at Boston.

Boston and Salem Jails, and at last condemned

& executed for witchcraft, wliich we have aU ye reason in ye world to believe he was innocent of. By his careful catechizing his children and upholding religion in his family, and

by

his

solemn and Savory written Instructions

from Prison.

We

were

left

a parsell of small

children, helpless,

andu

rr other- in -law

with

one small child of her own, whereby she was not capable to take care of us, by all which our
father 8

Estate was most

of

it

lost

and exwliat ye

pended.
loss

We

cannot

tell

certainly

may

be, but ye
it

least

we can Judge, by
pounds,
beside

best information,

was

fifty

ye damage that has accrued to us

thereby
is

many ways

Pound B

'nd with

Surity

some hundred
fifty

pounds.

We

earoff,

Philip English.

nestly pray that ye attainder

may

be taken

and

if

you please,

pounds may be

res-

The Honorable Committee now

Salem, Sept. 13th, 1710.
er,

sitting in

tored.

Whpreas,

my moth-

Charles Burroughs, Elder son, \u ye nanje of

the rest.

Ann

Foster of Andover, Suffered Imprison-

15


58
To the Honofed
in Boston 'this
Gi-netall

Courte. now sitting 12th of October, 1692 ; -

John Fry
ry Marston.

in behalf of his wife.

Jo5in Marston, in behalf ol his

wife.

Ma-

Right honored Gentlemen and Fathers. We, your humble petitioners, whose names
are underwritten, peiition your honors as fol-

Christopher Osgood, in behalf of his daughter,

would nof trouble you with a Joseph Wilson, in behalf of his wife. Tedious diversion, hut briefly spre.vd open our John Bridges, in behalf of his wife and distressed conditi n, and beg your honors' fa- children. vour and pity in affording what relief m- y be Hope Tyle*, in behalf of bis wife and daughthought Convenient. As for The matter of ter.
loweth
:

We

Mary Marston.

our Troubles it is the distressed condition of our wives and Relations in prison at Salem,

Ebenezor Barker, for his wife.

Nathaniel Dane, for his wife.

who

are a

company of

poor,

distressed creai-

tures, as full of inward grief and Trouble as they are able to b^ar up in life with all. And besides the agrivation of outward Troubles and

To the Honored General Court

ton.

sitting

in

Bos-

hardships they undergo, want of food, and the coldness of the winter season that is coming,

The humble Petition of Thomas Heart, Inhabitant at Lynn, sheweth that whereas Elizabeth Hart, mother to the Petitioner, was

may

so jD dispatch

snctoutof the way,

to

taklast,

that have not been used

such hardships.

en into Custody in the latter end of

May

in all which dnd expences that we are at, upon many actime nothing has appeared against her wherecounts, which will be to Tedious to give a parby to reuder her deserving of Imprisonment or ticular accouut of, which will fall heavy upom death. The petitioner being obliged by all

And

besides this, the exceeding great Charges

and ever since committed

Jail, for

to

prison in Boston

Witchcraft,

though

us, especially in a time of so great charge an(^ elpence upon a geiieral account in the County,

Christian duty as becomes a child

to

to

parents

which

is

expected
;

oJ

us to bear a part as
if

make

application for the Inlargement of hia

well as others

which,

put

Haid mother, being ancient

all

and not able

iLflicted

together,

to

un-

if it

our families & estates will be brought to Ruin, cannot in time be prevented. Having

dergo the hardsiiips that

ing in misery, and death

is is

from ly-

rather to be chosen

spread open our condition, we humbly make our address to your llonourn, to Grant that

than

life in

her circumstances.

the petitioner being ancient

and

wholly unable

to attend

in

our wives and Relations, being such that have been approved as penitent confessors, might be returned home to us upon what bond your
honors

The father of decripit, was this matter, and

un-

petitioner having lived from his childhood

der the same roof with his said mother he dare

was any shew of Impiety, nor witchcraft by her, and remove them as Prisoners under bonds in their were it otherwise he would not for the world, own families when they maly be more tenderly and all the Enjoyments thereof, Nurish or cared for, and be ready to appear tc onsWer support any creature that ye knew engaged in further when the Honored Court shall call for It is well known to the Drugery of Satan. them. We humbly cave your honors favor all the neighbours that the petitioners mother and pitty lor us and our^ Having set down has Lived a sober and Godly life always ready our Troubled State before you we heartily to discharge the part of a good Christian, and pray for your Honors.
ill

may

see

good,

we do not

presume
any

to affirm that he never

saw, nor knew,

petition to

or sinful practice wherein there

take them out ot the hand

of Justic^, but to

never deserving of affliction's of

from ye hand's

John Osgood

in behalf of bia wife.

men

fur

any thing ot

this

nature.

May

it

59

hum My

therefore please your

Honored Court
in

Borrowfull tryals for

witchcraft,
:*-

in

the year

to take this mutter into

your Coneideration.

1692.

Seized

and taken away

order to the Speedy

Inlurgement of this per5 Cows, at 2 pounds apiece, 1 Heifer and a Yearling, 1 Horse.
-

Shil. d,

on. So much abused, and the petioner as in Duty bound shall Ever pray. Thomas Hart.
Dated the 19th of Oct. 1G92.

--.-300
5

10 2

U 9

To

the Honourable General Court

now

sitting

9 Hogs, 7 8 Loads Hay, 4 A set of Carpenter's Tools, - 1 6 agres of Corn upon the ground, 9

....

.0

10

in Boston.

Th-^

Humble

Petition

of Nicholas Rist of

Abigail Faulkner, of Andover,

36

15

Beading

Showeth, that
day of June

whereas Sara Kist

into Custo-

wife to the petitioner, was taken

who
had

received
peti-

and ever since lain in Boston J:iil, for wiiclicraft, though in all this time nothing has been made to appear

dy the

first

last,

a pardon from Governor Phipjis, in

tion, says:
'

her

'The pardon so
as yet
suffered

far

its effect

as that

am

to live,

but this

for

which she deserved Imprisonment or death,

above twenty years,
in
all

only as a malefactor, convicted upon record of

the petitioner has been a husband to the said

ye most beinious crimes, that

mankind can bo
its

which time he never had reason to accuse her for any ImShe posture or Witchcraft, but the contrary

woman

supposed to be guilty, which, besides

utter

Ruining and Defaming

my

Reputation, will
thereby
be ye

certainly Expose myself to

Imment Danger hj
will

lived'witb him as a good faithful, dutiful wife

new

accusations,

which

and always had respect to the ordinances of more readily believed, will remain a perpetual God. while her strength remained, and the pe- brand of Infamy upon my family. Do humtitioner on that cont>ideration is obliged in bly pray that this High & honourable Court
and Justice, to use all lawful! will please to take my case into Serious Conand preservation of her sideration and order the Defacing of ye recmeans and it is deplorable that in old age. the ord against me, so that I may be freed from life poor decreped woman should be under confine- ye evil consequences Thereof." Others petitionment so long ic a stinking Jail, when her cir- ed that something might be done, to take off cumstances rather requires a nurse to attetid the infamy from the names and memory of
conscience
for the support
.

her.

May

it

therefore please your

honors, to

those,

who

have suffered from witchcraft, and

suffer reproach
little

take this matter into your prudent consideration, and direct some speedy methods whereby
this ancient decrepid person

that none ot their surviving relatives, nor their

posterity

might

upon that aces-

may not

forever

count.

But how

do we know of the

be in such

misery,

wherein her

more

afflictive to

her than death,

made timation posterity and the peti- The ignominy they

life is

will

form of our actions.

dreaded, has long
the

so

much

tioner shall, OS in duty bound. Ever pray.

since passed

from

them, without
their

much

Nicholas Kist.

ought intervention of the General Court, and

fastened itself

upon

accusers,

and the

To

the Honourable Committee, Bitting in Salem, Sept. 13th. 1710.

originators of this strange delusion.

The people of Salem Village,

after the sad occur-

An

account of what was seized and taken

a-

rences of 1692, which left them in a broken

and

way. by the Sheriff, or his deputy,

tants, out ot

and assisthe Estate of Samuel Wardwell,

Deceased,

distracted state, were fortunate in their choice of

a pastor,

Rev, Joseph Green,

to
&.

who was emMr. Green wap

late of Andover,

who

suffered the

inently qualified

heal

all

past difficulties,

pain of Death, under

condemnation on the and restore order

harmony.


60
ordained over the Church ut the Villu^e, Nov.
10th, 1698.

bead of his grave,

now

a good state of pres:

The churches
Roxhury.

represented upon

ervation, with the following inscription

the occasion, were from Beverly,

Wenham,
was eighty
It

Sub Hoc

Cae-pc,

Keading
pounds,

&
&

Hia salary
of

Requiescunt, in spe Beatae Resurectionis,

Reliquiae Revertndi D. Joseph Green,

thirty cords

wood

appears

A. M.,

from the church records, that he took an early opportunity to induce its members to admit to
their

Uujuace Ecclesiae Per XVIII

Annorum Fere

Spatium,

communion the three dissenting brethren, Pastoris Vigiiantissinii, John Tarbell, Thomas Wilkins & Samuel Viri Sempiteriia memoria Tenendi, Nourse, and their wives, who were leaders in Turn Gravitate Doctrinae Tum Suavitate mothe opposition against Rev. Samuel Parrie, in

rum,
Qui Decessit ex hie aerumnosa vita sexto Caiendas Decembres Anno Domini MDCCXV, Impleverat jam annum quadragessimum.*

1692.

After several attempts, Mr. Green suc-

ceeded in persuading his church to revoke the

oentcnce of excommunication against

Martha
Put-

Corey,

who was

executed for

witchcraft.

The following
of Dea.

notice of

his

death

is

to be

And it was during nam was admitted

Ann

his ministry, that

to full

Ann

seen in the church wcords. in the

communion with the

Edward Putnam
God, here cut

hand writing "Then was the

its

church, upon her humble confession.

apologises for her conduct, by disclaimill

choicest flower and goodliest tree in the garden

of our

down

in

prime and

ing the indulgence of anger, malice, or

aguini^t those she Accused,

will

flourishing state, at the age of 40 years

and 21

and

says she

was

days;

deluded by Satan, in her false

accusatione.

who had been a faithful embassador fiom God to us, 18 years. Then did that
did our sun go

And

it is

a singular fact, worth remembering,

bright star set, and never more to appear here

as an exhibition of
those,

who were

in

human nature, that ail among us, then any way connected with darkness
what
Village, after the
excitefor

down, and novr

us.
!

is

come among

Put

away

wix'licraft at "lalem

and pardon

all

our iniquities, oh

Lord, which

ment had subsided,

their participation in

excused

themselves

has been the cause of thy sore displeasure, and

its tollies,

by casting the

again return to

us

in

mercy, and provide yet

whole blame upon the

devil,

and asserting thry

again for tins thy

fl-ick,

a Paf^tor alter thine

\rere wholly unable to withstand his delusions.

own
in

heart, as thou hast promised in thy word,

lor

Mr, Green was called from his labors at Salem Village, by death, Nov. 26, 1715, in the
fortieth

which promise we here hope,

we are call*

year

ol

his

age.
in 1695,

He graduated

ed by thy name, oh, Leave us not.''

at

Cambridge College,
beth, daughter
of

&

married Eliza

A meeting

of the Village

Mr. Gerrish, of Wenham.

his

the house of Dea.

Church, was held at Putnam, the 19th of April,

He

baptised during

ministry of 18 years,

106 adults, and 528 children.

residence at the Village, the half

During

*TRAN8LATI0If.
his
this sod, Lie in hope of a happy resurrection. The remains ot the Reverend deceased

Under

way

cove-

nant was introduced. Mr, Green was an emiGreen, A. M., nent peace maker, and labored to remove the Of this church years, many difficulties in hia church, which arose in

Joseph

for

nearly the period of eighteen

Mr.

Parris's ministry,

and happily succeed jd.

hignly esteemed
bjr

He
all

appears to have been

most vigilant Pastor, A man to be held iu perpetual remembrance, Both for seriousness of diseorse and agreeableness
of mannors,

who knew him, and his removal by death Who departed from a laborious life in this place on the Gth day was sincerely lamented. He was buried in Of the calends of December in the year of the Lord, the Wadsworth burial ground, in Danvers, 1715, where a slab of black elate was erected at the He had just completed his fortieth year.


1717, for the purpose of looking to
rection in settling a minster.
ed,

61

God for diThe church votthat Capt. Putnam, Deacon Putnam, and
to present their de-

remembered that sad event, and had ever been vigilant and careful to repress any approach
towards divination, or the supposed practices
of witches.

Mr. Clark may have entertained and request the notion held by Dr. William Douglas, the bim to settle with them in the ministry, and author of the '^Historical Summary,*' that make a report to the church in due time. Mr. witchcraft, enthusiasm and other maniac dissires to the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark,

Mr. Cheever, be a Committee

Clark made answer to

as follows
;

the call of the church

orders,

was endemial

in

Salem and
its

its

neigh-

borhood and being like

April 23d. 1717to notice their first

weeds,

indigenous

to its soil, required a Pastor's

watch and care

To

the church of Christ, at Salem Village.

appearance and root them

My

answer

to

your request, brethren and

out.

But we have no evidence that such was

he
properly entertained a convicdivin>uion,

friendf, duly renpected in the Lord, I thankfully received this testimony of your love, and res-

his belief;
tion, that

invoking the dead or

pect towafds me; in calling me, tho'

little

wor

spiritualism,

witchcraft and diabolism,

and

thy in

my

sel', to

the

oflSce

of a Pastor,

among

their kindred arts should not be practised in

you, wherefore
bility given

do hereby testify ray accepof God.

Christian Church.

a There being reports that

tance, and shall according to the grace and a

reputed witches were in the village, and were

me

be

willing

to serve

YOU

in the oflSce

and work

of the

gospel

min-

istry, as

God
me.

shall

continue

my

opportunity
prayers to

by divination &c., and members of the parish were consulting them, Mr. Clark immediately called together
practising their arts
that

and

call,

hereunto

desiring your

the church on the 5th of Sept.

1746, to

make

let That votes were passtd at the meeting, Mr. Clark was ordained June 5th, 1717. for chriiitians, especially church members, to The churches present at the ordination, were seek to and consult reputed witches, or fortune from Beverly, Wenham, Reading & Topsfield. tellers, this church is clearly of the opinion He was to receive 90 pounds as his settlement, and firmly believes, on ye testimony of ye a salary of 90 pounds per annum, and the word of God, is highly injurious and scanda-

God

for

Peter Clark.

enquiry into the matter, and the following

parsonage.

Mr. Clark

thuri notices the

great

lous, being a violation of the

christian

cove-

earthquake in his church records, Nov. 29th,

1727.

uant involved
guilty of
it,

in

baptism, rendering ye persons

of ye

"Being Lords day,

at

night,

between

subject to ye just censure

10

&

11 o'clock, there happened a very great

church

No

proof appearing against any

mem-

earthquake, accompanied witli a terrible noise

ber of ye church (some of whom had been and shaking, which was greatly surprising to strongly suspected of this crime) so as to conye whole land, ye rumbling in ye bowels of vict them of their being guilty, it was further the earth, with some lesser trepidation of the voted, 2nd, That ye pastor in ye name of ye
earth, has been repeated at certain
divers

times,

for

church, should publicly testify their disapprobation and abhorrence of this infamous and
for-

weeks

after.'*

On

the 26th

of Nov.
Middlefirst

1729, 24 members of the village church were

dismissed to help form the church
in

ungodly practice of consulting witches or

tune letters, or any that are reputed

such,

too, gathered under the ministry of their

Pastor, Rev.

Andrew

Peters.

exhorting
guilty of

all
it,

little

more
since

to

under their watch, who may be an hearty repentance and re-

than half a century had

the fatal delusion

now
it is

elapsed,

of witchcraft had broken

turning to God, fervently seeking forgiveness in ye blood of Christ, and warning all against

out at Salem Village, and

vrere

probable there

ye like practice for ye time to come.

some aged members of the oburcb, who

16

62
The next Sabbath, Sept. 7th,
this testimony,

woul^l be pleased

to

sanctify

this

great

be-

exhortation and warning was publicly read to

the congregation iroui the pulpit by
tor.

reavemeni

to this

the pas-

good, and in

church and congregation for his own due time give us another

Tiiese old
in

women, who

so troubled

Mr.

Pastor after his

own

heart, to feed this people

Clark

1746 were the

last witches

(we mean

with truth, knowledge and understanding that

this

Salem Village. Yonng and elderly ladies still continue however to meet there, as in olden traie, in circles and classes, and it is Supposed they have not lost
diabolical onei) seen at
their bewitching artfr, but fortunately they are not exercieed in the same way as in

church

may

not be

left

like

sheep

withwill
for

out a shepherd.
be enquired of, them.'*

But of these things he

house of Israel to do
ministry

it

any of

Mr.

Clark,

during

his

of

51

years, baptised

46 adults, 1,226 children and

16^.

The

last record

made by Mr. Clark

in

admitted 309 persons into his church.

He

the churol) book was Nov. 8th, 1767, at which

time his health

failed,

and he was compelled

was buried in the Wadsworth burying ground in Danvers, with the following inscription upon his^ravo stone:

to forego the labors of the pulpit.

He

contin-

"Here lies Intombed the remains of the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark, for about 51 years the painThe last t'ime he ful, laborious, and faithful pastor of the first preach, and olten failing. appeared before his people, he faltered in the Church in this town. He was a great Divine; service^ and leaned against the pulpit, which an accomplished Christian, in whose character one of iii*t deacons noticing, he went to Lis ye most exemplary patience, humility and
ued
to

decline during the

of

early

part of the
to

season

1768,

frequently

attempting

assistance,

and

led

him home.

His death ocis

meekness. Were illustriously

displayed.

He

curred soon after June 10th, 1768, and

noticed by Dea.

thus

"Now

it

has pleased

dence, to

Asa Putnam in the records, God in his holy Provi take away from us our dear and Rev.
Peter Clark,

was born March l^th, 1693, Graduated at Harvard College in Cambridge 1712, ordained pastor of ye church in this town, June 5th, He lived much esteemed and respected, 1717.
and after a long
ligion.
life

Pastor by death, Mr.

parted this
life,

who

de

spent in ye service of relOtb,

June ye lOth, 1768, in ye 76 year of his age, and on ye 15th day was his It was attended with great solemnifuneral. ty; his corpse was carried into the meetinghouse, and prayer was made by ye Rev. Mr, Diman of Salem. A sermon was delivered by Rev. Mr B.irnarJ of S.ilena, from Gal. 3 chap 11 verse. It was th^en removed to the grave,
sisted

He

died

much lamented June

1768, .^tatis 76.

Wrapt
Fled

in his arms, wlio lied

on Calvary's plain.
Spirits Shine,

We murmur
We mourn

not Blest shade, nor dare coinplaine;

to those seats

*here perfect
yet
still

our

lot,

rejoice 'n thine;

Taught by tby tongue, By thy example led, We Blessed thee living, and revere thee Dead.
Sleep here tby Dust,
till

with the church walking before the corpse asby twelve bearers, with a great conAfter
his interfor
left his

the Last

Trump

shall

Soand,

Iben

sbalt thou rise,

and be with perfect Glory

course of people following.

Crown'd."

ment we

deceased body in ye dust,

Mr. Barnard, in
cient

his funeral sermon, observes

"worpis to feed upon,

which we took so much

that Mr. Clark was well acquainted with an-

delight and satisfaction in.

He

is

gone,

who

has been so faithful in ye ministry among this people, the number of fifty one years Now he

vous

& modern learning, his style pure, ner& clear, cool or pathetic, as his subject
his conversing

required; and by means of

is

gone, never to sec his face no more in

this

much with
gant

the best modern authors, more ele-

tions,
lic,

world, no more to hear the precious instrucand examples out of bis mouth in pubor in private.

&

pleasing to the politer world than most

of his equals in age.

His printed works are

That je God of

all

grace somewhat numerous

upon many public occa-


6-3

voluminous writer of your offering no objection to me, I can't Mr. Clark preach- but suppose speaks your general concurrence. ed the Artillery Election Sermon in 1736, Con- Afture mature deliberation, and many anxious vention Sermon in 1745, Dudleian Sermon in thoughts upon a matter of so great conse1763, & the Eleciion Sermon in 1739. I have quence, both to yourselves and me, having preached by been importunate with God for direction, and in my possession two sermons him, the firttt to a society of young men in the sought the advice of men, I have concluded to North Parish in Di'.nvers, Dec. 15th 1757 accept of your invitation upon the terms prothe second, a sermon from Psal. 119, 109th posed, humbly confiding in ihe great head of
sions,

he being the most

that ever lived in Danvers.

verse, containing
diers,

"A

word

in

S-^ason to Sol-

the church for assistance faithfully to discharge the duty incumbent

preached

.April 6th,

1755

being Lcrd^s
Soldiers in

upon a minister of the

Day

before muster of a

number of

Gospel, and in your goodness for a comforta-

who had enlisted ble subsistence, if what you have already proKing and Country. posed for that end should p.ove insufficient' Most oi And a^ your earnest prayers for me, that a in the intended Eastern expedition." the recruits put up notes on the occasion, re- divine blessing may attend all my ministerial
the North Parish in Danvers,
in the public service of the

questing prayers of the congregation.

of them
r.

So-re

quested that

"God would

preserve

them, especially from sin, and some of them ad ded, the "worst of evils." .Mr. Clark was fond
of controversy, and wrote several books in defence ot original sin,

and that I may obtain grace to be and mercy to be successful, heartily wishing that grace, mercy and peace may be
labors,
faithful,

the stability of our

times.

Thus

subscribe

myself your affectionate friend

the Lord.

&

servant in

and

in favor

of infant
in the

Benjamin Wadsworth.
ordained

baptism.

After his death, the people

Milton, Nov. 5th, 1772.

North Parish in Danvers, invited Mr. Amos Sawyer to settle with them in the ministfy,

Mr. Wadswor h was

Dec.

23,
:

1772, and the following persons were present

who

acC'-pted the

invitation,

but died before

Dr. Appl'^ton from Cambridge, Mr. Robbing

the time appointed for his Ordination.

Titation

An

in-

from Milton, Mr. Morrell from Wilmington,

was then extended to Mr. Joseph Cur- Mr. Dunbar from Stoughton, Mr. Williams rier to become their Pastor, but in consequence from Weymouth, Mr. Diman from Salem, of some difiBculties arising in the Parish, h Mc. Holt from South Danver.-*. Mr. Smith .''rom
Middleton, Mr. Stone from Reading, Mr. Swain from Wenham, and Mr. Sherman from Woburn. The records of the chorch inform turned the following answer us "that Mr. Holt opened the solemnities by To the North chut-ch & corigregation in Dan-- prayer Mr. Robbins preached from Eph. 2d Dear'ybeloved in Ohrist Mt. Morrill prayed and gave the 17th. vers. Whereas, the great Governor of the Uni- charge, and Mr. Smith gave the right hand of AH the services was carried on verse has. in his wise Providence, (some time fellowship. since.) removed your former Revereni*. wor- with order and decency. May heaven smile up:

gave his answer in the negative. On the 30th of August, 1772, the church voted to give the Rev. Benjivniin Wadsworth a call, who re-

thy and

"very
;

laborious pastor, into the land

for the resettlement
itself

ofBilence

and your desire

^the

Gospel ministry has evidenced

in

on the services of the day." I have been informed by aged people, who were present at the ordination, that the dHy was so mild and
pleasant,
tlie

yoar invitation of me (unwoithy as I am,) to tho' it must be conthat important work

;

windows of the church were was a scene of great festivity all the houses were fessed the voice of all the people did not unite throughout the parish in the call, yet as the answer has been deferred open, and these failing to accomtoodate th
raised.
It
;

for -a coHsidarable time, the practical language

concourse of people^ tents Trere erected in

tiit


64
fields

opposite the meeting house for tht-ir use. The last record in the church book made by Mr. Wadsworth, at the time of his ordination, Dr. Wadsworth, was July 18th, 1824. His was 22 years of age. The nnmber of male sickness and death are thus recorded by Eleazer members belonging to the church at the com- Putnam, Esq mencement of his niinis:,ry, was 45 females, "Rev. Dr. Wad worth deceased the 18th of 91. Nov. 3d, 1775 The church voted to January. A. D 1826, after a severe illness of
: ; ,

sing out of Dr. Watts's

hymns on
loss,
fire.

trial for 8

ten months.
last

He

retained his reason to

his
life.

the

weeks.
ciety

On Monday,

Sept. 23d,

1805, the so-

moments of

He

has enjoyed a

among us His was attended the 23d inst., by a large ered about 4 o'clock in the morning, & was concourse of people, and the services were solsupposed to be the work of an incendiary. Kev. Mr. Green ademn and appropriate. The following Sabbath the society worshipped dressed the throne of Grace, Rev. Mr. Dana in the school house in District No 5, where a preached the sermon, and the Rev Dr. Woods sermon was preached by Mr. Wadsworth, made the last prayer. "Bles>ed .are the dead from Isaiah, 64th chap. 11th verse. Dec. who die in the Lord." He lias buried in the 26th was observed by the society as a day of Wadsworth burial ground in Danvcrs, and the humiliation, lasting and prayer, on account following inscription may be seen over his reof the loss of their meeting house. The church mains Consecrated to the memory of Btnjamet to consult on measures for supplying the min Wadsworth, D. D., a tender, iaitlilul
severe
their
It

met with a

meetingdiscov-

long and peaceful ministry

funeral

house being destroyed by

was

sacramental table with suitable

furniture.

husband and

ftxther,

The

set of table service

firs,

in

the house at the

dicious counsellor,

a valuable Iriend and juan exemplary christian,

18th,

time of the

consisted of two flagons

& two and

A.

distinguished public servant of the Prince

tankards of pewter, and eight silver cups, val

of Peace,

who

entered into his rest Jan

ued about 30 dollars each. They were presented to the church by different individuals,

1826, in the 76th year of his age, and

54th of his ministry in this place.

and as the silver was not found after the fire, it was supposed they were taken by a sacrilegious hand.

" Tis great

Near
vant,

to pause

and think on what a

brighter world than thia his spirit shines.

his grftve
lies

"

The

.Pari.<h

held a meeting Oct. 4th, for the

buried his colored seryears in his family.

purpose of seeing what action they would take

in regard to building a

who

lived

many
is to

new meeting house.-

Dr. Wadsworth erected over her remains a

stone,

They voted unanimously to rebuild, and on the 2d of November contracted with Col. Ebenezer G..odale to build a brick

on which
:

be seen the following in-

scription

In memory of Phebe Lewis,

10th, 1823,

who
She

house for the shone a hiight example of integrity and fidelof $10,000, to be completed by the 1st of On the 21st day of May, 180G, ity, and proved an ornament to the christian Sept., 1806.

died Jan.

aged 49 years.

sum

the buildi'ig was commenced.

On

Thursday,
fine, pleas-

profession.

the 20th of November following, on a

ant day, the

dedicated.

meeting house was Public worship was first held in

brick
the pews

new

Benj. Wadsworth was born in Milton, Mass, July 18, 1750, and graduated at Harvard ColThe year succeeding his gradulege in 1769.

ation, he was engaged in teaching a school were after which he resided at Cambridge, and pursold. Mr. Wadsworth was honored with the sued the study of Theology, under the direcdegree of Doctor of Divinity from Harvard tion of Professor Wigglesworth, and in the On July 18th, 1819, College in 1816. the spring of 1772, was licensed to preach. the 23d of December following, he accepted scriptures were first read in puijlic.

the house Nov. 23. 1806, and on Monday, the 8th of D*icember following,


65
the pastoral charge of the First

Church
in

erfy acquired

Dan vers.
last

Enjojing vigorous health, he conI

by marriage. He appears to have fully understood that his salary was not
it

tinued to labor without interruption, until the

what
ceipts

should have been, as in signing his refor

money received from the parish from his pulpit, during his ministry more than treasurer, he sometimes added, "a very inadefour or five sabbaths. The whole number of quate support." As several of his parinhoners persons admitted into the church during Dr. were sea-faring men, he was in the habit of Wadsworth s pastorate of 54 years, were 260. making adventures at sea, and not being He baptized 810 children, and 86 adults. At charged for freight or commissiim it was a Our recollecthe period of hii death, there was not a male small source of income to him. member of his church living, that belonged to tion of him is that of a gentleman of the old
year of his
life.

He was

never

detained

it

when he was
:

ordained, and only two

is

fe-

school, dressed in black

velvet small clothes,

\

males.
tions

The following

list

of his publica-

with silk stockings, and

hite topped boots.

He wore
,

bands in

the pulpit,

and black

silk

Sermon at the ordinatnn of Rev. Josiah Badcock,at Andover, N. II Ajril 30th, 1782. A Thanksgiving Serm>n in 1795. A Thanksgiving Sermon in 1796. Eulogy on Washington in 1800. A Sermon at the dedication of the Brick Meeting House, Nov. 20th, 1806.

gloves, with the ends

finger cut
ofif,

of the

thumb and

fore

the better to enable him to turn

over the leaves of his sermon.

He was

in the

habit of bowing to the old men, aud his most

distinguished parishoners, as he passed

up the

broad

aisle, first

A Sermon
and

before the Bible Society, of Salem,

the other.

on the one side and then on Although in the pulpit, the tone
his notes,

its vicinity, in

1815.

An
in

Address
1815.

before

of his voice was low and monotonous, and he

the Moriil Society,

in Danvers, for the sup-

was

clos-ely

confined to

yet he pos-

pression of Intemperance,

Ser-

sessed by nature,

superior powers cf mind.

mon

Moses Dow, in His written productions always evinced a 1815. A Sermon at the Brick Meeting Hnuse, sound and dit>criminating judgment, a vivid Nov. 7th. 1816. before the Female Cent Socie- imagination, and a correct and refined taste. A Sermon at He rever presented religion in a harsh or unty, in Danvers and Middleton, the interment of the Hon. i^amuel Holten, in pleasant manner; but by letting its native at1816. A Discourse on the death of Dr. M.-i- tractions, sliine through the medium of a rich nasseh Cutler, July 28, 1823. A Sermon and elevated style, he sought to inspire every preached upon the death of Benjamin Heze- heart with love to its author. He had a deep
at the installation of Rev.

kiah Flint, and Bethiah Sheldon,

Nov. 19th,

solicitude for the welfare of the rising generation,

1820.

and would often

call

together

the chil-

Dr. Wadsworth was not. like his predecessor, the Rev. Peter Clark, lond of controversial

writing, but on

the

contrary sought and ob-

tained a peaceful ministry, undisturbed by the

changes taking place around him.

Mr. Clark,
its

as a controversialist always had his lance in

rest,

and was ever ready

to shiver it with

any

one,

ry of Doct.

to encounter him. The salaWadsworth was small, never exceeding $400 per annum, and would have givmanifested, under every dispensation of Provien him a meagre support, had it not been for fop dence, was not the result of iijsensibilit^ his frugal habits, and the income fiom propch'jse
;

who

and with the most afiectionate tenderness intreat them to re-^ member their Creator, in the morning of life. His private character was distinguished by a combination of various excelleuves. Hie equanimity of temper was remarkable. Temperance and prudence combined, with the most refined afiability and benevolence, rendered him an example of personal and social excellence. The calm serenity of mind, which he
dren and youth in
his

parish,

17

66
lie

hdd a heatt

feelingly alive to all the tender

SAli'L

sympathies of our nature.

BROWME MBRCHANT IN SALt:U HIS 1M.STKDCJOHN TOUZELL VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES.
TIONS TO CAPT.

Dr Milton P Braman,
Wadsworth,

the successor of Dr.

Mr.

Salbm,
John.
of

New

in the ministry of the first parish

Touzell

"You

England, Decem'r
are

19, 1727.

hereby

appointed

in Danvers, was ordained April 12, 1626.

Master

my

Sloop Endeavour, and being Leaden

is

The

^mstoratt'S

of the

three

last ministers

supplyed with what

are therefore
to

needful for your

first

voyage, you

of this ancient church, embraces a period of

take ye

good opportunity of

138 yearn, and

in

is

probably wichout a parallel

wind

<fc

weather,

& come

to Sail with sail vessell, di-

New

recting your

ngland.

course and

way

for the

West

Indies;

making the best of your and you may Touch at

att

Barbados, St. Christopher's, or Antegoa or Jamaica,

ai.d if

any good marketts

any of those Places,

then you

may

dispose of

my

Cargoe I consign you

OLD SCRAPS.
SEItBRAL COURT IN SALEM IN 1774.
Messrs. Editors.
in

by Bill of Loading

&

Invoice herewith given you, to

my

best advantage,

&

Purchase a Loading of good

thing you
to

MoUasses, Som<? Rum, good Cotton wool, good Cocoa

my

document possession, which may be read with some inThis paper

is

I send you a copy of a

in the

Nutts

& good

Indigo, and any other

may

bring here with Safety, that will turn

or, if

advantage,

terest.

handwriting

of Col
B.

the markets are

then you
cois, or

Low at ye English I.-tlands, may goe & Trade at Gruardelupe, Cape Fran-

Timo. Pickering.

"Expenoes
1774:

of fitting the

Town House

in Salem, to

accommodate the House of Representatives, June,

Benja. Pickman, Esq., for boards, Josiah tii>uld, for Carpenter's work, ditto <t Joists, Benj. Ward 3d. Carpenter's Work, James Andrew, ditto Tbos. lirown, "Willm. Pickman's acct. for Nails James Gould, lor Carpenter's Work,

d
9
4
1

2
1

-18
1
1

19 16

14 6

3 13 10

10

16

any of the french Islands, where you Can Trade, & with Safety, and bring my Effdctd as afforesaid. If you should Trade at Martinico, Gett of Mr. Barbolton the_ Eifucts of my Sloop's Cargo Left iu his hands, of tlie Last Voyage Imploy your Conpers Diligently in good Mollasses. in making Cas-k for your Mullasses which you purchase for me, make what Dispatch you Can back to New England to me. Leave no debts on my account. If possible to avoid itt, Butt Bring the whole Proceeds of my Cargoe in ?iuch goods as I have mentioned, be Careful to pay your Port Charges, and not to bring anything Home to endang r a Seizure
gett Permition to

To

the honorable House of Representatives of the proviuce of Massachusetts Bay: May it please your Honours. We received a letter

of

my

Vessell.

Take Care that

yourself,

Mate &

Seamen Pay their Proportion of the charge of Per mition To Trade at the French Islands, if you Should
go

from the Secretary, acquainting Us that his Excellency the Governor had directed him to desire us to make provision for the accommodation of the two Houses; in consequence of which we ordered seats
to be

&

Trade there;

lor it is

Butt Reasonable that they

Should Pay their Part who Reap Equall

with

me

according to their

Ptir'^s,

advantage and Suffer nothing

to be brought in the Vessell

leidge, without
est,

more than their Privi*

Consult
Buissiness,

made

iu the

Town House, where your Honours

Paying

freight.

now

sit;

and the foregoing account shows the ex-

& make
in all

Dispatch in ray

my Inter& use the

pences incurred thereby.

cleansing and repairing,

Many

other expences

for

greatest Prudence, Diligence

we have omitted; and noth- Can

account but the

ing

is

included in the foregoing

charges necessarily occasioned in erecting those Seats. We pray yonr Honours' allowance of that account,

& good Husbandry you and Endeavour to make me a ^ood Voyage, advise me of your Proceedings pr Eve So wishing you a Prosperous voyry opportunity. age, Comitt you to the Protection of Almighty God,
my
affairs,

and an order on the Treasurer

for tbe

amount

there-

am

Yr Freind & Imployer,

Sam'll Browne.

Titho. Pickering, JUn., 1

Bring Some Oranges

Selectmen
of

&

Limes.

IVm. Pickman, Willm. Northey,

Rich'd Ward.

NOTICE TO PROPRIETORS OF BEVERLY BRIDGE IN 1788.

\ J

Salem.

Xo

.You, being one of the Proprietors of


67
s$ex Bri'lge, and owning four shares, are hereby
notified that a

Go5no/(/'5 Observations in

meeting of the Directors

of

said

Indians by Cape Cod

New England, the were not unacquainted

in

Bridgp, held at Leech's tavern in Ueverly,

on Satur*
asset^sed

with trade, and this

years before Salem

is

1602 twentv -four

!

daj the seventh day of June instant, they

the sQui due from you
is

on each share the sum of tircnty dollars: and that

eighty dollars; which

sum

would seem as
tives or others,

if

by Conant It *Conant and the planters

is vi^*ited

must be paid in fifteen days after this no'ice, otherwise your said shares will be sold at publick vendue, agreeably to the rules and regulutions of the said
Proprieto"^.

might have been en^aj^ed

in trade with the na-

because the planting of tobas-

co by these old settlers gave great offence to the second comers (the Puiitans of 1628). the
ter
lat-

Dated at Beverly

this

ninth day of

June, 1788.

Your humble Servant,

\\m. Presoott, Propr.'s Clerk.

maintaining according lo the orders of the

that
its

Home Company
tivation

culture was immoral,

N. B. Payme'Dts must be made in Gold and Silver

pr order of Directors."

unless for medicinal purposes.

Now,

the cul-

The above

notice is filled out

and signed by Judge

must have been greater^ of course, than

Prcscott, Father of tbo Historian.

surplus was for trade.

Richard Weight, Aged about 55 years, being sworne,
saith:

was considered necessary fur medicine, and the Such, at least, is a fair

inference.

The second comers, (the Puritans of 162830) were not at

first

That he being preasent, standing with Mr. Richard Margerum, neare to the Castle Tavern, he beard the said Margerum say that Mr. Browne kept a false booke and he would prove it soe.

very zealous for trade.

Epissettle;

The

old planters, being of the moderate

copalian stamp, and ot the Cape

Ana
it

ment, were most probably in favor of

they
possessed

biit

John Bushnell, Aged about 40 years, saith: That be was standing by at the same time and heard Mr. Margerum sp<jak the sarse words above mentioned and ffu'ther these Deponents saitb not. These words were spoken in the open Sireett. 3worne bfure me tLe 20th of the 4th month 1635.
Jo*. Endecott, Qou'r.

but

little

power,

being soon

swallowed up in the Puritan emigration.

f Puritans (second comers)

The

though regarded by

ty,

*To judge from the testimony of Bracktnbury Dixand Woodhrry (Salem Records, Registry of
,

Deeds, vol.

5,

pages 105 to 7)

the early

Planters

were on the best terms with the native Indians in

llien Rec'd of Phillip

Salev, March the 13th, 1743. English, Ten pounds In

Salem, and thus had the opportunity of trading with

them; and the Cape Ann Settlement had

were doubtless used
trading, along the
for fishing,

Bills of Crt., of the ould Tennor, In part of his Subcrition /or the

boats, which and very probably

North River Bridge.

pr
Sam'll West.

coast.

As

that

settlement was
fish-

10 Os

Od.

originally intended as a planting, trading and

most likely that fish and furs were both sought from Sulem, as from the vicinity the
ing one,
it is

search for both these articles being then

common

to

SOME RE.MARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SALEM FROM 1026 TO 1740 WITH A SKETCH OF PHILIP ENGLISH A MERCHANT IN SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4.
BT GEORGE X. CBEYER.

adventurers to this Western Coast.

The Trade or Commerce of Salem most probably dates back to, or even prior to the settle-

fThe early settlers of Salem (1628-30) seem to come hither as non-conformists, or at least with that reputation. They soon however became congregational sepatatists, as were the Plymouth Colonists before them. The term Puritan seems in that day to
have been applied more particularly to
sought
to
tht se

wLo

purify

the national church.

The Ply-

ment of the Place.

ern Coasit after
lieh

Adventurers

to this

Westtraded

mouth

Colonists however even before their departure

and

furs,

may have

with the Naumkeugs, ere Cunant and his associates settled

from Europe were called Browhists, that is separaand though denying tists from the national church

here.

From what remains

of that particular name,were in fact Congregationalisti


68
the

were repaid the debts incurred

colonize.
case,
in their efiForta to

Home Company

probably as
of Siilem in
to

in

eymjiathy
relig-

with the

first settlers

their

The contrary seems

the

to

have been the

ious views,

seem either

have sympathized
settlers ere

while

expulsion of the

Browns
law

practically witn the

Plymouth
to

they

the punishment of Ratclifi"

the sectarian

(the Puritans)

came

Salem, or

else

changed

their views very shortly after

arrival.

Some
first.

of f Freemanship, and the reported Judaistic tendency of some of the colonial legislation
all these

of them were evidently non-conformists at

reacted to the prejudice of the

Home

At

all

events their religious views assumed

in

Company

paral

zed them

in

fact

strength-

Massachusetts a direct hostility to Episcopacy,

ened the enemies of the Puritans in England and modifit^d all their civil views. Once here, came near costing them their charter in 1638, and independence both of the Church and State and finally, recoiled upou themselves, perhaps, of England comtnences. Indeed, the Puritans under the arbitrary James. The existence of
cut adrift from about
all

authority, except the

it

Bible, and the pauses for

are

partly

to

be

Etrong attachments to the church and State of England

found in their spiritual proclivities, and partly in the condition in which they found themBelves

which
him

on arrival.

deed, had given them instructions

The Home Company, inhow to act,

share with upon the Colony, which amounted in 1648 (so Felt says) to nearly 700. It is not probable that any of this was ever repaid.

the Colonists evidently did not

left a claim

and expected a compliance therewith, but some

ot these instructions perhaps could not well be

f There can be but little doubt, that the Puritans acted from policy in their early measures for the
exclusion of
all

but Congregationalists from

heeded, and some

others were disregarded.

power

and influence

in the Colony, the fear that the Episoo-

The Home Company were expecting prompt

commercial returns and the Colonists wen' The sudden liberty, struggling for existence.
too,

pal tyranny at home would get a foot-hold among them to their destruction, if not utterly banished in anjr and every suspected shape. The miserable in-

break his

which hero greeted the Puritan, helped to He shonld ties to the Old Country.

trigues of
at

Oldham and his confederates (Conformists) Plymouth which were evidently intended for the

here realize, he thought, his enthusiastic dream

destruction of that Colony

religious independence and he allowed nothing

to interfere

against the Browns in Salem

to

very probably operated who, however, seem

in

with

it.

Trade was considered

non-couformists,

have been honorable upright men, and who, aa (as they most probably WPre) could
England.

as of trifling consequence in the comparison.

not have been in good odor

it

The

diflS-

So dominant was
embarrassed their

this faith

and view, that

culty seems to have been, that the moderate Episcopalians in the Colony
for

led the Puritans to do things which

al.ies in the

seriously

those who were persecuted at

Home Company, home

more particularly after the transfer of the Pa- sins The tent and Government here in 1630. It is much
to be doubted moreover, whether the substantial

of the
fear

had to sufifer here for the High Churchmen of Old England or Jfew. of tlie Puritans was natural perhaps, but,
non conformity
the

Home
latter

we cannot but think, exaggerated. The enemies they stirred up in the Old Country by this course,
with the addition of
opposition
of

helpers of our Mass. Colony

ever

those

tbns

The

Ecclesiastical

had been watched very narrowly by the tyranny at home, which suspected
first

thera from the

of separating entirely from

the

Church of England.

This they had done,

it

appears,

even before they left England for Europe. The Plymouth Church (congregational) must be regarded thrrefore as the Parent Church of Massachusetts

them more trouble in the end, than could the toleration of a few mere non-conformists among themselves. Toleration seems to have been with them rather a theory than a practice aa is indeed generally the case among men. Yet the Puritans behaved with very comnendable justice
treated by them, ave

to the
titles.

Indians in the extinguishment of their land

In the one case they were politic

in

the

the seed of our

Congregational system.

other just.

too

faithful

adberenee to the Old

it,

Cradook, the first home Governor of the Company, Testament, and a too literal interpretation of and who was. a very just, liberal and no ble man with led them into unreasonable peculiarities at times.


69
our Mastfuchusetta colony
seems
to

civil

for

a series oi years,

Liberty

seeking
first

to lay

the

foundations

be a History of Escapes, and very nartoo, at times. Tlie Puritans often escapones row ed even the consequences of their own want of
liberality,

uf

its

power upon

principles,

and that too

trials, it
is

amid severe

spiritual

and temporal

or wisdom, by some fortunate civil

in

no wonder, that he should have sympathised with the Jews when journeying to their promised

commotion
events no
ed.

human

England, or some combination ot fo-esij^ht could have perceivtoo.

Land

-adopted some of

their views,

felt fiimself like

the Israelite -with the

and Egypt

their allies at home,

They were defended, when

and stoutly, by
allies.

of

Tyranny behind him, the

perils of the

way

their acts were even

detrimental to the interests ot those

and the Heathen around him. and the promised Kingdom before him. Taking the Bible, as
his literal guide, his visions

Watched, suspected, and hated for their love of civil and ecclesiastical independence, they
invariably
destruction.
lic in

and

his j<)urney-

ings were directed by

its

Light and Shadow,

escaped the

snares laid

for

their

Helping

to

maintain the Repub-

and that Light and Shade were cast roin that Column, shrouding the Great Jehovah, which

England for a time, they founded one in swept with such awful yet serene majesty over England for all time, and even under the the trembling deep-daj-shadowed or crimsoned Tery shadow of Monarchy the while. So before our Fathers, night-sands of Arabia

New
It

is

not within the range of our subject

to
Pil-

attempt to portray the characters of the

grims
it is

to

endeavor

to

do them

justice.

But

impossible not to refer to their

character-

istics,

with

them, as with
the

even in a sketch of their Commerce, for all men, in History, Faith

swept that awful column of cloud and flame, but over the desert of the sea and not the shore, and into (he New Canaan filled with a more numerous Heathen, but of a still more abundant promise
visible to the eye of Faith,

the

later

Palestine

of

greater

blessings

made

Man^-whether as a Civilian or Up- both for the body and the The Puritan, and his or less of such a faith and holder of Religion.
b^
their
into the hearts of

soul.
belief

More
entered

polity were not sustained, moreover,

detects, but virtues

the Puritans

who sought
e:?-

His Commonwealth was

these shores

and

something also of the

against
parallel

cot really founded on his misconceptions in

ciusive spirit of the Israelites as

the

regard to Divine or
positive

human

legislation, but
Tlie Puritan

on

outside world.

The

was carried at
he
cat

and

literal ideas.

began

times too far with

off even those
tials, if

the Puritan, since

by almost ignoring the advantages of Commerce, but when he saw his mistake, he be

who agreed with him

essen-

not in forms.

Such mistakes generof

belief,

came a
ony

firm

and wise upholdei of

it,

and

was
Colus

ally arose

however not from the mere wanton^

abundantly rewarded
after
its first

for his efforts.

No

ne8 of tyranny, but that gravity

start ever furpassed.

it

Jet

which
Soul.
well
ly,
lie

considt-rs a different faith as heresy,

and
the

Bay, ever equalled

for energy, industry,

pruPar-

as the great evil,

because destructive
did
right,
sterol v, but

to

dence, and economy.

This the English

What

the Puritan

he did

liament in 1643 practically admit.

ritan

The Pu-

earnestly, perhaps

thorough-

and his Conmon wealth, too, were saved by what was good in them and there was much. If he sometimes went back almost to first prejudices, he went back also to first prin

and that both in Church and State. What did amiss, was done as earnestly and decid-

edly

a proof both of the grave sincerity

in the

of hid

motives, and the fallibility of all

and polity. The glory of fame may be brighter, and its shadow Bomewhat deeper than is usual among men,
ciples in his taith

ment

hour of

conflict

human judgbetween human

his

power, whether temporal orepiritual. and the

As the Pioneer of the Great Republic of religious and 18

for his lot

was a more peculiar one.

new faiths demands and wants of humanity. The Puritan failed in his mistakes and preja-

1o
dices,

but lived, and will ever

live

in his

vir-

and from English ports

after for 21 years,

for 7 years,

and there-

tues.

except

after

the 7 years 5

The Home Company m England under whose auspices Salem was permanently settled was originally intended (sa>8 IJutcliinson,) for trade and colonization, like the East India,

per cent on merciiandize entered into the Englisii

ports.

At

first,

these

privileges

were

thought but

little (f

by the Puritan

settleis.

They were
emnuiercial

tliinking

more of
to

their independence

and other great companies. certain, It is however, that the Ittading commercial men ol
the Company.
nobler tiews

of Enj/land in

matters

of faith, than of any

advantages
Tiie

be gained
in

in the

Cradock. as an instanne, had

than

new

country.

Company

London

mere pecuniary ones,

course,

al-

urged trade upon them with a divided motive,

partly to pay the expenses of colonization, and partly to defeat the schemes of Gorges and

though

detiiring, o(

remuneration for

their outlays.

The
in

transfer of the Patent and

1630 moreover aided the commercial as well as civil freedom of the Col-

Government here
it

Mason by occupying advanced trading posts, and so gaming or maintaining title by adverse
occupancy.
ever,

was a practical bar to any Company monopoly in England. That trans

onists, since
fer

The

<

arly Puritan

settlers,
in

howtrade,

besides

feeling small interest

gave also, practically, the land of Massathe

lound themselves on arrival in a

alone of independence, but

guvernmeni of the Colony, which soon thereafter held it mainlv as a trust for the coiumon benefit of the people, which
ohubettb to

A wide ocean home control. There was no

poral

position, not without restraint, rolled between them and all

spiritual or tem-

was not the original intention of the Company. This community of interests was partly based on old baxun laws, and partly, perhaps,
on reasons and
religious
belief

power over them, whose arm could be immediately felt. A new and boundless Continent lay before them, with all its wealth and resources the very aids to their spiritual in-

necessities

ari.-ing

from their

their

acknowledgement of
destiny in things
It
all

dependence.

They were themselves laboring

common

needs and a

common

temporal, as spiritual.

democratic character, at
tition of lands,

for the future; were new men with a new faith in a new world. gave a somewhat Some of their dreams were grand and true events, to the par-

under a nev^ vision

and the establishment of the

pasture,
necessity

common
ed land

rights of the Colonists in the ongrant

some were mixed with old world prejudices and tyrannies. Suddenly called upon to realize their

the passage, of

rights to wood, grass,

wishes, hopes, ideas and prayers

scenes,
to bo

amid
that

sea

and

shore.

The

new and strange

and
siifil-rings,

privations,

darigers
at,

which compelled the early authorities of the Colony to grant land in fee, without reeeivation of rent or othei qualification,
settlers should not be discouraged

is it

wondered

they, being

human, should make errors? that

so that the

by not hav-

ing lands of their own,

this

very necessity
fa

having been bitterly persecuted, they in turn should sometimes abuse power? that having a stem, hard lot, they should at times be cold
should ocmistake bigotry and prejudice for principle? Sudden freedom and power in this new world put them to the practical test,
casionally

both gave and begat a

tal to all

freedom which was

and

literal

themselves, or that thev

monopoly.

The

necessity, moreover,
to dis-

which compelled the early authorities

charge
tlie

company

servants, that they might

not perish by famine while

trol,

under their con

and by
judged.

this,

but in

charity,

must they be

broke

down

the partition wall of an old

world

Caste never to be rebuilt.

The

settlers

It is pretty certain,

under the charter had aJso valuable commercial privileges being free from all duties to

cial

however, that the commerschemes of the Company at homo proved a

;

failure

that they realized neither

power nor

71

profit

under their charter

charter
to

that

the transfer
;

measures being very stringent and compulsory.

of

tliat

MasHachiisetts
Colonit-ts

the in-

As

early as 1645-G. a

Town meeting waa

dependence of the
even defiunt

here- at

times

ordered in ^jalem to consider a stock of cotton

the
civil

large

emij^ration

into

Sa

lem ony
both

the

peculiar

circumstances of the Coltroubles

wool an agent at Barhadoes hemp and flax. The "Agent

benefit,

and
at

sowing of

Barbadoes''

and the

England,

all

served in a fevy jcarstoopen

civil

tlie

way

for liberty,

was of course to ciillect cotton for the public and in furtherance ot the home manuThis policy

and commercial,
separation
to

liberty, the fruits

facturing policy of the Colonists.

of which we, even

Tlie entire

at this day, are reaping.

of the Colony

from
so also

was not carried through without opposition from the English manufacturers, who, in after years,

England, may be said

tlement of the
at

commence at Puritans here. It was

the set

opposed

it bitterly,

but fortunately

witiiout success.

Plymouth. Tiio religious yoke is firft thrown (iff then follows the civil. There is

an

Often.-i lie

deference paid

at

times to the

The Hume Company begin their trade with Salem and vicinity in 1628. They send over with Endecutt certain goods to traffic with the
natives for beaver, otter,
in

civil authorities in
all

England, but underneath

determined

and other
send

furs,

and
fir-

there

is

a boleinn

and earnest

1629 he
in

is

ordered

to

home

to tho

independence of the mother country

the

d'^ep

Company

London two or three hundred

lisli.

undertone of the faith and policy of the Colony. The Colonists were not, perhaps, always

kins of Sturgeon and other

fras, fsarsaj<arilla,

timber, f sassafsilk grass,

fsumacb,

and

was tending, and some ol their measures were rather in reasonable dis> regard of England, and for economy, than

aware whither

this

f The "Sassafras" waa the root of the Sassafras

Tree, [-^nrubl] valued in 16U2 at 3 shillings a pound,

pointedly intended
but, as
it

as independent
hiith of

measures;
the Colo-

and 336 the

ton.

To

it

was ascribed

"Sovereign

nold's Vo>aj;e to the North part o.' Virginia. (New commerce and trade, England) Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series 8th vol. pp 77-8, and they soon freed themselves, and were freed there is recorded a cure of "a great Surfeit" by the by circumstances also, from any restraint by "powder of Sassafras." Sassafras seems to have the home Company, and resisted (and wisely been especially souglit alter by the early traders, and justly too,) the application of the laws of most probably as a medicinal drug. It was called

had been with the

and Manifold

Virtues.''

In Archer's account of Gos-

nists, so

it

was with

their

trade, which the Rulers of England,

larly after Cromwell's

particuto fas-

by

the

native

inhabitants

"Wynauk.''

It

was

decease,

sought

thought to be good against contagious diseases.

ten

upon them.
tiiC

The policy of the General

fThe

silk grass, or grass silk

was similar to that

Court and

large towns, from an early day,

found in Persia, and out of which a lomewbat coarse

silk stuff called gro;;raine

was to free themselves from dependence on See Tracts appended to Urereton, Mass. Hist. CoIL England to develope their own resources. 3d Series vol. 8, page 117. Through the kinJness of From the year 1645, and running to the Amer- Prof. John Lewis Ru.sell, of Salem, we have been ican Revolution, commences a series of meas- enabled to state what this grass i. He has deterures and laws fostering home ^manufactures mined it to be the Yucca filnmentoxa found growing

[^rnjrram] cuuld be

made.

of hemp, flax,

clothing, &c.

some of

these

in the

Southern and
in

We.-^tern States,

garly called Bear and

Buffalo grass.

and there vulWhether it

is

grew wild

AVw England
It

ai that time
to

somewLat

*Up

to

1680. however,

Massachusetts seems to

questionable.

appeals

have been found in

in
fine

Lave exported few or no manufactures, the clutb, both woolen and Linen, shoes, tiats <ic. made here were
ased in the country.
8,

Florida and Virginia proper.

f-The

Sumach was well known ard used

yellow

Engdye
It
la

Mass. Hist.

Coll.

3d Series, vol
to

land in several of the arts, as affording a

for black, green, or

p335, Governor Bradstreet's answer

the Lords

also for tanning.

is

of the Council

perhaps the Virginia Samaoh which

meant, and


72
Beaver.

Corn seems

to

have been at

first

paid

Moulton

is

chief,

and two coopers and cleav-

the Indians for Beaver

afterwards
demand
skillful in

Watupuin.

ers of timber, the last to prepire staves for re-

The
and

Colonists

this year

of the

Home
salt

turn cargo, and that they order three ^shallops

to

Company
pitch.

in turn,

men

making
this

be built in Salem, doubtless fur fisiiing purIt is m')st probiibla

JStaves are ordered

year as
;

poses.
il

that these shallops

part of the return cargo of the

Company
to

also

ever built, were built

Beaver and other

wood.

lurs,

Clapboards

and other
Ijcontrol

or

upon Winter

I.nUnd,

upon the Neck, near which was used for

from the very
There

The Company seem now

the fisheries and ship-building

trade in Salem almost entirely, but this seems

to have lasted but a very short time.

commencement of the town.

was

in

1637 a ^forest side to the Neck, as appears in

sending

In 1629 we find the

into Salem six ship builders, of

Home Company whom

Rjbert
oi

ITThe Shallop (ohaloupe)

is

the long boat, the lar-

gest boat usually accompanying a ship, furnished with

which grows naturally in almost every part

North

a maet and

sails.

Those

fitted for

tenders

to

ships-

America.
fSarsaparilla
is

of-war were sometimes decked and armed.

Falcon-

most probably the same root as the

thp oriental
species

efn Murine Dictionary, 1789.

An
seems

Encyclopedia of

Virginia and Jamaica Sarsaparrilla, and which from

its

1798 describes the Shallop as a largo boat with

small masts and lug
sails.

two

superiority finally excluded

It

to

have been in
the

from commerce.

This

is

most probably the same

in the tracts
series,

vogue, though with different rigs, with

Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch.

French,
is

Kout "Tsinaw" mentioned

appended to
vol.
8,

The word Sloop

Brereton (Mass. Hict. Coll. 3d

page

119) as being one of the native products of

la.

Virj<in-

an abbreviati'-n of Shallop or Sballoop, thongh now having an entirely different signification.

Both Sassafras and Sarsaparilla appear to have been abundant in Now England at the first settlementor, or are reported
ria""

Judging from what

is

said of the shallop

in

the

New

so.

and Hemp were also native products of Ma&is

Voyages in the Mass. Hi.st. Coll., of what Prince and Bradford say, and the comparison Hutchinson makes between the fi.4bing shallops of
Eii<;land

fachusetts, but the high price of labor

the

reason

1749 and the fishing schooners then employed,

shallop of

the

given

for their

non exportation about 1080.

Enough

only was raised for domestic purposes.

$It
is

very probable that the Colonists,

fishing,

who were
gave about
the
re-

was often a decked boat of from ten to twenty tons. Like our New England pinn&ce, it seems to have been larger than its nameto

New England

engaged then or afterwards in five months of the year to that

sake in Engl.ind or Europe,

tionaries.

judge by

Marine Dic'In

calling,

and

In a manuscript journal of a voyage

mainder
Staves,

to planting, cutting

timber,

cleaving pipe
&o.

making chip-boards, boat

into

building,
in

We
well

ye good Sloop Surah' from the Island of Jersey to Capo Ana in 1724, which journal is in our possession,
ive

infer this from

some things (.-nentioned

162.'i-4)

Levett's

notice the following, confirmatory ot these

views

voyage
nists

New England

that

could

in regard to the shallop as a large decked boat

be done by Fishermen

in these parts,

and the Coloset.

'From Thursday
*
*
at 4 this

to

Fryday ye 10th of July, 1724.

were certainly a very industrious, capable

vol.
it

See Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series,

Colonists,

appears

first

fished in

The 8, p 187. our harbors and

morning sounded, found 65 fathom cors (coarse) gr ^y sand, ijot a cnsk, saw two shallops one Skooner of Marblehead, and they told us
<fe

bays, and at the Banks of Newfoundland, and after

that Cape Sable Bore of them N. N.

15 Leagues.'
fishing off

wards

also off the coast of

Acudia [Nova Scotia].

||For the trade of the Company in London with Salem see Felt's annals. It was at first a monopoly, or something very nigh it. Our object is to sketch the trade of tho Colonists their own trade and not the Company's trade, which was both a forced one, and of short duration. As a monopoly, it seems to have been abandoned both in London and Salem, and even then seems not to hivve been remunerative,

Dist. about These shallops appear to have been Cape Sable, and were, to judge by what
in 1749,

Hutchinson says of them

about half the size

'George Wright

of the schooner of that day.

[25th of the 7th monetb, 1637.]

is

granted half an acre of the Neck to build upon,

five acres

and

on the forest side to plant on,

and

to

keep a Ferry between Butt poynt and Darbye Fort.' 1st vol. Records of Salem, page 25.

to

judge by Hutchinson, and others.

Note.

The above would seem

to indicate

bj one


73
the

Book of Grant
first

in

Salem, and

from this

indeed some of her sona from 1630 to 1658 en-

very forest, the

been framed.

Silem may have Salem became noted afterwards

craft in

gaged

in the

Beaver and Peltry trade, once

as one of the principal places for building vesEels in the

Colony.
long continued,
the the staple

The

early, the

was almost extinct in 1688, and at that time the fisheries, whale and other, were as productive as ever. Ihe harbor and rivers of Sa'em swarmed with fish,among which
valuable, but this

trade of Salem, vras

Jfisheries.

We
It

see

cod and bass were very plenty

to 1639,

So plentiful

were they, that they were used for manure

manner of reading,
certainly, that there

up

was a build-

when

the General Cour; fort>id

it-

ing side and a,/orest side to the Necij in 1637.

be that the "forest side"

may

Great favor was early shown the fishermen in

Mapsachusetts by law, such
taxation on their stock and
itary

means Forest (lliver) Side, though it jeeois otherwise. As the Islands in our Harbor were, however, ''replenished with thiche wnnd and high trees" (according to Mr Higginson) in 1629
it is

as
fish,

freedom from

and from miloccupation.

duty while engaged

in their
is

The

early foreijin trade, that

first

im[>ort9 of the

most probable that the Xeck was covered, in

were trees
for ship-building.

part at least, by a native forest, and that oat of this

forest there
fit

colony, seems during the

few years to have

been in the hands or power either of the

Home
;

That the Neck was very early used for ship-building,

Company, or
repi-esenting
it is

we

infer,

from one or two items of History.

In

Government 0(' the colony, as but either them or the cohmists

the
if this

1636, Richard Hollingworth,

a ship builder, gets a

in

doubtful

policy ever
it

extended over
for

grant of land from the Town, and

(on the
I\'ech)

1690 the land

vol. 192

the fisheries, or if so,

must have been

fisheries

formerly belonging to Richard Holling(Felt 1st

very short period.

The

were considas

worth, was ordered to be laid out

page).

ered CO important, that as early

1635,

the

Moreover,
is

in 1637 (20th 4tli

mo.)
is

Richard
appointed

Johnson

received an inhabitant and

George of some 800 the cost for 9 months victualling, &o. Wright was granted on the Neck) "for an house lott One third of the catch, "fish and train,'" being deducanother as a share nere unto Richnrd Holtingworth's wnrkes. ted as "fraught" for the owners Salem Rec ords, 1st vol. page 21. As it is a matter of history for the crew and the balance for expenses, the that this Richard Hollingworth buil a ship of 300 owners' one third part <>f the cargo would yield 1340
half an acre of Land (the same

amount

as

tons in Salem in 1641,

tion

these

items,

with the tradi-

"for disbursing of 800 9 months."

in

The cargo gold

on the subject, which agrees with them,

go

to

Spanish ports from 36

to

44 rials per quintal.

prove that Richard Hollingworth had a ship-yard on

the

Our 8alem
ett's

fi.-hing craft

were not so large as Levto

Neck

in 1637.

Robert Moulton probably had

Ship-building

"ship," but were shallops of from 10

of from 20 tj 40

20 tons,

one there even before him.

may

also

say ketches
from 30
to

and

finally

schooners

have been commenced thus enrlv in the Criek (Snuth River). George Curwen (according to tradition)
built a ship there in 1640.

60 or mora, carrying not more than

from

4 to 8 or 10
u.sed at first.

men

say.

Still

perhaps the trade was profitable, Salem

Small boats were
it

and Massachusetts being built up by

^:Tho English bad freely

in the

early

used the coast of

the

New

day.

The

fisheries

and the timber trade gave Salem,

England

for tne fisheries

before

settlement at

doubtless, two thirds or

more

of her early wealth.

Salem, and the royal charter reserved this right to

Englishmen after the settlement

freely used,
it

seems.

a right which was Newfoundland had an English

et

In the middle ages, the Alchemists said, ''cum sol* Wilhembulkels seems to have sale omnia fiunt,"
first,

settlement at the time.

been the

who, in the middle ages, suggested the

fish.

idea of making use of salt in the curing of

Tho

The early

fisheries

were quite profitable, to judge

the understanding of

plan succeeded so well that Charles the Filth, being

in the low countries, went to Bier-Vliet to see thfl tomb of the humble fisherman, wishing thereby to honor the memory of one who had rendered so great a service to his country. American Journal of Phar*

from Levett's account of the trade in 1623-4, where

in he says he has "attained to
its Eecreta."

According to him, a ship of 200 tons,

with a crewof 50 men, the ordinary crew for such

lized vessels in the fisheries,

would be ataa outlay

macy,

vol.

31 No.

3 p<*ge 259.

19

74
to impress

upon fho Neck, which in all probability means when it arrives. this Island, iot forty vessels and their fares. This ia evidently in a good part owing to the All this is now a tale of the past. Indeed, Tliey were just before 1700, this Inland was a still busier value of the salt for the fisheries. not hampered with the early restrictions iin scene in all probability, as Salem sent out over posed on foreign imports so far as we can find, sixty fishing Ketches, of from twenty to forty and soon became profitable. After the colo- tons, which evidently discharged their cargoes
General Court appoint a committea
ehall unload salt

men, who

nists

established their
to help support

had built their houses, cleared their lands, common rights, raised enough
life,

in Salem, and moht likely on the common ground or land for the fishermen In 1600,

either in ||grain or animals

Baker's and Misery Islands were both set apart

and somewhat settled down, their attention by the General Court for the free use of fisherwas more particularly devoted to the fisheries. men, and were probably intended to be especIt seems most probable that a certain class of ially used by the Salem, and perhaps MarbleSalem al- head fishermen. From the year 1629 to 1740. and from or thereabouts, ^Winter Island seems to be the the commencement of the town. Winter Is liead quarters of the Salem fishing trade, and land was their head quarters. They obtained that trade itself seems to have been our staple the use of certain lots on the Island, and cer- trade down to a much later period, even to tain common rights adjacent, and this island the American Revolution, and the great change

men, however, devoted themselves

to this

fri

most exclusively

business,

continued to boused by fishermen

after a division

until,

and
about

of trade consequent upon

it.

of the

common

lands

1714. It was there expressly reserved by the commoners for the fisheries, as it had ever been before. This reservation, moreover, was
of a great

ITWinter Island seems (according to Fell's Annals,)

common

right,

viz

the
Those

free

use of

have been used for the Fisheries up to about 1739. The business was then removed, and it was let with In 1079, so many the Neck for pasturage of cattle. were the residents there, that John Clifford was lito

this Island for fishing

purposes; since the /ec

rule,

censed to keep a victualling house for tbeir convenience.

seems, as a general

never to have left

In 1684, several merchants on

its
flats.

had leave

to

the town like other grants.

houses, fish-houses,

who

built

build wharves

In

1698-9, the Island

;

warehouses and wharves

gained an usufructuary

had a regular

street,

called

Fish street

and in
it in,

on

this Island,

only

1701 the shoremen had permission to fence

to

right for the time being.

Yet this Island has

keep out animatls, with a gate

for

men and
it

carts.

seen a busy fishing

it,

population gathered upon

When

the

Commoners
it it

in

1714 granted

to the town,

and as

late as

1731 there were conveniences

they expected
business, as

would always be used for the fishing had been before. It would seem as if
hits early

even the bmlding

granted to the fishermen

According

to

the same authority,

the

Hebrews

on

this Island,

were only usufructuary rights, sinca

there has
totally disaplots,

were well acquainted with the antiseptic properties of salt, and enaployed it in the preservation of their meats. The Pagans even used it to retard the putre,
faction of the flesh of their victims.

the whole fishing villnge

peared.
in the

The building

on the contrary, granted

be
per-

body of the town, were mainly proprietary

first

gererally with certain conditions to

formed

For Levett's calculations of the

ticle
II

atid thenOe in
now

f6e.

See Vol.

1st,

Records of

profit of the fishery,

Salem, paLstm.

It mfty be as well here to state that

the

see Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d seriee vol. 8 fp. 186-7.

Levett's

Ar-

Voyage

into

New England.

what

is

Collins' Cove, at

bottim of Essex

Street,

Massachusetts could not well have exported much

grain before 1640, whatever she

in fish, since in 1637 there were

may have

exported

was anciently called "Shallop Cove," according to tradition and this because the fishermen moored their shallops there, and lived on the shores.

the whole colony, says Graham,

onJy 37 ploughs in the most of them

This was an important Cove

to 1692.

of

Salem, at and prior

It

had a street of fishermen's huts, which

being in Lynn.

ran on a line with the Cove.


15
It 18 not

She perhaps comes up from Cape Cod, where whales were first captured by small boats from
the beach.

probable that the

Commerce

of Sabe'.ore

lem

beji^an to

have an independent being

before

The same year a pinnace goes down to Plymouth for corn, Salem had an abundance of canoes (pine dug outs) in sels belonging to the corporation in England, or other parties abroad. These supplied the 1633. and there were more here than in the With these the colonists fercolony with various needed articles, which seem whole Patent. to have been under the control of the Gen- ried our rivers and went out even leagues to
16-J('-1.

Tiie arrivals

that time are

is

mostly foreign ships into Salem

that

ves-

from Salem

eral

Court and Governor, who levied certain

sea

for

fowling,

fishing,

&c.

Alter

these,

duties upon them.

says,)

was the
to the

The Governor, (Hutchinson dnubtlebs, came shallops, fpinnaces, and finalThe impetus given by Rev, naval officer of the colony. The ly larger craft.

monies so raised went into the colonial treasury.

Hugh
years,

Peters in 1640-1 to shipbuilding,

in a

pro-

laws of trade in England, the colonists seem to have ignored them utterly

As

duced an abundant supply of vessels

Richard Hollingworth,

few

a siiip builder

by trade, and who came to Salem in lt)35, beto have England by the home gan in Feb'y, 1041, to build a ship of three authoriti.^8. From lt529 to 1G40 Salem seems hundred tons, which was finished and launch* From all which can to get along without much shipping of her own, ed the succeeding June. but the failure of the emigration about the lat- now be gathered, his ship yard appears to have ter year, threw her upon her commercial ener- been in the lower part of 8alem, on the Neck.

Up

to

1670 no custom house seems

been established in

New

gies,

and the Rev. Hugh Peters stimulated her

This ship

may

be the

ship

with a far sighted sagacity into ship building. To be sure, between these years we see occasional gleams of commercial life in

lem, mentioned as of 1643.

vessels

Mary Ann, of SaWhat number of

this pe-

were thus built in Salem about

fFalconer, in his marine Dictionary 1789 des few beginnings of the col'jnists. small ves- cribes tlie Pinnace as an eight oared boat, navigated with oars and sails, having generally two masts, and sel of some twelve tons (belonging to Salem) rigged like a schooner. This description, however, is in our bay in 1631, wiih two hogsheads of is manifestly inapplicable to the early Pinnaces of New England, for Prince, in his New England Chrotrain (whale?) oil as an item of her cargo. nology, speaks of tbe arrival into Salem, May 27, 1631. of a Pinnace of 18 tons, from Virginia laden *Ilutchinson sars that the colooists began about with corn and tobacco a very happy arrival, the 1637 to build small vessels for tbefishuries, and 'rade corn, at least, lor the Colonists then here. She vritb tlie a(<jaceiit colonies. Tbb leading men, at the was bound further North, but foul weather compelled her to put in here Prince moreover speaks of the first, in Ma-sacbusetts, wer not in favor of, or engaged in commerce. The colony was probablj forc- way in which the Plymouih Colonists in 1626 made ed into it to supply its wants. Il is most probable a small Pinnace, viz: by sawing in halves their larg. that prior to 11137, Robert Moulton, ol Salem, and er Shallop, adding five cr six feet in the centre, building up decks, and his shipwrights built several small decked vessels on strengthening her timbers, From further items the Neck, tor fisheries and trading. The three shal- giving her sails and anchors. lops to be built in 1C29, were very probably decked in Prince, it appears that the Pinnaces of New England were large ducked boats, for not only can they boats of several tons burthen. The first mention of commerce in the Colony Rec- carry 100 bushels of corn, 12 Hogsheads of corn, Ac, but he mentions the fact that Capt. Dermer went ords is iu 1()45, when friendly foreign ships are pert'rom Cape Cod to Virginia, discovering by the way mitted to trade here on payment of certain duties Long Island Sound, "in an open pinnace of five tons." almost a free trade. In 1652 a committee are ap The presumption is, then, that the Pinnaces of the pointed to consult ihe best way of trade. {Notr. Commerce had, however, evidently got to be a power Colony were generally large decked boats. Prince in the State before 1645 or 1652, or the General Court mentions one Pinnace sent over to the Plymouth Company by the adventurers in England, for the use would not have been aroused to its importance.) In 1655 we see that the General Cuart adopt a pro- of the Colony, of /o/^tyy"M'' tons burthen. Pinnaces te3tive policy lor the i-taple commodities of ^hi^ coun- and Shallops are very often mei tioned in tbe early history of Ma.-<sachusetts the S^.allops appearing, try, by forbidding tbe importation of malt, wheat, barley, biscuit, beef, meal and flaur (Which are des- however, to be tbe smaller boat, and often open. cribed as our principal commodities) from any part The I^eich was built bert quit^s early, to judge by an item in Prince- As Princu gets his facts mainly from of Europe, unless it be to provision ships, on peoaltr Bradford, we can be sure they are correct. of Confiscation! See CoiyOj Kecords.
first

the

'

76
riod does not appear,

but probably quite a

ward Islands.

number. Tt ia most likely that email vesselo were built to supply the colony with grain from the neighboring colonies, for Massachusetts

English Buccaneers also,

She traded with the Dutch and who. robbing th o

it

Spaniards of their bullion, paid

over to Sa.
for supplies.

em and New England merchants

About

seems never to hare produced continuous

this time the larger colonies also

unito

At times, for defence and protection, and a common spirabundant export crops o( grain. corn and wheat were alarmingly scarce in the it of good will and of enterprise bind them toMassachusetts had a more certain gether commercially, and favors adventurous colony.
crop in her
fisheries,

and the mackerel, cod,

exported

trade.

Being, too, on the right side of the Re^

they are
favored

cusk, &c., which she soon cured and

to the

publican party in Enailand.

in that quarter,

West Indias and Spain, brought her back an abundance of money and foreign produce
to

and

tage.

We

find,

was a decided advanmoreover, that our Salem peothis

supply her own needs

first

Besides

fish

ple as a general rule discuss as a public

aflf lir,

matters of trade

and oiljshu
timber, tar,

sent back to the Old Country,

for to

in

1645 a general town

pitch,

turpentine, staves,

clapto the

meeting

is

ordered

consider of ''Publique

boards, and other wood,

and afterwards

tradings and other things."

The community
the

West

Indies

her

lumber, corn, beef,

pork,

soon seem to have been awake to

imporfor

(masts, clapboards ?) pipe staves,

and sundry

tance of trade either internal or extirnal,

other commodities.

liament release

New

In J 16-13 she English ParEngland trom all duties

we

find the subject of

manufacturoH,

clothing,

trade,

raising of wool, flix, "Ifheti-p,

&c., not
in

on imports and exports which are for home M.issachusetts, and Salem as consumption.

unfrequent topics of public discussion

sand white inhabitants.

town*

an important port

geem now to have fairly entered into tie West India and colonial Salem began cautiously, but soon used trade.
in
it,

her commercial freedom

Porcugut?se and Spanish
forgotten, though

to

advantage,

Th-^

badoes was settled mainly by Caviiliers from EngTobacco was first planted tnere, which did land. would appear, with jjl^arbadoes and the lee- not succeed, and afterwards Cotton and Indigo, wnioh were profitable. Sugar works were first erected by tlie English Cnvaliers in 1047, ami the trade then "rn consideration of the success and increase of became profitable. The sugar trade of N. E. with the New England Colonies, and that they had been Barbadjes commenced say between 1G47 and '50. no charge to the nation, and in prospect of their be The Cotton Wool trade began before. That Salem ing in luture very serviceable to it, the English Par- should have commenced trading with Harbadoes is liament, March 10, 1643, granted them an exemp- very natural, since S. was for a while after its settletion from all customs, subsidies and other duties, un ment the resort of the modt^rate Episcopalians those This gave to the Colonies a free- who hail not entirely abandoniMi the Church and til further order." dom of trade, by which they flourished greatly. 3tate of England, .and Harbadoes was not very dis|]We hear much of Harbadoes as one of the early tant from this faith and belief. St Christopher seems to have been the first settled and earliest Ports at which our Salem vessels traded. This Island, according to PiiikeitoQ, was settled by of the British VVest India Islands, though Barbadoes the Eii^li-h a- early as 1624, is one of the chief of has the credit of being. .St. Cliri.-*topher seems not, however, to be mentioned much in our early Salem the Carribeo Group, was exceedingly fertile, and became the favorite centre of a great emigration dur- Commerce, that is before 1700. Philip English was ing the civil commotions in England, so that in 1650 trading there in 1688-9, to judge by old accounts. Edwards' Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, 405, commences it c'intaine.l some twenty thousand whit" population. Being left to its own efforts, and with an unlimited the history of this Island, which see. ITHeinp grew wild in Massachusetts, and the Indifreedom of trade, it flourished greatly. Charles the 2d, at the re.-itoration, tor its loyalty, bestowed the ans (says Lewis,) made fishing lines of it of great The early Colonists were advised by those dignity of Baronetage on thirteen of its principal fineness. Antigua, called Ontega, another of in Authority to cultivate it for manufacturing purinhabitants. and the Inventories of the old estates some* poses; our later in Salem commerce, the group, raentiontrd may be said to have commenced to flourish after times show that this advice was heeded. To be Cuntiuued. 1G74, and at or about 1700 coutaiued some five thou-

West

Indies were not

Barbadoes produced, a3 chief products, s'Jgar, cotton, ginger and aloes. Antigua, sugar, Cotton Wool and Tobacco. This latter Island had excellent harbors, which may have rendered it more of a favorite for our shipping than some others of the Carribee Group. According to Salmon, (in his Geographical Grammar, 17G0,) Bar-

her largest trade

was,

it

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
OF

THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE
Vol.
I.

July,

1859.

ISTo.

3.

SOME REMARKS ON THE COM.MERCE OF SA- the old country. Between the years 1629 and LEM FROM 126 TO 1740 WITH A SKEJTCH 1650, espeoially between '40 and '50, Salem OF PHILIP ENGLISH A MERCHANT IN SALEM FROM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4. commenced her commercial career, and at the
Br GEORGE
P.

CBEVER.

[Continued from Page 76.]

If we are to judge of the success of our Salem fishermen about 1647, t>y that of ourijklar-

herself with shipping and means ; and trading not alone with the mother country, but with the West Indies, Bermudas, Virginia and Ontega (Antigua } Siie had found
close found

blehead brethren at the same timo,

see that thiv trade

we

shall

supplies of salt, probably

at *Saltitudo8

and

was vabmble

fur the latter

*Tortuga,
of

and moot probably

also received

them from Lisbon, Cadiz, St. Ubes and Isle May. So important had become the comSalem sutTered, we must believe, from the merce of Massachusetts, and Salem shared no scarcity of corn, caused by its excessive impor- mean part of it, that a Committee are appointtation from Mass. to the Spanish and Portu-' ed in 1650 to examine a book entitled "jLcop guese West Indies and it is not at all unlike- Mercatoria," and report to tlie next Gen'l ly that these repeated scarcities of grain final- Court what they find therein applicable to ly compelled our people to ret.iin their own ''deciding of maratime afftirs in this jurisdicgrain, and even replenish their stores by seek con." During this period, however, the Baring the more Southern settlements, Virginia *SaUiiuda, or Saliitudos, maj be what is now and Maryland, where wheat and corn were a
year,

bad taken up

to the

middle of January that

fish.

about 4000 worth of

In

1648

staple crop.

At all events this trade sprang up, and most probably in this natural way Virginia and Maryland, perhaps before, but

known as Salt West Indies, S.

English.
It
is

Island,

one of the Virgin

Group,
to

of Tortola,

and belonging
word,
Salt
if

the

evidently a Spanish

and perIt is

haps a diminutive of the

difiBcult to locate

name
even

hland.

certainly after 1680, took

West India products.

salt,

this spot,

an English pos-

Rum,

Molasses and Sugar, and also

wood-

session, since

Salmon,

in his

Geographical
it.

Grammar
all events,

en ware, Kegs, Cider, Cans, &c. from us, and in return gave us Wheat, Corn, Pork, Bacon, Peltry, Tobacco, Hides, Old Iron, &c. Boston

of 1760,

is entirely;

silent about

At

we may
I.

safely conclude that Salt

it

was the staple proin the

duct of this place, wherever

was located

W.

seems to have been, throughout, the great magazine of

group.

English and

European

goods

and

Toriuga

is

probably the Tortuga of the Carribee

early

manufactures, and supplied the Coloflies mainly with these. As early as between 1650 an<l

group, close to the Spanish Main, and not the Tortu-

ga near

St.

Domingo an

French
of the

possession.

Edwards, in his history and

map

West Indies,
main,

1660 a

line of Packets ran

between Boston and

1793, calls the Tortuga, near

the Spanish

20


"78

bary

t<-'orsairs troublecj

our commerce geriously.

iisheri' a,

inj;

of CDurse

fl

juriehed,

anl groat pains wero

Id ouDDectiua with the

ship buildthe

taken by the J-Jarly

author! tiea of rtiilem to

"Salt Tonogo,^' which makes our supposition

Capt'n John Quelch and his piratical crew,

more probable.
Various attempts were made by a few of the early

and enterprising Colonists to supply our Salem fisheries witb Salt manufactured here, and they obtained
certain protective privilege? from
in aid of their their
do.
efforts,

who had gone boldly into Gloucester, and Quelch and five of his men were hung. So says Felt. It would seem as if the freebooting spirit had rather been encouraged
first,

at

as
it

against the Spaniards;

but the general

the General Court

license
it

begat, convinced

the Colonists finally that

but the Colonists

obtained

main supplies abroad, and were compelled so to See Felt's Annals in regard to Salt manufacturand freobooting seem, in the early history
have been considered more as an

to

was totally wrong and criminal, and they resolved break it up.

The history
written, and
Hist.

of Piracy

ing in Salemf-Piracy

for a reference thereto,

and Freebooting has been see Edwards'

Encyclopedia,
Article,
in

W,

Indies,

and Ree's
p<

of the Ci'lony, to

Buccaneer.

After the

ace of Ryswick,

1G97,

annoyance than a crime.

fested with Pirates

The West Indians were

in"

Freebooters Dutch, French and

the Spaniards*

English,

who preyed generally upon

freely with ihe

have declined. Before that time, Piirt Royal, Jamaica, seems to have been their rendezvous the English profiting
to

Buccaneering

in all quarteis

seems

and traded

B. Colonists.

Buccaneering or freebooting does not seem to have been, or regarded as pir icv in the beginning, because
then based on regular letters of marcjue and reprisal.
Besides, the Buccaneers were also smugglers
for the

iards

by these forays as against the Spaniards. The Spanseem to have borne the principal brunt of these
if

outlaws, who,

they

could not smuggle for them

Spaniards.

C-iarles

tlie

2d

knighted Morgan, one

or sea. The New England Colonies reaped, after all, perhaps, the main benefit of their 1 rays against the Spaniards.

robbed them,

whether by land

of the ct-lebrated
Hist.

Buccaneers,
1, p.

aod

(.says
is

Edwards'

The Turks,

that

is,

we presume, the Barbary and

West

Indies, Vol.

161,)

charged with
af-

being
ter

priv.itely

concerned in their fortunes, even

Tunisian pirates, troubled our early Commerce, especially when in the EDgli>h Channel, for many
years
rals of the

having issued public orders for their suppression. The system begat license, however, but being fashshould be regarded by the Colo-

Even the vigorous Commonwealth

action ol the great

in

Admi.

England, did not wholwitl.these

ionable in high quarters, no wonder that piracy, so

ly

subdue these outlaws.

What

Pirates

much resembling
nists as

it,

Spanish, and French Privateers

ers,

an annoyance ratber than a crime.

pirates
IfcSa to

Dutch men-of-war, and

to

Eniihsh Freebootthe Indians the Corsat

English

Bay from
escaped

came boldly into Massachusetts 1705, and plundered vessels, and

to

meice of Salem up
Sea.
It

1730 ran

times a

fearful

gauntlet, saying nothing of the usual dangers of the

is

though sometimes naught, generally seem

punishment.
In
1689,
pirates

have
the

evident that the old

times

of

commerce

took

were not as good as the new.

ifAs early as 1637, the citizens of

ketch Mary, Capt. Chard, three leagues from Half "Way Rock, were afterwards captured in the Vineyard Sound, by Capt. Samuel Peas of Boston, brought to

Salem prohibited

the transportation of
their Plantation,

boards and Clapboards

of the
tyuiber trees'
in
fit

from

without leave
bt-st

Selectmen,

Boston

and

condemned, though
reprieved

they seem
this too

(."ays

since

many

of "the

had already
1640 the
for

Felt,) to have been

and

they had mortally wounded their captor.

when This same

ben used

for these

purposes; and
tor

Au-

thorities publicly

asked

plank

shipping,

year, the ship Pelican, a pirate, brought a prize into

Salem {1) and

pirates about
prior to 1700,

sold

her.

It has

been said that the

and forbid any ship timber near Salem or Marble, head being made into Clapb-ianis or pipe slaves. Aa
the forest in and around .^alem was then a

New

England,

for thirty or forty years

at.

common

were connived

Lord Bellamont

property of the inhabitants, these laws had a public

seems to have been the

ished them.

before 1700,

first who arrested and punforce. To judge by .ofne accounts of Capt. Wm. EnNumbers were executed in Boston just glish, as late as 1713 14. such laws were probably while Bradish, Kidd and others were common to the maritime tiwns throughout New

carried to England and

executed. In 1704, Major Stephen Sewall, together with Captain John Turner

England; as he, being

cut, in the

then at Brantoid, Connecti-

Briganteea ^Vm

&

Susannah, charges as

and

forty-eight volunteers

from

Salem,

capture

one item of expense at B., "o ye Selectmen, for 2

79
preserve the dhip timber on the comoiun lands
i'itv

ing to punish the royalist colonies, Virginia suflering e<erely by them.

this purpose.

They seem
in

to

have been

tol-

erably successful in their

efFirts.

The

fifHt

at-

In 1651

iMassachusetts

is

exporting corn,

tempts at ship building

Salem were perhaps

even as
1667, a
to

beef, pork, masts, clapboards, pipe staves, fish,

somewhat rough,

lor as late

beaver, otter and other commodities.

In 1652

maritime code of laws are adopted, looking

proceedings in admiralty cases.

she commences to coin money, an act of sovereignty, and sends out her silver coin, the prod-

the better building of vessels, and more correct

As

early as

uce of the bullion taken from the Spaniards by

ihe Buccaneers,

1644 the Gen'l Court pass an order

ter building of vessels.

for the bet-

and

ol

the West India

is

trade

of the colonists.

In 1654 no person

to carry

to 1660, Salem seems to have out of Massachusetts more than 20 shillings la Beginning with a population of coin, and searchers are appointed to see that some two hundred say. in 1629, she bad in- the law is obeyed. About this time the Dutch creased to some thouf-and or more in 1640,and trade (with New York) is so profitable to Mas-

From 1650

flourished.

in spite of the setting oflFof

Marblehead, WenTopfifield

sachusetts, that our people are

indisposed

to

Dutch neighbors, the other colThis hhows 1639 and 1650. still in 1654 she contained o- onies being otherwise disposed. yer a thousand inhabitants as is supposed, and that the commerce of Massachusetts with New in 1660 probably contained from a thousand York was then important, and in all probabilIn to twelve or thirteen hundred. Iler wealth ity Siilem was somewhat engaged in it.

ham. Manchester and part of

between

war with

their

was most probably great

population.
Iler

in

proportion to her

1655 Admiral Blake punishes the Algiers andTunis Pirates, and Jamaica
is

territory

diminished,

and
in

wrested from

almost hfr population, yet she flourished

trade.
B<ing in favor with the

Commonwealth

*Money was
riod,

scarce in Massachusetts for a long pecustom.-*

and Cromwell, Silem in common with the colony flijurishr-d. while Bermuda, Virginia, Barbadoes and Ontega (Anti>/;ua) fell under the
displeasure of the Parliament, because of their
loyalty to the royal party,

and even the

were often paid in grain,

value.

of oour.^e at a certain

cash

The General
tender for

Court in 1631 maue Indian corn a legal

debts, unless

money

or beaver was expressly mention-

ed as the consideration. This was partly to encourage

and were cut ofT the raising of grain to prevent future famine, and Beaver, from their trade for a while, and linally sub- partly, perhaps, a necessity of the times. Very severe commercial ordinances wampum, grain, fish, lumber and live stock were all dued. specie in the early davs of Massachusetts part of were passed as against the colonies, but though
them even down One
to 1775.

professedly general in their nature, yet

MaBa

ohusetts and New England never suffered much Massachusetts mainly creited her own wealth by her by them, the main intent ot these laws be own independent industry, and with none of the precious metals in her soil.
perrruts to

of the reasons fur th's state of things was, that

It

was

in furtherance of

her

load Staves, Jive

sktllings."

The

independent industry and

Ist vol -

spirit,

that in

1632 she

nme

of the

Town Records
;

Cuuimenced coining money on her own account, and

it is

of Salem contains various

to the

a striking evidence of her practical independence

items of interest in regard

cient forest of Salem

disposal of the an-

of the English government both at that time and for

was held, both by the public and individuals, (tbr wood

the tenure
it

by which

years afterwards.
as
it

It

was as reasonable in her, too,

finally

being sumetioies expressly reserved for public uses

in

was independent, and was

regarded

in

town grants
of
it

ot

land) and

the disposition

to be

made

by fishermen and others.

The

history of

the ancient

Salem is a very singular and instructive one, and based upon a somewhat Democratic eommanity of interests.
rights of

summon

England as a practical declaration of independence, and is duly paraded as one of the crimes of Massachusetts in the judgment to vacate the colonial charter in 1684.

The coining

of

money

is

one of the atconsidered as

tributes of sovereignty,

and was

so

againet Massachusetts.


80
tihe

Spaniards, and so opeaa

another

field

for

history of Philip English 8 one of our

Salem

The fame of the great English Admirals of the commonwealth made all our colonial commerce more secure up to 1660, eyen the Dutch beinj; obliged to give way beour commerce.
fore them,

merchants. Salem seems

still

to

progress in

commerce.

own

trade,

1659, to

Salnm is ||biiilding vessels for her and perhaps for other places. From 16,77 there appear to be not less than

in 1655 the General Court see

and
as

four noted ship builders in Salem, one of

whom,

feel the necessity of

Jonathan Pickering, get? a grant of land well as husbandry, and of promoting an union about Hardy 8 Cove, fsom the town, to himbetween them. In 1658 appears a notice of self and heirs forever to build vessels upon. the farmers of the customs in Massachusetts, From 1692 to 1718 seven ship builders appear the customs being let out farmed out i-as was prominent in Salem, among whom are the a custom in Old England at the time. Felt names of Joseph Hardy and William Beckett,
encouraging

commerce

says that there was a port house (tCustom House) on the South River in Salem in 1636. and that there was another called The French House on South River in 1645, lasting thirty-

the latter

name being

associat'd even

down

al-

most
et

to thesf

days with ship building

fast sailing

a Beck-

having built the

America, cruis-

er, for the

Crowninshields.

In 1721 so impor-

four years.

These must then have been

instj-

tant had become our

ship building in Massabuilders

the

tuted by the colonial authorities, and

the

not by

chusetts, that sixteen master

belong-

home government.
the restoration of Charles
the 2d,
in
to

ing to the Port of London petition

Lords

From
1660

of Plantations not to encourage ship building

in

J1670, the period when we take up the

New

England.

are

drawn

to this country,

They say their journeymea and that in case of

of ships
Massiijchusetts

fThe Custom House in Salem in 1682 was a small building adjulniug, or attached to the old mansion of
Benjamin Brown, Esq
Bast
streets.
,

need there would not be a suf^oiency

for tiie royal

navy.

was then

still

sts^nding on

Essex and
the
in

too well rooted and grounded in

independence

This

fact

seems?

to
I

indicate that

and prosperity
plantation act

to

heed

these

assaults.

She

oominerce of Salem at that purio

was carried on

practically disobeyed too, the act of 1660

the lower part of the town, and that this location was a centraX one. Our authority here is Benj. Brown,
Esq., himself,

which

the

her ships to give bonds to

in

now an octogenarian and a

dweller up-

England,

to

would have compelled the Custom House carry plantation produce to

possessions,

on the spot.
Massachusetts colonists, according ^a Hutchinson, admitted to the King's commissioners in l<i65,
:{:The

England, or the other JjjngUsh

In

1662 our town authorities endeavor to acat the

thatthev possessed about 80 vessels of from 20 to 40 tons, about 40 from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen ships above 100 tons. Of these Silem had undoubtedly built, and then owned, her share.

commodate
ous
ol

Burying Point, those

desir-

graving
to

vessels, wiiich

shows our comis

merce then

have been of pu'>lic importance.

of conse*

The Colony

About
in
it.

this time the Virginia trade

Records confirm

this.

Vol. 4 part
to

2.

quence, several of our citizens being engaged

In 1663

In 1680 Massachusetts seems

strips, sloops,

have about 120

vjz:

William Hollingworth, a Sato send

ketches and other vessels,

or

lem merchant, agrees

100 hogsheads of

IQ ships of

100 tons or upwards, 3 or 4 of 200 tons

tobacco from the river

Potomack by ship from

or more, 40 or 50 fishing ketches between

tons,

20 and 40 and about 6 or 8 English ships which come to ^rade. The most of these 120 vessels belonged to

IjThe

Neck

the colony.
lonial.

The balance (unaccounted

for)

were co-

(South River)

about the Burying Point on the creek various places on the South River

West India and other traders, we suppose, and were sloops and ketches very probably. See Mass.
Hist.
Coll.

Hardies Cove Frye's Mills

ties for ship

are

all

noted as locali-

yards

in

our Salem history

the

Neck
most

Article,
3d

"GleaninKS

for

New England

(including Winter Island) being probably the

History."

series vol. 8

page 338.

ancient

among them.


81
Boston to Plymouth in England, the .Island of and 2 d on all grain from adjacent colootes, any port in Holland, and thence to that from 30.000 to 40,000 bushels of graia

Jersey, or

the said Island for

Hterling

a ton.

The un

were brought into Massacliusetts.

petition likewise.

Other towoB
see that

warrantable war eomuienced against theDutcli

From

this

by the home government

resulted in the capture of

in 1664.

and which

sachuHetts w<ks dependent on the

land, reacted upon the colonial

verely.for

N. York Irom Holcommerce se

em

colonies, probably, for

Ma3more south* grain, and that a

on 'between

we

considerable

trade

was

carried

De Ruvter made in 1665 conniderahle

voyage one half pound powder per ton, or 9d in money

havoc at Newfoundland, by accident alone was

kept fiiim
colonies
;

Nhw
and

England, and alarmed

in

Strangers vessels, a ton

each on

6d

all

the

no

customs on any

exports, except 6d

Horses.

At

this

date,

1667

some Dutch men-of

foreign vessels from all

quarters

trade freely

with

war ravaged the coast of Virginia, plundered some eighteen or nineteen sail of merchantmen John Brown, son of elder John, of Salem, NVjI liam HoUingworth. John Norman and Robert Stone of Salem, being taken prisoners and plundered hy them. They threaten<^d to visit New England, and this irritated and seriously
alarmfd the colonists.
In 1667 the colony encouraged the making

Mass., and are encouraged to do so by

ties in direct oppusiti<)n

Our authori-

to

the

English

Laws of

Trade.
ported

In 1680, one penny a pound on goods im-

no export duty.
may have
fallen

In 1686, Sir

Edmund Anpart

dros began bis tyrannical rule in Ma.s8iU3hu:<etts, and

levied exorbita-bt taxes, according to TnimbiiU,

of which

on

Commerce.

In

1689,

a dry dock which

Charleeti>wn.

is

subsequently located at

he is over thrown, and King William proclaimed. The Charter he grants, is not so favorable to the Coloni.<ts for Commerce, as tLeir old one, which they bid construed moreover in their own (avor, and in a
verjr

It appears in

1668 from a
Court.

peti-

libeial

manner.

As

the

Coluni.sts

had con-

tion extensively signed in Salem, for the repeal

of an order of a late General

laying a

and had enjojed heretofore a comparative free trade, and had thriven by it, and saw its advantages, they spiritedly declared through
trolled their

own

trade,

*duty

oi

one per cent, on imports and exports,

levied by the Colonial

the

first

act of their Legislature after they

had

re-

ceived the Charter, that "no aid, tax, to'ttage, assess-

The dutiea
its

Government on
be

ment, cu^ttom. loan, benevolence, or impo^Uion whatsoever shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied on
his majestys subject.-: or their
estates,

Commerce were not

oppressive, or if judged to

onerous wern soon changed, especially as the Geceral Court and Governor looked
to

on

any preof the

the popular sentiment

it

tence whatever, but by the act and consent

of the Colony, and respected

matters of trade

far

uiore

thda the
in

Governor, Council and representatives of the

people

threats or frowns of the mother country, whether

assembled
ohartfr,

in

General Court."
in 1718, the

This was intended to

in trade, as before
"so

or

policy.

In
cent.

1635, the

duties

maintain their independence

the
far

amount

practically to

5 per

In 1636Ti>baec(),

and

General Court went

strong drinks. Wine, Sugar, Spices, aiid

is articles

trait that
value,

as to lay a duty on English goods and English

ships, which, however,

built

of luxury

pay one-.sixth
quarters pA'f

of their

was soon repealed,

but their

with an additional one third for retailing.

In 1645,
to

boldness caused great displeasure in England. These

things however show the spirit ani iudependence
the Colonists.
shillings per pipe on

Wines

fr<'m different

^rom 5
In

ten

shillings the pipe

fresh wines

of

2s 6d per liogshead,

la 1726, the duties ran from 20 to 30

and Strong VVaters 10 sbilliags per hhd.

1648, In

Wine

somewhat similar duties are

paid

on

Spirits.

100 gallons

Sugar

28.

the hhd.

1676, Goods, Wares and Merchandize, living cattle and provisions pay 10 shillings on eacb'iOU value Wines pay from 10 shillings to 1. per tou Brandy

Tobacco 20s do
\

Logwood

Kum 20s. the Mula.-<ses

38. the

libd.
Is.

of

do

ton

other

goods

or merchandize, except those from Great Britain, Id.

for

eve'y 20s. worth.

in

Every ship of 200 tons and upwards, 10 shillings the ton small vessels each vovage 68. 8d. (this was for the Colony vessels their pai>se8 from

do.

and Wine

800
i

to

In 1701, the duties on Rum Salem, were 60 10s and in 1732, 900. This latter amounted to three fifths
, '

of the whitt^ Tfvenuf of Massachusetts in 1680

the Governor,

not built in

we presume) E!ach Stranger vessel, the Colony and above^O tons, paid each

whioh
alfont

was
|

then,

according' to

Gov.

Bjsadstreet,

1500.

21


82
them.

the colonial

tuhsbIs

in

those days
besides

Yankee notions, and

It is certain that

this very grain taken

us

were smuU, and carried

goes

otitet articles

part of the final return cargo to Massaehusetts.

grain, there were probably, (judsi^g from car-

Salem flourished by

this
in

gen1664,

some years later) from forty to fifty vessels employed in the coast trade, avera^^ing
from twenty-five to thirty-five or forty tons. Of these, Salem undoubtedly had her share.

eral trade, as Josselyn says of

In this

Salem

town are some very rich merchants."

have been
both
native

The

colonists seem occaHionally to

This, too.

is

independent of the

rishing

fleet,

eign, which

which doubtless was simply engaged

in fishing.

The colonial ketches and Sloops ran to the West Indies, to Spain, the Wine Inlands and
the Streights, and brought return cargoes which

and forwas not put down until after 1700. By a law passed by the town in ||1669. refusing permission to transport' wood or timber by land or sea from the town commons, without
troubled with Jpiracy,
leave of the selectmen,
free use

were despatched fuoastwise, together with our

f

we can judge that a hud been made of the native forest of

lumber, staves, and ship building,

Salem
To judge by Qov.
Maryland
Bradstreet's answer to the Lords

for

as well as

wood

for the fishermen,

and the com-

of the Council in 1680, our coastwise trade to Virginia and

for grain, tobicco',

mon

&o
to

uie of the town, and that the scarcity wa?

felt.

must have
be silent on
us,

begun

after that time, as be appears

beginning to be
:(In

From

the years 1640 to

the point.

Knowing

the desires of the authorities in

England

to fasten their

laws of trade upon

he

1684 the General Court pa^a an order for the

may, however, have rather underrated our commerce The trade (and direct and enterprise at that time.
Salem trade) with the southern colonies was evidently well established between 16C0 and 1G70, and was Between 1690 and 1720 it even then important. flourished greatly, and was prominent, if we a-e not mistaken, down even to the American Revolution. The coastwise trade of Massachusetts, and of Salem
8 one of the t^jf^ principal seaports in it, was confitied principally at first -prior to lti40 to the New

seizure of pirates
officers to raise
it

and privateers, authorizing certain armed men for that purpose making

lawful to shoot those resisting such

if

officers or

men

under them, or

captured, are to be put to death as

capital offenders.

Any

officer refusint; to serve

against

sucb outlaws, to be fined 50 or be

imprisoned, and

any inhabitant called upon by such officers, \( refusing to' appear promptly, and well armed, to pay 5
or suffer corporal punishment.

In 1685 Capt. Sampson Waters of Boston,

ed a commission against certain pirates
don, and a proclamation
off

is

grant-

England
So
it

states,

and tbence gradually extending

still

to

New
The

Lonvol-

New York

(with the Dutch) and

further South-

made by order

of General

seems, at least.

their grain, tobacco,

The coloniitts finally purchased Ac. oi Virginia and Maryland,

their
tell

Court, and by beat of drum, for volunteers.

unteers, as an inducement,

are to "have an

equal
estates

by the West India produce they bought with

fish

and just

divi.-<ion in all

the pirates' goods

and

Ac.

It

is

of course impossible to

the exact

taken witb them; aud no purchase,

cessful in
||.n

no pay"

Lord
suc-

time when

this

particular course Of trade commenced.

Too

colonies bought grain of the southerU Colonies

Bellamoot seems to have been the suuduiug them.

1676, boiVever, Salem
is

first

who was

at an early day, however to judge from some few items of history. The early authorities of New En-

said to be one of the

at

principal places for building vessels,

4 the ton.

not have been very communicative to the English rulers, knowing that every admission they made was to be used as an additiontil argument why

gland

may

In Book 2 leaf 47 Salem Records (Registry of Deeds)

is

aijd

an agreement between John Browne & Company William Stevens of Gloster.in N. E., shipwright,
of 1661, in

fbey should conform

to the

laws of trade in England.

laws,

under date
''one

which Stevens agrees

to build

The

colonists

plead poverty to evade these

casi<>nally resisted

ometimks truly, sometimes perhaps wisely; and ocThey sometimes them outright. boldly carried on a contraband trade, and the Geneblind in the matsilent and wisely butb was ral Coart The nolonists were for free trade, aud it proved ter. to be an ineradicable irtiit in their ooiAmereial charoter.

new shipp of sixty-eight foot long by ye keele Ac" at 3 5s the ton. Brown A Company were connected with the Jersey trade, Browne himiielf being
a resident of Salem, the others at the Isle of Jersey, as it appears. The trade was most probably a Frinck
one.

The "shipp" appears

to

have been a

little

over

100 tons burthen, say 110.


83
1670
it is

reaHonahly certain that Salem 6our-

the

*We8t

Indies,

and must parts

ut

Europe

lahed greatly in comiueree,

and all branches connected with or dependent upon it, and to a

century.

*AmoDg
Familj,
is

the old Cummercial papers of the English

greater eitent comparatively, than for the thirty years after 1070, cloning with the

found

tlje

following letter directed *'To

Maroli't in .ralem.

Corun'll

Samuel Brown Esq.,

Her
the

prosperity, in

common with

the colony, af-

New
St.

England.

ter 1670, attracted the jeaiojsy

and greed of

Christopher. Feub: ye Uth, 1727-8

to

home government, and

the days of the

Com-

Coro'll

Sr

monwealtl) being numbered in England, she

Having mett with ye Opportunity

Brown.

writ to

had no powerful friends there to interpret colonial lawb in her favor, or drive

her enemies

from power.
she ha
I

The impetus, however, which

atid
I

already gained in commerce,

er

natural independence, carried her through and

over

many

obntacies, nor

was Salem

fairly sub-

dued by her subKpquent

ill-fortunes until 1711.

Her troubles may have been sad to have fairly commenced in 1677, when our General Court
order the navigation laws of En;;land
to

be

obeyed, and culminated locally

in 1692,

with
to

a continuation of commercial misfortune up

1711.

yon by Capt. Tiuiberlake that Stoppeu to c-ime here from Suranam having bin tiikeo to Mindwurd of Martinico By ye Gunrde coast & Brought to Uuardeloopeand had a law sute with theiUy I wiit to you from Martinico to Acquniut you of Being a new General arrived there Which will not grant any pertuigsioa att all, then I went to iuardeioiipe A they would not lett me come a Shoare then I went to Antigoa, <k loe. fi.<h wa? sold for lOs per tound ye Markett there ql then I came Here & thi)U;:ht fit to stay here Because wee have news ot three >paiii!ib Privateer that was about ye Leward Island- I sold all ye fii<h at 14 per ql Board sell from lour to five pounds Ruiu is here 2:i 3d p gall, Malas^es is at i)d Cotton is at 12d p pound I can not sell ye Shingle I have about lUOUO of Board to sfell, tliere ' no Soalt at any of ye Island.-) I here that ye fleet will not oe to Tortuga I shall make all ye ilispatch home Again I can, so
.'o

Remain
Sr.

yr Ilumble Serv"t

The Fisheries, as we have said, were the main reliance of Salem in the early days, and
were indeed declared by the Council to the House in 1708 to be "the chief staple of the
Country.''
to
to

John Touzel.
Molasses
i

very sCase to be had"

Note.

Id No. 2 of this Magazine will be foand

a letter of Instructions from this same Sam'll

Brown
vet-

Touzel in 1727.

By

the fleet

going

to

Tortuga,

(ireat attention

was paid of course

Capt. Touzel probably

means the

New England

them.

In 1670 the General Court denounce

selsthen trading to the West Indies, which would go

Tortuga Salt as impure, and declare Fish cured with it to be not merchantable. The phrase
*'

toT. to load in part, at least, with Salt for the

New

Merchantable Cod

England Fisheries. But what a pursuit of Com> merce under difBculties does Dot this letter digclose?

tish'''' is

often

met with

in

hat with rumors of Guard Coasts, law suits, re-

the old accounts some years prior to and after

fusals to land,

low markets, and Spanish Privateers,

1700, and this

phrase.

may
is

in

There

some degree explain the Capt. John Touzel seems to biive had trouble enough! also the phrase "Refuse There is no doubt, but that he did "make all ye

Cod," which was ordinary or defective from Dispatch home again" be could, keeping too bis eyet eome cause, and was shipped largely to the sharply tn windward as he sailed out of St. Cbristo* West Indias. for the Negroes most probably. phers, and for many a good league beyond, to iiee whetner the "Three Spanish Privateer" were not on The dry Merchantable Cod Fish went to Spain, bif track. Right glad too was ''Coron'll Samuel the Streights and the Wine Islands. In 1726 Brown
E^q.," to see Capt John sailing

peaceably
foei.

we see the

General Court passing an

act

for

the better curing and culling o' Fish

the lack
period at
the

into Salera Harbor, safe at last

from fears and

of care having brought our Fish into disrepute

in foreign markets.

Those who look upon the old times as the best, would nave been cured of their delusion, no doubt, could
they have taken this cruise

with Capt- John,

this

aftgr

From the year 1670 to 1740, the which we close our remarks upon
merce of Salem, oar

one to the West Indies and back in

eration.

day and gea>

com

New England

trado was to

We will only add, this Capt. John Touzel WM Son in law of Philip English, and appears to faavt

84
lincluding'fSpain,

France, and ilollind

tu

At

white free quarter,

croiis,

whinh

is

divided
first

in four

times there uppear

have been insCinces of by H red

having in the

subdivision

irregular trade with the French at

NewfoundEnglish

a sphere of sepurated hemispheres, alluding to

land, bj which brandy, wine, oil and

America as the

New

World.

1689 inclusive, Saand openly lem is trading to iJBarbadoes, London, Fayal From the year 1G86 maintained however. New England appears to have a flag of her own, likely that Massichusetts (and New England acting having a cross of red color on a white ground with her,) had a separate flag as early as 1660 It with a crown in the middle of the cross, and un- was no more an independent measure on her part A Dutch than the coining of money n 1652, and that was ,der the crown J. R. (James Rex )
the years 1686 to

manufactures were brought into Salem.

trade seems to have

This

From

been

boldly

book entitled the Ship Builder, (so saya Felt) and printed in Amsterdam in 1705, states that the flag of |New England is blue, vtith a
William & Samuel Erowne, noted merchants of that day. Some of bi3 Sea Journals are yet extant, and in the Essex Institute.
sailed

clearly an act of sovereignty.

1673

tell

Wayborne, who taen complains

a free colonial

The Magistrates to them

in

of

their permitting

and foreign trade,

majesties vice

as against law,
for

"that they

were his

admirals iu those seas, and that they would do that

which seemed good to them," and they evidently did, including very probably the hoisting of a C<)loniaI
flag

on board their ships.

As the

peogile then
offic;eis,

chose

fin the Salem Records (Registry of Deed?) Book 3 Folio 170, is to be found recorded the Instruct ions
of Richard
leaob,:.who

their

own Governor and Admiralty

we c.n readily
in all matters

as well

as Representatives,

see that they

had

Lowe
is

to bis

partner

Mr. John
fisb

Blackor other

about their own way

merce.
that this
It

relating to

Com-

directed to purchase what

fish

was not

until the

Charter was cancelled,

goods are needtsd (beside the

already bought in
to proceed to
z<<

freedom was checked

and

then only to

Salem)

for the

Ketch Blessing, theuoa

sell

gain new force for the final explosion of Liberty at

the Revolution.
II

Bilboa, Spain, to part of Fiance

,

his cargo,
it

and thence

some

where

may

be most advantageous

Among

the

English papers

is

letter of

Wm.

to lay ont the proceeds in Linen cloth,

else

and v^haiever
to

Hollingworth, then a merchant in

date of Sept.
character,
19, 1687,

Barbadoes, under
of a

may be

best,

and

thence
is

directly

Boston.

which

is

commercial
imports into

Blackleach as partner

to

have "noe wages" but

in

relating

especially

to

the

instead, 10 per cent on the sale of Lowe's portion

Biiboa aad 5 pur cent do at Boston.

gtructions Nov.
21,

Date of In
wills

1672.

From

several

we

Salem. The letter, is directed on "For Mrs. Elanor Hollingworth, Att Sallem, In New England," and reads:
that Island from

the

outside.

have seen

in the

Probate
it

date to 1700, Bilboa,

from about the same seems, was a favorite marOffice

ket for our Salem vessels, and continued to be for a

"Dear and Honoured m^-ther "My Duty be presented to you with my kind love

long time after.

:j:!t

may be

that the

flag

spoken of by the "Ship

Builder," printed in

England fl.igpn>r
ble, is, that
sire,

to

Amsterdam, 1705, was .a New 1686. What makes this proba

Commissioners -de
true flag
shall be Colony Records,
to

in

1665 the King's

among
4,

other things, that the

vessels.

hoisted on Massachusetts
Vol.

Part

2. if

This
not

would seem

imply that

Massachusetts,
of her

own.

England, had then a flag The flag of 1686 is that of New Eng-

New

my brother and sister and to ye c lildreri. Yours by Mr. Prance I Heci^ved; fish now att present bares A gvod rate by lleasou ye Newfoundland men are not yet Come in but I believe itt will bt low anuflfe about three monthes' hence; bread and peiece [pease] hath been A good Commodity and Contenue.s, louiuber is lowe still, oylo will be ye principle Commodity but in good Cuske wee are in great likelihood of A brave cropp; this latter part of ye year hath proved very Sea.-sonable, ye lord be praised for itt, pray lett my brother see this letter I cannot tell what to ndvioe him to send as yett besides oyle but
to
iu

short

land
in

men

will

tyme wee shall see what these new.''ouaddoe what quantitye:* of fish they bring

land, under Sir

Edmund

Andros,

and any one

desi-

rous of seeing a good representation of that

fia
1

flag,

can

it

(as taken from the Briti.<h State

Paper

office,)

in Arnold's

History of the State

It
is

Vol.

1,

opposite page 4d6.

Rhode Island, by no means uaof

I will advice lartbor I will slip noe opportunity in advising bim, soe with my serviss to all my frinus [friends] [ subscribe my Selfe your obediIIo I.LI.vg worth. ent Son to Command. pray fail not my dear Mother in sending me half

and then

Wm

85
and
Biirtjiidoes,

rennsylvaniii.St Christopliers,

and bear skins are annually sent

to

England.

V'irjjiiiia

and Antigua.

The great

luajor^t^ of

We

ha-ve

twenty to tarty low,*' men. Only one ship were granted to the following vessels of Salem, 4 ships, 3 barques, 9 brigs, 24 f sloops and appears among tliem, and her tonnage is but 130 tons. Salem however, it appears, was in- 19 ketches. They ranged from 15 to 90 tons ; directly engaged also in the Virginia and Hol- 40 of them were f>uilt in Salem. In 1705 the land trade, carrving tobacco from Virginia ship Unity, of 270 tons, was built in Salem,
her vessels are ketchea from
tons,

much shipping here, find freights are From 1700 to 1714, inclusive, registers

and from four

to six

to Europe.

In 1G90 there seems

to have

comafter
this fishery then, and in all probability Salem also. The testimony, as copied by Mr. Patch, can be seen in the Salem (jazette of Jan. 1, 1858. As whaling,

menced a
l693
is

local trade

of boating gixids to and

it

from Boston, but how long

in

continued

doubt.

The French war now begins

and from
this tisna

to trouble -Salem,

to

1697
peo-

was

tiien

an

old,

long e8tabli:'hed pursuit in our

it,

she loses over

fifty

of her fishing ketches bv the

Bay. Salem may have enteied into

as Boston did,

French and Indians.

ple
stiflPer

Some

of our Sa'em

and with a
case.

like profit.

This

is

most probably the

in these

years by being impressed

on
to

board British men of war.

ters are taken out for

In 1698-r9
vessels

Regis-

f Among the English Papers are to be found a few acconns of Capt. AVm. English, (son of Philip,)

26

tielonsr'ng

who

Salem 2
tons.

ships, 1 b-irq-ie, 3 sloops

ty ketches.

and twenThe most average from 20 to 40

five

sloops

Only

exceed

the

latter

amount.

1709 and 11 is commanding respectively the Mary and Arke bound to and from Virginia and Maryland. He carries thither Molasses, Hum, Salt, Cider, Mackerel, Wooden Bowls, Platters,
in

One of the ships was 80 and the other 300 tons. The largest was built here, as well as 17 more
of thp

Paijs,
fish,

Kegs, JMuscavado Sugar,

is

Cans

and

CodIron,

and

ordered to bring back to Salem,

cheap, and
sails

Wheat,
English

number.
is

Pork, Tobacco, Furs, Hides, Old Pewter, Old

In 1700 the foreign trade of Salem

described by Higginson
Codfish,
:

'Dry

thus
I j

Brass, Copper, Indian Corn, if

Goods.

In 1712

Wm.
in the

nglish

for

Mercliantable

(Dutch Guiana)
There

Mary, with orders

(or

to

Surinam fill up
to

for the markets of Spain, Porcugal and the Straits. Kefuse fish, lumber, horses, and provisions for the West Indies. Keturns made directly hence to England, are sugar, inolassps. cotton wool, logwood and Brasilctto wood, for wliich we depend on the West Indies,

with Molasses, or
is

freight

Salem and Boston.

a letter extant of this

Knolcott
cif

Wm.

Engli.-h

"Mrsome

Isaiic
little

Surinume,'' which

may have

commercial intormation in
the

rather goes to disprove

it, and which modern idea that the

'

liquors the ancient people drank were alvays of the

purest description,

Our own produce, a

*whale and
tish oil,

and therefore very wholesome.

considerable quantity of

In this matter, as in most matters of tue past, "Dis-

whalebcne,

furs, deer, elk

tance lends enchantment to the view."

kentle of Cuske and some aples and ryes and ye lott of Cuske.

Eonifi

barbe-

"Salem, July the 2d, 1713.

Mr. Isnack Knoleott,

Sr: beair is in Closed Bill of Lading & invos one hogshead of Verey Good .Midlin Cod fish you by the Sloop [illegible^ Capt. John Shad ock comniand'r whitjh 1 hope will Com Safe to yr hands. I baue not yet sold all your Melasses By
for

Barbadofs, Sfptni 19, lt)87, Bridgetown. StTvisp to Mr. Croade, Mr. Andrews and to Mr. Adauies, and to Mr. Beuj Allin. W. H.

My

shii'cd

Note. The oi7 mentioned in this letter, may, in have been Whale oil from the Cape Cod whale fisheries, or taken perhaps by Salem whaling boats in Massachusetts Bay. From some old testimony searched out from the
part,

Ira J. Patch, Esq., and referring to the Ancient Whale Catching Customs of the Fishers in Cap<6 Cod Bay in 1708, we
Files of the Es?ex, Co. Courts by

Ue.<en yt when it cauie a shore it Stunk & was Salt So that Every Body tbat came to see hitt Sade yt it was ut in Either a fish Barrell or Porke or Beef tiarrell I have Sent it to ye Stillers to have it Stild [Distilled] into Rum. I shall make ye most of it I cann, & as for Talow [Tal ow] thare is none to Be had. I shall Send jou what Remanes yet dew to von By the next opportunity. I Rest y Vs.
I

are inclined to believe tbit Beverly

was engaged

in

Wm.

English."

22

86
for Boston and London oierchuntH, and in 17U9 auspices of tiie Home Company. They, howrJoSfph Hardy built the ship American Mer- ever, finding that their joint stock (tor the

chant,

ol (jilascow, in

Salem,

fehe

was of 160

trade was

manHgcd by the Company

as a Cor-

tons burthen, and he was one of the owners,

poratiun^ was sinking in value through the expenses of colonization, viz

:

from 1714
Lisbon.

to 1718

our vessels traded to MaB.irbadoes,

purchase and maintranhportation

of
in-

deira, 8urin<iui, Jamaica,

Bri!tol

Biiboa,

tenance of ships, supplies,

our citizens

and London. In 1721 some of wefe accused of an irregular trade

passengi-re, colonial expenses,

and probably

suflSjent returns, re-organized their operations,

with Cape Breton, and the Legislature wink at Lumber, provisions, and tobacco are carit. ried tliither, and wine, brandy, linen, silks and
other goods brought back.
as ten vessels bound to or
In 1733 as
froiii

creating two kinds of stock, or else more effectually Separating and dividing their old stock.

One
was
to

ol these

stocks was trailed the Joini Stock,

manv

the other the

to be

Common

Stock.

The Joint Stock

Barbadoes and
harbor, and

a trade stock.

Tiiis they passed over

Saltatuda. are in tha

ice

in

bur

the

management of Mr. John VVinthrop,

These

people are employed to cut thein out.

From

Governor, and others, as undertakers.

years,

J1721

to

1740 our trade was to vaiious parts of

Carolina, Maryland,

undertakers were to manage this stock for seven

with certain pcciiniiry advantages to
risks,

the West Indies, North

Saltaluda. Oporto, Fayal, Lisbon. Canso, Barbadoes,

l|Bilbi>a,

themselves, run all

and, at the end of

to every stock-

Gibraltar, Leghorn, Canaries,

the seven years, account lor the stock and its

profits,

Jamaica,

New

Foundland, ^Leeward Islands,

Mediterranean, Virginia, St.

the

Same

to be divided

Cadiz, Alioant,

holder in ptoporfion to his adventure therein.

It

Martins, Antijjua.

was not, therefore, a

sa/e of the stuck to the

The

trade of Salem, immediately after

its

per-

undertakers, but only

the a8sum()tion of

its

mament
^Iii

settlement,

was under the control and

management,
running
all

on favurahle pecuniary

terms,

by the undertakers, in consideration of their

1721, the Collector of the District, which inthat he

cludes Salem aud adjacent Sea Ports, states

entirely distinct from the joint stock,

tlears out 80 vessels on an average every year

Felt's Annals.

The common stock was which was expressly declared by the Company, Feb.
the
rirfks.

have In our poFsession a few letters of instruction, from .S&in'll BroVirne of Salem, to his Capt.
I|H e

10, 1630. (-ee Felt's Annals, vol.

I. p.

148,) to

be 'ordained for the maintenance of the trade,"

John

Touzull, ranging through

i

.ne

years 1728
his

9,

in

which Touzell
at Bilboa,

ordered

to

deliver

cargo

of

(see Felt's

At the same date and meeting of the Company, Annals, game vol. same page.) it

"Scale Fish, middling C6d, and

S'f)aiti,

merchantable Cod"
for for

arid

thence get freight

Lisbon

or Cadiz, and load with ialt at St. Ubea or he

N. E;

may

take a freight from L. or C. to Ireland,

was determined ''that a common stock should bt raystdjrom such as beare good affecon to tht pla Uacon and propagacon thereof, and the sam*
to be

fiolland or England, and then go to the Isle of

May

employed on(y in defrayment of puhlique

for salt: or he may sell the Brigantine [Endeavor of lixty tons, plantation built] for 45U or 500, if be

charges, as maintenance of mtnisttrs, transpor-

tacon

an get that
ir

for her abroad.

and ffortyfycalions aud

fishing Tcssels,

of poorejamylyes. building of churches all other fubhque and

dj^c.''

1732 Salem has about 30

much

necessary expenses of ih" plantacon.

than formerly, and the same number which go on foreign voyages to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and other
less

reason given for the formation of this

The *Commoji

'West India islands; gome to the

Wine Island?;

others

carry

fish

to Spain, Portugal,

and the "Streights."

'This

Common

Stock was evidently in furtberanea

Frit's Annals, appendin.

of Plantation purposes (not trade) since son BobHCribing to

it

every perentitled
t

Hu/cAin.von 8&>

our Massacbusetti trade with tbe

It then began to deelioe.

tbe

sum

of

50 was

Briligb West Indies was mutually {trofitable until tbe

200 acres of land, and proportiorably for any smaller

earn.

peaM

of Utreoht ia 1713.

Bu

it

was an emigration measure.

87
Stock WU8, that the jurtherance of the planta tion would necessiinly require a great and continual cliaige,
I

Colonists here,
their

who managed things, after all, own way. and panl.y in the destructiye

nience, be defrayed
(trade stock) of the

which could not, with conve- confusion produced by the civil troubles in out ot the Joint Stock England. Cradcck evidently considered that

Company.

he had a proprietary right he

left

in

the Colony, for

in 1648, to

a claim upon

it,

amounting,

Certain undertakers seem to have been choBen to manage this common stock, perhaps the

nearly 700.

same as wore
stock.

to

manage

We

have devoted a short space to the investi-

the

trade or joint
t^>at

It is obvious, however, of arriving at the facts of hittory, but because Company, did not part with their interest in we are aware that some are of the belief that this stock, since at the same meeting (Feb. 10, the Home Company parted with all their inter1630,) "if IS further agreed on and ordered, ests, pecuniary and proprietary, in the Colony, that an order bee draicne vpp and publishfd vnto Winthrop and tho.se coming over with himi der the seale of the Company, to sigmfie and and to those already here. We see no evidence declare to what vsns all such monyes as are giuThe Government and Patenr were transof it. en to the common stock shal be employed, and ferred, and the general management, both of what land shal be allotted to each man that government and trade but we cannot see that The further facts that giues therevnto, <!fC." right or interests in either wore disposea of to ilr. John Winthrop waa chosen Governor of The trade of the company the Colonists here. the Colony by the Company in London, and was indeed to empire at a limited period, (neveh their comfirmation of (300 acres in the Colony vea''8),but their interest in the Patent and Govto Brewerton at the same meeting at which ernment to continue. That it did not continue,

the

Home

gation of this matter, not only for the pnrpose

they established the

pany, prove that the

common stock of the Com can only be explained, now. by a combination Uome Company did not circumstances, permitted i)y a higher power;
of
in part to free the

part with any of their proprietary rights in the

Colony, when they agreed to transfer the PaTheir tent and Government hefe in 1030.
joint stock or trade stock had a limit

nopoly, and give

it

Colony from a landed moa wide freedom aa the basis

of the more glorious Commonwealth.

Practically speaking, however, the Colonial

of seven
risk of
find

yea's to run in the Colony, and

the undertakers, but

at the

we

are

unable to

government managed affairs, either of Church or State, from the start, to suit themselves.

that the

common

stock of the

Company was
dispose of
it,

ev-

Many
civil,

of the early

laws, either religious or

er limited in

work of the Colonial auand we see no evithorities, spiritual or temporal, and very probdence of such an intention any wljere. It was ably entirely their own. The laws of trade natural and proper that the government of the
are evidently the
to dispose of proprietorship, gvhich

any way.

To

was

they

passed,

often

b<ive

strong local

Colony should be transicrred to the Colony, characteristic), though they may have been for but tho Company in England would have sold the benefit of the joint stock of the home comtheir proprietorship, if desirous of disposing of pany and their partners id the Colony. la We see no evidence of such a sale, or the 1631, no corn, provision or merchantable comit. We see charly that the modity could be purchiu^ed from any ship withintention of selling.
trade of the
years,

Company was self-limited to seven out the leave of the Governor or an Assistant. and was most probably defunct several In 1634-5 the penalty of confiscation, or tht
when
did the procease to
is

years before that period, but

prietor's right of the

loss

of value of the goods,

hung over

those wli*

Home Company
The answer

hought any commodity, from any

into the

vessel

coming
la

have any validity here ?

per-

Colony, without a license from the

In

bap

to be

found la the independeDce ol the

Governor.

1635 this was repealed.


88
1634-5 a committee of
to
etore them,
iiierohants are appointed
vet-scls,

Tlio weekly in Salem,

purchase the cargoes of friendly

Wednesday tuarkets permitted commencing in 1634, and the two

and any time within twenty days yearly Fairs granted her by Gen'l Court the and notice given one in May, and the other in September comto the several towns, sell them to the inhabi- mencing in 1638, must have done their share in tants of the Colony at 5 per cent, profit, and 8tin>ulatmg the internal, and perhaps external not above. By the preceding section it would trade of S. The Home Compiiny built a bark seem that the cargo was prol)ahly not to he here in 1629, but then only for their own fishafter the landing of the cargo,

purchased by the undertakers of the joint stock

of the

ermen
large

yet

evidently

a largo decked boat

Company, and
the

if tiiis

be so, then

Salem

begins in 1G34-5 to enjiy a comparative free-

dom from

Home Company.
it

This agrees
in

well with the fact of history th

1637

the

enough to visit Newfoundland. If the Colony was practically free of the Home Company in 1637, then between tl at year and 1639 the fisheries and trade perhaps with them
took a good start, since in 1639,
ters,

Colonists began to build

fishing.

vt'S^iels

for

trade and

ship carpen-

In 1640 their independence was obvi-

ous, and the

Home Company's
It

trade has en-

which follow their calling, are exempted from training, as also were fishermen and
mjllers

tirely disappeared.

was probably dying or

of the early

nnder similar c rcumstances

still to

though
of

extinct

in

1635-6.

Some

and

re

they are
peculiar
their

be furnished with arms. These

strictive laws of trade in the

Colony may have

reference
to the

privileges

prove

tlie

impn tance

been, and probably were passed as protective

uncontined labor to

the Colunv

at that

measures, and without

much

time.

In

1641 the Gen'l

the

Court are fully abusiness of

Home Company,
board any

as for instance that of 1634-5,

roused to

importance of perfecting shipit

which puniched any person who should go on sliip on arrival without leave of some of the assistants, uiilevSg she had laid at anchor twenty^four hours in some inhabited iiarbor,
(nor
tlien unless

building, which

calls

"a

great

importance

tor the public

is

good,

and therefore
it

suitable care

to bi

taken that
it

be well per-

formed.'' and
to

makes
in

lawful for the owners

a friend) wi!h the confiscation

to in-

appoint and put

is

some suitable workman,

the

of his
fli

estate,

and such lurther punishment as

in(!et

as

usual in

England, to survey
givi.ig
to his

work
lib-

the General Court should think

t
!

and workmen,
erty as belongs

him such power and

office,

Also that of 1635-6, wherein

all

persons

and,

in

else of
car-

are forbidden to buy any commodity from any

ship before the invoice has been

disagreement

between him

and the ship

given

to

the

penters, provides for

partial ship

the selection of two im-

sions without K-ave, nor to

Governor or Deputy Governor, nor any provibuy any provis^ions

soil

carpenters as referees,

who

shall

decide the matter and

have power to remedy

or victuals from such ship to

again, or f car-

the complaint, and their charges or fees are to

ry from the Colony under pain of a punishment

at the discretion
of

be paid by the party at fault.

the

Court.

Both these

laws were soon repealed, and were, therefore,

we presume,

merely local law8 to suit some

In 1642 Stlem is the second commercial town of the Colony. She pays 75 taxes, and Boston 120. The order of 1644 in reference to ship building evidently applies forci-

local euiergoucy.

f Even

as lato as 1C62

we
is

see another of those pro-

bly to her, as well as

hibitory laws, so
sachusetts.
is

common

in the earlier so scarce,

day of Masits

some other which order the Genl Court offer

places
to to

in

incorpo-

Corn then

that

export

rate a

Company

of ship builders

regulate

make such laws and tinue in force until Gen'l Court so order otherwise. orders among themselvos as may conduce to Here the alarming scarcity of corn in the Colony was (and thus make a Guild or the public good
forbidden on pain of Confiscation-f-the law to con-

building of ships, and

doubtless the controlling cause of the Law.


89
Couipiiny reseiuhliiiij
tliose in tl:e old

world

IS

against

the

UdIory, though

in

favor

of

In 1615. a Cinary Ishind ship, the Gilbert,

in Boston

is

them.
i-r,

When

Charles the 2d came in,

that

howey-

with

wines

and

it is

not unlikflv
visited

his ministers

weie detenn-ned. as well as

^L:^sachu8etts should

that the

Wine Liland
eirly.

vi;s8el,s

may have
for

the Kin>; himself,

Salem a8

In 1646 wharfage reuulationt*

he curtailed in her commercial

freedom.

The

are ordered by

Genl Court
;

wharves

in

Colonial Antlioriiie^ saw

t!.is,

and the Gen'l

Boston and Charlestown

and Saleta, as next

Court
j

in

1661 repeal the law a lowing friendly

in Commercial importance to Boston,

may have
between
in

ships to trade freely in our harbors.

be-ran prior to the rei^^n
of

As they
During his

had wharves thus early.

there appear.-' to

In 1645

or earlier,

Henry

7th.

have been

trouhle

reign (in 1485.) and the rei>rn of Elizabeth, (in loG2,

foreign vessels in our harbors (perhaps

Sa-

and again
glish

in

15^3,) acts were

passed

favoring En-

lem) and

(S'^a ?)

fights

took

place between
this

Com'nerce at the expense of foreign, and for

them.
fight

T/ie General

Court dif<courage
in

by

the benefit espcially of the Royal N.ivy up.

j

to build
,

it

ordering that no ships

our

harbors shall
ot

During the reign

to

of Charles

tiie

Is
it

these laws

any other ships during the time

liere
r-'
I

their

^^'^ t)*^"
ni'ces.Hr5
I

evaded, or were relaxed, and

revise

was found

abode
Tii

and confirm

tbem.

When

the

ho fisheries and

M r Home Manufactures were

Ti
1.

always carerully watched over hy the Colonial

authtirities.

in Enjfland, they past^ed a o ^ j ^ suinewliac rough aot in 1650, prohibiting a}l ships of

Republicans triumphed ^

foreign nations from trading with

'

any English planAct,

still

In order that raw-bides and

un-

tations without license from the

i

Council of State. levelhd

in

wrought leather should not he exported, the

General Court
prohibited their transportation
in
'

i(;5i

(hey

passed a

Navigation

part ag.ainsr the sugar islands, which

adhered to

from the colony

into

1646 on pain of confiscaimporred

the King, and

paitly against the Dutch,

who then

tion, or the value thereof, unle.ss first

tiio

were the principal carriers of

Europe,

and whose

Colony as Merchandize.

The Fisherwere empowfor

ships were employed by Eaijlish merchants

men were

early protected by law, and granted

to bring mercnandize from America and the West Indies into

Tarious privileges, and in 1663

ered to use
fiali

England, in spite of former unrepealed

laws,

and at

wood from any common lands

flakes

and stages
still

the

English fishermen

possessing

greater

privileges

being

a lower rate of Ireight than native ships. This law enacted that no commodities (colonial or of any oth er description) should be imported into England, unless in

al-

vessels

solely

owned, and commanded, and

subjects,

lowed

to enter

on to private lands for the purreasonable sum,

principally

manned by English

and wheie

pose, paying a

however, for

the Commodities weie foreign,

damages It was trespass in our Bshermen to do this, but the English fishermen were considered to have their privileges under the charter.

conveyed in such vessels from the place where the comunje.-is

entirely

modities grew, or to wbich they were usually

fir.*t

in the

instance transported by sea.

off

By

this the

Dutch
under

were cut

from the carrying trade of

ot fish into

the Colonies,
laid

The Colonists did not

like such

an

exer-

and their importation

This
act,

England

ci^e of their claims,

but from

policy

perhaps

great restriction and heavy burdens.

forebore to deprive them of tbem.

moreover, did not permit any but Ento be factors or

In 1645, the whole Colony was in a prosper-

gH-h subjects
Colonies.

agents in the English

ous

state,

and Salem

of

course

wit.'t ir.

When

Before that time, the principal factors or

the Navigation laws were

passed,

Salem, as
to

agents in those Colonies were Dutch.

well as the Colony evaded their application for

a while, professing that they did not apply

Uot the Parliament.

At the restoration, Charles the 2d and bis Parliament sustained substantially tiiese laws by statute!
in 1660

and

in 1662

tbem. since they were under the Charter, and

the

famous Aavigntion Act.

lier date,

first being known as the The Mass. Colonists had

Cromwell seems never

to

not obeyed the laws of 1650-1, nor those

of the ear-

have urged the *Law8 of I'rade pertinaciously

*The laws of
trade, or navigation laws of England,

whiab were not repealed, and struggled against the Navi>;ati<m Act and kindred laws nntil
their final separation from England.

23


90
tend
lit

the same time n verj

it is

humhlu
lik ly

luyiil

ad-

dress to the King,

muHt
to

that

their

in the Law Book of the Colony, and her contempt of Episcopacy ope*ily exfiressed therein.

reason waa a
yielding only

denire

conciliate

CharlcH.
to

Both these things he desired should be swept

what they were forced

privileges,

yield,
for

away.
at

and

to save other

or peihaps

lor ihey

form's oake.

The

object

of
of

the Traiie and

They were a sore reminiscence to him, reminded him of the Commonwealth homw. liis Commissioners demanded also,
things, that alt

Navigation lawH and policy

England was

to

among other
sels

Masters of ves-

make England
Trade, drive off

Magazine of ColoniaS the Dutch, and compel her own

the

and Captains of Companies should carry the /rue f colors of England, by which they
Felt,

ehipjiing. especially the Coli>nial, to

seek

her
however, in his History of Mass. Currency,
visit to the

own markets, pay

ever,

her the legal duties, and

to
puts the date of Temple's
l(Jt>2

King as

in

drive off all foreign Ireighting vessels

whatsotlip

Bifore Charles died, he

evidently

thought

shipping.

when in competition with her own The N E Colonists had enjoyed a

free trade

Colonists

were a set of "dishonest dogs."

clo.'ed,

The

mint was finally

Felt evidently

about

1C86,
in

say,

though

comparativb

under Charles the

1st,

stated by one authority to be

is

existence in 1706.

and CromwHll, and had thriven greatly hy ir, and saw and felt its advantages. They were unwilling to come under the Laws of England in matters of trade, and evaded them in every

on this point, and he gives about 1686 as the date. Massaciiusetts was early and long suspected in England of aiming at Independence, but her prothe better authority
gress thitherward seems to have

been

in

the

Way

they could.

When

the Commissioners of

reasonable and somewhat unconscious one.

ly
lis

main a As earassis-

Charles the 2d came over here in 1665, backed by three Frigates, as a hint of the power of the Mother Country, the Colonists paid them
all ostensible
de(< rcnce.

1639, 'ieorge Burdet,

who had been an

thai

tant of Rev.

Hugh

Peters, privately tells

others of Lord Comin'rs.

Laud, and the Col'^nifts were

and worked againpt

aiming more at

civil

independence, than ri'formation

them

in secret.

chusetts was well

*King bated the

The inde[)endence of Mas aknown in England, and the name ot Commonwealtk even
the
2d,) was
first,

in ecclesiastical matters.

S;e Felt's memoir of

Hugh

Peters, in the 5th vol. Mass. Hist,

ter.

and Gen. Regis-

It seems but fair to say that the civil independence

of Massachusetts was the

natural result of the re-

The King

(Charles

much incensed
to

ligious independence

she assumed

and maintained

agninst Masisacbunetts at the

and told Sir ThosSir Wil-

trom the
-fin flag of

first.

Temple, Gov. of Nova Scotia, (brother

liam,) that,

1629 the English Ensign appears to be tho

the Massachusetts Colony.

among

oth<r things,

the Colonist.s had

In 1634, part of
la 1633 the Gen.
to
it

by coining money. Temple, who hud retained f>-om America, and had geun the urgent reasons which had induced the Colinvaded the roval prerogative

the red cross had been taken out.

Court came
Eodecott
that

to

a reluctant conclusion
out,

admonish
the belief

for cutting it

which,

appears, be

ony to tke that step the scarcity of money here, and the difficulty of procuring it from England during the
civil troubles

was somewhat instigated

it

ta do,

and

in

was an idolatrous sign

to

a belief then
aside,

there

stated these to the King

of the Pine the King,
that," asked

not a few of the Colonists

held by The English ensign

in extenuation,

and showed him some

seems then

have been

laid

and as in 1636
Castle
in Bos-

Tree Money.

"What

is

the national fiag was unfurled at the

pointing to the Pine Tree, which the artist had made

ton Harbor, under the protestations of the magistrates,

bushy and broad like the Italian Pine. "That is the Royal Oak,'" answered Temple; "the tree which Charles being highly heltered your Majesty."
pleased at this proof of loyalty,
eondt^scending

gianting that libert;

to various

ship

masters going

from that

port,

we can readily
in the

see

that the English

ensign was no favorite

Colony,

The reason
to

and

in great

and

then givtn by the magistrates tor their protest, was,

that they held the cross
trous.

good

humor,

exclaimed, "Honest

in the ensign

be idola-

Dogs*"

He

appears in 1665 to have thought otberis

wi>e, but the date of Temple's virit

not given.

It

From

1651 to the close of the

Commonwealth

in

may have been

after

the

Commissioners' return.

England, Massachusetts may have adopted the "old

91
without restraint. The Magistrates told VVajwas evident by tliin that the Cul- borne, thai tiiey, as Viue-Admirals of Ilia onitttt* bad a fl.ig bj land aud S'ta, whicii was Majesty, in these seas, shuuld do as seemed They demanded good to them. Still these laws munt have not of the ro^al putifrn. that the law which the Geni^ral C'<urt Imd troubled our merchants. In 1663 'he General
tu bo
hie*

might be known
itit'jects.

iuaj<tj'8

Ifgiiiuiate

It

passed againt the Act oi Navigation

of En;;
coinin^j;

Court appointed,
liard

for

appearance's sake, Uil-

laod should be repealt^d, and that the

of

money shuuld
Tlie

ceane, as

being a Koyal pre-

Veren to be an officer for the ports of 6alem. Marblehead and Gloucester, to see that
the Navigation Act of Parliament be enforced.

rogative.

CoininissiunerH,

moreover,

He accepted the office, and avoided its ^dutiea. The Koyal Commissioners had failei in their Government, but look at th'mselces as independ- attempts to practically enforce the act. CromThese Comlui8^iorleIs gave well himseK had not been more successful ent on {of) MS." much trouble, and failed in their efforts. though he in secret, perhaps, favored the Colothe colonists, as from the

charge upon

King

that ^'our subjects there doe not submit to our

tion

In 1667. the General Courtorder the NavigaLaws to be obeyed, but this legal and

nists.

Still his

attempts to induce the

New

formal submission
profitless

was a hollow and

so intended,
for in

really

one, and

1673

remove to Ireland and afterwards to Jamaica, arc capable of two different At all events, our Massachuconstructions.
Englanders
to

Wayborne, and m 1676. Randolph, inioriu the Englisti Government that the Laws of Trade
are not observed in Massachusetts,
virtually inoperative

setts people

and

rulers

united

in

mistrusting

England, her Rukrs and her Laws, and obeyed

in fact are

them only under compulsion.

f One of his duties wa.i to suite ships or vessels iiib-ted by that act trom tradiug here. It evidently was not done, tbougb Sulew, as the second (or third) commercial town in the Colony, must have violated the law. It was generally violated ia Mas.>achu^ett3. S'ill tbe Colonists were troubled by the law, as putting them in a false commeroial posi-

all nations

trading here
George, need

English colurs," viz: tbe CroM of

pp

St.

by tbe Parliamtnt, thuugb tbe General Court, wben

adopting tbein in
of tbem.
1(551, strongly desired

an alteration
lb65 deof England,
it

As tbe King's

Cuuiuiifsioners, in
true
flag

sire tbe Culunists to raise the

tion.

botb on their ships and in tneir companies,

Would

To be Continued.

appear that Alas$aoDusett:i had adopted another flag than thai even of tbe Parliament; for our authorities

were too

politic to

have worn the colors of the late

Eni:lish Couiuionwealtb before tbe eyes of the King's

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS. INVENTORIES, Ac., ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF

COlJRTrf,

CouimiAsioners, especially while disputing with tbem;

SaLEM, MASS.
Copied by Ira J. Patch.

and

it is

in evidence,

that though

they adopted tbe

Parliamentary
conscience.

flag in Ibol,
it,

yet they then

much

de-

sired an alteration in

perhaps on some scruple of

COKTINOED FROM PACK

52.

and under the tyrannical Andnw Creek. Sept., 1658. reign of Andros, the flag of New England only ap Inventory of estate of Aiidnw Creek, apFlag to the of England. proximates The ensi&;n prized by Francis Peabody and Robert Anwhich Cromwell adopted, was, we believe, the simple drews of Topt^field, the 17th Sept., 1658, aCrosci of St. George, and which appears on the coin of mounting to 17 17s 4d. the Commonwealth. The Colonists did not like the List of debts owed by said Creek when he Cross, but may have continued it, with additions of died, amounting to 19 16s 2d. It is evident that they did not follow their own.
to l(j86,

Up

Cromwell
ter.

or tbe Commonwealth blindly in any matThey were unwilling to war with their Dutch neighbors at bis command, declined to obey his laws of trade, kept aloof trom bis monied policy, and re-

Returned by Dan*! Clark, 29th

1658.

7th mo.,

John Wnght. Mar., 1659.

AdministratioQ ol estate of Jubo Wright of

fused bis offers either as to Jaioaica or Ireland.

92
Newburv,
mo.,
frniiited to

Edward

Brafijf

30th 10th

mo

1658, by
tu

1G58. and

an inventory

ruturned

by

amouMtiuji
Lit of

Ttiomas Bisljop and KuhertKiusuian.

D.m Ilea and Henry Cooke, 37 3^ 01. debts amount to 3 lOs 8d.
1

Benfn Montjoy,
Inventory of the

4th mo.. 1659.

Wm
26th 3d mo,,

Jiggles

Alh mo.. 1659.

est^ite ol

H.nj'n

Montjoy,

Inventory of estate of
1659, by

amounting
gianted
to

to

19

2s 51,

returned
;

by Wai.

Clarke and Josepii

hisj

DoUiver

administration

Gardner,

R Imund

VVm Jijigles, taken John Browne, John Bitter, amount 148

since, the

wile, 28th 4th mo., 1659.

3 of the cliiiiiren mar'd in time lonjr

otrier

abroad at sea,
sliip.

tlie

eldest son in

England,

Jno.

Wondice, Ath mo., 1659.

8al.Mn,

a master of

Will

o(

John Wood is of

dated 2kli

Returned by Eiiz'h, widow

4th mo., '59.

of

dec'd, 28th

3d mo., 1659, mentions ;?am"l Very and Alice his wife, dau of said VVoodis, Sim'l, Elizal)eth,
Sarah, Thomas and John
Very, children of

Kxigh Laskins, 4th mo.. 1659.

Inventory of estate of
lem, taken 21st

Hugh Laskins

Sam'l and Alice

law, S.im'l

Eiuma Muse. Appts son in Very, ex'r, Thomas Antrum and

;

nf Sa-

mar,,

1658-9. amounting to
by

50

2-1

lOd,

returned

John Marston and

Thomas
1G69.

Flint, witnesses,

proved 29th 4th mo.,

Samuel Pick man.

Seeth. wife

Inventory

of above estate,

amounting

to

of Joshua

Conard, 9th mo., 1659.

wife of

69

5-<

Od. 'taken lOih 4th :na., 1659, by Ti.om-

Inventory of esfateot Sieth Conant.

the late (ieo^ased Joshua

as James,

Thomas

Flint

aud Thomas Anthrum.

Conant.

tiken 28th
6-i

3d mo.,

1659,

am

John Lraih, 4ih mo 1659. The testimony of Eliz'h Buxton and Mary Felton, as to Mr. Jo'^n Leaeh. senior, speech about the disposing of his estate. They say, "we, whose namiisar vnderwritten, beinge both
,

turned by John

Hinting; to 32 Brown and Ricimrd

Od, re-

Prince.

Geo. Norton. 9th mo., 1659.

Inventory o(drorgn Norton of Sih?m, taken

221 7th

mo,

1659,

6J. returned by Jolin

amounting to 134 lla Powlew, Jacob Birney.

in one roome, about half a yeare before the de-

FreegracH and John Norton, eldest sons of John L"ach, senior, the sayd John abovesaid George Norton, oflf;r and petition to Leach comming" in from worke he sayd vnto the Court to allow and confirm the offjr to give V8, he was so sicke he thought he should haue up their portion of their father, George Norfalln downe dead at iiis worke, and he did ton's estate to their mother. M<i''ia Norton, feare tluit he might at one tyme or other dye for her sole use during her wi lowhtjod, and if suddenly therfore he did desire of vs i)oth the Court will make division and see what the
cease of sd
:

(that

if

in

case

it

should so

fall

out.)

to be

shares of
will

tlieir

brothers and

sisters

are, they

witnesses that all that he had he gaue vnto

John

Leach

and at another tyme, hauinge further

his estate

pay thorn their shares that their mother may have the whole.
grace

conference about the disposingeof

vnto the sayd John Leich,

vrere

we
;

told

him there

not to
deuide
it it

seueral

expresse

John Leeches be should doe wch of them, he sayd to

eayinge he should
litle
;

Ages of George Norton's children FreeNorton, 24 years John Norton, 22 years; Nithanell, 20 years; George Norton, Mary, 16; Mehitahle, 14; Sarah, 18 years

John Leach,

the son ot Rich'd Leach,

if

12; Hannah, 10;

Abigail, 8

Elizabeth, 5.

further that he had was but

would come

to

but

litle."

James Moore. 9lh mo., 1659.

Will of James Moore of Hammersmith, dat-

loventorj^ of above estate

taken

20th lOtb

93
ed ofh 5th mo., 1659. mentions
Duni'-hj.
wifti
littl

daujihter Oliver

Jane James, June, 1660.

Inventory of estate of Jane James,

Ruth

Moore

appts

widow

of

Piirchis and J-ihn Clarke to he overseers.

Jo-

seph Jenks. sen'r and

wiine8si'8.

Joseph Jenke, junior,

Inven orv of above estate,

56 John

8s Od.

returned

by Joseph

amounting to Jenks and

Erasmus James, dec'd, amounting to 86 Is 9d, returned by Francis Johnson and Mosea Maverick. The land in Marhlehead. with the house in wch the deceased lived and dw<!lt in being in controversy between Erasmus Jamea
junior, and Richard Read,

liathorne.

whose

It is,

but being desired

it,

wch we know not by sd Erasmus

it

Sam' I Porter,

9t/i

mo

1659.

Jomes
40.

to apprise

the appraisers valued

at

Will of Siim'l Porter, dated lOih

12th mo.,

1658. being bound for the B.irhadoes.

List of debts

Wife

liiinnuh i

of his farm, son

John the
after the

he died,

19 Us

due by Erasmus James when lOd, allowed 26th June,

other half of his (arm at

Wenham

1660.

death of his wife the other half to

bia

return to

son.

Father

Porter

and father-in-law
Batter to
be over-

Wm
Inventory of
lem, tvken
21rtt

Golt. 4th mo., 1660.

estiite

Wm.
seers

Dodge, and Edmond

W^itnesses,

of

Edm"d

Batter and

Sara

April,

1660,

William Golt of Saamounting to

Batter, proved 28th 4th mo., *G0.

49

Os Od.
flFrey
:

List of debts.

22

02s Od, returnK.itclien.

;

Inventory of above estate,

taken 22d 4th

19h Od. return-

ed by Jf

Massey and John

mo..

16t30,

amounting

to

331

Chil iren

Reliecca,

19 years

Debora, 15

ed by Koger Conant and John Rayment.

years; Sara. 13 years.

Ed. Norris, Ath mo., 1660.

Edward Brown. Mar. Will of Etiward Brown of

to his son

1660.

Will of Edward Norris of Salem, minister,

given
in

Ipswich, dated
gift

9th Feb., 1659, mentions 3 acres, a

Silem. 9th 10th

and teacher of the Church of Christ, dated in mo. (D.c.) 1657. Son Ed-

Thomao by
to he

his

aunt

Watson

Okl
iiave

ward Norris; John

England, said Thomas being dead

bia son

Home
in

and R>chiird Prince,

Salem.
Witnesses,

he account?

deacons of the cliurch

Joseph
in

his heir.

Joseph to

land which he 4th uio., 1660. Bartholomew wile. Faith Browne, son John Browne, his wife sole John Bradstreel, June. 1660. Witnesses. Rohert and Thomas Lord, ex'tx. An inventory of estate of John Bradstreet of
his

8 acres

the

common

Walter Price and Elias Stileman. Proved 27th

bought of

his

brother

proved 27th Ist mo.. 1660.

Inventory of above estate, taken
1659. amounting to

Mablehead.
20th Feb.,
:

tak.-n 14th

4th

mo

1660, by John
to

Bartoll. Joseph Doliiver.

19ti

amounting

102

225
;

5s

7d

debts due

Od, returned 26th 4th mo., '60.

from the estate, 24 8s Id

ses

returned

by Momo.,

Pingry and Robert Lord, 27ib Ist

Joshua Conant, ith mo., 1660.

List ol charges

1660.

due

to

Mr. Joseph Gardner,

of

from the estate of Joshua C'nant, amounting

John Clements,

May

1660.
his Brother,

to

35

7s lid,

and testimony

Hugh Junes
concerning
it,

Consent of J.ib Ciemente that Robert Clements, shall be satisfied

and Jane

Coffin, wife of Robert,

for

his voy-

20th 4th mo., 1660.

age to England on his Brother. John

ent's ac't out of the et-tatfof his brother
Ist mo., 26th day, 1660.

Clem-

John

Lawnnce

Southtctck, 4th mo., 1660.

The testimony of

Wm.

Robinson and Thom-

24


94
as GardntT, that John and Dunjel

South wick

havS
dividi.

uiiide

a very

fiiir

iigreeinent

about tho

g of

their father's estate.

Philip Kerlfand. 4th mo., 1661. Inventory of the moveahle estate wch Evan Tliomas hath and doth enjoy with and by

Eran Thomas,

"A

Alice his

now

wile

taken before marriage,"

returned hy Alice
Piulip Kertland, 26th

Wm.
of
lJo>ton.

Paine, Nov., 1660.

of
estjite ol

Copy of iiiVHiitory
1660. hy lien

Wm.

Paine
mo.,

amounting to 160 Thomas, late wile

Juno. 1661.

148 Id. of

merchant,

*aken

22d 8th

Shnmpton. Josliua

Soottow,

THStimony of John Kertland, aged about 52

years, savs, "I often hard
Kyrtl.ind. say

and John Richards, amountinjr to 4239. lln 5d, reiurnud by John Paine, his son, ^Jov. 14,
1660.

my

brother, Phillip

uftiuies that

his wife shoulald

^o long as remembranc, I.ee gaue Edm'd Nicholson, Nov., 1660. 15 lo his datter Miry, and ten pounds to his Inventory ol ent-iie of Bduiond Nicholson of difter Sara, and ten pounds to his dafter SuMarhlehead, taken 22d 9th mo., 1660, by sanna, and ten pounds to his dal ter Hanna, Nicke, John Lejrg, this to bee giuen to them at ye day of marriag, MoNcs Maverick. amounting to 150 Os 6d. 28th Nov 1660. the land not to be sould so long as she liues." Elizabeth, relict of the deceased, app'd, and I7th 5th mo., 16o9.
all

hauo

that hee had to dispose of,

she Hue, and to

my

best

Wm

Bworne
debts.

to tlie truth of the iciventory.

List of

Williaio

H ichor

of Lvnn, aged 65 or there-

54, 4s Od
:

Cliildren

Christopher,

abouts,

testified

that

when
him,

Piiilip

Kertland
as

22

yrs.

Joseph.

was going
above.

to see, he told

in substance,

20; S.imuel, 16; Joan,

14; Elizabeth,

11;

Thomas,

7.

Roger Tucker, Alh mo., 1661.

Chris. Codnor, dth
7no.,

1660.

Inventory ot Cliristopher
ing to 252 Os 9d.
Christopher 3 yrs.

Codnor, amount-

Children

Mary,

5 yrs.,

25th and Moses Maverick, retnrn^'d by Mr. George Corwin, 28th 4th mo., 1661, amounting to 9 14s Od.
June, 1661.
by Francis Johnson

Inventory

of Roner

Tucker

taken

Will
in

Lawrence Southwich, 9th mo., 1660. ol " Lawrence Setbick, late ot 6alem,
England, now
being at the house of

Jas. Smith, 4th mo., 1661.

New

Will

of

Natbaniell Sylvester, on Shelter Island," dat-

9th 9her, 1660.

James Smith of Marblehead. dated Wife Mary, gives hor all that
with 10
acres in

ed 10th 5th
nell, JoHiah

mo

1659. son Daniel,

John HurProvided,

my

farm, called Castle Hill,

field

Southwick, daughter

son John, iSamuel Burtai, Henry Traske, Mary bis dan., and wife of Henry Traske, Deho rah Southwick and young Josiah. Ann Potter,

bought of Joseph Grafton, son James Smith, son in law Richard Rowland, James, eldest son of his son James, daughter Kathren E^orne. grandchild, Mary Eborne,

the South

Mary, Sarah and Hannah, daus. of Henry and other 5 children of hia daughter Eborne, and Sarah, John South wick's daughter Mary Rowland, grandchild Sam'l Wm. Robinson and Thus. Gardi- Rowland, and other 3 children ot his daughchildren. Witness, ter Rowland, appoints hia wife sole ex'tx, apner to be overseers of his vrill. Nuth'l Sylvester, Thomas Harris and Wm. pmnts Maj. VVm. Hathorne and his son, SamTratike, Sam'l

DuranJ. proved 29th 9th

mo

1660.

ui'l

Eborne, to be overseers.

Inventory of above estate, taken

Jlobinson and Thomas Gardner,

hy

Wm
to

Proved 27th 4th mo., '61.

Inventory of above estate, taken 25fh June,

amounting

196

Os Od, returned 29th 9tb mo., '60.

1061, by Francis Johnson. Mosea Maverick,

95
anioiinring to

492

Ic Od,

returned 27tb 4ib

Wm
Will of
aflj

V[iUer. 4lh

mo

1661.

mo

'61.

V\', a.

Witter, dated 165 J.

5th 6th

mo., wife Annis. son Josiab, Robert Burdin

John

Sib/ey. 4ih
ot

mo., 1661.

Hannah
exor.

his

wife

dan

ol

VVm

Witter,

Inventory of estnte

John

Sibley,

taken

wife.

Witnesses, Robert

Driver,

Wm.

24th June. 1061. by Win.

Allen. P.ihco Foote

to
<

Hacker, proved.

69 lOa d. Inventory of above estate taken 1659, 15th who in jippt'd 9th mo., by Robert Driver, Wm iiacker and adin'x, and it is ordered that all the estate be Francis Ingalls, amounting to 132 11 Od^ left with the widow for the bringing up of the 1661. returned by Anis Witter. 23d 4ih mu
and Kob.rt
LimcIi. aiuouhting

returntd by Ridiel. the widow,

children,

till

further order of the Cuurt.

b(y8

lie left a

widow and 9 children. 4

15. lourth
ia

and

5 girlw
17, the

eldest daugliter,

19 years, next about

Wm. Lam^on,

9th

mo

1661.
intestate!,

third,

a son about 12

Wm.

Lamson of Ipawich dying

is

years.

admiuist'n g.-anteJ to his widovt',

son, and an Inventory

Sarah Lam-

presented,

Benj. Bulflower, ^th mo., 1661.

to to

111
pay

10s 2d

she

is

ordered by
8

amounting the Court

in nuiub^'r,

Inventory of

ei^tate of

Benjainin Belflower,

to the present cliildren,

Mar. 16, 1661, bv Rob-rt M >ulton and Henry Phelps, amounting tu 19 5s Od. debts, 13.
deceased February 24th, I6G0, taken

as follows,
rest

viz

to the

eldest.

12. and the

at Ipswicbt

apiece.

At a Court held

29th March, 1659.

Petition of John Ayres and

VVm

Fellows, in

Rich'd Browne, 4ih mo., 1661.

relation to their brother's,

tate,

Wm

Lamson 's

es-

Will of Rich'd Browne of Newbury, men.

8on Joshua a tuinor,
sons Richard,

mentions

tiieir slt^ter,

Sarah Laiusjn, wid-

under 21, daughters Elizabeth

ex tx.

ry, unmarried, and under ag, vrile to

dow of Wm., and said Sarah being about to Edmund, change her estate to one Thomas Uartshorno Sarah ana Maof Redoing, and said Thomas agreed to give
be sole
her the liberty to dispose of

Son Joseph deceased.

appts Ric'd

Brother George

her share of her

deceased,

Robert Long
Witnesses.

Kent, Nich'e Noyes and Joseph Noyes, overseers. Tristram CoflSn, Joseph Noyes,

Lamson 's estate as she chose, They petition that the and now retuses it.
husband,

Wm.

Court take order

in the premises.

James Noyes, Mjses Noyes. proved June 24,

looi. Thos. Seers, ith mo., 1661.

Wm.
,

Cockerell,

9lh mo., 1661.

Inventory of estate

of

Thomas

Seers of

Inventoy of estate of Wm. Cockrell, takes 6th Dec 1661, by John Brown, Edmund Baf^er, 11th 10th mo., 1661, amounting to

Newbury, who deceased the 16th day of May, 1661, taken by Wm. Moody. Rob Coker and Anthonv Somerby. amounting to 93 0s0d. debts allowed, 13 48 26th 9th mo., 1660.

81 los Od.
Jno. Humphries, 9th mo.. 1661.

Inventory of estate of John

Batter and Joseph Humphreys,

Humphrey,
amounting
Jus.

de-

ceased 13th 10th mo., 1661. taken by

dmond
to

Isabel Babson, ^th mo., 1661.

tor, taken April 9,

Inventory of estate of Isabel Babson orGloe1661, by Sam'l DoUaber,

60, allowed, and Mr. Batter and phrey app'td adm'rs.

Hum-

Philip Stamwood, amounting to

27

6d,

re<-

Husfh Burt, 9th mo., 1661.

turned by Jauiea Babson.

WiU

of

Hugh Burt

ot

Lyun. dated 7th 0-

96

Wui Bassett, two grand daughters, Mury and Sarah, chi'dren of

tober, 1661. mentions son
hia eon
llu^jh

Rich'd Brown.

\st

mo.. 1662.

Inventory of estate of Kicb'd Brown of

^ury,

New26tb,

Burt, deceased,

son

Edward

who departed

this

life

April.

Burtt, appts his wifeextx.

Nath'l Standf'orde
be overseers, gives

and Andrew
to
hii

Munsfi.jld

to

son

Edward

all interest

he
to

has in any

land &c.

in

London, that came

him by

his

brother John Burt deceased, proved 26th 9ih

1661. taken June 5. 1661, by Richard Knight Anthony Souierby and Stephen Greenlraf, amouuiiiig to 634 '6f Oil. list of debts due from the estate. 31 15s Od. returned by Eliz'h, the widow and ex'tx., 25tb Mar.,

mo., 1661. InHuijh Burtt died 2d November, 1661 ventory of abovo eftate ttiken 13tl) November,
1661. by Naih'l Standiord, John

1662.

John Dorman.

1st

mo.. 1662.

D-akin

an<l

Andrew

Mansfii.ld,

amounting

to

143

4s 9d,

Topsfield. taken 12th

returned 26tii 9th mo., '61.

John Dorman of Feb. 1661. b Francia Peabodv and Samuel Biooklebank, amounting
Inventory of estate of
to

46

Is Od. returned 25th

Mar

1662.

Arzbell Anderson. 9th mo., 61.

"An

Inventory

ot

ye estate of Arzbell Anat

Ann Lume,
16th April, 1662. by

Apr., 1662.

derson, ScDtsinan,

whoe deceased

ye Iron-

works at Lvn ye thirteenth day of ye sixt 1661. by month, 1661," taken 15th 6th mu
,

Inventory of estate of

Ann Lome, taken

Maximilli(m Jewt-tt and

Edward Baker, Jolm Divan,

all of

Oliver

Purohin,

Lvnn, amountin;:

to

54

Sim'l Brooklehanks. amounting to 49 2s 6d, returned 17th April, 1662.

IBs 5id. re-

turned 12th 10th mo., 1661. Account of debts paid by

Oliver

Purchis,

DrmV
x\greement

Rea, Alh
as
to

mo

1662.

which were due from above

to

estate,

amounting

s-tjli-meni

of estate of

11

38 9d, returned to Ciurt 25th 9th mo.,

Dan"! Rea of Salem,

his

1662
Deposition of AUifter Mackmallen, about

Joshua to have farm and when Dan'l son of Joshua is of

he son
is

age he

to fiave halt of

the

farm, daughters

Graim was Rebecca and Sirah under sixteen years, son near of kin to Arzbell Anderson above. Thomas Loth'-op and his wife, his wife living. Sworne in Couit 12tb 12th mo., 1661. Allowed and con6rmed 26th 4th mo., 1662. Inventory of ahove estate, taken by John Ptirter .tnd Jacoh Barney, amounting to 239 \Oth mo., 1661.
30 years, to
prove
that
Allinter

Wm.

Oderie,

Inventory of estate of VVm. Odene deceased the last of December. 1660. taken by Walter
Price and Eltas Mason,

19s 4d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1662.

amounting

to

41

5s

John Stevens. 4/4 mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of John irtevens of Andover, taken Apr.
28, '62 bv George

lid. returned by George Corwin and

Batter. 12th 10th mo., "61.

Edmund

Richard

Barker Nathan Parker and

Abbott Nicho-

Wm.

Hacker,

l.st

mo., 1662.

las

Noyes.

Inventory of estate of Wi.liam

Hacker,

ta-

Elizabeth the

amount 463 48 Od. returned by widow 24th 4mo 1662.

of

ken 26tb December,

shall. Francis

1661. by

Thomas Mar
returned 28th

An

inventory

what was given by John

Ingalls

and Henry Collins, a

Stevens to his eldest son John and his receipt

mountin$; to

184

12s lid,

and acceptance

of the same.

Mar

1662.

To be Continued.


97
Curious Bill Ladino of a. "Whightt Hors" Shipped by the grace of God, in good order and well conditioned, by Wm. Pickering, in and upon the good Ketch, called the Lam, whereof is master nnder God, for this present voyage, George Cox, and
1699.

etone has been cimtinually re-laid, and as continually the sighing and trusting have departed
in the

way of

their fathers.

Strong

hands
to

and willing hearts have ever responded

ty

riding at Anchor in the harbour of Salem,

and by
to

the rights of man

Thu^ at

du-

have ever found cham-

God's grace bound

for

Antege, in ye West India,

pions,

and the Lord, who divides the sun and

last,

say One Whightt Hors

&

too

new water

the rain with all his creatures, has ever found

hopsetts. for ye proper Aooo'tt of ye above

worshippers.

time with

its

un-

sd

Wm.

Pickerinji
in the

being marked and num

to be de-

resisting progress has placed us for a brief pe-

berod as

Margent, and are

riod

upon

the scene of action.

livered in the like good order

and well con

ditioned at the aforesaid Port of Antege

(the danger of the Seas only excepted) unto
,e Oh

Notwithstanding the mutability of all things,

important facts and
investigation,
dat-^s,

like guide-posts in

Mr

George Cox, maftor of ye above said

five

the traveller's path, direct us

-5: JO *

Ketch, or to his Assigns, he or they paying

freight for the said Goods,

pounds, at

m the course of which p.r3everance shall combine into a consistent whole and imagination
;

ye landing of ye above sd borse att Antepe alive with Primage and Average accust^>med. In witness whereof the master and Purser of said Ship hath affirmed
t<i

illumine as with the sunlight of present reality

thus

may

the old

homes

-if

our primitive

f'atliers

be pointed out and repropled with their

inhabitants, and

to

Bills of

Lading

all

of this tenor

and

original

date; the one of which too Bills being accomplished the other to stasd void And so God send the good

we become united
perils

with them, as we truly are, and participate in

their perils

Ship

to her destined Port in safety.

in

Amen.

and

their joys

from the fear

Dated

Salem, January ye 12, 1699-1700, mortalpr

of savages, the

ruden'iss of the elements,

:

and

ity excepted.

the pressure of want

George Cox,

ptrtake
freedom

also of their

jun'r.

zeal in the pursuit of rejoice

in

their

hopeful

success,

and holinesswhich ulti-

THE "OLD PLANTERS" OF SALEM, WHO WERE SETTLED HERE BEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR EN DICOTT, IN 1628.
BT GEORGE
Read
D.

mately conducts us
their foresight

to the abiding triumph of and perseverance, a shadow of

PHIPPEN.
March 26, 1858.

at a Meeting of the Essex Institute,

which they could scarcely hrive anticipated: and we hereby learn why we are gathering a harvest we sowed not, and wliich ripens perpetually above their graves.

When we

look backward from the present

its

We design to give an account of the first permanent settlement upon the soil of Massachusetts, its very germ, that first struck its glance, seems impenetrable, or shadowv and feeble root into the scanty soil at Cape Anne, and that was soon after transplanted to the unreal. At such moments we should remember that more prolific banks of the Naumkeag Kiver, time is but one progressive present, day suc- and of the lew resolute spirits who resisted ceeding dsiy ; that from the beginning the the depression of disappointment, and the wavering of their Companions, and remained the green earth has always been bathed in light rosy morning has always ushered in the day, small, but living nucleus, which soon received and the hill tops reflected the rays of ^.he set- powerful assistance from the mother country, ting sun children young and blooming, and and wliicli has finally increased, and expanded
hour, which bears upon
surface the multi-

tudinous burden of unfinir*hed purpuses, to the sealed record of the past, all, at the first

gray-haired sires have always walked hand in band togeth.r the bride has continually ar

into a populous

and influential commonwealth,

destined to last as long as her granite hills.

rayed herself for the wedding, and the hearth-

We

will first devote a

page to a few events

25


98
covering a wide period which preceded and led
to this settlement.

land in America."

It

was

p-issed

on the 3d
pa-

of November. 1620, and scided with the great

seal of

About one
lapsed since

third of all the time that has e-

England, July 3d. 1621,

and this

the

discovery

of

America, had
suffice to

tent

remained

'-the civil basis of all

the pa-

passed, before colonies became permanently es-

tablished

upon cur

coast.

Let

it

tents and plan rations that subsequently divid" ed the country

make but a

passing allusion to the vuyages of

This wa- an age of prerogative and one of

the provisions
ot

the CaV)0t8, and the illustrious Knights and

the

charter,

contemplated

half broth'-rs

Walter Kaleigh and Sir the division of the land into Counties, to be Humphrey Gilbert, who rank among the fath- apportioned among the Patentees, which might and of their be again divided by these Couuty Lords into ers of the commerce of England
Sir
;

abortive attempts at colonizing the Indias of

Baronies, Hundreds and Towng.

the West.

The

first

permanent settlement upon the A-

A map
Suiitli,

published

in 1624,

by Capt. John

resulted from the exertions

merican coast, then generally called Virginia, o'' these maritime

brothers, and the kindred families of Sir

John parts, and apptntioned to the ^latentet-s as apPopham, and 8ir Fernando Gorges. Tlie King favored this division, pears by lot. King James's Churier, under tlie rame of whertby each one of the company became Lord 'The T-easurer and Company of Adventurers proprietor of his portion and vested with an
and Planters which
of

drawn, as he sa\8, by himself, as he passed along the shore in a little i>oat, gives a plan of the territory, thus divided into twenty

the city of London, for the

first

colony of Virginia," was

granted in

1606;

absolute

title
{

and powers
rerogative

of government.

provided for two councils of control,

tlie

Under

this

the Kight

Hon. Ed-

one for Nortliern and

Virginia.
to explain

other for Southern

it if

mi>nd. Lord Shrffidd, Knight of the most noble order of the garter, a leading statesman of

Differences
here,

which

unneeeosary

soon

arose between the

two

boards, which

was happily turned

to the ad-

England, who held one of the twenty divisions issued on the '"Throne part" on the 1st January, 1623-4, a charter to Robert

London and New and planters wlio represented to the King England on the other New lying between the 40th and 48th degrees of part of "a certain tract of land lyinj^ in 43d deNorth Latitude had been recently nearly degree of Niirth Latitude, in a known place populated of its savage inhabitants by a wonthere commonly culled Cape Anne, with the (This occurred in 1617,) and derful plague. in the neighborhood; with bay, islands, &c that no Christian power laid any claim to it. lif)erty to fish, fowl, hawk, hunt, truck, trade The King "desirous of enlarging his dominin the land thereabout, and all other places in ions, and extending the Christian name," England," with liberty also to make New granted Gorges and his party a patent to that and establish Laws, Ordinances, -^nd Constituvast territory lying between these parallels, tions, for their government, and with power and extending from sea to sea from the Atto resist encroachment by force of arms. the west, the disa sea on east, to lantic on the Five hundred acres of this land were to be tance of which the King probably had not the
the agents of the Colony at
their

vantage of fheMorth Colony, by the exertions of "Sir Ftrnan 'o Gorges, and certain of the principal knights and gentlemen-adventurers,"'
that the region

Cushman and

Edward Winslow, [who

Plymouth ] and at Plymouth in

will be recognised as

assistants

faintsst conception.
tle of

This

putent bore the

ti-

set

apart for public

of churches,

uses, such as the buildschools,

in the

&c., and for the County of Devonshire, for the planting, maintenance of their ministers, and magieruling, ordering and governing of New Eng- trates. Thiity acres of land were to be allow-

"The

Council established at Plymouth

ing

99
ed each
individual

upon

certain conditions,

who

should settle there.

This Charter has been recently found by J Wingate Thon tm, Esq., and a fac simile of it purposes of Indian trade. Prominent among these persons was Roger puba^hed in hU recent work, entitled "the L-.inding at Cape Ann," to which we are much Oonant, afterward ol Salem, "a pious, sober, and prudent gentleman,"* as his character indebted. At the time of issuing this Charter, the Pil- for life shows him to have been. Here for the present, we leave them in their grims at Plymouth had been settled three

families. Here they took up their abode at a temporary habitation that Captain Standish had erected there, a year or two before, for

body they were dreary abode, but in the enjoyment of their called Separatists, yet there had come among favorite form of worship. The fame of the success of the Colony at them some persons, who. though equally desirous of a reformation of the abu8> s of the es- New Plymouth, soon spread over England,
years

As an

ecclesiastic

tablished Church, and

who esteemed

it

no

re'

particul irly through the wi stern counties, oc-

proach

be called Puritans, were not prepared

themselves from the English
[

casioned by accounts b

irtie

thither by Captain

entirely to sever

Smith and other navigators,

the correspon-

Church, or relinquish the Episcopal form of dence of the Pilgrims, and largely by Edward worship, to wiach they had been accustomed Winslow, who returned to London in the fall from their childho>)d. And they could ex- of 1623. and the publication of his "Good claim as did our i>wn Higginsim, a few years news from New England," the year follow! I

later:

when
upon
to

passing

Land's End, he called

passengers into the
bis eyes gazed lor the
:

ing.

his children

and

other

Their success

fired

not only the zeal

o*"

the

stern ol the ship,

last time

and as

champions of religion and

liumanity, but fed

also the desire for gain in the brain of the '* We he said merchant, and wj rmed the breasts of the England as Separatists from young, the venturesome and the hopeful tothe Church of England, though we cannot wards further colonizing upon thephaspnt but separate ourselves f-om the corruptions of bays and harborn of New Kngland which but we go to practise the positive part of it spread out their herders enticingly before the church reformation, and propagate the go[)el
his native land,

do not

gi)

New

in

America,"- and

so

he concluded with a

eyes of the laid loving

Englishman.
large
soil

Illimi-

fervent prayer for the King, and the Church,

table forests that never rang with the blows of

and State
These
minister,

in England, &c.

the

woodman's axe.

pastures
and a
sank

enough

for thousands of flocks,

persons,

few

in

number, attached
in the

rich with

thems' Ives to Kev John Lyford, an Episcopal

the accumulation of oges. awaited inhabitants,

who had
the

probably arrived

Domains before which the princely grounds of

the English

gentry

spring of 1624, about the time of the return of

into insignificance,

"Winslow, with

Cape Anne Charter, and

This minister, with

could be had
of

for little else

than a quit claim

the woif and the bear.

perhaps in the same ship.

Belt 60

his Episcopal determinations, soon

made himJohn Oldto the

One of
spirit

the

first

points

towards which this

obnoxious to the Pilgrims, as to be extogether with

trader.
five

of enterprise wag directed, was Cape

pelled the Colony,

ham, an Indian
ket,

ab ut twenty

miles

They fled to up the bay,

Anne. He.e the merchants of Dorchester and neighborhood, had for several years traded Nantasand fished on the coast, and returned with cargoes of codfish, beaver skinsj &c.f

westward, (now Hull,)

near the entrance to

Boston Harbor, and were voluntarily fallowed

Hubbard.
fPlanter'a Plea.

by a few other

disaffected

persons

and

their

Hubbard.

100
The English ships had increased rapidly for the past three or four years, and were estimated at this time at
forty

and supplies were sent

promised well.

over,

and

all

thingi

Their affairs were to he con-

or

fifty

ships yearly,

ducted by two overseers. Thomas Gardner over the

and

was thought that they could save much time, and fish more months in the year, if a
it

plantation, and

John Tylly over tho

long satisfactory

fishing business.*

plantation were established at the Cape, as a

This organization was not

to the adventurers,

depot for

8.ilt,

trade,

curing of
there,

fish.

&c., and

and

it

soon

became neces-

by having a minister

the

fisliermen

sary to have a more

affairs.

judicious

management of

could receive religious instruction.

Accordingly, these merchants, urged

on by

fore,

we

find that

About the end of the first year thereMr. White having heard

the zeal

of

their

their pastor,* the Rev.

townsmen, and probably John VVhite, who from

enterprise,

such

favorable accounts of

Mr Conant,
'"f'T the

that

the adventurers selected

him

this time to his death, in 1648, took a deep interest in the

ing and jrovenment" of their

they instructed
their

manageplantation, and

colonial

made an

a-

Treasurer,

Mr Hum-

greemenif with the Plymouth Colonists, and organized u joint stock company, with a capital

phrey, to write him in their names on the subject,

and

inf.)rm

him

''that they

of 3000. 1 under the

chester

name of the "Dor- to be their (Governor in that place." C<mpany," with John Humphrey as mitted to him the entire "charge
re.-'uitina; in

had ihosen him They comof their af-

Treasurer,

the

patent

aforesaid.

fairs as well

fishing

as

planting.' f
others.

About one year

ter, viz,

helore

the date of the char-

resided at this time at Nantasket with

ford,

Conant Mr. Ly-

February 18, 1623,

Wm.

Darby of Dor
for

John Oldham and

also invited

ches'er, had petitioned

the Council

New

They

Lvford to be the minister

Enjiland that Robert Bushrode of Dorchester,

of the Colony, and Oldham to trade on theip and associates, might begin a plantation at account with the In<iians, Conant and Lyford Cape Anne accepted, hut Oluham preferred to remain and The Rev. John White, sometimes called the trade on his own account, and he thus pursued Patriarch of Dorchester, was no doubt a mementerprising
his

but devious career for a dozen

ber

of the

Dorchester Company, as he after

years after,

for

most of the time at variance

Wards was of the Mass Company. On Winslow's return, in March 1624, after an absence of six months, he brought with bim a few cattle, and abundant supplies fur the

with the Colonists, until he wac surprised and slain by the Indians, while on a trading voy-

age at Block Island,

in

July, 1636.

Plymouth Colony, and materials for a Colony After discharging supplies at at Cape Anno. Plymouth, the ship crossed the Bay to the Cape, taking with her a few of the Plymouth planters, who erected there a great frame house,
ealtwurks,
ness.
|{

Great hopes were entertained of the future

Success of the
the

plantation, but

this

project ot
for

Plymouth planters and scheme

to farther disaster.

pur-

poses of gain

of the Dorchester merchants,

was destined

and stages

for

the

fishing

busi-

The Colony
ditions,

consisted of

men

of various con-

The year of 1624 was one of preparation, husbandmen.^ cattle, farming implements,
Hubbard.
fMass. His.
Prince.
Coll. 28, 181.

and a degree of misconduct, if not inHuhordination, prevailed among them their

fishing

operafons turned out unfavorably, and the Company at home, fin'^ing it a losing con-

cern,

became disheartened and abandoned

it

to its fate.

Their return cargoes had not paid,

^Planter's Plea.
II

*Hubbard
I Hubbard.

ITPlanter's Pica.

101
their ssilt works had been destroyed bj fire, and stated, that he was "grieved in his spirit that most of their Capiul Stock been sunk they so good a w >rk should be suffered to fall to however paid off their servants, and to such as the ground," and urged Conant not to desert
;

him that Woodbury, John Balch the privilege, we do n>t know. and Peter Piilirey, whcm he knew to be honThe Colony had now existed rather more est and prudent men, "would stay at Naumthan two years, the latter year being under keag and give timely notice thereof, he would Conart's administration. This abandonment provide a patent for thi-m, and send them of the plantation was very unpleasant news to whatever they should write for, either men, Mr. White, but he found in Conant, and a few provisions or goods, to trade with the Indito

chose to return, they gave a passage

home

the business, and faithtuUy promised

if

England, but how many availed themselves of

himself and John

of his resolute companions, a spirit not easily

subdued.

ans."*

These worthies continued to corres-

By
infer

this letter of

pond with each other, and thereby confirm

that high purpose
breasts of providing a refuge

that only

the^-e

Mr. White, we are not four men removed

to

to

which struggled at their Naumkeag, but rather that these were promiwhere non-con- nent men, perhaps personally known to Mr. formists could enjoy their religion and which White, who may have been mentioned in one of Conant's letters, as men he could depend upon ; at last p-oved abundantly successful.
;

At
been

this

primitive period,
travel

there could have the

such men w<iuld naturally have others adhere

to them. Conant returned answer that they would stay on these terms at the same time, entreating that they might be encouraged ac;

no

tlirough

the forests, but

track of the wild beast, or the no less fearful

trail of the Indian.

The only highway of the

settlers

the sea shore.

what this agreement resulted. The Colony at Cape Anne probably never when on fishing an fowling excursions, they numbered above fifty persons, who had now had discovered land in that direction more dispersed a part returned to England, the resuitable lor cultivation than at the rocky mainder to the number of twenty-five or thirbluff where they then were, which is now call- ty persons, as we have eason to believe, oi both ed Stage Head, on the northwest side of the sexes, and all ages removed to Naumkeag. This statement miiy surprise some who have adoptouter harVior <)f Gloucester It appears that, about this time, Conant must ed the erroneous idea tha. four lorlorn fisherhave written the Rev. Mr. White, that he had men, the very extremity of this scattered fishdiscovered this more suifcible location fur a ing colony, had sought at Naumkeag a tranplantation, on the banks of a small river, call- sient abode, where they continued their preed Naumkeag, four or five leagues to the south- carious occupation, without any fixed purpose west,* where, as Mr. Hubbard says, he had or design, ready at the first turn of fortune to recently conceived in his mind a plantation change their place of abode, or leave their might be begun, which would prove a recepta- huts on the coast, to launch again upon the
see in

was the ocean, or a devious route along Explorations, which were undoubtedly made, would naturally tend to the

cordingly.

We

will

now

endeavor to trace

the actions of Conant and his followers, and

westward.

On

such
i

occasions,

or

perhaps

cle for

such as were persecuted on account of

restless

waters of the ocean.

Such a sentiment "could have One of the most important witnesses of the found harbour only in a great heart and a no- old planters, was Richard Brackenbury, who ble mind.":}: Mr. VYhite replied as has been came over with Gov. Endicott, in 1628, and whose testimony appears in a deposition taken Planter's Plea.
their religion f

fHubbard.
:^Thornton.

Hubbard.

26


102
in 1680,

when an Hged man, and was

called

its

western bounds at

Naumkeag

passing by

forth thus.

the "hills and dales" covered with "'gay woods

large portion

The Mason family claimed a

of

New
in

England, by virtue of a patent grantpersons living within the claim-

ed prior to that to the Ma^'8achu8ett8 Colitny,

and trees," as they made preparation for removal thither. Along the same shore that three years after-

and

1680
to

all

ward

filled

the enthusiastic

Higginson

with

ed limits were required by a letter from the

longings to

know more of

the

new Paradise of
fertility
its

King

the

Mas^^achusetts

authorities,

to

New

England, whose signals of

painted
flowery

transmit proofs of their Real Estate.

the sea with the storm-reft petals of

The southern bounds of

this claim terminat-

meadows,

the

same shore
the

whose fragrant
spirits of

ed on the northern side of the North river. Eichird Braokenbury, then living in Beverly,
testified

breezes revived

drooping

Lady

Arabella, and the gentlewomen of the fleet of

when he came ashore

before,

on the 16th uf 12th month, 1680, that at Salem, titty-two years

1630, with that "sweet air from the shore like

the smell of a garden," and whose eyes and palates

gooseberries, and sweet single same shore that had a dozen years burye. Mr. Conant, Peeter Palfery, John Balch before caused the gallant Captain Smith to call and others,''' and that they had sundry houses, it "the Paradise of all tiiose parts," and to He also mentions the name its Cape after the fair Turkish maiden, built at Salem, &c. house at Cape Anne, which he says he assisted who had befriended him in former exile,* and

"we found living there, Old Goodman Norman and his sonn, Wm. Allen and Walter Knight and others,'" "alsoe John Wood-

were greeted on landing there, "with ripe

strawberries,

roses," the

in taking down, and re-constructing in Sulem,

for Governor

that caused the Prilgrims of that dreary win-

Endicotts use,
to this day.

a portion

which Btands

of try welcome of 1020, to wish they hud settled there. Even to the present time this shore retains

These persons

appear to

have been lands-

many
there

of

its

primitive charms, which are

men,

planters as

they were called, -cultiva-

abundantly asserted by
th.it

the wealth and taste

some of them were mewholesome gratification and retirement. and In the full of 1620, after partial preparaundoubtedly fishermen. It was a simply not tions had been made, this resolute band empart of their employment to cure fish, collect barked with their houseboliis and effects, their beaver skins and furs, or perform any and evcattlef and implements of husbandry, making,
tors of the Soil,

and

make

their

abode, and find therein

chanics, ao their subsequent career shows,

ery service that the welfare of the Colony de-

manded.

as they undoubtedly

must,

many

passages in

We find
for

their boats or shallops, for the purpose of such

that about 1631, Roger Conant,

Peter Palfray, Anthony Dike and Francis Johnson formed themselves into a Company,
ti affic

removal, leaving behind them their large frame

house, with remnants of their thatched
ges, also their

cotta-

fishing

vested fields, and on Cape Cod. in them, they began anew the work of settlement 1638, as it seems, whun returning from Maine under preat weakness, but stronger even in with a cargo for himself and partners. diminished numbers, because purged of the With but little tax upon the imagination we unruly, the weak and the vacillating. may say. that during the summer of 1626, Wood, in his New England Prospect,

in furs,

with a truck house at the

eastward.

Dike

improvements and harwith a cold winter before

perished

states

Conant, Woodbury, and others, of the promi- in August 1633, that corn had been raised in nent men of the Cape Ann Plantation, might Hilliard's Life t Smith. have been seen occa.rionally sailing in their j-Planter's Plea. shallop, up the northern shore of the Bay, to


los
Siilem seven years

They
settleo

together,

thus corrobating
as William Allen

with the best understanding with

the date 1G26.

the Indians, with

whom

they

"hud a

field

in

The

services of such

men

common

fenced in together.' and to them the

and Kichurd Norman, munt have been pecu- natives sometimes fled for shelter and protecliarly in demand, (for they were carpenters,) tion, "Baying they were afraid of their enemy in felling trees and constructing places of a- Indians in the country," meaning the Tarrenbode for themselvea, their wives and little oue-j tines who lived to the eastward. and in providing shelter for their cattle. Here the first houses were built, and their Here Conant. as he says of himself, built the cattle, which must have been regarded of great
first

house erected

in ISalem.

value, brought over as they were with

much

Near the exti'emity of North Point, or at care and cost, were pastured. The old Planters appear to have occupied Cape Ann Ferry, or Ipswich Ferry, as it was
variously called,

now

little

west of the juncseen

the larger part of the peninsula lying between the North River and Collins Cove
;

tion of Beverly Bridge,

may be

the
it

outslopes

and they

cropping of a Metamorpic
its

Rock,

as

may

not have been strangers to that larger pe-

intersected dikes

its ninsula beyond, which afterward became the This etrip of land they and veins, fills the mind of centre of the town. the geologist with wondering interest, as he appear to have divided into lots, of upland and

checkered surface into the sea, that with

counts the deeply

graven record of eleven of marsh, running (rom the river on wliieh they
fronted across the

marsh to Collinfl Cove. With great application under theindefiniteness Here on this spot thus scored by the hand of extant records, we think some of their lots of Deity, we believe Conant and his followers, might even now be designated, such as Palthe piljrrim band of Massachusetts, stayed frey's and Balch's and perhaps VVm. Allen's, their wandering feet, and commenced their who in 1G38 was granted one acre of salt marsh permanent abode and here too, we believe, at the end of his lot, and who sold his estate they welcomed Endicott and his company to upon his removal to Manchester. thereby tallying atheir wilderness home Not long alter Conant had removed to his nother epoch in the world's history, for here it farm at the head of Bass River, the town orwas that freedom, long confined in the mother dered that his house be bought as a residence country, burst the crust of tyranny and opfor William Plaice, blacksmith, and his wife. pression that bound her, and began to over This region in the early deeds of land and flow the land with its blessings, and spread later was called "the Old Planters' Marsh," or out the solid foundations on which our Kethe old earth's eruptions.
; ;

near or on "the
Potter's

public rests.

On

this peninsula the Colonists found

soil

to the Ipswich Ferry." where the Lady Arabella and Mrs. Phillips* were buried in 1630, was near
field,

way

of ea y cultivation, a light warm loam, which they, in imitation of the Indian planters, man-

the Planter s Marsh.

ured with

fish,

which frequented the shores

;

The venerable Dr. Holyoke was accustomed to say that the grave

in

of Arabella Johnson was denoted by a brick monument within his to rai8e large crops of Indian corn and other remembrance, but where that was is now unproducts. known, the nearest designation is, that it was Hubbard says, "Here they took up their sta- somewhere on the land bordering the west side tion, upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, of Collins Cove. was by some supposed It environed with an arm of the sea on each side, that her grave was discovered upon the openin either of which vessels and ships of good burthen might easily anchor/' *Magnalia B. iii ch. lY, p. 82.

great abundance

and they were thus enabled

104
ing of the Essex Railroad, through the
Pickevidence as

we

are able to commarid,

we have

man

field,
:

lying between

Pleasant and Bridge

traced out the following names, most of

whom

Btreets

the late Stephen

Whitmore,

Jr.,

when
be-

are mentioned by Mr. Felt, in his History of

digging a post hole near his rope factory,

Salem.
1.

low Osgood

street,

found a quantity

of very

Roger Conant, Governor.

large bricks which he supposed

were brought

2.

from England, and which he thought were a

3.
4.
5.

remnant of the

lirick

This mattf^r has received

monument referred to. much investigation

will per-

John Lyford. Minister. John Woodbury. Humphrey Woodbury, John Balch.

Peter Pal fray.

from the hands of antiquarians, and haps forever remain in doubt.

6.

7.

Aged persons
this

state

that the site on

which

8. 9.

Walter Knight. William Allen.

ropewalk

is built,

was,

before the filling

Thomas Gray.

up

of the marsh,

for purposes of cultivation,

a sandy ridge that ran from the upland into the marsh and might therefore have been an
appropriate place,

away from

their dwellings,

John Tvlly. 11. Thomas Gardner. 12 Richard Norman. 13. Richard Norman, "hissonne."
10.

for a burial ground.

14
15.

Capt. William Trask.

Governor Endicott and his party, when they

arrived, probably

William Jeffrey.
ail

regarding

the river instead

to

These mun were

in

the

prime of life.^

of the present harbor as the best entrance

planters, further

the country, located themselves beyond the old

Conant was 39,

in

The Gover- in 1628. up at Cape The others, with the exception of "old NorAnno, in 1G24, by the party who went over man," were probably all under 40 years of from Plymouth with Edward Winslow, was age. These are the names of the men only, shaken and brought to Natunkeag, and re-erect- upon whom the burden of the Colonr chiefly ed here, a few rods from the water, upon the rested; several of them had their families with Jeffrey appears to have been somewhat elevated banks of the North River, now the them. he probably at this northeast corner of Washington and Church unstable in settlement the Newhail house there standing be- time resided at Jeffrey's Creek, now ManchesBtreets, ing in p.irt the same. This wito, with the old ter. We feel confident that be was then living arbor-fort, a defence from the Indians, erected a within the extensive bounds of what was then few rods distant to the westward, was the and long afterward known as Salem proper.
nor's bouse, which was at
first set
;

up the stream.

Enight Woodbury's son Humphrey was 20 Norinan's son was perhaps younger.

1626, was 33 years of age.

highest land in the body of the town.

A
the set-

writer in the Genealogical Register, in an

From and
harbor.

after Endicoti's arrival,

article

on the Lindall

family,

claims Philip
;

tlement radiated from this point toward the

Veren as one of Con.int's cou^pany

Savage, in his '"Gleanings for
History,'

but Mr.

Among

the earliest allotijents of land,

New England

then the chief interest of the country, were

grants of farms on the several branches of the

gives an extract from the Records of

Salisbury, which shows

Naumkeag river, and the old planters were among the first to receive awards from the new
government.

existed nine years before

that the Colony had Veren came over, and that Philip Veren, with his brother Joshua, were about sailing for New England from New

We
shall

will

now inquire who composed

their

this lone-

Sarum,

in April 1635.

ly band of Mascachu&etts pilgrims.

we look for

muster roll?

number With such perhaps a comparison with

But where
In regard to the

of the old planters,

the Plymouth Col-

105
Kiehard Norman had a son, of an age, as ony will ^ugJ^e(^t pro^aMlities. Ot 101 pa>eengfM I'j the Mayflower, in 1620, 40 only we should infer f.om Brack en bury's account, were men, 17 of these were single, the rest o( at nearthat of manh(K)d. Mr Felt calls him thecoiupiiny was cunposed of their wives and Richard Jr., but we are inclined to think hia children. The average nieiubers of fnuiilies, son Jolm WHS referred to by Brackenbury, additional to each of the 40 men, are about as he was then a lad about 15 ye.iri* old. His son Richard, whom we find livine; in one and a half persons Now if we reckon the men at Naurakeag, Marhlehead a few years lat<ir, with his father, fifteen only, this family average would add a- was born in 1623. and eould cons quen'ly have bout twenty more, swelling the total of both been but three years of age, which would be sexes and all ages, to thirtv-fivf individuals, presumptive proof that iiis mother came with which is about the same as Mr. Felt's compu- him, which would make out four in this famiAnd in this manner, other members of the tation, but how he came to this conclusion, we ly.
'

know

not.

old planters' families,

known

to have been livall

It is not

at all

probable that

we have

the

ing at this time, and who, in

probability,

names of
'fln</

all rhe

twice over, after giving the

others

men, as Brackenbury states, names of some,

a portion of these men
ftir

accompanied their father or parents to this country, could be added to the number, which

"

When

would individualize or materially increase the

list.

left the

Plymouth Colmy

Nantasbet,

it

is

said that they were followed by their families.

We have thus shown,

Endicott and

we

think, with scarcely

for-

Kogt-r Conant, in his petition of 1671, says expre-sly, that

a doubt, that there were at least thirty or

ty people here, previous to the arrival of

he settled in Massachusetts with

Gov.

followers, forming a Colony of numher and strength to bear that here, and his eldest son, Lot, was born about name, and which secured and maintained the 1624, p rhaps at Nantasket, and may have most persevering exertions in their behalf, of been daptiz d by Lyiord, of whose ministrathe Rev. John Wlite, and other friends about tions no record remains His son, Koger, was Dorchester,* which resulted at last in stirring born at Naumkeag, in 1626, the year of setup such an interest, th.it a new company was tlement, being the first white child born in formed in Eng'and. composed of the remnant
his lamily.

His wife, ^rah,

we know was

sufficient

Salem.

Conant's family alone adds four indilist.

viduals to the

John VVoodhury, when be returned from the Dorchester Company, both at Cape Anne England in 1628, six months perhaps before and Naumkeag, and procured a charter as had the arrival of Endicott, brought with him been promised. his son Humphrey, a youth of about 20 years They sent over Capt, John Endicott, one of of age, who had pr.bahly been left at home their own number, "to strengthen the Colony to complete his education, a comm->n custom and administer its gvernment,'' "to erect a with the elderly children of the first settler.-* new Colony upon the old foiindati(m,"f "to other members of his family may also have begin a plantation, and to strengthen such as he been settled here. His brother William, we t-hould find there which were sent thither from know, wag living here a few years after, and is Dorchestir,'J "to cirry on the plantation of

of the old company, united with these friends, and who subsequently bought all the Sects of
<

supposed to have located in Beverly, certainly

as early as 1630.

the Dorchester merchants at

Naumkeag

or

children, older than those

some probability that Palfray had whose baptioms are found recorded in the First Church Kecords.
There
is

Hubbard.
t White's brief relation.

f Dadley's Letter.

27

106
for the settling of a-

In after years Conant says of himself, "I Such are was a means through grace assisting nie to the nearly parallel statements of White, Dud- stop the flight of those few that were beere with me, and that by my utter deniall to goe ley, and Hubbard. The constancy of the Colony wai severely away with them who would have gone either

Salem, and

make way

nuther Colony in Massachusetts."*

when their minister, Mr. Lyford, re- for England or mostly to Virginia have there"a loving invitation"' to settle in Vir- fore stayed to the hassard of our lives."* Lyford decided to embark for his new They remained and subsisted partly upon the ginia abode, and us^d such persuasions to induce the products of the field and upon fish ard game, After entire Colony to accompany him, that some with which the country abounded. openly expressed their desire to depart, while this they must have redoubled their exertions
tried,

ceived

Others, discouraged by

privation and the con-

in

husbandry,

cultivating indinn corn, tobac-

tinual fear of attack

ans,

from

the Northern Indi-

co and vegetables, and collecting beaver skine

who were

warlike and

powerful,

were

ready to abandon the enterprise, and go home ThisdisaflFection is not to be wonto England.
dered at, when we reflect that this little band were, on account of difference in religion,

and furs, for purposes of trade and remittance homeward. Now that their resolution was taken, they wisely thought that they could hasten assistance by sending a messeng r to England. Ao-

more or less despiaed and neglected by the cordingly, in the winter of 1627, they disPlymouth people, and being doubtful of assis- patched on this mission, John Woodbury, tance from home, their loneliness became op- whose residence in the country for three years had made him familiar with its resources. pressive to them. Mr. White must have greeted him with a Lyford departed, probably accompanied by
a few of the Colony.
grandeur.
It is at

tuis point that

cordial welcome, from

whom

he learned that
in the success of

the character of Conant stands forth in heroic

there were others

interested

the struggling colony, and who stood ready to become its pa rons. Under the Dorchester influence and the excuted countrymen, who still clung to the ertions of Thomas Dudley and others, he skirts of the mother church, was not to be All the inducements of found a company already formed, by the name lightly relinquished. of "the New England Company." the designing Lyford, and all the arguments

The

resolute purpose so dear to his

heart, of founding

an

Asylum

for his perse-

that privation

and dread of invasion

forced

A
land,
Sir

charter of the region called Massachusetts

from his companions, fell powerless beside him, like arrows against a rock, and he told them at last that they might go if they wished, and though all of them should forsake him, he should "wait the providence of God in that place where they now were,
not
doubting
soon
that
if

Bay, was granted by the Council for New Eng-

they

departed,

he

should

more company. f Where shall we look t<> find a "more sublime heroism, a purer self-devotion, loftier faith and trust," than was here displayed.
have
*IIubbard.

March 19, 1628, to Sir Henry Rosewell, John Young, Knight, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, Jonn Endicott, and Simon Whitcombe, Genilemen,f which superseded the Cape Ann Charter, and Woodbury had the satisfaction of returning to Naumkeag, after an absence of six months, with assuranHe brought ces of both men and supplies. with him bis son Humphrey as before mentioned,

and arrived here in the spring of 1628,

and cheered the hearts of the anxious colonists

tHubbard.
iJiThornton.

Mass. His. Coll. 27, 252.

tHubbard.

10?
with a recital of the had inspired.
interest that their fidelity

at last arrived,

and

their

drooping spirits
the passengers on

liounded with renewed vigor.

set

The

ni!W

company
zeiil

themselties to the

Un

the other

hand, to

vroik with a

worthy of their noble cause.

the rights and improvements

board the Abigail,

everything must have apsuit of green,

They purchased

all

peared cheering and delightlul, the forests in

their

the Dorchester Compiiny in New England, and prepared to furnish substantial

made under

most expansive
the

untarnish-

ed as yet by
the islands
hilltop

frosts of

Autumn,

studded
ever^

ed fair fields and meadows, where waved hunthew Craddock, the Governor of the Compa- dreds of unhorn acres, mottled wiih patches of The following lan- golden rod, trumpet weed, and the Michaelny's afiairs in London. guage IS used in the Company's letter to En- mas daisy. The rose and the barberry from dicott, of April 17, 1629, alter he had come rounded copses, hung over the waters their
over.

men, provisions, &c. And although they had every commendation in favor of retaining Mr. Conant in office, they preferred to make choice of one of their own number, to be Governor of the Colony here. Capt. John Endicott, a "worthy gentleman," and a man well known to persons of note,* he was cousin by marriage to Matassistance to

the Colony

in

upon

their

track,

crested

and bordered every cove, and seemed to welcome the weary voyagers as they swayed in the fitful breeze* of the departing summer.

As they neared the

borne

shore,

balsamic odors
refreshed

down from

pine-clad slopes,

them;

here and there the parting

forests reveal-

further
tion of
tent,

"Sinae your departure we have ior the strengthening of our grant from the
Sit

ripened fruits in clusters of the richest scar*

let.

Councell

Plymouth,

obtained a confirma-

With
thicket,

eager eyes the pilgrims discern in the

the rude

it

from his

Majesty by his letters pa-

wigwams of
;

the natives,

and confirmed you Governor, of our Plantation," with a Councell "styled the
a-

Councell of the Massachusetts Bay ;" and

gain April 30, 1629. they
tle

and a few erect forms of a recently numerous but the most cheering tribe return their gaze sight to the emigrants were the abodes of Conant and his companions,
but just visible in
their little clearings in the forest.

"thought fit to setan absolute government in our plantation in the said Massachusetts Bay,'' and they "chose and elected Japt. John Endicott to the
place of present Governor, in our said Plantation.

The
their

Colonists in expectation of their arrival

for

had made such preparation

power.

them as was in

Their

other was mutual.

judiciousness

dependance upon each Succor on one hand, and

sealed a hearty welof joy.

The

of this choice,
all

though
impor-

hobpitali^y on the

other,

The Colony The struggling culonists was cared for, the prayers and zeal of Mr. had now been two lonely years at Naumkeag, White were answered but the mild and Selfnearly as long as their abode at Cape Anne, sacrificing Conant had yet other trials to enand had supported and protected themselves dure; he bad accomplished much for the thrt)Ugh two long, cold New England winters. Colony thus far, but the consciousney^s of bis Their second crop of corn was nearly ready well-doing was to be bis nnly reward. He was
come and
filled their

bearing severely upon Conant, was

tant to the Colony.

cup

for harvest,

when

the

*'

Abigail" hove in sight,

deposed ,^-all his schemes for

its

adtrancemect

Cape Anne shore, must now be abandoned to others, all the efand at last cast anchor at the mouth of the fects and improvements of the Colony had That succor so long prayed for had been sold. river.
as she approached along the
It

Planter's Plea.

Conant his

was not long before Gov. Endicott showed letter of instructions from the Com-

108
pany, which informed him of the new aspect of
affiiirf.

The very name of our

city.

Salem. {City of

and ihat he had come with

pos^^ebsion of their

full autltor-

Peace,) adopted at the same General Court, and

eugtrested by this occasion
thisdisafl^ection
its

itj to take

houses, boats,

eervanta and

impruvementa, and
either to

assume the witness of

hia

shall ever remain a and controversy, and

reins of governui^nt.

ihis information could

a lasting memorial of

happy
is

t.-nnination

and

not have

Ven welcome

Conant or

a ijustment, and which

ech-ed by her sixty

companionn, and

we can

readily

sympathise

nunesakes, scattered over the United States.

with them when they afterward complain that

they have been accounted but
slaves
little better

White,

in

his

Planter's Plea, says of this

than

controversy, the change of

keik to Salem, was done

name from Naum"upcm a fair ground,

upon a con-

There arrived
ters, swelled

in the

Abigail,

fifty

or sixty

in

remembrance
at

of a peace settled

passengers, wluch

united

with the old plan-

ference

general

meeting between them

numher to about one hun- and their neighbors after expectance of some much greater preparations dangerous jar.'' It is supposed that the sugwere making at home to place the Colony in gestion of tnis name was made I'y Francia a far more substantial poNition. Any careful Hinginson.
the

dred persons, and

reader of history
old

cannot

fail

to

see that the

Still the

wound was not

entirely healed,

and

Planters

were of

suflSoient

influence and

its irritation

importance
ed,

to give the

new government much

which follow
of Endicott.
the prudence and public
firmness

can beoccanionally seen throug'aIt i

out that

generation.

plainly

apparent

uneaciness under the

di8iiflFcCti(n

upwards of
speaks of

forty years afterward, in Conant's

in

and

it

nqniced

all

petitiim to General Court,

1671.

when he
sacrifices

virtue of Conant.

the

the hazard of

life

and the

and the influence ot Rev Mr. White, with he had made lor the public good without perCraddock, at home to restore harm(>ny of ac sonal reward. tion, so that by the third of June of the next The compromise adopted was brought ayear, the Colony then consisting of ahout boat chi. fly hy the caretul and judicious inthree hundred persons, at a General Court convened by Gov. Endicott for the purpose, they a^l by common consent combined together into one

structions of the
a policy dictated

Company
both

to

Gov. Endicott,

by a sense of justice,

body

politic

under the same Governor

time, a

therefore up to

tnis

period

of nine

and a reasonable apprehension that Mr. Oldham, of the Church partv, might draw the
old planters into his

months, Conant's party probably kept up a

plan of maintaining in-

more or less independent organization, both of Church and State. Hubbard* says of this,
''The late controversy that had been agitaied

dependent
held from

jurisdiction

Macsa(;husetts,

over the territory of according to a conveyance he

John the brother of Robert Gorges.

17,
to

with too much animosity betwixt the forementioned Dorchester planters,

and

their

Under date of April new A- dock in his oiEoial letter

thi.-)

1629, Mr. CradGov. Endicott, uses

it

gent and

his

Company,

being by the prudent

language,

"and
world

that
as
to

may appear
the
to

as

moderation of Mr.
the Dorchester
that so meurn and

Conant,

agent before

for

well to all the

old planters

merchants, quietly composed,

themselves, that wee seke

slaves, (as
it

not

make them

world, should not

christians,

which divide the disturb the peace of good

go far to provide a place
christian amity and

tuum,

who came

some of them think themselves to bee become by means of our patent.) wee are content they shall be
letter

seems by

your

where

to live together in

partakers of such

privileges

as wee, from his

concord."
Mass. His.
Coll. 15, 113.

.Mijesty's esp 'tial grace, with great cost, favor

of personages of note,

and much labor, have

obtained, and that

they shall be incorporated


109
into this
soci'-ty,

yield

and

enjuy

not only

tlieir
J>ut

a verdict of exact
int' rests

justice, unvitiated

by

lands which formerly

tliey

have manured,
the

superior
It

and prejudices."*
to

such a further proportion as by the advice and

would be extraneous
ecclesiastical
to

my

plan to enter

judgment of yourself and

ouncil.
them.
sliall

rest

of the

into an

review of the afiairs of

of worship a-

be thoiijiht

fit

for them
by the

tr

any

of

the Colony, and

show the development of

And

bejidj8 it is still

our purpose that

the simple congregational form

they should have orae

stock as by your
first

common dopted by the government, and of the influcommission directed and ence of Dr Fuller, of Plymouth, in bringing
lenefit

appointed
held too

with

this

addition, that

if it

be

it

about, and of the accommodation

t< it,

of Uigof

much

to take thirty per cent,

and the
of your

ginson and Shelton

who had not made

freight of the

goods for and in consideration

in

up

their

minds

to

any particular form

of an

adventure and disbursement

to be paid

church government belore leaving England,

resulting in the simple ordination
6,

moneys,
as you,

beaver at six shillings

the
8;iid rate,

of August

per p'lund, that you modtrate

1G29, and

the establishment of the Salem

with

the

rest

of the Council, shall

Ohurch.
Suffice it to say, that
ist

think to be agreeable to equity and good conscience."

Prelacy could not ex-

in

such a community,
in

They

also granted

the old

planters the ex-

manifested

the

expulsion

which was soon of the two

clusive privilege of raising tobacco from

which

they expected great remuneration, and in

Government they were

their

to

have the privilege of

Browns, and so universally was this feeling impnsssed that no Episcopal minister was settled the in Salem, for upward of one hundred years afterward.

choosing two of the twelve Councilmen

from

Under

this

state of things,

we

see

own number.

(Is

it

not absurd then to

settlers here,

another instance of the self-sacrificing spirit of

suppo.'je that there

were buf four

?)

Conant,
with a

who

again yield! up his private wish-

when Endicott came

arrival of the fishing

The followers of Coby the

vessels, that

es to the majority,
Separati.->t

and

joins in

communion
its

nant had undoubtedly been increased

Church, and at

altar his

and trading

children

were baptized.

His name stands enits

frequented the coast from the time he took his

rolled the filth

bers.

upon the extant list of

mem-

firm determination to remain at Naumkeag. The church party consisting chiefly of the "If, under such condi-Mr. Thornton says old planters, are supposed to have relinquished tions, and such a fulfilment of the agreement, their Episcopacy, and joined the CongregationConant and his associates are desirous to live al Church, about the time the Browns were amongst us, and cimform themselves to good or. sent home,f and but a few weeks after the der and government, said those who had taken organization of the church. The old planters summary possession of the territory and of were allowed to retain the lands they had althe improvements thereon, we will permit them ready improved and cultivated, and to be alto remain.'" lowed an equitable portion in other lands to "The legal title was now in the new Com- be subsequently grjinted. Accordingly we pany, who, strong in wealth and influence, find by the town Book of Grants, on the "25th were decidedly aggressive in spirit, and the of 11th mon, 1635, that Captain Trask, John
:

only alternative for these leaders in the forlorn

hope was
the

di-ipersion

now

ripening

Woodbury, Mr. Conant, Peter Palfrey, and and an abandonment of John Balch, a'-e to have five farms, viz each fruits of their labors. two hundred acres apiece, to form in all, a
:

They

euhraitted to the lesser evil

but historic
Thornton.
fFelt.

impartiality,

upon a survey

uf the tacts, will

23

no
thousand acres of land together Ijing, and being at the head of Bass river, one hundred and
cease with the

despatching the ship Abigail

his

twenty-four poles in

breadth, and soe runin

charter and was t^'rough means that the original patentees "were
;

obtaining of the

it

northerly to the river by the great pond side,*

brouglit into acquaintance with other religious

and soe

in breadth

making up the

full

quanti-

persons of like quality in

and about London,

and
ISir

ty of a thousand acres, those limits laid out

such as Mr. Wintrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley,

and surveyed by

vs.

Mr. Craddock, Mr.

Goffe,

Richard

The emigration of Endicott was followed by Francis Higginson, with two hundred more passengers, and planters, who often called "The Old Planters' Farms." Again there were granted to John Woodbury, arrived early the next summer. The year alter, (lt53U,) was signalised by the John Balch, and Mr. Conantj five acres of meadow apiece, in some convenient place. arrival of Gov. Winthrop, with the home ComConant 80(m after removed to his grant, and pany, original charter,* and a large number was followed by some of the others. Palfrey of passengers, in a fleet of seventeen t-hips never settled upon his, but removed to Reading. and emigrants continued to pour in rapidly,
This locality
is

John Woodbury, John Balch."

Saltonstall."

afterward in the Records,

that of Rev.

The
ed,

fir>t

grants of land
1st

we

find

record-

so tha; in 1637, nine years after the return of

arrival of Endioott, the MasColony numbered not less than eight thousand souls, nine hundred of whom

were made on

of 8 month, 1634.

The

Woodbury, and

grant above

mentioned, was recorded on the

of Grants, and there

sachusetts

third page of the book

The acts of the old planters soon became no longer distinctly visible, as Hutchinson says of and these were granted but one week Conant : "The superior condition of those three hundred acres to Robert previous, viz who came over with the charter, cast a shade Cole, where his cattle are, by Brooksby, and a upon ihem.'^ Suffice it to say that they cofarm of two hundred ao.es to Lieut. Johnson, tinued to bear a fair share in town and coloalso at Brooksby, (8 mth Danvers ) nial afiairs, and spent lives of great usefulness The question may arise here, why were not and honor. Partial accounts (which might be more of the names of the old planters mengreatly enlarged,) of these men and their The answer to this may tioned in this griint. families are here appended. Several of their be, that under the Company instructions, grand-children, mere youths, perished in that land granted them planters were to have in memorable battle with the lodi vns, at Bloody proportion to their interest in the common Brook, under Capt. Lathrop, of Beverly, Sepstock, perhaps for improvements they had tember 18, 1675. made, in advance of their comrades. Distincplanters,

appear to have been but two large lots granted prior to the one thousand acre lot to the old

were inhabitants of Salem.

[to be continukd.]

tion of merit seems implied in Craddock's letter, as

italics.

appears by the above quotation in

my
*The Charter provided
in itself for

Other of the old

planters

receiv-

an "exempli-

fication," or duplicate

ed separate grants of land as can be

seen

brought in by the Book of Grants, such as Richard and Colony; it is preserved John Norman, who were granted twenty acres Athenaeum, and may
1

of land each.

The

exertions of Rev.

Mr. White did not

and under it he ruled the in the Archives of the Salem be seen at Plummer Hall. Winthrop, a succeeding Governor of the Colony, with whom the Company the Governor making power came, brought with him the other, or original charter, as it has usually been called; this also it preserved in the State House at Boston.
6'28j

authority with him

:

of precisely the same legal this duplicate charter Gov. Endicott

Wenham

Lake.

fFelt's

Am.

Stat. Ass'n., vol. 1, 138.

Ill

LETTER OF HON. BENJAMIN GOODHUE, MEAlbEK OF CONGRESS, TO ELIAS HASKETT DERBY, OF SALEMCITY OF NEW

YORK IN
I

1787.

pereuaded if the doctrine be true that it's good for us to be afflicted, we have had so bountiful a portion as leaves no reason to doubt of
salutary operation. 1 inclose you the of the pentleiiien present
its

names

send you for puhlicution a copy of a letter

Benj.

from Hon
Booie of

Good.^ue to Elias Haskett

New Hampshire Honorable

Nicholas Gil-

man.

Dorhy, ofS.xleiu, wliich, Itbink, may interest

your readers

WhatadiflFiTeat aspect

New Yoik

City must

Lave presented at
Hiat'jrical

tlie

date of this
!

letter,

from
his

Maspachusetts Fisher Ames, Geo. Leonard, Geo. Thatcher, Benj. Goodhue, lb. Gerry, Geo. Partridge. Maryland Wm. Smith, Geo. Gale, Car-

rol

her present appearance

Sam Breck,

in

Sketch of the Continental

Money,

says,

'In
my

Paper
the

Connecticut Jona. Sturges, Jere'h Wadsworth. Benj Huntington, Jona. Trumbul,

the

month of June, of

Roger Sherman.

year 1787. on

return from a residence of a

few years in France. I arrived at that city, and found it a neglected place, built chieSy of

wood, and

in a state of prostration
in

dozen vessels

port.

and decay. Broadway, from

to the Battery,

Trinity Churcii inolusivo

in ruins,

down

owing to a fire tliat had occurred was occupied by the enemy, The ruined during the latter end of the war.

when

the city

New Jersey Lambert Cadwallader, EliaS Buudinot, James S^hurcman. Pennsylvania Fred'k Mublenburg, A. Spk., Thomas Hartley, Henry Wynkoop. Peter Muhlenburg, Daniel Heister, Thomas Scott. Geo. Cijmer. Virginia James Madison, Rich. B Lee^ John Page, Alex'r White, Andrew Moore, Sam'l Griffin, Josiah Parker, Theoderick Bland. South Carolina Thomas T. Tuker.

walls of the
sides of

burnt houses standing on both

Senators, which ought to have preceded the

the

way, testifying

to the poverty of
;

Representatives

the place,

five

years after the conQagration

for although the

no attempt had been made to rebuild them. In short, there was silence and inactivity everyperiod, and the

war enemy had departed,

Lad ceased during

that

where
little

and the whole population was very

is in

Strong. C. Dr. Johnson, Ellsworth. N. Patterson* Elmore. P. Morris, Macclay. D. Bassett. G. Few.
M.
J.

N. H.

Mesfcrs,

Langdon, Wingate.

over twenty thousand."

striking

This

contrast with

the

new
b.

York of

the present day

the leading commer5, 1789.

I am. with sentiments df esteem, Yoair Friend andServ't, B. GOODHUE.

cial city of the world.

New
The people
of

York. April

the United States, I think, are peculiarly unfortunate, after manifesting 80 laudable an avidity for the adoption of the new government to have the exercise of it so long delayed through the inexcusable, and I may add reproachful inattention of several of the peisuns whom they have elected for its adCongress have not yet a suffiministration. cient number of members of both Houses in Town to enable them to proceed upon bu.-^iness.
to form their body, and accounts of a Senator from Virgiuia being near at hand, that desirable event is momentarily expected. I pray we may not again bo mortified with a disappointmeDt, for I am

have just this moment heard of the Mr. Lee. the Senator from Virginia, who I have mentioned as being expected. We shall therefore, after so long a time^ have the pleasure of forming both houses, to morrow, and after opening the votes of the Electors for a President and V. President, immediately dispatch a messenger to Mount Vernon, and anP. S. I arrival of
other to Braintree, to notify those great personages of their resnective appointments. E.H. Derbt. Esq.

The Senate wants one

tlie

PRIVATBEK JUNIUS BRUTUS.

I find

from

among

the papers of

my

late grand-

Jonathan Andrew, (deceased 1781,) who was an ardent patriot dtiring the revolafather,

112
tionary war, and an agent for Privateer?,
ti.e

Seamen.

Shares.
L

Seamen.
Thos. Norris, Jno. Orrick, TIkm. Rij;sloy,

Shares.
1

following

and crew of the Tho. Traverse, Leander Smith, Ship Jiiniua Brutna. She was a ship carry- Martin Wtiitforth, Duncan MePherson, guna. captured ing 20 and 110 men, and was Oliver Wellman, Felt in Oct.. 1782 and ai^nt to Ne^vfoundland. Robt. Hazel ton.
list

of the

officers

1
I
1

]
[

Wm

Drardson,

says, 17H2. Feb'y 19,

"A
;

ship arrives,

taken

Daniel Mehaney,

by the

Junius

Brutus
prize

had

killed,

2 Wm.

Burbank,
Smith,

Aaron Crowell, Jona. Brown, Joseph Allen, David Whipple,

Sam'l Russell Peter Fol.soin, Georj;e' Herculeous, David Roach,

h
1

Benj'n Felt,

wounded, and the

ed."'
1 find
I

killed

and 5 woundfrom
in Virginia

1
1

Th.is.

by a memo, on the paper

tliat

which
S^lst

copy,

the J. B.

was

October,
her.

serted

where several men deThinking this list may possess

1780,

John Hooton, James Turner, Joshua Grant, John Cuin, Jno. Oakman,
Thos. Ri)bertson, Thos. Jone.s, Rob't Remmons, Rob't Cloutinan, Thos. Driver, Ebenez. Whitfoot, James Bean,

1
1

James Mc.Veil, Anthony Knap,

I
i

i
h

Bouie interest at this day, I

it for

have transcribed
b. f. b.

publication in your paper.

Wtu. Hutler, Pve. Siiin'l Pickworth, Benj'n White,

Wm

i i
I

List of

Names, Stations and Shares, Junius

Captain,
1st Lieut.,

Win Adams, Joh Leach,

1

1
1 i
1

Brutus.
John Brooks,
9 shares
|

Nehem

Gould,

John Wait,
Benj'n Woolbridge, Joseph Severy,

John Meach,
Jno. Pitman,

Wm.
Hugh

Pattbrpon,

Smith, Chas. Hamilton,

.

Martin Luvett, Robt Fairservice, Jonath Glover,

Jno. Sinclair, Jonath. Mayson, Tbos. Webb, Benj'n Thompson, Joseph Trask, Jno. Ad'len,

2d do. Master, Surgeon,

Clerk,

Ship Mate, 2d do. Prize Master,

do. do. do. do. do. do.

Joseph Salter, Stephen Archer,

John Siiiiit, And'w Trpwlove

Ciiarles Peterson,

Boatswain,
Miite, do.

David

liicktord,

Jho. Hcivey, Edwa-d balton,

Stuard, Cooper,

Andrew Morgan,
Neii'iah

Gunner, Mate,
do.

Cushman,

Jno. Noofin, Sam'l Moliitire, Peter Smothers,

Carpenter,

Mate,
Jr. Master, do. Sail Maker,

John John

JacktiOQ Hall,

Sam'l Knap, Jonatti Newell, Gibson Clouj;h, Jno. Wakefield,

Cook, Cabin Cook > Cipt. Marines,

Armourer,
Shares.
1
1 1 1 1
1

do do 6 do 6 do do 34 do 3 do do 3 do 3 do 3 do 3 do 3 do 3 3 do do 3 do 2 do 2 do 3 do 2 do 3 do 2 do 3 do li do 2 do 2 do 2 do 2 do 14 do do do
6
5

John Codley,

John Archer,
Jaiue. Black,

4 1

Amos

Dolliver,

James Wood,
Jona. Thompson,
{

Jno. EdiUMnds,

Otho Beal, John Fannnck, Clement Severy,

Samiel Towns, Abrah'm Woollett,

Amos Newell,
Edward
Still,

John Dennis,

Thos. Powell,

Wm. Bradish, Jno. Fenley, Rob't Gover, Robt. Orrick,

Christ'r

French Deacons, David Leach, Charles Wood,

1
1

Wallburt was missed on the 3d day of

to

September; was supposed

have fallen overboard.

EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND IN

occupation of a body of British
troop.'',

1778.

In the summer of that year, the Island was in the

under the com*

it

mand

of Major General Sir Robert Pigot; and

was

determined that an attempt to recover porfsossioa

should be made by an American
Sullivan, in

army under Maj. Gen.

fleet

conjunction with the French

the Count D'E.^tiiing.

com-

manded by

The

British force

n H

was estimated at about 0500 men; the American, at 9000 or 10000, consisting of 2200 continental soldiers

Seamen.
Jno. Watts,

Seamen.
Jacob Newell,
iienj 'n Butler,

Shares-

and 7000 or 8000 militia. tion were voluntcrs from

disasters to the French
pest,

Of the

latter

a large por-

New

England.

Owing

to

James

Elliot,

ships,

Joseph lloman, Jno. Peeters, James Uynds,

Edward Perlans,
Jno. Still,

occasioned by a tem-

and

to jealousies subsisting

between D'Estaing

Jona Teaguo,
.

Jno Ale. Niel, Thos Wilburn,

Isaac Lofty,

1
1

Jamos Hamelton,
Jaiues Kobertson,

1 1

Jno. Allen, Jno. McKenney, Edw Tucker, Nic'k Wallace,

1

and bis captains, the fleet failed to cooperate, and the Americans, who had landed upon the Isiland, and had taken a position near to Newport, were under
the necessity of retreating.

The quota required of

list,

Mm. Saucefield,

Salem

raa

52 men; 4)ut the following

oopieJ

118
from an ancient original supposed
tains the
to

be correct, con-

EXTRACTS

Some contemporary Utters say that nearly or quite 100 men marched rum Salem; but unless tbey mean to include
names of 81 volunteers.
t

FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS, OF THE CITY OF SALEM.
Copied by Ira J. Patch.

about 25 boatmen
is

for

landing the

Americans, there
list

of course an error, eiihex in the

It will

or in the let-

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 36.

ters.

be seen

that

many

of the

prominent

men

of Salem were in the ranks. The company left Salem about the 4tb of August, and landed on

Henfy Bragg & Elizabeth Machtnallen were

marryed the 17th 10th mo., 1677, iheire daughter Elizabeth,

Kbode Island on
29tb, the

the

16tb.

On

the

evening of the

borne 7th

7tti

ano., '78.

Mary,
Octob'r,

American army retired to the north part of the island. The next day they repulsed the British,

borne 24th March, 1680

April, 1682.
VViIliiim,

Henry, borne 12th

borne
17th

and in the night

efected
loss of

their

retreat

to the

main land without the The I'st is presumed

that
it

men

1684.

Sarah, borne 26th March, 1687.

Sono

or stores.

to

be correct, from the fact

of Mr.

Alexand'r, born 6th March, 1689

is

headed "List of the Volunteer Company

in

John Buxton & Elizabeth

ryed the 7th 8th
uio.,

Ilolton

were mardaughter
their

from Salem,"
"Williams,

the

hand-wiiting

orge

1677.

their son Joseph, their

brother-in-law of Col.

ing, and is indorsed in Col. Pickering's ing, "List of Volunteers Iroir. Salem, for

Timothy Pickerhandwritthe Rhode

borne the 24th 9th mo.. 1678.

Sarah, borne the 9th

eon Anthony,

12th

mo., 1680.

Island Expedition, August, 1778."

Sam'l Phippen, Sam'l Flagg', Captain, Miles Greenwood, 1st Lt., Jona. Tucker, Daniel Cheever, Robt. Fo.-iter, 2d do., Benjamin Ropes, Jr., Beiij'n Peters, George Smith, Sam'l Tucker, David Biiyse, Ezt^kiel NVellman, Oil leb Smith, Robt. Peele, Wm. Gerald, EHis Mansfield,
Giirdner, Jno. Cniimberlain,

home

the 24th 12th mo., 1682.

born 6th

Hannah, borne 20ih January, 1685. Rachell, Amos Buxton, born May, 1688. Feb'y 12th, 1700-1, Jonathan, born 25th JuChristopher, son of Christopher

ly, 1706.

Babbadge,
9th mo.,

borne by
1678.

Han na

his

wife

the

11th

Simon

Nathan Peirce, Aaron Waitt,

Robt. Cook, Nath'l Ropes, Jr,, Sam'l Ropes, Wm. Osborne,

son Kichurd.
;

borne ye Ist 8th mo.,

Benj'n Hathorne,

1680

the said Richard, deceased Ist

mo

'81

Joseph Young, George Williams, Jona. Peele, Jr.,

thoirc second son Richard, borne ye 14th July,

1682;
'84.

his son

Nehemiah, born 25ch March,

Ebborne, marryed 10th

Jo

dner, Jr., Jacob A.-hton,

la.

Ga

Asa

Ptirce, Jno. Uarr,

Barlbo. Putnam,

Samuel Ward, George Dodge.

Beiij
II

Jr.,

Josiah Austin, Jno Page, Benj'n Cloutman,

Jeratb'el Peirce,

Tho's Bell
10th

& Rehecka

1680 ; tlieire son Thomas, borne the 26th August, 1681 ; George, borne 10th
,

mo

boodiiue, Jr., Francis Cabot, Jr., Mm. Orne, Edvaid Norris, Benj'n Dalanil,

James Ea'on, James iSott.

Benj'n Frye, Isaac Needham, Thos. JTeedham, Jr., Zach'y Burchmore,

June, 1684."
Samut'U Beadle, his daughter Mary, borne by Hanna his wife the 2l8t of May, 1678 ; theire sou Lemon home the 30th July, 1680 ;

Abijnb Nortuey, Sam'l Grnnt, Jno. Fisk,

Simun Forrester,
Fraocis Dennis,
Saiii'l liljth,

Samuel Webb, Eben Peirce,

Benj'n Warren,

ye daughter Hnnnah, borne 18th

'82
:

10th mo.,
'84
;

ye son Koh't horn 14th 9th mo.,

James Walker,

son Jonathan, horn 24th July, 1687, and dyed

Jusbua Dodge, Jona. Har.den, David Ropes, Joseph Oliipman, Jona. Waldo, Geo. Abbot, Josiiua Ward, Jr.,
Beiij'u Moses,

Eben

Ju'^epb Manstield, Porter, Daniel Peirce,

16th

May, 1688 Kaleh. born 24th Feb. 1688. Thomas Beadle & Elizaheth Drake were
;

Henry Uigginson,
Win. Lan;;,
Francis Claike, Jno. Felt,
Jos. Lambert,

marryed ye

18tti

7th mo., 1679

theire

daugh;

ter Eliz.tbrtth,

home July
2ii

the 9tb, 1681

;

Ma-

ry, borne 5th

mo.. 1683

Thomas, born

Jo^iub Dewing, Jno. Andrew, James Wood Gould,

Jona. Mansfield, Jr.,

Joseph Hillor.

7th 7th

March, 1685-6. and dyed '86 ; Benj'n, born Thomas, born 10th 12th mo '87
,

mo., '89-90

John, burn 14th Feby, 1691-2.

29

114
Jno Butolph.
10th mo., 1689.
his son

John, borne by Sarah,

bis wife, 1st July, 1688.

Hannah, born 9th

his wife, born 30th August, 1658 : their daughter Sarah, born 13th 8th mo.. 60 and dyed 25th 8th mo.. '60; son Will'm, borne
;

son Jo'n, borna 14th Jno Biyly. son of Jno Bayly, borne last ye 26th lOino. "62 May, 1666. Abigaile borne about the 15 AuMaje, 1681 Tliomaa, borne 16th Maye, '82 Eliza, borne 16th July, 1684 Nicolas, borne gust, 1G64. Christopher Croe (or Cro<) and Deliverance 26th Sept., 1686. William Bartoll & Susanna Woodbury were Bennet were mai-ried by Maj. Hiithorne the marryed ye their son Andrew Bar- 8th October, 1657 their dau. Ilanna bo 10th toll, borne the 20th of August, 1680 there 7th mo 165-. Jon Collens & Mahetahell Giles were maried Bon William, borne the 4th Auj>;u8t. 1682.
; ; ; ; ; :

Mathew Barton,
by Sarah,
their son

his

daughter Susana, borne

10th
of

by Major llathorne ye 9th lat mo., 1658-59.

Humphrey Coomes maried to Bathsheaba Mathew, borne the 6th 9th mo., Rayment by Capt. Marshall, ye 29th 5th mo.,
his wife, the

May, 1680

1682 1685

their daught'r Sarah, borne Ist Aprill,

1659.

their

daughfr Elizabeth, borne 20th

Henry Cooke maried

June, 1639
mo.,
;

to

Judith

Birdsale,

Aprill, 1687.

John Bullock & Mary Maverick were mBryed

the 3d day of August,

borne ye 3d 2d 1640; son Samuell bo 30th 7th mo.,

their son Isaack

1681

their

daught'r
;

1641

dar Judith
;

bo loth 7th mo., '43

;

Ra-

Elizabeth, borne the 22d of June, 1683

their

ohell bo 25th 7th mo., 1645

John bo 6th 7th

Bone John, borne 5th Apriil, 1686.

mo., 1647
'50
;

Edward Bush & Elizabeth Pitman widdow

were marryed the first of August 1678, theire daughter Elizabeth borne the 30th of April 1679 Son Edward born 1st of March 1681-2; daughter Ann borne the 25th of February, 1682-3 Benjamin, borne 7th Maye. 1685; Edw'd Bush born 2d August, 1687 son Eastson Eastick, ick, born 22d of March, "88-9
: ; ;
:

Mary & Martha bo 15th 7th mo., Henry home 30th 10th mo.., 1652 Eli;

za bo September
Sept'r,

'54.

&

deceasi'd.

Hana bo
25th

1658

Henry
his

Cooke deceased

December, 1661.
Frances Collens
his wife,

(viz the father.)

dar Sarah
'60
;

bo

by Hana
Christian

13th 3d

mo.,
;

da'r

hor
'67.

Aprill, 1665

son John

borne August,

borne 14th Maye, 1693.

Jno.
Bachelor, dyed August 6th, '84
'84.
;

Richard Curtise
his
uell 1st 2.1

his son

Caleb bo by Sara
.

his wife ye 24th 7th mo., '46

their

son Sam-

wife Mary, dyed 19th of August

mo., '51
ye 16th

son Richard 19th

Ist
;

bo 14th 12

mo,, '52; da'r Sara bo

mo., '5son

Robert Braye, Jun'r, married the 5th November,

ber,

da'r

Hanna
their

7th

mo., -56

1685,
;

their

sone John,

John
'60, Sf

borno

4th

2d 12th mo., "58,

'59
;

&

dyed ye

28th

Sept'r. 1686

son Robert, borne 22d Decem1688; Prissillah, borne 11th March, 1689-90 sone Benj'n, borne 27th Sept'r 1692;
;

5th mo.,

son

John bo 4th 4th mo.,

;

dyed 4th 7tb mo,, '60

i2th mo., "62.

dau'i-Mary borne 11th

his da'r
-jao

Christian, borne 19th

March

'94.

Humphrey Coomes
Barsheba
his wife,

Hana bo by
,

Hannah

BuflBngton,
<&

daughter of Thomas
bis

ye 26th 3d

'60

Buffington. Jun'r

Hannah

wife,

born

Sam'l Cutler, eon of Sam'l Cutler

hoth his wife, borne at Salem,
.

&
;

Eliza-

May

11. 1701.

1661

Ebene-

his wife

Hana. daughter of Sam'l Cutler, by Eliza zer, son of ye aforesd S. borne at Salem, 1664. John Croad & Elizabeth Price were marDecember 1655, their daughter Abidaughter Sarah born ryed by Maj. Hathorne, 17th Ist mo., '58; gail borne 11th mo. '56 theire da'r Eliza bo 2l8t 8th ma., '61; theire 23d 10th mo. '58 Anna, daughter of Willim Curtis, hj Alice SOD Jou boroe 14th 4ihmo., '63; Da Hanna
;
,

115
borne 14th July, "65
17th 11th mo., 1667.
Giles Coree his
;

son Jonathan

borne je

ground, yet a few inches above

small child.
Tiiis

it;

in

one place the

passage of a

space being sufficient to admit of the

da'r

Deliverance borne hj

boulder

is

the

property of the
attrac-

Margaret his wife ve 5th 6th mo., '58. Joshua Connant his son Joshua bo by Seeth his wife je 15th 4th mo., '57. William Cantleburj deceased ye l8t4thmo.,
'63.

Essex Institute, which society has taken the steps

necessary to

make

this natural

curiosity an

tive point of interest,

and

to exhibit its large

dimeniron

sions in

the most advantageous

manner.
it,

An

ladder has been constructed upon

with chains to
equilibrium in

serve the purpose of maintaining the

Deborah Clearke deceased 16th March,

da'r of VVill'm Clearke, vintner.

'60,

the labor of ascending.

view, over
the trees,

The top commands a good

of distant scenery,

including

Richard Cauiplin dyed ye 23d April, '62.

Salem and South Danvers, the prominent structures

his
of which stand forth to the vision vpry conspicuously.

Nath

Carrell his Da'r

Mary by Mary

wife, bo 20th 5th mo., '62.

The familiar
road track,
stands upon or
mill in
erected.

mill,

on the opposite side of the rail-

To be Continued.

now owned by Mr. James N. BuQum,

near the spot where the first sawDanvers (owned by a man named Very,) was

TLe meadow from whence the water which

is

A GENEALOGICAL RAMBLE.
Several days since, in

furnishes the power for this mill

derived,

is

flowed

company with a

friend

who

has spent uucb time

tuining to his

in

genealogical research per-

by a brook which runs from Cedar Pond, which is about half a mile above the alms-house. It is near this pond and the alms-house, where the original
ancestor, in this country, of those
of Very, once lived land.

own

family,

afternoon in the vicinity of the Dauvers

always proluse in
those

we spent a very pleasant Alms House, charming summer sijibts. This

for

who bear
is

the

name
of

and owned a considerable

tract

The

identity of the locality

indicated

by

neighborhood affurds a pleasant rambling place

extracts

from old

who occasionally stroll away from the city, and yet who feel no particular interest in ihe locality from any ancestral associations. Those who are
averse to walking the lull distance to this place, can
find exactly

Pond'' with

wills, which mention "Ceader some frequency. The will of Bridget

(Very) Giles, made in 1668, mentions "a ten acre

lot, also

meadow land btth

<tc.

sides

of the brook; also

house and land,"

"all the upland

In 1675, Bridget Giles, wid-

the ac-ommodatiun

they

need in the

ow, grants unto Eleazer Giles, her son, husbandman,

South Reading Branch Railroad train, which leaves

the depot in Sulem at fifteen minutes the alternoon, and which stops at the
before three in
signal station

and meadow

for:iier!y

owned by Edtwenty acres as

ward Giles

of

Sulem,

my
my

husband,

far as the corner of

son,

John

Giles."

near the mill of Mr. Buffum, about half a mile this side of the Alms-house.

Elieazer Giles sold J.

King

ten acres

In 1679 bounded with

land of Samuel Very; and, in 1681, the same person

The famous boulder, known

very near to this station, and

as "Ship Rock,"
is

is

attainable over a

Wm. Lord two acres of meadvw "on Ceader Pond," bounded on Samuel Very's farm. Samuel
sold

somewhat

hilly

and uneven
tons, is
iu>

foot-path extending a

Very, son of Bridget Very, in his will in 1683, gives

to Alice

short distance to the right.

This huge rock, which

visible to

(Woodis,) his wife,

his

dwelling bouse ia
the river (or pond,)

must weigh many

in such a

travellers

upon

Salem, with outhousing,

ing of two pieces of

orchards, &c.; also speak-

the railroad, lilting

top above the trees,

though

meadow next

manner

as perhap.-i

would

fail

to

convey a
resem-

before his bouse on the south

side,

and likewise of

true idea of

its size.

Like most of the natural wonfor real

other land bordering on other parts of the river, or

ders which are

named

things,

its

pond.

blance to a hip can be perceived only

by a compro

mise of

facts

with the imagination, which,

having
dis-

The lands here indicated are all in this vicinity; and the original house where Bridget Very, who

been duly accomplished, the visitor can easily

tinguish the

came from England with her two

sons,

and

after-

bow from the stern, and perhaps trace wards married a Giles, lived, was on a road which out, to his own satisfaction, a tolerably fair model extended from the rear of the almshouse to the of a hull. The rock rests upon a very small base, a Kings' estate. This road has long been closed and large part of it extending along parallel with the merged in a common lot of wood and shiubbery;


116
but the indications of the cellar of the old Very boufe
still

remain, and was pointed out to us bv an

the alms-house,

for families to bury on their own farms, with only a rough stone at the head and at the foot of the grave.

elderly

man connected with

the land

who
Tlie

One

of these ancient burial

places

is

still

to be seen
miles?

well r'merabered

as the

"Very

lot."

on the Putney farm, at Brookdale, about three from where the Verys lived, were related to one another.
written by the Rev. Washington
to the
ter,

subjoined brief account of this family

teresting to the genealogical

may

prove inas
to
It

Thrse two familie^

readers as

well

The following

lines,
visit
lat-

those

who

are

directly or

indirectly connected.

Very, after a

was prepared by a descendant, (Rev. Jones

Vflry,)

former place, are so applicable also to the

who

has a full record of the family from the original

will

that I here tran.=cribe them.

the

emigrant, which

probably soon be printed in

n. a. h.

the Historical Collections.

Lines on

Old Putney Burial Place,

in

Danvers.

THE VERY FAMILY.

may be traced back to Bridget Very, who came from England with her two sons, Samuel
This family

Sleep on, sleep on, beneath the sod Which oft your weary feet have pressed; Forgot by man. but not by God, Ye lie unknown, though not unblest. Sleep on though high above your gravo No soulptnred marble meets the eye; Here the green birch trees rustling wave, And vines in tangled mazes lie. Sleep on among these wooded hills Beholder? of your joys and woes; Another's thirst now slake these rills. Another's voice this echo knows.
lands ard wealth are could give; Of nothing have ye been bereft, If but your souls have learued to live.

and Thomas, and a daughter Mary.

came from Salisbury.

name,)
is

They probably The name of Very, together

is

with that of Verin, (which

See Mas,". His Col.,

also

an early Salem

olten mentioned on the

Salisbury records.

vol. X., 3d series.) Bridget Very was born about 1600. She was a suember of the first Church in Salem in 1G48. She lived, together with her son, Samuel Very, on the north side of Cedar Pond, and of the brook running from it, about sixty rods from the Danvers Alms House, where they She was married a owned a large tract of land. second time to Edward Giles of Salem, a member of the first Church in 163C; who also resided here, as did their children, Mehitable, Remember, Eleazer and John Giles. On this spot her descendants resided for a century perhaps, as her own and her son's

Sleep on

though

left.

And

all that earthly sense

Sleep till the mornine sunbeams play

All lovely round t!ii- smiling height. Then wake to that e'erlasting day, That knows no sorrow, darkness, night.

will,

and the deeds

ot the land, as

well as

August. 1847.

local tia-

dition show.

Some

of those

who bear
moved

the

name

of

Very,
vers.

still live in

different parts of the

town of iJanto

Most of them,
of that

however,

Salem,

Samuel Very, the oldest son of Bridget Very, was one of the Narragansett soldiers, and received a g'antof lard on the Sowhegin River. Jonathan
Marsh, who married his daughter Mary, and John
Giles, the grandson of Bridget Giles, were
in the celebrated battle with the
hill,

leaving the pursuits of husbandry to become seamen.

name have been shipmasters in Salem. Those who bear the name of Giles have lived mostly The oldest stone in the in Beverly and Gloucester. South Danvers Burying Ground is that which bears the name of James Giles, a grandson of Bridget

Many

wounded

Indians at Haveralso of this family

Aug. 29th. 1708.

A number

were revolutionary soldiers.

In visiting the spot where Bridget Very and her descendants so early located themselves, and so long resided, I found that it still bore the name of the

Giles-

It

is

probably the oldest in the State erected

It contains the

to one so young.

following inscrip-

tion upon the headstone:

aged about 10

"Very
cellar

lot."

And

was shown
house

by an aged

man

the

Here lyeth ye body

years.

of .James Gyles, Deceased ye 20 of May, 1689.

is

where the

first

had stood.

No

house

On

the footstone

this beautiful epitaph:

bad been there since his recollection, but the stones were still there, overrun with blackberry vines.
There, too, was the well, closed

Mind not the grave, where his dear dust is laid; But bliss above, whither his soul's conveyed. I have found no other memorials to mark the remains of any of that early date. The above mentioned stones were probably procured from

now by a
in the

stone.

few old moss-eovtred apple trees,

new growth of oaks and

the early settlers bad

pines,

midst of a showed where, two

centuries ago, the strong hands

England.

cleared the

and brave hearts of land, and made

It was the custom in Danyers, at that early period,

them a home.

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
OF

THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.
Vol.
I.

September, 1859.

No.

4:.

SOME REMARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SA- contempt which LEM FKOVI ltJ26 TO 1740 WITH A SKETCH

greeted him on arrival at Bos-

OF PHILIP ENGLISH A MEHCHANT IN ton, doubtless had their weight in the final SALEM FKOM ABOUT 1670 TO ABOUT 1733-4. proceedings against the charter. In 1689, however, all (his came back upon his head,
Br GEORGB
F.

CBEVER.

Continutd JT>m page 91.

and be narrowly escaped with mischief he had done.

his

life for

the

Perhaps to him, more than any other man,

From 1661

to

1684 the colonial government

Massachusetts was indebted for the subsequent

loss

struggled agninst the application of the

laws of trade, particularly between 1G78 and '83

of her charter and other liberties.

Tlie indefatigable, niischief-inaking

Randolph,

shrewd observer of men and passing events keen, indefatigable, and perhaps unscrupulous

who was
toms)

selected in 1677 or 8. by the

Commis(of cus-

he knew when, where, and how

colony, and was well understood
the colonial
authorities,

to strike the in

sioners of

Customs

to act as Ins^pector

turn

by

in the

colony,

and make seizures and

acts of

who excepted him

from bail in 1689, as a capital offender, and would have executed him probably, but for latter period and made, according to bis own the order of Nottingham for his removal with statement, ei<;ht voyages from Old England to others to England for an examination there. New England in nine years, in furtherance of During this long struggle for the charter libhis watch upon the colony. B-iing generally erties, civil as well as commercial, th9 clergy condemned in costs in the colonial courts upon nobly led the van in opposition to royal tyranthe actions lie brougiit. and being thereby, as ny, and when Massachusetts fell, she fell with he represents, a great sufferer, ho no doubt the sword of the spirit in her grasp, and her
bring information for breaches of the
trade, kept the colony in
;

a ferment during the

clearly paw,

and as faithfully reported,

that

face resolutely

towards the

foe.

The ancient
to die in this
it

unless Massachusetts was deprived of her charter,

Puritanism of the colony seemed

struggle

and with

it

her power of choosing her GovoflBcers,

it

but merely
pleasant,
it

in

seeming, for

was on-

ernor and Admiralty

would be

in

ly asleep

moreover, with dreams of

the giant re-

vain to hope for obedience to the laws of trade from the colony. The way he was treated in 1681 when he came over with a commission from the Crown for Collector and Surveyor and Searcher of Customs the worse than silent

Freedom, and

finally aroso as

freshed with slumber, and as the

strong

man

prepared to run his race.

In 1668

"a maritime code"

is

promulgated

by the

GenU

Court, containing 27 sections,

80


118
comprehending the rij^hts of owners, masters and mariners, their duties to and contracts
with each other, and various provisions
ing to pilots, marine
losses, accidents,

pear to be local.

The general
in

principle runto be,

ning through
articles

them, appears
be favored

that the ne-

relat-

needed

the Colony

neglects

cessity

shall

of prime
such
wool,

or free,

artifish,

and wrecks.

As

a preamble, the Gen'l Court

cles as salt,

sheep's

wool, cotton
plate,

acknowledge that the navigation and maritime gunpowder, money,

and bullion. These affiirs of Mass. have grown to be a considera- are particularly favored by law in 1668-9. ble interest, and the well management thereof The customs on wine and liquors seem to be a of great concernment to the public weal. In double one ist, the regular import duty, and 1682. Marblehead, Beverly. Gloucester, Ipswich. 2dly, the privih^ge of retailing them, which Rowley, Newbury and Siilisbury were *annex- privilege or license was hir^d of the State by
;

ed by Gen'l Court to Salem, as

the

Port

of

retailers, for

longer or

shorter periods,

the

Entry, and no native vessels from foreign parts

are to break bulk before entry with the Naval
Officer,

State nut permittinir the

importers

or whole-

sale dealers to sell by retail less

than a quarter
the privi-

on penalty of confiscation of ship and

cask, in order that those purchafing

lege to retail,

goods
val

and

vessels passing

from port
taking

to

port

might have no competition from

in the colony are to take permits from the

Officer.

Any
to give

vessel

plantation

Na- any other quarter. This is one explanation of the phrase "farming out the customs," which
one meets with
It

commodities
val

bonds, or show

certificate

in the old

History of

Mass.
privilege
in cer-

of bond under penalty of confiscation.

office

The na

was simply a

sale of the exclusive

ai^d liquors

was
to 12

to be

open

for entry

from 10
naval

A. M., and from 2

is

to

and clearing of selling wines 4 P. M. tain districts or

to

by

retail,

places.

Occasionally

other

In 1684 Benj'n Gerrish

officer

appointed

be
in-

privileges were also farmed out, as in

see (in tlie

1668 we
au-

of Salem, and annexed

ports,

Colony Records.) that the Treasurer

is

stead of the late Ililliard Veren, and to

demand
masters

of the country, witli three assistants,

and

receive the

powder money of

all

thorized "to farme let" for the use of Massa-

of ships and other vessels according to their respective burdens, giving an account to the sur-

chusetts for one or more years, not exceeding

three:

1st, the

import of wine,

brandy and

veyor General yearly, or oftener, as the law directs. At this time Boston, Charlestown, and

rum

2d, the benefit of beaver, furs,

Indi^vns
;

and pel-

try with the

Bd, ihe rates of draw;

Salem are the three commercial ports of t'fie State. Salem as late as 1736 was evidently second in importance after Boston in (commercial) wealth, as she

ing wine from the vintners

beer, cider, ale

4th,

rates

upon

and

mum

from

public sellers;
to the

5th, the benefit of selling

ammunition

pays

the second
security

highest
tax then

Indians.

sum

of the

9000 fund and

levied on the State

Boston paying 1620, and

the Colonial Governare a curious study.

This farming out of the customs began as

carlyj certainly, as 1644.

Salem the next largest sum 258 150, or between a sixth and seventh of that of Boston^

Mr. Edward Rauwine drawIn

lOs, for a yeare."

son then paid lor "ye rent due for

en In ye countrey,

The Customs levied by ment from 1635 to 1740,

107

1645 an act

is

passed, imposing
,

certain duties

In a former note in this article, an abstract of

several of these customs has been given.

More

yet remain on the Colony Records,

but some

on sack, French wines, &c in which it is ordered that the duty shall be paid "'in money, good merchantable beaver, or ye best of ye

of them are somewhat obscure, and some ap-

same wine at ye merchants' price." The Auditor General then had the care of the custom
of wine, and

perhaps

all

liquors.
let

In 1648
out to eer-

Salisbury was shortly afterwards taken out of

this
Ii:jt.

and

9,

wo

see the

cudcoms again


119
tain parties in Boston and elsewhere.
cert.lin duties

In 1649

seem

to have

come under the

direct control of

are levied on goods

imported

the Eng1i)ih

autiiorities,

thus ending for the

from Plymouth, Connecticut and New IluTen, time the long struggle against the Navigation and they are to be entered with the Auditor- Liw8, a not very satisfactory change, howIt was ever, for the Colonists. General, who is to act aa Collector. In 1668 two per cent, is levied, as duty on probablv a Deputy under him, who was ColIn 1G6S) one penny lector of the '-French House"' Custom House g'^neral merchandize. worth. This latter ia in S.ilnm, mentioned by Felt as having been on every 20 sliillings When the same duty, we presume, as Bradstreet located on the South JRiver, in 164:5. Hilliard Veren was appointed Collector in Sa- siys was levied in 1680, and continued in
lem, in 1G'J3, he prob.vbly reported to the Auditor-General as
Benj.
Elead
to

force until 1726, (excepting

English goods at

Quarters.

In

1(584.

that time.) and even

later.

Gerrish

is

report to

the Surveyor-

to be heaviest throught)Ut

The duties seem on liquors of various

General.

kinds, sugar, spices, tobacco, molasses and dye

to

Down

1675 a committee are appointed

to

stufiFs.

Though the
exported

iarm out the customs, but how much lunger

this plan continued,

have

Colonists seem not to manufactured goods, except

wooden warn and kindred materials, down to About 1720 or 30 say yet they manufactured doto have been abandoned before 1700. that *time our commerce and Custom House mestic goods for their own use, and most probably paid but a small tax to the English man-

we know

not.

It

appears

*In 1700, Mr. John Higginson of

Salem reoomfrom

ufacturers,

who complain about

early

it.

mends

to his brother, the direct

trade

Barba-

Some

of the

Mass. laws concerning

does, Jamaica, Virginia,

and other places

land, rather than Salem as the place to

to

to Eng make returns

ships and shipping

are perhaps lost.

Some
the

of those which

yet remain, referring to

England;

ar.d

Bilboa,

Cadiz, Oporto and

the

streights in Europe as placns to

to England.

make

direct

returns

discipline on board ships, are quaint, gestive of the early

According to Mr. H. the Navigation

prohib-

days of
a reason
us,

New

and sugEngland

laws were obeyed in Salem, in 1700, as he says "we

trade with all parts, where the law dolh not
it."

having sometimes
edged to

in them, which,

though dimly seen by

These

facts indicate that the trade

from Salem,

was yet acknowlbe important then. In 1663 a law

rev-

direct to England, was then unprofitable,

and

profit

could alonu be made by

carrying Sugar, Molasses,

pie powers were conferred on the officers of the

Cotton, Tobacco, Ac. from Barbadoes, Jamaica,

and

enue

streights.

Fish to Spain and the The English Laws had already begun to cramp and injure our trade. They were felt very seriously when the go!d and silver, which should have returned from Spain, Portugal and tiie Streights The for our fish, went to England to pay for goods. same policy prevented the Colonists from bringing into Mass the coin from their West India trade; and as a natural consequence, specie became alarmingly scarce in Mass. Tbe trade and the coin centred in England to our prejudice.
Virginia, to England, or

same end. From that date to 1740, Massachusetts was made tbe victim of the Trade
to

the

Monopoly of England, which sought by various laws

to

destroy her industry, impair her Colonial

trade,

render her interests subordinate to the Sugar Colonies

indebted to England.

and Slave labor, and herself dependent on and Massachusetts was in conse-

quence much crippled in her Colonial Commerce, and an attempt was made to cut her off also from the
French and Dutch West Indies, to
traded (says Bancrofii) in an bumble peace of Utrecht in 1713.

which she had

In

16\)tj,

the affairs of

the English Plantation

to

were entrusted

permanently

Commissioners,

who

way after the The English manufacturers and merchants united in suppressing her commercial freedom, and her manufactures excepting

formed the Board of Trade, and thereafter Massachusetts was rapidly subjected to the Laws of Trade

of course the freedom which was law, and tbe domestic manufactures the prudence

taken

as against

The Governor, being appointed by the King, was sworn to see those laws obeyed, and amof England.

by and economy and independence of the

persisted in

people.


120
which no gun was to be fired off on board ship after sunset, or on the S ibbatb, under 20> penalty. This may have hud refer euce to false alarms.* By the same law no healthsf were to be drunken, by day or night, on board ships in harbor, under penalty of This law seems to have been the one in 20s.
passed,
Ijy

the rate of the

days of Mass.

Jwages of seamen in the early The rate of wages paid farm

1740, varied

laborers in England from 1625 to

from 6i pence per day (in 1625.) to 10 pence per day in 1740, and did not amount to a shilling or

upwards

until

between
In

1760 and '80.

Coin-

So Ruding calculates
age of Great Britain.
rates of labor in 1630

in his annals of the

force in 1663,

according to Felt's Annals.

to

Massachusetts, the
for various

The laws
stringent.

in regard

runaway

nailors

were

were
;

master

glance at the "Maritime Code''

this.

traders, 16d per day

commcm workmen and

with
6d for meat and

of 1668, will

show

(See Colony Records,

laborers 12d per day,

1668.) Between 1680 and '93 an Act was pass-

drink.

This was soon repealed,

a value
tor

perhaps

aa

ed for the regulation

of

seamen, which was un-

being too high

labor.

In 1633,

repealed in 1737, wherein seamen are exempted

however, master carpenters, sawyers,

masons,

from arrest for debt, while belonging to any ship, and both they and the masters of vessels
are punished,
if

clapboards ryvers, bricklayers, tylars, joyners,

such masters entice them from

wheelewrighte, mowers, &c.,ure not to have above 2s per day, "findeing themselves dyett,"

any ship upon which they have agreed to go a the master by a penalty of 5, and the seamen by a lorfeiture of a month's pay.
voyage

and not above 14d per day

on either
side,

jf

boarded.

Tha

penalty for every day's violation of this order

was

5s.

All inferior

workmen
two other

Seamen
this

deserting were to be imprisoned.

it

Bv

of such occupations were to he paid such wages

as the Constable of

law

appears that a book was sometimes

the place,

and

used by the masters of vessels, as the shipping

paper, and
It

inliabitants ho shall

choose, shall
shall

appoint.
18d, if

was

called

the

"Master's Book."
from arrest,
off

The

best

sort of laborers

have

seems the law exempted sailors

ti)ey

because

were often taken

restraint

from voyages
or -pretence

"bj

arrest or

of debt,

thereof"'

We

find

but

little

information in regard to

same penalty Tlie wagto attach to a violation of the law. es of inferior laborers, were likewise to be referred to the Constable and his chosen two. Master tailors were to have 1 2d, and inferior
without
diet,

and 8d with

the

sort 8d, if dieted.

iee

Colony Records, Oct,

)

*The reason

of this law does not distinctly appear,

is

Term

of Gen'l Court,

1633

By such laws

it

except so far as the Sabbath

concerned.

It cannot

have any reference

that of 1644-3,

to a etate of aflfaira existing, like

when the
It

autboiities had

to

prevent

% It appears from old Letters of Instructions from

ship

the ships of the opposing English factions from fight-

owners, that

may, however, have reference to the excitement and alarm preceding the visit of the Royal Commissioners. fThe law against drinking "healths" may refer to drinking the King\ beakb. The Colonists were then dreading the incroaobments of the King upon their charter and liberties, and may have thus shown They were staunch Republitheir independence. cans, and did not wish perhaps to hear even the
ing in our harbors.

then certain

privileges

seamen on foreign voyages had that is some t^pace allotted

them

in

vessels

fur their

own adventures, perhaps

This custom was somewhat
that Fishermen held

half a ton, less or more.

similar to

the joint

interest

with the owners of the Fi-'hing craft, in the catch of

fish.

We believe

that until within a

few years this

to this

privilege of sailors continued.

privilege, the rate

Perhaps owing

of sailors wages

may

not have

been as high
been.

in old times as it otberwiso to

would hare

name

of the King, always

fearing the loss of their

According

Sam'l Browne's Instructions to

liberties

by aionarcb'cal bands.
sail-

Touzell, 1727,

(Hist. Coll. Essex Institute, 1st vol.,

it

In 1650, (as appears by the Colony Records,)

anteed by their owners.

No. 2d, page 66)

appears that
all

the sailors were to

ors could not be sued for drink'ng debts unless guar-

pay their proportions of

foreign

permissions

to

trade, according to their privileges.


121
would Reem that the wages of labor in Mass. be paid in specie, and the Colonial pound to were generally higher than those paid in the old contain 20 shillings, at 16| cents the shilling. country from 1629 to 1740 though the N, In 1713 we find Capt. Wm. English, in bia . fahilling after 1652, (where this shilling is account, being on a voyage to Connecticut, used as indicating the value of labor.) must credits his owner with payment of several paybe considered as at a discount (when compared ments of monthly wages to seamen. The lowwith tbn then English shilling,) of about 25 est is 2 02s Od; the highest 2 158 Od;
;

per cent.

It

may

be,

however, that

the colo-

while the larger number receive

10s Od.
silver or

nial coin, thougii at this discount,

would buy

Whether

these

sums were paid

is it

in the

more of the products of the field or sea than the English coin (of the same nominal value] in England. The rates of wages paid common
laborers in Mass. can thus be

paper currency of Mass, at that time, does

not appear, nor
the paper
of

much

consequence, as

money

of the

Province was then at

In 1714. according to

reasonably

esti-

a very slight discount.

mated, and perhaps those paid seamen also,

the Portlidge Bill of the sloop Sa'ly, of Salem,

though but
latter

little

evidence in

regard

to the

Peter Henderson, master, the captain

received

seems to remain.

In 1677 (according to an old paper in the

4 lOs per mo., tlie mate 3 men 2 10s each do.; to be

paper currency.
In
receipts of several sailors

5d,

and the two paid perhaps in

Hollingworth family,)
charges

W'm. Hollingworth

Hugh 3

Woodbury
033 Od,
as

*1728, according to the

of the Briganteen
it

wages
this
is

for a
for the

voyage to Virginia.
it

Whether
fur

Edeavor, bound for Bilboa,

shillings

af-pears

that 87

whole voyage (out and return,)

was

their

month's advance pay.

bills,

does not appear, nor whether

the pages of an old

was

total

Whether paid
pear.
fifty

in silver or
it

does not ap-

wages, or simply a balance of account.

From

If

in bills,

must have been at over

the
bills

memorandum book

of Capt.

per cent

loss,

then standing

Samuell IngersoU's, (found among the English

papers.) and under date of 1694:,

in the ratio of
silver,

17 shillings paper to the oz. of

we

learn

that

"slupe [sloop]

(March 19,) wages paid on board the Prudent Marah" [Mary] (bethe

which

latter, in

1710 to 1713, was equal

to only 8 shillings of paper.

The wages

ot those serving

on board of the
(perhaps a
:

longing most probably to Philip English.) were

as follows:

country sloop of Massachusetts,

Saiu'll Ingersoll, Captain 4

;"

lOs
Ss

Revenue Boat.) from 1730

for the captain
;

to
:

1734, were
fur

Od

'"per
:

munth

Will Woods, mate,

;

per

month

the

mate

ard Ingersoll,

Abram Gale, 2 15s Od. do. Rich- 4 per month and three sailors each 3 per 2 05s Od, do. John Rese, or month. As thor^e were very probably picked Rose. 1 05s Od, do the boy. 1 lOs Od. do. men, they commanded a higher rate ot wages This would give the captain $15 per mo., the than ordinary officers or seamen, we may preOd, do.
;

mate $10.84
gersoll

do., Gale $9 17 do., Richard In$7.50 do., Rese or Rose $4 16 do., the boy $5 00 do. This calculation is based upon

sume.

If paid
it

in

paper money,

th^sy

must
1734

have taken

at a great discount,

for in

16 shillings in bills

would not

purchase 5

the value of the Pine Tree shilling,

as assayed

at the U. S. mint, and kindly furnished

us by

* In a deed bearing date of 1728, and kindly loaned

us by Dr.

Matthew A. Stickney,
wages
to shillings

Esq.

We

reduced these

Ben j.

F.

Browne of Salem, one

of the Parties

of the

specie

currency of

(Sam'l Browne)
to

agrees upon a certain contingency

Mass., which, by the U. S. assay, have an in-

pay to his

sister (Alary

King) "Fifty pounds la

about 16| cents. As there is DO evidence that these wages were to be paid
trinsic value ol

good Bills of Credit of the Province, or Silver money

at eighteen sbillicgs per ounce."

but in specie,

we have
31

calculated them as to

We

presume the above must be understood as at

18 shillings of paper currency per oz. of silver.


122

nineteen shillings in

In order to protect herself and commerce, Salem early erected a *Fortre88. Felt says the company (in London) bad ono built equivalent to about 8 shillings in coin. Fish being the great staple of Salem, as of in 1629, and that it was erected on Naugus' This was Darby Fort, and was well the colony, vras of course the early obj^aot Head.
Bbillingfl in

silver,

and from
paper,

1730

to 1734,

were considered

of the care and attention of the legislature.

Laws were
fishermen.

passed protecting

it

as

well as the
to

provided by the company and a cannoneer, ha siys.

ral

witli

large

cannon

In 1G34 the Geneof

The curing

of

it

seems

have be
to

Court grant S.ilem "the use

to

two olde
for

come at

last a. distinct business, left

those

^sakers" landed from the ship Neptune,

called shoremen,

who

received

the fish

on reit.

which they are

provide

carriages.

This

turn of the fishers and cured and dried

Ic

may

be for their fort, or land' service.

pieces'*

one of the " Leather guns'' which our General two Court ordered the "major general" in 1647 to class markets procure from England, which "j/" found good the refuse to the slaves in the West Indies, and and fTofitahle, may gioe light and encourageThe ment for ye procuring or making of rnore.^^ perhaps the poorer classes of Europe. (Cape Sable Tliis well illustrates the prudence of our fafish from Acadia (Nova Scotia)
^

then passed under the review of the cullers, who were sworn officers, certainly after 1700, and was divided into merchantable, middling,

Salem had "divers great

In 1646 mounted, and

one mounted mortar, and perhaps had in 1648

and refuse also scale fish. went to Spanish and the first

The

first

fish)

was

in

great

demand
fish,

in

Bilboa,

Spain,

thers,

who knew
and that

that the Indians dreaded arleather

as being a superior

and was largely ship-

tillery,

guns being very light,

through

ped there. Marblehead sent this description of fish to Spain even after our American RevoIn 1070 the legislature denounce the lution.
use of Tortuga (West India)
salt

the woods, swamps, morasses, and over the rocky hills of a new country with great celerity, and would

could be transported

on account
it

produce amsng the i^rnorunt Indians a panic

to that of regular artillery.
It

of

its

impurity, and

fish

cured by

was made equal

was a
effects

unmerchantable by law. "Winter Island and the adjoining Neck seem

to have been especially

Napoleonic strategy based on the

known

devoted
Island

in

Salem

to

the fisheries

Winter

being in

1695,

apparently for our

*In 1628-9 among the articles to be provided and fort, were 8 pieces of land ord-

head quarters, to judge by How far and old papers. Salem may have been engaged m the whale fishery is dubious. Some of her sons may have gone down to Cape Cod on such an errand, for

and yet

later, the

history, tradition

nance, with 5 mere already provided, namely, two demi culverins, weighing 3000 pounds and three sackers (sacres) weighing 2500 with one whole culiron drakes. verin and two small pieces

to

:j:The

riving

its

the Cape as late as 1714 was so largely visited Falcon kind. It appears by cod and whale fishers, that the General Court cannon. Dampier in his

Saktr (or Sacre) was a piece of ordnance dename from Sacre (French) a hawk of the

have been a peculiar

voyages, 1688, says,

that year

made

all

the

province lands there a

it

guns the long sacre

is

most esteemed."
taken or

"Of To jadge by
war, the

precinct, and the visitors to

(fishermen) sup-

some old accounts of

cies of field artillery.

spoils

lost in

port a settled minister at 60 per annum, by a tax of four pence a week levied on each seaman, to be paid by the master of the boat for
the whole company.

aaker or sacre was often used as field ordnance

a spe-

This was in the days

to be absent

it

The loan of these guns to Salem suggests, though may not refer to, an arming of the sea-ports on
\yy

account of the requisition of the colonial charter

the authorities in England.
in trouble in 1633-4

when no man was permitted

church a month,
tation before the

from

The

infant colt>ny
its

was
ene-

if in health,

without presen-

through the maliee of

Hist.

Grand Jury, and punishment

!

mies in England.
405-6.)

(Bancroft

U.

S. vol.

1 pp.

by

fine of

twenty bbilliDga

12^
of genuine artillery
giiits first,

upon the oatives

real

and sham ones afterwardp.

is

In 1653 Salem

granted out of the nest

Dutch war, whose injustice was generally felt and acknowledged, Massachusetts begins to look after her fortifications, and in 1666 Salem
is

country levy (colony tax)

100 towards
lort

their

ordered, as one of her ports, to erect a

some convenient place upon its harfortiiie^itions. Felt thinks a Tbo menced on Winter Island in 1643 says that bor, as it is too open and exposed. Salem is granted a *'barrell of powder" m 1652 work is to be done under the advice and diand rection of the major general, and Salem is to for saluting ships on necessary occasions that ill 1655 Winter Island is appropriated for have an abatement of the country rate for the the use ot the fort, and that, as thi6 was not purpose. Capt. George Corwin is to improve finished, every man refusing to work there was all means to speedily effect this work, and the The grant of committee of the militia of Salem are desired to be fined three shilUngi a day. 100 to Salem out of the next country levy in to ascist him. felt says that each male above 1653, was perhaps made on account of the pan- 16 was required to labor in his turn at the work under penalty of 3s a day and that in 1667 ic then prevalent, that there was a conspiracy of the Indians throughout the country to cut the great guns are ordered to be carried to the fort with speed. They have heard in Salem off the English, which afterwards proved to be was combattery on

unfounded. Salem at that time had very

ably another fort,
if

prob-^

perhaps of the threatened

fleet

visit

of the Dutch

not t>o, as well as

pali-

which ravaged Virginia.

is to

sades to keep out Indians on the land

if

side, or

In 1673 our lort

be refitted,

and "the So says

not regular forts, yet block-houses.

great artillery" prepared,

'this

and
all

all

be done as

In 1664 the whole colony was in a state of

alarm, not only from
civil

juncture of time requires." This ''juncture" in

causes and

mi^for^

Felt.

probability,

was

tunes, but also from the visitation of comets,

both that year and the year before, which were

the colony.

The

authorities treated

them with in^

wo, and the monitors of a Divine wrath to human guilt. The General Court seemed to share
the panic produced by these mysterious celestial visitants,

regarded as the harbingers of change and

dependent deference, though the people seem to have abominated them. Various stories were set in circu'
latioii

as to their motives in coming to Mass., the

ef-

fect of

and odium upon them and their pretensions, and which the people,
to cast

which was

ricicule

and, being oppressed with

many

perhaps, believed.
ver, justified

Their manner of acting, moreo-

misfortunes, appointed the 22d of

June as a

grave suspicions.
at that

day of humiliation, stating, among other reasons for so doing, that they were'*not unmind-

The authorities

time treated the commis''

sioners boldly as well as wisely, resisting, disputing

ful of the alarum sent from Heaven given us and gaining time by a wearisome correspondence, hoping, perhaps, for a change or revolution in Engby the awful appearance of comets, both this Tbe commissioners were an illegal, unwarland. and the last year, warning us to be watchful ranted body, according to Bancroft. and quickened unto the discharge of the seveThe fleet which bore the commissioners to Boston ral duties incumbent upon us respectively."*had undoubtedly a double duty to perform first, to ^misfortunes, her including ths Acting upon impress the colon'sts with the

and secondly,

to reduce the

power of England, Dutch settlements on the

*ODe of these misfortunes, probably, was the expected

visit

Hudson.
Charter

and troublesome

efforts of the royal

com-

lence from this fleet

The Colonial Authorities expected viothe armed seizure of their

missioners.

They

arrived in July 1664, and by their

and thus were

placed in the

suspense be-

intrigues with disaffected people in the colonies, and

tween Civil injustice on the one hand,

and armed

even with Indians, did what was

in addition to their positive

in

their

power

to

wrong on the other

bumiliatioB."

a misfortune

indeed, and one of

unsettle the authority of the General Court, and that

tbe causes, most probably, of the appointed

" day of

unjust demands upon


124
the fear of

a Dutch

fleet,

as

BngUnd had

de-

ai

monarchy, a modification of Republicanism,

more unjustifi^ihle war but of lower degree, with a king for protector, instead of a civilian. The colonists may have against Holland on the 17th March. 1672. Bad it not been for the great naval engage- been on the alert, with an expectant iaith ia ments near home during this war, and which better days, and our Salem fort may have been
clared a second and
8till

prevented the Dutch

extensively abroad.

from

using their

fleets

repaired anew, and

its

great guns

New England

might, and
visit

anticipation thereof.

mounted in The 11 great guns and

probably would have received a warlike

from De Ruyter, Brankert, or Van Tromp.

In 1682 oar
fortifications

ammunition bought in 1690 by a committee seem to indicate a hope of their future need
for freedom.
fort

are reported bj

In the same year (1690),

is

the

the Gen'l Court to be ''very defective and uneerviceable if occasion should require."'

on Winter Island
in

repaired,

and a

breast-

This

work thrown up
to Felt.

another place, according

King Philip's war. though so deadshows about ly a one for New England generally
that

In 1699 Wint'^r Island fort was ca'lIn 1714

is

ed fort William.

we have

in

Salem a
with a

every eleventh himily having been burned out,

20 gun
ter

and an eleventh part of the militia throughout New England (according to Trumbull) having
been slain in
did not alarm the commercial it, towns much, or the fortifications therein would have been in better repair, especially as Philwar closed practically in 1676. ip's The

which Island fort, and

fort

most probably the Win-

in 17-12 a

new
Felt

fort

platform for 16 guns, which

thinks was

most probably erected on the heights of the

Neck.

The

early currency of Mass.

its

portant matrer in

colony an imcommerce and tradehave conblack

(white,

Gen'l Court, moreover, further order in

1682

seems during

its first

few years to

that the Committees of Militias and Selectmen of Salem with the advice of the Major General,
are empowered to repair their fortifications, or
build a

sisted of English coin,

wampum

and blue), Dutch coin, and Indian corn, wheat, rye, barley and peas, at certain stated rates
per bushel.
still

new

fort or forts,

and

the

said

Comto levy

Live stock, beaver, bullets, (and

also currency.
in

mittees and Selectmen are empowered

later

gunpowder) were
English
coin,

Up

on the town and inhabitants the sum needed This committee seem to have to effect this.

to

1652 taxes were often paid

bullion

such a cur-

rency.

and Spanish

1640 and "52. also some Western Island moand upon good serviceable carriages, and pro- ney (Portuguese?). It seems some of the vide a competent number of good common bas- Spanish coin from the West Indies was of
kets, to be tilled, to secure those

made their report to the Gen'l Court, where upon Salem is ordeied to mount its great guns,

coin seem to have circulated in Mass. between

who

stand by

light weight

Money being

scarce in Mass.

said great guns if occasion requires them to be

used.

the

colony, desiring ana

needing

stan-

dard currency, and that too without calling

The closing reign of Charles 2d exhibited on England for it, in 1652 set up a *mint, and 80 many strides towards absolute power 80 many fears for the safety of Protestant*There eeems to be some division of opinion among ism and involved so many losses ot pow- various writers as to tlie cause of the origin and rea-

er

and
to

privileges to

the colony,

that

the col-

sons for a continuanoe

of the

Mass. Mint.

Ran'

onists

may have
was

felt

themselves

called up-

dolph (who wa8 a l^een investigator, but no friend to

on

prepare for any change.

rising

The Repubwith
resistless

the Colonists,)
eia of her

states

in 1676,

that

Massachusetts

lican spirit

again

struck off ber coin as of 1652, to eouiinemorate the

strength in England, not to clothe itself to

independence

be

the

year in which

she

erected herself into a

Commonwealth

subjected the
the deputies

sure in Republican forms, but in constitutiou-

adjacent Colonies to herself, and called

125
gave liberty
to

Spanish silver to bring

any who had bullion, plate it in, and have it coin

or

17

the

leaser pieces proportional>ly.

The
for

dif-

ference in value between

our coin and that of

the

ed into colonial currency.

the

same

class in

England, was ordered

To judge by

the order of the Gen'l Court in

purpose of retaining our

own money
to

at

1652, the 12d, Gd and as the sterling currency

3d

silver

pieces then

The

difference of

exchange between

home. England

coined were to be of the same alloy

]

(purity^

and the colony soon amounted

against Massachusetts,

25 per cent,
part.

ieces of the

same

cla8>

a quarter

The
as of

in England, but were to

less in value, so that

be about a quarter

coinage of these moneys was continued

the

they should not be ship-

ped out of the country, as the foreign coin was, which had been brought into Massachueetts.

savs)

same dute for many years, (Elutchinson and therefore it is very difficult to tell
This
viras

their real dates.

done
in

perhaps to

Foreign debtors, ot course, wanted to

in

conceal from
fact

the authori'ies

be paid

duce, and

tliis

money, and not the colonial prodrained the color^y of money,

articles.

that

they

(the Colonists)
after year,

England the were iHsuing

finally

their

money year

when repeatedly

though
order to

it

had supplies of other

In

ordered to stop coining.

to be as
cents.

So there got

make

the currency of 1652 the stan-

many

shillings

of the date of 11652

any readers of
the

dard currency,
rent

it was declared to be the curmoney of the colony, and none other was

It will be easy, therefore, for

this article to

reduce for themselves

Colonial

to pass, except English, unless by the consent

pounds and shillings mentioned therein to the modern currency

of those receiving

it.

also
was

to

find the

value of the

old

The current

shilling of

England was

worth

about 22 cents
into her Couocils.

the Coluniai
An

oz. of ailver.

*8hilling about

fit seems, according to a writer in the Mass. Hist.

Coll., that coin

also issued

Eaglish authority states that

the date of 1662.

late writer in the "Hist.

3,

by the State, as of Mag.,

7.

the aet of coina;ce by Mass.

was not very

oflFensive

and Note? and Queries," Vol.

202, discusses the subject of

No.

pages 197 to

to England, and though mentioned as

one ground of

the

Massachusetts Pine

complaint in the action to vacate the Colonial Char

ter,

Tre* money with great acumen,

hi."

and judging from

reasonable,
step

was not by any means the principal coinplaint.

that Charles 2d forbid

remarks, which seem entirely

i.'sue

the

Hutchinson, however, says

original

of that

Massachusetts from coining, and the Colony

Records

dependence, and so

money was a intended. The

towards inorder of

original

show that the commissioners certainly complained of It is reasonably certain that Massachuit in 1665.
was compelled to supply herself with a currency, even if it originated in a spirit of independence, ai'd the cuiupulsion was also spiced with some indesetts

the General Court for coinage, orders sue of coin, (as a sovereign State

simply the is-

Would,) with preis

cautions only against fraud.

It

well

known that

the Colonists desired of Cromwell to beset apart, as

a separate kingdom.

pendence, as she continued to coin as long as sbe

1665 charge this upon tbem, and Randolph

The royal Comsiissioners in in 1676

bad the power, and

in spice of

warnings and threats.

to

(whom

Hiillis calls

a court spy on the Colony,) states

independence.

Her money, however, mainly went

pay the debts of English merchants to satisfy their monopolizing avarice, and even at this day the Pine Tree money

that Massachusetts struck off her coin as of the date of 1652,

as being the
era

of

fier

He

does not mention the coinage of 1662,

age, however, the writer in the Hist.

which coin-

is

said to be

much more

easily obtained, as a curios-

Magazine, and

ity, in Enj;land,

than in Massachusetts.

Notes and Queries, thus attempts

to explain.

*Tnrough the kindness of Matthew A. Stickney,

Esq., whose research into oar Colonial currency
well known, as well as bis splendid collection of ly
is

When

Charles the Ist came

Colonists

in,

censed against the

among
which,

(1660) he was inother things,

ei^r-

on account of the'r coining money.

this,

They, seeing
while author-

New

England and American currencies, we are

mint,

passed an order in 1662,

enabled to state the value of the old Pine Tree Shilling. to

izing the re-issue of coins,

viz., to

As assayed at the U.
ti5

S.

it

was found
lt>|

answer the

purpose of

gave a reason therefor* exchange. This the

weigh from

to 67 grains, proved to be 926 one-

order of 1652 did

der.

noj;,

but was a more imperative or-

tboasaadlhs

fine,

and

its

intrinsic

value about

It therefore

is

most probable that the order of

32

126
as there are relics of the eainld
lic collectiona.

among Catho-

ter pUrt on the was adopted, so that foreign

loss
it

differerjce in

exchange,
should
addition

returns

In order to iseep their coin at home, a quar1662 was intondtid

least, as

not be
to t'is.

made

in Colonial coin,

and

in

to

concilitate Charles

8u far, at

20 shillings of
ers

no person was to take out more than it from the colony, on pain of
in everj

being a defence oi their previous coinaifu.

is

the confiscation of his whole estate, and search-

Moreover, the Pine Tree of this latter coinage

of Boscobel, in

were appointed

luade bushy and broad, to resemble the famous Oak

port of entry, to

which Charles had hid himself from

topped but a year
therein.

see that this

latter

order was obeyed.

gravitated

The

his enemies, and which had been

coin, however,

naturally

towards

or two

before his concealment

These

cir-

Enijland as the centre of trade.

ouuistances

induce the writer above mentioned to

Massachusetts
of coin.
lack,

still

suflFdred

from a scarcity
did

suppose that the coinage of 1662 was only a ruse on

the part of the Colonial authorities
blind Charles.
to
in

The
of

merchants, perhaps,
their coin all the
its

not

conciliate or
to this

and held

The order of 16G2

regard

on account
gave them.
tle

more closely, general scarcity, and the

of

coinage

is

said never to have been printed.

power which the possession

or fish, were by

ready

monej
paid in

Pine Tree Money,

This writer further states that the device on the and Pine viz. the double ring
all

Contracts for money,

corn, cat-

(Cedar) Tree, were taken, in

probability,

from

law

m 1654

to be

the prophet Ezekiel, and signified both

independence

kind or a kindred variety.

er,

and gtowth, and were a declaration of the independence of God's chosen people by the General Court.

howevwas repealed in *1670, and in 1672 our

after

This law,

The Pine Tree was

used, as being the nearest resem-

garded by her enemies as seeking independence

she hud apparently submitted on her coin in
the King, for J. Curwine, in
his letter

blance at hand to the

Scriptural

Cedar.

They (the
call-

1662 to
affairs

General Court) allowed the money to be usually

on

ed Pine Tree money, but

to the initiated,

it

bore a deeper meaning

New
Vol

England,
1,

1603 or

4,

(Coll.

Maine

Hist.

of Soc,

and was the symbol of an indepenabout a hundred years later. It, however, shows what the aspiintentioDS of the colonial authorities ration" and
dence, which, however, came not until

page 301,) says, that at a meeting of the

were at that day.

at the E.xchange, in London, (where Curwine then was) "Mr. Mavericke said before all the company, that New England were all rebels, and he would prove them so, and that he had

New

Englanders

We

of this writer

have given a brief sketch of some of the views whose whole article is well worth at

given in to the Council

so,

<fco."

This was said in

the

the presence of Col. Temple,

who had been endeavColonists,

in the presence

tention from the keen philosophy of

spirit.

its

research and

oring to enlist the

King

in favor of

We make

Ihe

further
told

suggestion that Sir

Charles the 2d that

and, to judge from Curwine's letter,

also of

Thomas Temple, when he

the
flat

and broad Pine Tree on the Colonial currenso,

chusetts in England.
onists thoroughly.

Jeremiah Dummer, then the agent of MassaMavericke understood the Col-

cy was the "Boscobel" Oak, may really have believed

it to

He was
in 1662;

not

deceived
in

by their
continu-

be

for this,

the Colonial
case,

authorities

may

professions, or their

assumed innocency

have

told

him was the

as a
it is

concealing, however

ing their coinage

little

but his wisdom availed

their motives for so doing.

They would hardly have

against the Colonists, for the Power which pro-

trusted

Temple, and

whole

secret,

Royal Governor, with their evident that Temple points to

off to

tected

them was not the King,

but the King of

Kings.

the coin of 1662 as illustrative of the loyalty of the

Colonists,

which coin waa struck

conciliate

Charles, and lull his jealousy to sleep.

It appears

Temple was somewhat used by the Colonial authorities, who were deep and wise enough to eircumvent Macebiarelli himself, though for wiser and betas
if

*The General Court, in order to favor debtors, and perhaps as against foreign creditors, passed a law in 1669, which "shutt up Booke debts" in 3 years that is, outlawed them tffter that period. It

was so strongly remonstrated against, and by native creditors, perhaps, that the time was extended three
years more in 1672.
sufiferings of

ter purposes.

Such laws show,

however, the

In further confirmation of the views of this writer, we may add that it is evident Massachusetts was re-

not keep her own ooia at home, nor the foreign coin

the times.

Mas'achusetts could


127
Geni'ial Court give a CtTlain

value to

loreigo

to
1.

be

'^Corn

remaining

unsold

938-11in certaia

coin, as

compared with

their

own

standard, so
;

Money 1340-10-3."

In 1672 shoes as well

as to increase

their specie

circuiatioD

first

af grain passed in

payment of debts

affixidg a peculiar

When grain, shoes, manufactures, stamp upon khem, to show places. they were of the right alloy and value. In &c., passed as currency, it seems to have been 1680 a free mint was proposed in Massachu- at times, with an abatement (in 1690 a third)
in

eetts one

which no cliarge should be made

It

and

this

shows the

relative value of

money

in

to those sending bullion to be coined.

was

the old currency as a circulating

In 1723 the products of the land

medium.
and the sea,
so

not, however, adopted.

It

seems that at that

little

time Mas^auliusetts was coining but

ey, and

mon-

which had been renewedly current at the treasury for taxes, had
there,

much of

that was circulating in the

ceased

to

be

received

other Colonies.

though again received some years a-terdivided in 1693 into

In 1685 our coin

is

said by the ofBcerdot the

wardsi

English mint

to

be 22^ per cent lighter

Ttiey ask the King,
its

than
if

Our currency was

was grain, pork,
General Court.
or good hard
called; also

that of England.

the

money, pay as money,

ryals. (Spanish coin)

and trusting.

"pay Pay
by

Boston mint
to he

is

continued, to compel

issues

beet, &c., at the prices set

made

of the standard (English) value.

Money was

pieces of eight,

They notice the fact that there was no alteration of date upon the issues of colonial coin
all

Boston or Bay shillings

silver coin ia

money, as sometimes
viz:

appearing as the coinage of 1652

to as to the fact of their

a ruseoi
contio-

wampum,
Pay

Indian beads which

the authorities, perhaps,

blind the llome

still

serves as change.

as

monay

is

provision

Government
uing
to coin
late as

aforesaid, one third ciieaper

bly set
it,

than the Assemfor

money

after the date of 1652.

and

trust,

as

they agree

the

As

1694 corn, wheat, rye, barley,

time."

As an example
:

malt, oats and peas were appointed by General

gives the following

to

of this the author

the buyer cornea

'*

When

Court as currency, and taken at certain prices. Under the reign of Sir Edmund Andros the town of llingham paid her country rate in milkpails. In 1688, January Ist, the
treasury
report
states

ask fur a commodity, sometimes befoie

the

merchant answers that he has it, he says, 'la your pay ready ?' " Perhaps the chap replies
yes.'

chant.
price
in
is

the

treasury

funds

'What do you pay in ?' says the merThe buyer having answered, then tho
set
;

as suppose he wants a 6d knife

;

pay

it is

12d

in

pay as money 8d, and hard

6
i.''

brought into the Colony.

cre'^itors,

It

went to pay foreign

course take

money

its

own value

By

this

it

would appaying

who would only of

money.

pear that purchasers in

those

days,

This drove the Colony into adopting produce a? curMassachusetts was much straitened by this rency.
policy

with produce, paid a third more than even the

legal rate of the currency.

a policy

which was

gratifying

however

to

the English merchants and manufacturers, as it kept the Colony poor, and therefore unable to com
peie with the mother country in commerce or trade.

The Massachusetts mint ceased

its

operations

about 1686 say, and was never permitted again to issue its money Our currency was then in
a very poor state, nor was England herself very

This policy became

to the throne

still

worse in

its evil

fruits after

the loss of the charter, and the accession of William

for

much

better off in this respect.

In 1695
to

the English manufacturers and

England established the Bank of

regulate ber monetary

Jjingland

merchants had then far greater power than before over the Colony in the first place indirectly through
the

aff.iirs, which

before that

new

charter, and

then directly

through

the

had been very distracted at times.

indeed bad, with
his

Cromwell

English laws of trade.

In regard to the causes and currency of Massachusetts,

effects of the depreciated

customary energy, set about a reformation of the English currency,

with a zeal kindred to that with which he had

ee Bancroft's Riat. of U. S., Vol. 3, pp. 103-4.


128
entered into civil reforms, and had

introduced

The old tenor dates from and includes the

emission of

skilful overseer

from France

to

attend to the

9000

in

1737, because the condi-

coinini^ at the English

mint

but from various

tions of that omission

were different from preto be

re-

causes his plans were not altogether successful.

ceding

bills,

inasmuch as they were

was seated on the throne, that the English currency began to be systematized, and a sense of security in moneIn lO'JO the General Court tary aif iirs felt.
it

nor was

until

William

ceived in all

payments

(import and

tonnage
excepted)

dues and Light House incomes only

the object being to supply

the

treasury

with

ordered an emission of

7000

in bills

from

S-^

to 5. partly for the purpose of defence againi^t

money by compelling cash to be paid for these excepted duties. As the old tenor bills by the same law ordering this 9000 new tenhard
or were not to be received
at

the French and Indians, and partly as 'an ad-

the treasury in

owing to the payment of the excepted du'ies, though origiHere commenced the pa- nally issued and ordered to be taken for all 'Bcaroity of money.' per currency of Massachusetts, which was con- tuxes, they fell in value even below the distinued until about 1750. It was issued by the count standard that government appointed for Though the government's standard of Btate, and regulated by law, under the charge them. of a committee.' From this date (1G90) to the new tenor was at one for three of the old
equate measure of commerce'

1740 our currency seems

of
tiie

to

have been a mixture

Pine prov

tenor, they

were really valued as one

in

for

four,

new with

the

old currency, viz.

bills,

and only passed at that.

tree

money, foreign coin, old charter

The emission of paper money

setts
its

Massaohafor

ince bills and province productions.

Gunpow-

sometimes without certain provision for

the

der was one item to b& received at the treasury-

redemption

troops in
coin

the drains upon her her Canada wars the scarcity of

the paper

As Massachusetts was obliged to pay her quota of troops in the Canadian wars, she emitted so much paper money through that
cajse, and her desire to
affi)rd

the

influx of

of neighboring
certain

the new

for

all

taxes exceptins;

treasury

a circulatiny;

dues, the objaor, being t) CDllsot m^ney in the treasu-

medium

lor her trade, that her

paper

money
suffer-

ry to rerleoiu the bills issued by

the government.

The old tenor

bills prior to

1737 were

this respect

depreciated greatly, and caused

much

placed that year on the same footing as the

or of 1737, though originally issued
to be this

new

ten-

ing, as debts were legally paid in the deprecia-

taken in
the mer-

ted currency, instead of silver.

tinental

Like the con-

payment of any and

all

tax'is.

At

money

of the Revolution, only on not

chants bitterly complained, ani with justice.

so fatal a scale, the province bills kept on sinking.

The new tenor

bills of

1757

the

first

were after-

In 1700 the colonial

to

pound

is

said

by

wards called middle

[n 1742, by law,

tenor,

because In 1740 there was

one authority

have been worth $2 96 of our

; ;

$1.48 1734, 91 cents 1738. 78 cents, and depreciated finally to 'old tenor' money, worth only a tenth of the pound sterIn 1700 two shillings in money (coin) was worth three shillings in pay (produce) The paper money of Massachusetts was divided after 1737 into *01d and *New Tenor.
ling.
.

money in 1727,

now tonor bills, 4 old tenor, or 20s 81 middle tenor was equal to 20s, and so pro rata of the last form and tenor (the is.sue of 1740, we presume.) In 1740 5 4 Massachusetts paper currency were only equivalent to one pound sterling of England. The condition of things then was, as a consequence, "an empa fresh issue of old tenor as well as
ty tr>.'asury,

a defonoeless

ountry, and embarrassed

trade."

This continued until coin was introduced in-

to Massaohu.-'etts

more abundantly, and a

In
to

stricter at-

tention also pai d to the public credit.

1750, the

*rhe names Old Tenor and New Teno' were not

given with referenca to their dates but the conditions
contained in them.

i)ld
:is

piper curr ency seems

well as nu!nerou3

have been swept away, schemes also for swindling the

irresponsible issues of paper

The

old tenor

bills

were origiall

public by fraudulent or

nally intended to be received la payment of

taxes

money.

129
colonies

some of

it

private and entirely

to

irre-

85on8 of Massachusetts from 1702

said to have

to

1740 are

sponsible

all

served to add

the

monetary

contusion in Massiichuseits.
taxes vrere permuted
flax
to

In 1735 colonial

of taxes,

amounted to 1,132,500 on funds and 310.000 on loans, and that

still

be paid in

*hemp,

230.000 were
g;rievance8

out^tandlns: in 1740.
in

and bar

iron.

The emissiooB and re-emis-

of this period
various

The commprce and

remedying

trade

the

echemee

for

*In a note to page 72. No. 2, Vol. 1, of this mag azine, it was stated that Hemp and Flax were native
products of Massachusetts, and this
to inter that the

these evils

the

frauds, hardships, distresses of

such a state of things, are minutely detailed

in Felt's

may

induce some
in

Hemp

and Flax cultivated

Mas-

account of the Massachusetts currency

sachusetts were the

natural products

of that name.

The present mention

of these articles enables us :o

correct such inferences, as also a mistake

concerning

Flax, which does not, on closer examination, appear

to have been a

work of much original research, and which we have freely used in this rough sketch of our old currency, and have also consulted the Colony Rec. & Laws to some extent,
ilammatt's account of the revenues of the
Ipswich

native product of the State, though

Hemp, which the Legislature in 1641 describe as "growing all over the Country," and which they require masters to instruct their children and servants to work on. The subjoined valuable note from Prof. John Lewis Russell, throws much light upon these topics, as well as
plant called

there was a native

Grammar

School (5 vol. N.

E.

Hist.

&

Gen. Register,)

Humphrey's Coin

Collec-

tor's

Manual, one or two Encyclopedias, and

various valuable English and American works

in

the possession of Matthew

Stickney.Esq.,
ia

on the subjects mentione'd

of the same No.
note,
first

in the

various notes on

of Silem, whose information in this matter

pages VI and 72, and the concluding note on page 76

widely known, and whose kindness to

are very hajipy to acknowledge.

us

we

We

stating that

are happy to give the whole we have corrected the error

In the days when our

Fathers began their

concerning the Flax, to which our attention was early called by the Professor.

On asking him

his opin-

commercial career in this

New

World,
like

the
its

ion on

all

these topics, he kindly gent us the

follow-

geographical knowledge of the age,

srit'ntific,

ing note:
22 Lafayette Street, Aug. 15, 1S59.

Mr. Chever. What I deemed an error was in calling flax and hemp "tintive product; of New Eng land," and in jour sayiug in note "hemp grevi wild
in Mass;ichusftts.'' I cannot conjectum what "flax" could have been at so early a permd as 1029. It could scarcely have been raised as a field crop, at l^ast sufficieiit tor export. "VIax." { Linutn usitatissimum) is an European plant, and we have no "native" spe<5ies fit for flax thread. Some of our species of Asclepias or milk-

was not free from various errors and absurdities. Not a little that went forth, from grave authorities on geography and science, was based on fancy, rather than fact. Philosophy, at that period, was not altogether free from the astrology and alchemy of the middle
ages
;

and some of their quaint terms yet

lin-

gered, like the shades of departing Night,

in

the vales and sequestered haunts of contemplative Science.

weeds, have tough, soft

fibres,

and

7/i(iy

have been

called flax on that account.

The hemp now cultivated for cordage Ac, is of Asiatic origin. It is the Cannabis sativa We have however, another quite different plant in Apocynum cannabinum, whicli affords a very tough fibre, and probably was the Indian hemp (so called now,) from which the "Indians made fishing lines,'' aocordinjr to Lewis. And perhaps the same plant was then both the "flax and hemp," after all. In regard to Yucca filamentosa being the silk grass, 1 merely wished to state, that the name silkgrasx is< applied to the Yucca by Elliott in his Sketch of the Botany of South Carolina and Georgia; but the Yucca is a Southern and Western plant, growing no nearer New England than Kentucky at the lea-^i. "Jamaica Sarsaparilla" is the veritable root of medicine, and is identical with that from the Span-

even by the savans, that the magnet held

its

was then commonly believed "ia dusky entrails'* an attractive power, by

It

Main. It is a Smilax, such as is found only in tropical regions. have in Aralia medicinalis of our Woods the New England .Sarsaparilla, considered by native simplers an>l root-doctors as valuable, but really of very little efiicacy; its long, fibrous roots
i.'h

We

possess a very pleasant flavor, but that is all; though Dr. Darlington says of both kinds that hey are "innocrnt medicines, provided the di.ease be not serious." {Flora Ceatrica, 2d Ed., p. 109.) Tne European practitioners attribute much virtue to the products of the true sorts, notwithstanding. Yours, 4o. L. KU3SELL.

JOUN

33

130
whicii the veins of all kinds of mines

(saving

t'were)

a grateful
for their

was still regarded as a "mirror of Philosophy," and it

It

perhaps iron) could be traced.

yt&a a general belief

Landlord

According
commodities

to

Acknowledgment to the Summer's Lodging.'' the same authority, one of the

among

the unlearned that

exported from

New
to

Jersey,

is

to rub
its

it

vfith

onion or garlic

would destroy
fantasies

"Monkey-skins,'' and from Carolina, "Leopard-skins," though in justice

efBciency.

These and kindred

Gordon, we

befogged the visions ot men,

ing the
sipated, until

who were

explor-

cannot believe that he actually meant the skins

of animals exactly similar to those of the

unknown in space, nor were men began to observe

they disthe facts

same

name found

in the

East Indies.
to be

of nature and science, and deduce theories from

facts

California, he
fact settled by

makes out
late

an island, a

not facts from theories.

discoveries.

As he

evi-

In Geography, even as late as 1719, amusing

dently has in his vision the Gulf of California

as a Sound, his error
is

and strange were the errors gravely promulgated in learned works and treatises. We have before us a work called "Geography Anatomis'd or, The Geographical Grammar being a Short and Exact Analysis of the whole Body "By Pat Gordon, of modern Geography ,&c."
;

not so important.

In

describing Florida, however, he takes a tale of

horror from Purchas,

tree as

who

describes a

certain

growing
it,

in that

country about the size

of an ordinary apple tree,

with so

strong a
its

poison in

"that

if

few handfulls of

M. A.
in

F. R. S.''

In this

treatise,

published

leaves are bruised

and thrown into a large

London, 1719, and which was "The Eighth

and somewhat enlarged,'' Gordon gravely tells us (when speaking of the rarities of Newfoundland.) that upon the Bank of that name, "So thick do these Fishes {Cod and Poor 7oArt)f' sometimes swarm upon this Bank, that they retard the Passage of ships Speaking of the rariBailing over the same." ties of New England, (which he gets perhaps from Josselyn) he thus discourses "of many rare Birds in New England, the most remarkand that called the able are the Troculus,
edition, corrected,

pond of standing-water, all sorts of Beasts that happen to come and drink thereof, do suddenly swell and burst asunder." Marvellous as this story is, he tells one far more marvellous concerning the

Desert

of

Punas

in

Peru, and as
ty of

it

would appear on the authori-

one J. Acosta,

who wrote a work on

of the Indies.

the

natural and moral

Gordon

"Many

llistoi-y

Says
to

Travellers

endeavoring

pass over the Dasart of Punas, have been

be;

numb'd on a sudden, and fall'n down dead which makes that way wholly neglected of
late.''

Humming

Bird.

The former of
:

these
is

(being

in

CAi/e, he speaks of

another "Rari-

about the bigness of a swallow)

for three things

observable

First,

Having very short

with sharp-pointed
sticks
fast

ty" called, in Peruvian dialect, Cunter, (Condor) a "very remarkable bird," "of a prodigious
only
size,

Legs, and hardly able to support himself, Nature hath

and extremely ravenous.

but
is

provided him

quently sets upon a sheep or calf"

kills,

"and

He

fre-

not

Feathers in his wings:

by darting of which

also able to eat

up one of 'em
to

into the wall of a house, he

rests securely.

and
his

entirely.

Two

of 'em will dare

assault a

Secondly, the

manner of

Cow

or Bull,

and usually master them.

The

nest,

which he useth to build (as swallows) in the Tops of Chimneys, but of such a Fashion, that it hangs down about a yard long. Lastly, Such Birds are remarkable for their Cere-

Inhabitants of this country are not free from

such attempts

but Nature hath so ordered,

is

that this destructive creature

very rare, the

whole Country affording only a very small

mony
that

at departing;

it

being always observed,

number, otherwise not

to be

inhabited."

This

when they remove, they never fail to marvellous story he gets too from Acosta. leave one of their Young behind in the Room In Gordon's descriptions of the West Indies, where they have nested, making thereby (as and adjoining Terra Firma, are some rare sto-


131
ties,

but time

will not
will

peruit us to dwell
of (Dutch)
certain
lit-

upon them.
wonderful
fish

We

mention only that truly

found

in thb rivers

Guiiina, which be
tle fish

describes aa

"a

about the bignesa of a smelt, and remarkable for having four eyes, two on each
above the other
;

Bide, one

and

in

swimming
won-

and became perchance to theaa imaginative voyagers the veritable mermaid of old. who, half filth and half Woman, disported in the depths of the seaj and combed her yellow locks on the scattered rocks amid thd foaming and ever restless sea and who, like!
seas, and, in the simplicity

by these lonely

purity of nature,

'tis oljserved to

keep the uppermost two above,

the syren of eld,

tal

was of Wondrous and yet

fa-

and the other two under water.''

derful stories greeted our Fathers
late as 1719, in a

Such

beauty, and like that charmer,

too, lured

in print as the mariner, who was beguiled by her, to a work published by a learned certain though pleasing destruction. man, not desirous of deceiving, and who dediThose mariners, too, had seen perhaps thd cated his work to no less a functionary than veritable Merman, who was so accustomed tot sun himself on Diamond Ruck, off the coast of Thomas, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.

And
the

if

such stories as these were

believed

by

Martinico, and had been

that he had actually been

approached so near;
heard to

learned

what

imaginations,

fantasies,

blow bis

and exaggerations may not have haunted the minds of the more ignorant mariners, who, with a bold timidity, explored the shores and islands of a new world then actual' ly teeming with novelties, and yet still more abounding with imaginative mysteries? There remain unfortunately too few accounts of the voyages of our earliest commercial fathWhat they saw, what they heard, mainly ers.
credulities

nose

Mermen and
in

Mermaids

had

been

Europe and off the coast of Madagascar, and their existence and identity had
caught
been solemnly established by credible witness*
es

and why should not our fathers have seen them among the beautiful Isles of the West
;

Indian Archipelago?

Were they not

fitting

haunts fur the men and

women

of the sea?

They faw,
azure,

too, perhaps, the troubled ghosts of

died with them, or were left to papers

ditions,

or tra-

which are now mostly extinct.

We

can believe that they too shared the errors that

then existed, and were haunted, too, by those
mysteries which brooded over

the new world, The fertility, the fear, that mysterious ship, seen in so many luxury, the beauty of the more southern shores oceans, and by so many generations of mariwrapt in perpetual flames a burning of North America, and particularly of those ners, Florida yet phantom ship and wondered why, for islands which lie scattered between and the northern shore of South America, what cause, that craft should drive before ev-

who in those seas, so soft and so had perished by the piratical Buccaneer, and so haunted the sea and shore which their life blood had dyed. They had seed, too, perchance, and with the horrid chill of
the mariners,

then so lately discovered.

were then almost in their original freshness and virgin prime. The mariner, wandering
along the southern shores of the continent, or

ery wind in every sea, given over to the unen-'

durable yet eternal agony of

ful

fire.

What aw-

through the charming maze of those tropical

isles,

crime had been committed upon her decks, or by the lost mariners who sailed within her,
that nevermore shou'd she
seek a haven

anil scented

saw strange sights by the lonely shores, strange and yet fragrant odors
the
forests

or a

harbor

but,

lit

up by

fires

kindled

not by
blazing

gently wafted from out

oppressed

earthly bands, and not

of earthly

kind, she

with perfume

the

invisible essence

and

spirit

should drive forth upon

the sea,

now

ol the flowers,

gently forced by the almost as

gentle wind to

come

forth,

and

tell

the mod-

est tale of their

fragrant wor^h.

Some

fair

dim and lurid amid the storm and the darkness, and now, as in a sheeted auroral flame under the light of the wan and ghastly moon ?

native, bathing

by some lonely cave or rock

No human

being could board her

decks

no

132
Iinman hands relieve
were,
tlie

pouls, if

who

sailed in that ship of fire.

from
world

the world be]o\y,

as

aught there at timss lireatho tales of terror and mystery Cut off t) the keen and watchful ear ? Some of these mariners of Now England, in from the heaven
on

above, they were to drift

itself

drift

until

the

their adventurous search

may

have traded too

the

should roar and melt

in final flame.

with those outlaws of mankind,

Bucca-

Was
n
)t

this sliip

an imagination
spirit

looming
spectral

up,

neers, perhaps ventured into their very dens, at

on the horizon of the visible sense, but on

tlie invitiible

Tortuga and

St.

that of

a
man

shape

them rare
galleons.

stories of the

Domingo, and heard from Spanish Miin, or desSpanish

projected forth and painted on the

tion bv the creative fear of

imagina-

perate adventure against the wealthy

They may have eaten with them verity, floating as a solemn and awful warning their roasted ox, the peculiar cooking of which over the sea of time, with its flaming doom of is said to have given them their name, and Ttiey saw guilt, to awe into virtue each sinning, sea-far- then departed in friendly peace. ing soul ? On the broad and all but illimita- too porliaps the fast fiding remnants of the ble ocean, crime had a fearful power and lim- inoffensive Indians of Cuba, or the savage and itless sway. The deeds of darkness, and wick- cannibal Carrib of the Leeward Group. Whereedness, and blood, which could be done on the ever they travelled or gazed among desolate ever silent and solitary sea seen by no eye keys, or cloudy green isles, they saw many save that of Omniscience heard by no ear save strange verities, and perhaps yet more strange

or a spiritual

that

of Oninijresence under no judge save

creations of the plotting brain,

all

magnified

the Omnipotent,

and of marvellous guise as seen through the only receive their punishment at the hands of half luminous ignorance of the age.
say,

these deeds,

we

could

God himself

the

Great InvisiMe, and these

free of

crimes, so vast, so solitary, so

human
tor-

ol

Those adventurous yet simple mariners of had some f'aitlis and also some credulities,
i

jurisdiction and control, could alone be reach

and the

latter took a sea-turn,

ami made them

of land
ones.

ed by spiritual means, and

by spiritual

sea-bigots,

at times,

instead

ments
eea, in

and hence the great criminals of the Those, too, who, in those days, innovated upon the belief of the seamen of all ages, are the beliefs of the sea, fared but little better
than those
the land.

to expiate their crimes on the spot of their ori

gin, by those torments which

who

assailed the ancient

beliefs

of

alone can reach

them, and
lessly

in the terrible isolation

and

loneli-

He, who scouted the existence ot the Flying Dutchman, was akin to him who
disbelieved the

ness of the wastes of ocean,

cut

ofi^

too hope-

Flying

Witches, broomsticks

mysteries as had the and the Phantom Ship filled with its ly even in the brightest sunshine, and desolate awful shadows the spiritual forms of those and awful indeed when the terror of the storm dospiiring and lost mariners, bound like the and night is upon it. sea everywhere and yet nowhere, in an eternal What more terrible fate indeed could be unquiet and restlessness for their sins and crimes given the wicked, who have roamed over it, that ship those forms were as real, as visiand how awful the real or fancied sight of ble, as those unearthly and mysterious visitants so fitting too with the who tormented our fathers, with every spirittheir tormunts upon it time and the place the realities and the mys- ual and temp-)ral tormnnt. in the awful days of teries of the lonely and mysterious sea whicii 1092. It took, indeed, a more fatal turn upon
ail.
its

from

all

human sympathy, with no com

and

The

sea had

panionship but the dreary unsocial sea, lone-

land,

has bidden

in the

impenetrable reserve of

its

depths those tales

to which
and

the creations

of

fancy are but as the merest imaginations

side eternal verities

be-

the land, for the living had to bear the odium and hatred of the Demoniac sin and shame i>ut it was the same belief under a different

whose very

winds

form, passing, however, upon land into a

ter^


133
upon the living. Still the land was akin to that very belief of the sea, which saw at times in horror, and" with every particular hair on end, that Phantom Ship
rible revenge
it,

and which have stained the

waves.
These, and kindred mysteries

salt purity

of

belief

its

of the sea,

were in

full force in
life

the early day, and tinged

spectral

and shadowy

that seemed

indeed to

the mariner's
real

with their sombre, yet unthey

linger

Lave been
^

romance.

Indeed,

yet

for

"Built in the Eclipse and rigged with curses dark,"

the unrealities of time are the

and which, perhaps ominous of evil, could be 83en at times sailing in the dim twilight to-

enduring, whether

most real and they be for good or evil.

What

the spiritual in

man (whether
can
see, is in

that spir-

wards the midst of the lowering tempest clouds, or passing in and after the sunken moon dangerous proximity, and unearthly speed, and
;

ituality be

good or

evil)

no man's
the great
tell ?
;

province to say.

What may
evil alike see
is

be

mysteries around us.

who, indeed, can

under a press of canvass even before the ver^

strength and fury of the gale, while from

The good and the

the invisible

her

the good, that which

good, tho' heavenly and

in merci-

deck peered out those

faces,

which once seen,

unseen, and the evil, the spectral and unearthly,

could never be forgotten.

though shrouded from other eyes

darkness.

was not often that the mysteries of the sea clothed themselves in pleasing and mirth provoking merry forms. Even the pleasing Mermaid lured to destruction. The mariner, who became fatally beguiled by her beauty, jumpIt

ful

The

excited,

the

morbid, the
events,

fearful vision of
it

man

sees, at all

what

creates,

realities

and may see even those which are but too real.

terrible un-

Fear sees

strange sights and hears strange sounds.

ed into the sea, not to be received into her

does

arms, but

to sink into

the dark

depths,

lost,

forever lost,
folly

without even the reward of his

So So indeed and so does faith. does credulity, into which fear enters with large license, and both fear and faith see with
despair,
telescopic vision, resolving the
far
off

and crime.

The

sea

so solemn,
full

so vast,

nebula

80 sad, so treacherous in calms, so fearful

destructive in storms, so

and of dangers and

of mystery into the

reality.

distinctness of shape

and

deceits, so suggestive of the infinite, the lonely,

But those mariners of old saw

the rajsteries which

too
sea,

not alone

desolate, grand

and sublime-gave birth mainits

haunt the

but the

ly to imaginations kindred to

own

solitary

beautiful and sensuous realities of tropic lands.

sublimity

and hence the

visions,

the tales

Trading, as was their wont, amid the West Indian Archipelago,

clustf^rs

the mysteries of the sea were often

in the drapery of gloom

shrouded
is

with

its

various

star-like

were

sad as
is

the

of islands, floating on the almost ethe-

wail of the tempest,

mysterious as

the vast

rial

azure of that sea, and clad with eternal

heaving ocean
license,

itself

suggestive
for

of the wild

green, with flowering vines of exquisite beauty,

untamable power,

fierce passions,

and

remorseless deeds

of the sea around

which

even upon their very brinks; and cedars, and

knew no compassion

human

misfortunes,

and under all moods and at all times was deaf, and blind, and reckless, and merciless as Fate. So the imaginations of the sea became earnest, and serious, and sad, as if reflected from the great verity itself, whose waters washed the shores of all climes, and with equal indifference to all, and kept in its dark bosom the crimes of all the people, which, from the birth of man, have been by or upon

and graceful palms waving far above, and bright hued birds flitting from bough to bough, in colors no art could equal or imitate
lofty

those mariners of old

child'like

saw

these with

almost a

wonder, and in vivid contrast with the sober sternness and temperate hues of the
clime.

northern
the
lime,

The lands
pomegranate,
zapote,
citron,

of

the orange,
the

the

papaya,
the
the

the
pine

mamey,
apple,
lay

the

the
the

mango,
banana,

the
before

p^-tree,

^hem.

The cedar, the

34


134
calihfish, the manchineel, and cabwaved over them. The giant mahogany, the lignum vitae, the iron wood, stood in almost imperishable strtngth, and

palm, the
tree,

The

floor is of sand, like the

mountain

drift,

bage

towered
Quiehra

in

the tropical airs.

The gigantic
and

Hacha,

with

its

ambitious

giant parasite, the Bejuco,

Tines, the
l()ftj

cotton tree,

Anaconda of with its enormous

that

shaft, covered with vinos,

nies of birds, insects,

and filled with colothe odorifand animals

erous

gum

trees

and shrubs, the splendid. va-

the pearl shells spangle tiio fliuly snow; coral rocks the sea-plants lilt Their buughs where the tides and billows flow; The water i.s calm and still below, For the winds and waves are absent there. And the sands are bi iglit as the stars ',hat glow In the motionless fields ot upper air; There with its waving blade of green, The sea-flag streams through ihe silent water, And the crimson leaf of the dulse is seen To blush like a banner bitbed in slaughter; There with a light and easy motion The Fan-Coral sweeps through the clear, deep sea, And the scarlet and crimson tutts of ocean Are bending like corn on tbe upland lea!"

And

From

rieties
all the

of parasites, the flowering vines, rich in

colors of the tropics,

these met
as they

their

The land,
alligator,

too,

had
the

its

sights.

The grim
the

eyes and excited

the

their curiosity

have
beautiful

scarlet flamingo,

host of

those 01 the generations since.

vraters played the

Beneath the
snappers, gray

parrots,

glittering

humming

parrot

bird, the brilliant yet changeal)lo

fish,

cavallos, tertunes, crawfish

and
to

above them the turtle, dear

luxury.

and appetite and

mullet,

the nimble

gobemouche, monkey, with numberless troops

bright
colored
serpents,

of brilliant birds,
beautiful sea

By

the reefs they

saw those plantafilled

and land crabs,

and strange

tions and fields of the

coral,

with

the

living plants and

flowers of the

sea yellow,

quadrupeds, met there their eyes, as they may have ours, only perchance as greater wonders.

and crimson, and scarlet and purple among whose bending boughs and sea-lifted leaves,
green, and red, and grey
fish

were darting, and

where
"The purple mullet and gold fish rove." fathers saw, as we see, the *poetry of the sea in these gardens of the deep for the sea hath its gardens, as hath the land and

They had felt the fury of the tropical hurricanes, and revelled in the glory of the tropical summer. Wafted in and througli these genthey, too, saw and lelt the tie summer seas,
surpassing beauty of the tropic
the
il

nights,

when

Our

and though she be absent, yet the Milky Way, or Venus, in all her glory, sheds a kindred lustre, unknown in
is

moon

as a silver sun,

many a New England home

could show boughs

and branches of coral, plucked from the wide, beautiful and abundant gardens of the deep, which at night flitted over the savannahs and suggestive, even in their silent and frag- los, isles, and which good honest these of Gordon mentary fate, of the beauties, the wonders, the With them, too, came speaks of ag giving ''a mighty lustre in the mysteries of the sea. strange tales of mermen and mermaids disport- night-time while they fly."' They had visited old Port Royal, Jamaica, and seen its unriing in those gardens; valled luxury and crime, and some of them "Where the sea-6ower spreads its leaves of blue,
Far down
*

They, too, wondered at those Cantharides or the Cayouyous (Flies) and CuculNorthern
skies.

brilliant meteors of the air, the liglitning

That never are wet with tbe falling dew, But iu biighi and changeful beauty shine, in the green and glassy brine.

perchance were there at

that city by the sea, which

its

fearful

doom

The Salem mariners bad a prose and

practical, a?

haunt of the Buccaneer, and every unlawful, unhallowed trader, and which, as in an instant, was
tbe

was

vrell as poetical side to their

character, since, in the

swallowed up forever in tbe angry waves and

over whose very houses and
streets

earlier days of tbeir comnaerce, they brought

Coral

the mari-

from the West Indies both as ballast, and to burn for lime then much needed and only obtained from

ner

now

floats into

modern Kingston.

Some

burning sea-shells found on our coasts

before

of them, too,

may

have found in these lands, so

lime-

stone had been disoovered ia these parts.

luxuriant, yet at times bo deadly, their lust

135
rest,

smitten

b)'

the pestilence, which walketh

at

in diirkness

and waateth

nuon day

through

imperfect oooks, methods and tables then extant, or by charts marked with the variations

these heautiful isles, tlioujjh they be fanofd by

airs of batio,

of the needle
unreliable.

all imperfect,

and practicably

thuugh fragrant with orange and citron blooms, and shaded with the soli sway-

The

loss

of Sir Cloude.sly Shovel

and

his fleet,

through ignorance of the true

ing pilm into luxurious quiet and repose.

longitude, roused the Engli.-h government to

to

And
li^lhts,

these scijnes.

be known,

with

which
their

must be seen
indescribable
to

attempt

to

improve and perfect navigation by

sea,

all

de

the discovery of some reliable method of deter-

were doubtless doubly delicious

alter having traversed the
t-peed,

our

mining longitude at

and
its

in

1714 a reward

fathers,

sea, not as

of 20,000 was offered for

with our certainty and

but with

many

determination within 30 miles 15,000 for 40 and

certain

an imperfect rule and chart, and under risks, Well contentwhicli will never more be run. ed, perhaps, to be not more than a hundred
miles out of their
true longitude,

10,000

for 60

miLs the government being

even for
its

willing to offer a partial reward

and not

al-

determination within 80 geographical miles of dangerous coasts. It was not until 1764 and

ways exact in their latitude, they must have 1774 that Harrison convinced the English government that his chronometer watch was a rerefelt, when the harbor was won, a sense of liable time keeper, though in 1761 it had only lief, more keen perhaps than the modern marian error of 28 miles in a voyage to Jamade ner is ever wont to feel. Iiot alone for them had and back to England. It was not until maica the sea its ordinary dangers, but the licensie of
the sea was greater then

than now, and the

the close of the last century, to judge hy nau-

tical works, that the discovery of longitude by Pirates under the guise of law were then far more to be dieaded than the open defiant out- lunar observations al*o became of practical law of more modern days. Oppressed with ig- use. An old sea captain, now in his 90th year, and who commenced his sea life in 1788, innorance, beset with dangers, and in craft that would now be scouted irom our commer- forms us that longitude was obtained by our New England craft from then, up to the time cial enterprise, they still ploughed the ocean Dr. Bowditch introduced the lunar method, keels, and with adventurous have left us many

a brave example of what the mind

may

plan

and the heart may dare in the pursuit of honest gain. Honor to them is honor to all the
brave commercial spirits whether of the Past
or Present, and even a welcome and encourage-

(about 1800) by dead reckoning that is the measured run of the ship and mistakes of
;

half a degree,

or a

whole degree, and even

ment

to those

of the Future.
in closing this gene-

No certainty within a hundred miles could be obtained on long voyages. The chronometer, he informs us is comparmore, were common.
atively

We ought not to omit,

ral sketch of the

a modern instrument, so

far as a prac-

to 1740,

commerce of Salem from 1626 some more particular notice of the dangers and difficulties which were attendant

*As a specimen
of Sellers'

of the

old works of navigation,

there can be found in the Essex

on our early navigation. These we gather 1676. mainly from old nautical works. When our fa- was first the property of Philip English, and then thers ran their little sloops, ketches and brig- was used successively by his suns William and John. antinea (of from 20 to 40 or 60 tons burthen) In it can be found descriptions for the use of and di
to England, Euiope and the

Institute a volume (John) Practical Navigation, printed in Seller was Hjdrographer to the King. This

compute their longitude by the run of Quadrant Plough Nocturnal, &o and worth the passing attention of the modern the ship or by lunar observations with the

West

Indies, they

agrams of the ancient Meridian Compass Fore

,

Staff

had

to

it

ia

well

navigator,

80

much more blessed by

later

and superior means of

navigation.

136
tical use of it ia

in general

use

concerned not having been more than these last thirty

rates

and freebooters on the ocean, and even

or forty years.

The

dang^rs attendant

up

)n

under command and submit to the laws and harbor

rules of the Colony,

approaching coasts were thus vastly greater

old times than now,

in

and prohibits her,

her goods or

when any

error in longi-

her company
ports

from coming into nur jurisdiction, or

tude would not ordinarily excei-d probably ten

miles.

He

informs us that a schooner he

sail-

upon penalty of being seized, secured, &o. piracy and mutiny were especially denounced by General Court, and made punishable by
In 1673

from Bilboa to Marblehead, and death. To jud/e by this order of the Court, piracy when near Marblehead, was only saved by one and mutiny were not unfrequent in our harbors and of the crew first seeing the rock named Satan, seas the mutineers appealing to have risen upon
ed in (1788)
close to the bows, (there being a
t'le

snow storm
for

at

their officers

and seized the vessels fur the sake of

time) and shouting out

that fact lustily

the

the plunder merely!

to the crew.
first

The captain was thus

In 1696 our General Court passed a law against

pirates and privateers, slating in the

time aware of his true longitude on the

!

Preamble that
privateers

many

persons had obiained

licenses as

coast

Our

and that for the purpose of becoming pirates and

fathers used for obtaining their latitude
preying on foreign friendly vessels.
Itecurdes for Masters,
<fco.,"

the instruments

known

as the cross-staff,
latter the best

and

Davis's Quadrant

the

instru-

past, kindly pointed out to

"The Booke of a valuable record of the us by Ira J. Patch, Esq.,

files,)

ment then extant, and yet not reliable itself when there was much motion to the vessel

(and found by him

1st vol.

in our

Essex County Court

the affidavits

pajje

73,

contains

of Capt.
of Ship

In 1731 Hadley brings forward a very superior Quairant (which was, however, invontjd
before

llabbakuk Gardner, of Salem, commander

wherein they state that on a voyage
tlie

Friendship, and Joseph Browne, one of the mariners,

to Antegua and March 1707-8 in

him both by

Sir Isaac

Nowton and Godthis

Leeward
17

Islands, on

the

13

frey of Philadelphia,) but

improvement

latt.

10

North,

a French Privateer captured

probably did not come into general use before 1750, if even as early as that. Take into the
account, niDreover,
charts in the early

them

and carried them into Martinico

loss.

ship
sailed

and

cargo a total

the absence of

correct

In the same vol. Capt. John Shattock enters his

protest against capture by Piiates.

day, the

presence of *pi-

He

from
in or

Jamaica
*

for

New

England, and on Oct.

3,

1719

From

the settlement of the country to 1724 oerto

about

latt.

23 20

N. and in sight of Bohemia,

ta'tily,

our early commerce was subject

in the

oiherwisB
piracy.
ot

Ljng

Ishind,

was captured by a "Pyrat"

Tiie Algerine

and Tunisian pirates troubled

cpur

com-

12 guns and 120 men, under the

command

of Capt.

merce

Eiglish channel for several

Charles Vain,
yeart', be-

who took him

to

Crooked Island (Ba<

ginning from 1640,

As

haiuas) plundered him of various ar' ides

the brig tor what articles they wanted
of his men, and finally
er,
let.

early as 1632 English pirates

oame upon our

coast.

French privateers or pirates

1645, onv^ards.

stripping abused some

needed

gwe

us

trouble

occasionally, from

him

go.

Coming, howevIndies,

The Indians

to the

southward, and northward espec-

on a winter's coast

his

vessel stripped of

ially, gave us trouble until 1724, and even afterwards. French and Spanish vessels being or assuming to be

sails

he was blown off to

the West

and did

not arrive in Salem until the next Spring.

privateers troubled our

commerce from 1687

to 1725,

As

late as 1724 the Boston Gazette contains

off

an

ac-

and drove some of our vessels ashore. From 1084 to 1725, particularly from 1684 to 1700, our commerce was preyed upon by n>:lish pirates, and that In 1722 our Salem Fort too near our very shores. maintained a watch on account of a rumor of pirates
being near the coast.
publish in

count of the capture of a sloop

pirates,

Cape

Ann by two

(Nut

and

Phillips)

Andrew

Harrad'ine and crew

vessel.

the

and her capture by captured master

and crew of the

Harradine and his crew rose

In 1670 the General

Court

upon their captors, killed l\ut, his comrade, and the other officers, and brought the pirate crew into Boston,

Boston

by beat of drum (27th May) a

proclamation against a ship at the Isle of Shoals, suspeoted of being a pirate, which ship dues oot

oners.

and surrendered them to the authorities as prisIn the West Indies, the Spanish, and on the

come

coast of

New

Foundlaud the French prifateers, were

137
very near

home

the

want of

liglit-houses,

(Boston light-hou'e being

late as 1716,

first lit

up only

as

merce of Salem

Here ends our general sketch of the comu.p to 1740 an imperfect one

are aware, but still of some use perhaps to him who shall write the history of our Salem with the more clumsy hulls, spars, rigs. &c. commerce at some future day a history, moreof the oldon time, and we shall have abundant over, which well deserves to be written, and reason for believing that mijdern Jnavigation by the pen of an able and competent man. There are, however, some reflections which are is vastly superior to and safer than the old, and be inclined also to give due credit to the enter- forced upon us in a review of our commerce prise and courage of the old merchants and even up to 17-10, which we desire to state, but navigators,who in spite of these diflficulties and as briefly as we may. dangers sought commercial success. Some of well regulated pilotage, that the General Court en them felt indeed their dependence on a Higher acted that there should be two regular pilot's for SaPower, as ihpy ploughed a thrice dangerous lem. Before that time, it appears as if pilotage here deep, and their journals and papers show that was only a chance and uncertain business, and pilots, By the marathis is true. It made them, moreover, gene- of course, as chance and uncertain.

Thatcher Island lighthouse in

we

1771, and Baker's Island light-house in 1798)

rous, liberal

and brave.

Do

the moderns suras they

time code of 1668, any person undertaking the charge

of "Pylot," and not being able to discharge his duty,

pass them as

much

in these respects,
all the

unquestionably do in

was

to lose his

wages

in part, or in

whole,
as
this

other elements of

and be

further punished for his presumption

"shall sec

the judges
law, there

knowledge, power and success ?

meete."

Judging from

were no regular professional pilots in Massachusetts

at times

formidable.

The French, and the Indians

at that date.

instigated

probably by the French

the

gave our comfleet

Our

fathers, so far as

we can

find,

generally acted

merce, for a series ol years after 1680, muoh trouble;

as their

own

pilots,

and sometimes acted as Pilots for

against
on

the French almost, destroying

imagination

fishing

of

the English men-of-war in their expeditions

the

Salem, between 1689 and 1711. The ''good old times"

of ommerce, as of other matters,
is

French

to

the northward, or

our coasts.

an error of the
investigation

Their method of navigation on sea voyages was, of

course, a simple and rude science.
It

a perfect delusion, which

has been said

ketches to

at once dissipates.

that they sometime!* ran their sloops and

pirates

For a circumstantial aooount of the oaptore of the who captured the Ketch Mary oflf Half Way
in

1689, see the 2d vol. N. E. Hist. & Gen. page 393. It is an instructiv.j paper, as explanatory of the impudert boldness of these ancient
Regi.'ter,

Rock

outlaws, who, however, have been said

"friends at Cnuri" in those days, which
for their audacity.

to

have had
aocount

may

West Indies by the bearing of the North Star, or other stars, and an amusing story is told (how true we know not) of one old sea captain, who was accustomed to take bis bearings of the North Star through a hole made in a flag-staflf on the stern, and was very skillful in his own original mode of navigation; bat whose secret was discovered by a waggish mate, who out off his flag-staff one night, and thus totally conthe
fused the old
old

man's calculations and plans.

The

Among

other dangers attendant on tbe nitvigspilots

tion of the olden time, the absence of regular

was an important
true, no pilots for

one.

Our fishermen needed, it is Salem Harbor, for they were well

coast

West Indies is said to have been first to attempt to run down to the lati* tude of the Island sought, and then steer as directly
of navigation to the

way

East or West, as they could, on the line of Longitude.

Their uncertainty as to their longitude was often very
great and perplexing.

acquainted with the

harbors,

including,

of

course their own, and their ketches and sloops being

seldom over 40 tons, did not draw, probably, more than from four to six feet. Larger vessels coming on to
the coast, ran, of course,

With

their small craft, however, they could readily

run into the bays and creeks of the const harbors,

much more danger,

especial-

and well understood between 1660 and

their

'70,

not alone

ly strange vessels, as there were no regular pilots. It was not until 173, according to Felt, and
after

own immediate

coasts, but those of Virginia

and

some heavy

losses

had been sustained

for

want of

Maryland, into the intricacies of whose creeks and bfiys they pried with adventurous audacity.

35


138
Thti Puritans began their settlement at Sa-

became pioneers there

unrestricted trade

too

lem upon

thfl

idea and basis of religious

base,

free-

the able and

the

pioneers of
earnest
is

sup-

dom

a noble
;

and the only true

basis of

porters of the doctrine, that

to bear its just

commerce

only

government

and

it

may

be that their zeal for

their

proportion

of the burdens of

a while
as
is

in this cause outran

discretion,

government.

They

resisted the civil

tyranny
ecclesias-

apt to be the case with the pioneer and

of England in trade, as they did her

reformer.
as a result,

Commerce and civil government, tical tyranny in the church. The banner they were somewhat neglected. As threw to the winds was "Liberty in Church

soon, however, as the puritans savt their mistake, they

Liberty in Trade" and to Liberty in State came back to the support of these the extent of their ability they maintained matters, for there was a reason among these this) creed, even in the face of haughty mother men, aftei' all, which did not permit them to England, with the Savage, too, at their very go far astray. They were, as a general rule, doors, and his war-whoop ever and anon soundTo the thoughtful student free from the extravagancies which marked the ing in their ears. course of many of-their puritan brethren then of history there is something noble and grand in Old England that wild visionary spiritual in the position oft times assumed by Massachudemocracy, culminating in the fifth monarchy setts in the hour of her trial, sore beset as she men and millenarians. The puritans in New was, not alone by enemies, but by those spirEngland were wiser more liberal the result, itual and temporal evils, which never try the doubtless, of their more perfect freedom, both worldly and base, but which purify the genuThey res- ine and the good as by fire. Still she mainin religion and civil government. pected Cromwell, and sympathised with him tained in that hour her noble independence. in his republican views, and the respect was She did not forget the sanctity of her origin mutual, but even him they kept at arm's nor the power which alone can save. Having faith in whom is victory length, mistrustful of King or Protector jeal- faith in Him she ous of their liberties either in church or state demanded of old, demands now, and will ever looking to independence of all powers un- demand, Liberty Liberty for the soul of man Liberty for the der Heaven. If forced to yield, it was but Liberty for the mind of man

for a time, and, as soon as they could, they over-

skill,

the labor and the

body of
all

man

for

threw the tyranny which oppressed them. Their defects the defects of their faith and
policy

with these liberties come

other prosperities,

were not incurable, nor did

human

or divine, and without

they

long

those licenses which give over

alike to temporal

them come only men and nationa

continue. Like the clouds, they in time passed

and eternal perdition.

to

away, while their wisdom, like the sun, enThese puritans, moreover, when they dured.

In making this general sketch of the com-

merce of Salem up
the

came back to ried the same

;

right views in civil matters, caridea of freedom,

supported

too

by their religious faith, into commerce and government and the results were a noble libInto a genuine wisdom iu both. erality

Local Records Histories of England, Mass. and United StatesOld Geographies Felt'a
Mass
Hist. Collections

1740 we have consulted Colony Records

AnnaU

of

Salem {a work

full

of local items)

Old Nautical Works Old Traditions, papers

and letters. , We return our thanks to Dr. H. Wheatland. H. M. Brooks, H. J. Pratt, H. F. King, I. J. Patch, Joseph Cloutman and M. A.
Stickney, Esq's for favors

their legislation they carried

for the civil freedom

many

noble plans

and rights of men

re-

gard to justice

the love of learning, industry,

Into their commerce they
their

prudence, liberty.
caVried not only
sagacity, but they
liberties

also to Prof. John

to Felt for

industry,

energy and

Lewis Russell.

We

are indebted

demanded there also greater than the Old World ever knew. Thej

many
ter

items which

we

thus acknowledge.

Af-

a somewhat careful examination of various

189
authorities, (including the coumercial papers

Matbew Cradock
tions."

for the

good of these planta-

yet remaining in the English familj,)

we have

In 1671 Mr. John

Davenport gets a

been enabled to gife a fuller sketch of the early

grant from the General Court of 500 acres, in

we had dared at consideiation that bis lather was an adventuand will now endeavor to rer in the common stock, and was instrumeneketch the life and commercial pursuits of ul in furthering of this plantation. This Philip English, one of the old Salem merchants, seems to indicate that the General Court then whot>e active business life extended from about acknowledged a quaSt proprietary right at 1670 U} about 1733 or 4, and who died shortly least in those originally interested in the early before 1740, the period at which we have clos- common stock of the Colony to the soil of
first to

commerce hope

of'tialem, than
:

for

ed our remarks on the

Commerce

of Salem.

Massachusetts.

Pkofrietarv Bights.

In

reference

to the

APPENDIX TO REMARKS ON THE COMMERCE OF SALEM.

Commerce of Salem before 1640. Though the commerce of Salem may be said to have begun about 1640, yet there seems to have been

extinguishment of the Proprietary Eights of

the

Home Company

in

the soil of Massachu-

The origiPlymouth Company granted the fee of New England to that a commercial spirit stirring here previous to company, as did also their grant to Sir Henry that, for even as early as 1638, the ship De- Kosewell and bis associates, and as did also the sire of Salem made a voyage to New Provi- confirmation of that grant to Kosewell and dence and Tortuga, and returned laden with his associates by Charles the First. The charcotton, tobacco, salt and negroes, (slaves) the ter gave not only the fee to the body politic latter the first imported into N. E. This inhu- and corporate to be called by the name of the man practice of making men slaves was subse- Governor and Company of the Massachusetts
setts

when did

this

lake place?

nal charter of

James

to the

quently denounced, however, by our General

Court.
In 1639 the
first

Bay

in

New

importations of indi-

er to acquire lands.

England, but gave them also powIt gave the fee absolutetheir

go and sugar seem to have been made into New England In 1642 a Dutch ship exchanges a cargo of salt for plank and pipe staves
in

ly to the Patentees,

heirs

and assigns,

but with the permission also to join with them

such freemen as they should choose into the

and the very next year 11 Company. The charter, moreover, gave broad vessels sailed from New England for the W. powers of government to the patentees, but Indies, with lumber. This shows the rapid in- never contemplated the erection of a Commoncrease of our marine. It is most probable that wealth, only a Corporation. The fee was not, moreover, to be held in before 1637 the Salem people began building large^decked shallops, and perhaps also ketch- Capite, [that is, as a tenancy, in chief and dies for fishing and trading purposes their craft rectly under the King the most honorable, not being then (as a general rule) larger than but most burdensome of all the tenures,] nor by Knight Service, [a tenure held by personal, twenty or thirty tons burthen, if even that.
;

New England

Gov. Cradock.
examination
ot

We find,
the

on a particular Colony Records, that

military or pecuniary services given

ofttimes a burdensome and expensive tenure,]

but in free and

the

King
mawas
feal-

though Gov. C. was never paid in person his

claim against the Colony, yet that his
in 1670,

common

soccage, as of our

widow
General

nor of East Greenwich in

Kent,

which
being a

and

after various examinations of the

most probably one mainly of homage and

ty,

claim by

officers

appointed by the

the tenure

in free

soccage

free

Court, was granted

tion

^through

her third husconsidera-

and honorable one

the

name

soccage

being

band) a thousand acres of land, in

derived, according to Bos worth, (Anglo

soc,

Saxon

"of the great

disbursements

made by Dictionary) from

which

signifies "liberty.

140
immunity, franchise,
whole
tenure.
terra

privilege,

to

minister

precedent doubtless destroyed any

feudal poli-

justice or execute laws, jurisdiction,"

and the cy of the patentees

in Massachusetts,

and per-

signifying a

free

and privileged

haps practically extinguished the proprietary

rights of the patentees,

Free soccage was generally a tenure

who
At

then
all

may have
events, the

and not only a certain hut honorable one; and really a more valuable one than the higher tenures, whose services were too often precarious and
held by a certain determinate service,

been in the old

country.

transfer of the Patent operated (with or with-

out a sale or release of the

proprietors' rights

of which
oly

sale or release,

however, we see no

burdensome.

It

has been supposed to h^ive

liberties.

positive proof) to break

been a remnant of the old Saxon

up any landed monopand any feudal privileges or rights result;

This tenure, moreover, granted the patentees,

ing from the grant

while the increase of adstock of the Colony,

was of a higher order even than

in

free soc-

venturers in the

common

cage

general

for the charter states

that

and freemen
its

also,

must soon have destroyed

patentees.
It

privileges are granted without express mention

the/>0M;erof the original

was,
pat-

of any certain yearly value (rent)

made

moreover, the policy and interest of the

entees or proprietors

(to

This proves the be paid) for the premises. high order of the tenure under the patent. It

here

to conciliate

new

"as of our manor

this order

was

of the highest

named
of

order of free soccage

comers by grunting lands in fee which soon became the settled p<licy of the Colony. The
civil

East Greenwich"

and

troubles in
aflfect

England

probably did

not

was most probably the very highest, tors, though the judgment pronounced indisince Greenwich had been the residence of vidually against several of the company in several of the Kings and Queens of England. England in 1635, on the 'Quo Warranto'" King Henry the 8th often made it his resithen brought against the company, may have dence, and Queens Mary and Elizabeth were been considered both in England and Massaborn there. This is undoubtedly the same machusetts as a legal forfeiture of all the proprinor which Charles describes as his in the
etary rights of such
piitentees

much

after all the rights of the proprie-

charter, and the franchises

belonging thereto
freeest

then being in

England or

in

America.
policy

were of a royal nature, of the

order,

and the

best adapted for the

least

new Colony
and

be-

The

original

of the patentees was

doubtless to grant

ing doubtless the

aristocratic,

there-

m /ee,

the Colonists, not but by tenures which reserved certain grantees,

land to

fore least burdensome, of all the English tenures.

rents to be paid by the

who would
It ia

As
and

the fee, however,

associates,

his

was given to Rosewell their heirs and assigns,

It

thus become tenants under a species of perpetual lease, paying

their

rents
in

therefor.

when

shall

we

consider their proprietary righte

evident that the

company
in

London did not

(unless

as having ceased in the Colony ?

does not

wish the Colonists

they were

Massachusetts
the

appear that they took the fee merely in trust for governmental and Colonial purposes, but
as a corporation

joined

with
the

patentees in the

common
lesser

stock of

company, and therefore

as owners.

The

fee did af-

associates) to hold their lands in fee, but bv a

ter a while, very probably at or

before

1636,

tenure

as

tenants

simply
in the

paying

merge in or become the high and eminent domain of government, whenever, in fact, the corporation became a commonwealth. Gov.
Bradford
in

'some

seruice certain days

yearo, and

by that seruice they and their posteritie after them to hold and inherite these (their) lands."

1680 states that they (the Govern- This service was to be their rent, or its equivto grant land in fee to the alent. For proof of this see the Company's early settlers, that they might not be discour- letter to Gov. Endecott, quoted in Felt's An-

ment) were obliged

aged by not having land of their own.

This

nals, Vol. 1, p. 103.


141
There eeeme, however,
evidence that the
to be

faith, ^'which in

no cunclusive
that the

our royal intencon and the ad-

patentees desired

venturers^ free profession, is the principall ende

ColoDj landa should be divided into counties,

to be uppor.ioned

of

this plantacon.''

To

this

end the company

among

themselves,

again to
Gorges,

of adventurers were authorized to erect themselves inUj a corporation, with

all

be subdivided into lesser partitions ruled over

powers

to

make

bj inferior officers. Kojaliste and men of his class, might

er,

lik

needed and wholesome laws, *'accof-ding to

religiously,

dream such
the transfer

the course of our other corporacons in this our

dreams, but the patentees were probably wis-

realme of England," and "be so

peacably and civilly governed,"

and soem throughout, both

it,

in

that "their

of the patent, and their subsequent action un-

goode

life

and orderlie conversation" may win

Christian faith.

der

to

have

considered

mure the common

least yielded wise-

over the natives to the

Very

weal of the colonists, and at

ample

civil

powers were given

to these ends,

ly, where any feudal policy of the charter almost sufficient to justify the Puritans in any might have oppressed the Colonii<ts. Coloniz- constructions they might be pleased to put up^ ing with relii^ious liberty in view,* they wisely on the charter. Admiralty powers seem to rejected a worldly ambitious poli'cy, and the flow naturally from this charter while its consequence was, that any and all feudal cunoluding provisions declare that the charter
:

traits in their charter soon disappeared.

itself shall be

construed, reputed and adjudged

The
entees

proprietary rights of the original Pat

in all cases

most favorably on the behalf and

way for the benefit of the Governor and company, merged in the and their successors, and this, though no excommon weal of the Colony. The simple press mention of any certain yearly value (rent) had been made (as to be paid the King) transfer of the patent here did not extinguish such rights that is legally, it must be, we for the premises (lands under the patent.) and think, alter ail, the tact that the religious in spite of any act, rule or restraint to the

may have

almost

disappeared in the same

iusont<ibly

becoming

spirit

and purpose of the settlement herethe

in practice

contrary, or any other matter, cause or thirj{

to the contrary notwithstanding.

wise and generous policy put

under

These powboth

the charter by the authorities in the Colony

ers

and

their

construction were
it is

ample

together with the general liberty of the Colonists

and
j

liberal,

and

not to be wondered at,

to the loss of the charter

that these causes

common weal

all

combined
people,

to

merge
I

that the Puritans,

in 1(384, held it as

up

the large proprietary

into a

rights to a great degree

for the

a sacred Instrument

full

and the of grand and indispensable liberties. patentees and their associates never attempted The early Puritans took all the liberties the afterwards to disturb such a policy, or favored charter gave, and some in addition. Charles it having a higher object in view than mere contemplated (we may suppose) the establish.

worldly ambition or avarice in the matter.

Commerce under ths Charter.

In
the

preceding Article
little

on our

Salem

Commerce,
affected

has been said of commeree os

by the charter.

ment of an Episcopal Church and system in England, and the Puritans established Congregationalism, and excluded Episcopacy. He granted a corporation, and they established a Commonwealth. The Puritans, moreover,

New

note on this puint

may

by denying the right of appeal to the King, together with the accusati-^n
of aiming at sovereignty,

therefore be
itself,

interesting.

According

to
j j

made against them

finally

the charter

the intention of Charles (the

King) in establishing the Colony, was to win and incite the natives of the country to the knowledge and obedience of the onlv true God and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian

rousod the

Monarch against them,

pline had the Episcopal
,

as their church disci-

Church, and

in

1634

the Archbishop of Canterbury and

bis asQQci-

36

142

ates were uiuiie a special cominisBion, with full

King

for the tenure of their land,

and

tlius

ia

power over the American planta'ions. Tlreae powers extended over the government, laws and the Church, and went even to the revoking of any charter surreptitiously obtained, or which
conceded
rogative.
liberties prejudicial to the
If

tact (considuring the other charter privileges)

were placed upon a footing,

but
little

(it

was thought)

short of independent sovereignty.

royal preto be con-

The charter contaim'd, as will bo seen, the germ of the subsequent -navigation laws of
England, as
it

our Colonial Charter

is

required the Colonial exports to

sidertd as aimed at on the score of being sur-

seek English markets in tha 6rst instance

and

must be as having been obtained through legal and proper forms, but the main intents of vfith A fraudulent intent
reptitiously obtained,
it

pay the mother country the duty, prior to exportation to foreign countries.

This provision
Colonists,
in

was not complied with.

fact,

The
civil

the Cliurter being the conversion of the Indians, and the

made themselves
tliat

as independent of the

establishment of a trading corintents the

charter in commercial as in
is

matters.

It

poration, which

King maj have

evident

they wisely considered that the

for

considered as violated by the subsequent civil

charter was
the charter.
It

made

them, and not they lor

that the Colonists,

and religious acts of the Colonists, those acts having t)een in the intentioas of the Colonists

ought

to be said here
of

from

the first

and the great lawyers

privileges granted

England looked at
the

The commercial

by the
order

the

powers

conferred

by

charter in a

charter were ample lor that day.

was freely granted the

In

that the Colony should be settled, permission

The lawyers in somewhat difierent light. England thought the charter was originally

Company

to

tiansport

intended

to

be exercised in England, unthe English

persons,

Aith but one exception,) arms, cloth-

der the direct operation of

courts

ing, animals, merchandise, &c., (including all

and laws, that

to establish

it

conferred,

therefore,

and

needed

article!^) for

seven years, free of duty,

needed no admiralty

powers had no

authority

and were

also to be free for

21 years (after the

Courts for Probate of VVUls, and

lives

seven) ot all

duties on imports from or exports

Coirts exercising power over the

Colonists,

of the

to England, or English

dominions, except 5

&c.

Tliey

thought

the

Colonists

pounds per

cent, on

good* and merchandise

had usurped
given
in

various powers, not originally

charter.

imported into England or English possessions. They were also permitted to export their goods
or merchandise from Eugland and English possessions to

the

When
these

the agent

of

Mass. in England endeavored to save the charier,

he

was met with

objections,

and

foreign

countries without

paying

thoiigh the lawyers there (the

Crown

officers)

any additional duty, if shipped from thence [England or English possessions] within thirteen months after landing; and had six months Certain time given to pay the half duty.
provisions (as exceptions)

were
with
that

for the

continuance of the old

additional

charter,

various
is,

needed

powers

for

continuing the old powers so granted

were made to pre-

and the Patent or duplicate or an exemplification thereof, was to be considered as proof of these privileges before any cusTent fraud

though Archbishop Tillotand Eishop Burnet also favored this, yet the old, and newly demanded liberties of Mass. were destroyed by the Trade interest of
son,

with new powers

tom
free

or excise

officers.

The Colony was

to be

and

from
the

all

taxes, subsidies, (pecuniary as-

England, which proved too strong for justice Bishop Burnet said that ho conliberty. sidered that the charter granted to the patentees

sistance to England) or

Customs (Custom dues).

no rent to the

was a more sacred one than

those given

By

terms of the charter, moreover, the

corporations in England, since the charter given to the patentees was on condition of their enlarging the King's domiBious a thing they

patentees and associates paid


143
hud dune, and therelore the powers under the
charter belonged of right
.while the power
yisas

John Row, ith mo., 1662.

Will of John
sons,
lins,

to

the

Piitentees.

Row, dated 15ih 8th mo.,

his wife

usualij granted corporations

Ii is

1661, gives all his estate to

and two
Col-

a matter of grace.
tlie

evident that

Til-

lotson considered
froui tliat of

charter, as very different

John and Hugh. sr., John Collins,

Witnesses
jr.,

John

Stephen Glover.

an ordinary trading corporation.

a religious* point of
vievr,

tie looked at it in

and

as

one

wiiicb

ought

to

be confirmed.

proved 24th 4th mo., 1662, and the widow and two sons adin'rs. Inventory of above estate taken 2d day Apnl, 1662, by

His denuncii^tions of Laud

in his conversations

Sam'l DoUiver, John Collins

with Mather, the agent of Mass, seem to confirm this view. (See Mass. Hist. Ub.'l., 1st series,

& Wm. Browne, amounting

returned by Bridget

Vol. 9, pAges 273-4, and alao-same Vol.

John Row, son

1662.

oi

205 16d lOd, widow, and the above John 9, June

lo

Row,

the

page 249.)
To be Continued.

David Lewis,
Inventory? of

-iih

mo.. 1062.

estate of

David L<'wi8 taken

to

22d June. 1662. amounting

22
apptd

06s Od

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS, INVENTORIES, Ac, ON FILE IN TilE OFFICE OF CLERK OF

COURTa, S.ALEM. MASS.
COPIED Br IRA
J.

debts

16

8s Od, returned to

the Court
is

and

is

allowed, and Samuel Archard

to ad-

minister in behalf of the country,

&

to

be ac-

PATCH.

countable to this court.

CONTlNtJED FROM PAGE 96.

Thos. Wilks, Ath mo., 1662.

John Andrp.ws, ith mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate of Corporal John Andrews, taken
tle,

Inventory of estate of Thomas

Nove., 1661, at Boston,
'>y

Wilks taken

John

& John
1661, at

May

23, 1662, by

John Doolit-

Lake, amounting to

70

Os Od.

John Hathorne & Andrew Man.sfield, by amounting to 1116 debts about 758 lis Od, returned by IBs 4<1 Mr. Thomas Andrews 27th 4th mo., 1662.
request of the widow,
;

Also inventory taken December,

Salem, by Walter Price

&

Hilliard

Veren, a-

mounting
adm'r,

to

30
is

6s

11<^ 1,

returned 25ch 4th

Batter appt'd
estate by

mo., 1662, and Mr.

Edmund

who

to dispose of the said

John Bakh, ith mo., 1662. Inventory of estate of John Balch of Salem, taken 19th 1st mo.., 1662, by Roger Conant & Sam'l Corning, amounting to 189 17s Od
;

advice of this Court.

Robert Gray, \th mo., 1662.

Will of Robert Gray, of Salem, dated Ist

11th

list

of debts

30

Os Od, returned 24th 4th mo.,

mo., 1661, daughter

Elizabeth

Gray,

1662.

eons Joseph, Robert, daughters Bethiah, Han: ;

list of debts nah & Mary servant Elizabeth Wicks. Gives "to George Hodgis a quadrant, a fore "For keeping a sick and weakly child, viz, staffe, a gunter's scale, and a pr of compassMary balch, six months, 6 Os Od. es," wife Eliz'h Gray who he appts ex'tr, At a court, 27th 4th mo., 1662. Mary Balch, widow of John Balch, isappt'd John Brown and Henry Bartholomew, overadm'x of her husband's estate, and when all seers. Witness John Brown and Henry Bartholjust debts are paid, the whole estate is to be divided between said Mary & Mary their omew.

Item in the

daughter, the

whole

estiite

remaining
is

in the

proved 25th 4th mo., 1662.

Inventory of above estate taken
5th 12th

widow's hands until her daughter

married.

of age or

mo., 1661, by John Brown, Richard Prince

&


144
Henry Bartholomew, amounting
Od, returned 25th 4tb uio., 1662.
to

608 Ola

Rachel, 16
4.

Mary and Martha, 12

Ilanna,

Will of

Wm. Browne, 4M mo., 1662. Wm. Browne of Gloucester,

in

Israel

and Nathan Webster, dth mo., 1662.

dated

Petition of Israel, 18 yrs,

ster,

& Nathan

VV^eb-

29th April. 1662, son

law Abraham Kobin-

16 yrs

with the

conwent of the mother,

Fon, under 21 years, dau

Mary Browne, under

;

that their father in law,

18 years, to be ext'x, wife Mary

witnesses

and

their brother,

John Emery, sen'r, John Emery, jr., maight be

and the petition
al<

John Emerson & John

25th 4th mo., 1662.

UoUins, Jr. proved

appt'd their guardian,

lowed and confirmed 26th 9th mo., 1662.

taken

Inventory of above estate

Collins and Philip

May

13,

1662, by John Emorson, Sam'l Dolliver, John

Geo. Tarr, 9^Amo., 1662.

Staynwood, amounting

to

Will of George Tarr, dated 1st July,

sons John, Lazerous

203

Os 7d, returned by

Mary Brown, widow,

&

1662, Benjamin, (Joseph un-

25tb4th mo., 1662.

Lawrence Leach, 4th mo., 1662,
Will of Lawrence Leach, of Salem, aged 85
years; his debts to
be paid,

der age,) daughters Mary,

Martha, Eliz'h

&

Sarah.

Mr. Eaton
jr., shall

&

Francis Burrill,

&

Allen Breed

be overseers.

Henry

Si Isby

&
9th

Fran-

and

his

wife to

cis Burrill,

witnesses, proved 26th

mo.,

have

all his estate.

;

Witnesses

John

Porter,

1662.

John Batchelder & Eliz'h, widow

Porter

proved 25th 4th mo., 1662,

above, apptd adm'x.

Inventory of above estate taken by Henry

Collins, Jr.

of

& Henry

Silsby,

24th

9th

mo.,

Inventory of above estate taken by John

1662, amounting to

189

88 Od, returned 26th

& Jacob

Barney, atnounting to 138

9th mo., 1062.

14s 8d, returned

and allowed 24th 4th mo.,

Thos Smith, 9ih mo., 1662.

Inventory of estate ot
lem, taken

1662.

Thomas Smith,
1662,

of Sa-

17th 4th

mo.,

by

JeflFrey

Ann

Fuller, A/h mo., 1662.

Massey

& Tho

Porter, amounting to

63
to

158

Will of Ann Fuller, widow, aged 79 years, son Richard Leach, Bethiah Farrow, John Leach & Sarah L.^ach. Witnesses, Jonathan
Walcott, John liowdon, proved 25th 4th mo.,
1662, and Ric'd Leach apptd adm'r.

Od:

lititof

debts,

39
the

98 8d, returned 26th

9th mo., 1662, allowed

use of the
children.

and ordered
bringing

the

widow &

up of the

Inventory of above estate taken by Nath'l

Felton,

John Goyt,
Inventory
63 Od.
of

1st mo.,

1663.
to

Anthony Buxton, amounting

to

23

John Goyt. amounting

34

17s 6d, returned 25th 4th mo., 1662.

Mary
Henry Cook, 4th mo., 1662. Inventory of estate of Henry Cook, deceased
the 14th of
Will of

Smith.

May, 1663,
wife

Mary Smith,

unto the

late

James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar.

1663, daughter Catherine Eborne,

Uth month,

1661, taken by Nath'l

&

daughter

Bartholomew, ^amounting to 225, returned by his widow, Judith Cook, and her eon Isaack, 26th 4th mo., 1662. List of debts, amounting to 92 05s 8|d. Henry Cook's children Isaac, aged 22 Sam'l 20 John, 14 Henry, 8 Judith, 18

Felton and Henry

Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Joseph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daughter Mary
Rowland's
nah, James
five

borne, children

&

Cathren Mary, Rebecca, Moses, HanSarah, Samuel, son James Smith.

children, daughter

To bo Continued.

145

THE "OLD PLANTERS" OF SALEM, WHO WERE 9fh, 1593. and that he was probably the son of SETTLED HERE BEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF William Conant. who was married Nov. 26,
GOVER^^OR EXDICOTT, IN
BT GEORGE
Read
at
D.

1G28.

1588.

Mr.

Gibbs,
his

in

farmer's

Register,

PHIPPEH.

thinks he

traces

descent from a worthy

a Meeting of

the

Essex Institute, Marek ^6, 18^.

family of Gittesham, near

his

Honiton, and fhat

opinion.

Continued from Page 110.

remote

ancestors were of French extrac-

ROGER "Fo N A N T
and Naumkeag.
Governor of the Plantation at Cape Anne, A variety of terms have
of

tion, but of this

we give no

supposes he came to
ve'-sel

New

England

in the

Mr. Felt same

with Lyiord, in March,

1624, but a dethe fall

position of Conant's seems to place his arrival

in the early part of 1623, or perhaps

been used to express Conant's trust at "ye

Bay
it
is

ye Massachusetts," such as OversetT,

Certain

of 1622. the

[Christopher Conant came over ia

arrived at

Business Agent, Local Manager, &C.

that he

"Anne," and

Plymouth

in

succeeded
Tilly,

tlie

two Overseers,
superin-

1623.]

Gardner and

who

previously

The name of Roger Conant

with the
e.irly

is

so interwoven

tended the plinting and fishing interests at

days of the Colony, that in re-

Cape Anne.
title

Wn

have preferred
the

to

adopt the

lating its hioiory,

we have

given

much

of Co-

applied by

Dorchester adventurers

nant's aho.

themselves, (according to Hubbard,) in their in-

During his residence at Cape Anne, an

vent occurred whicli
refl

e-

marked feature in his The Episcopal portion of the Plyplace,'' without discussing the validity of the mouth Adventurers at home, who had withCape Anne charter, or the powers conferred drawn from the Company, at the rupture ocby it, or whether Conant was accustomed in Ciisioned by the Lyford discussion thtre, hastihim, and
illustrated a

Mr. Humphrey, their Treasurer, when communicating tn Conant tha< they had chosen him "to be their Governor in that
structions to

cted great credit

upon

character.

magisterial robes to

hold

courts,
fact

make

laws,

ly desjiatched a fisiiing

vessel

to the

Cape on

or administer

them.

This

cannot

be

their

own

account, Hewes, master, who, upon

was at the head of a respec- arrival, tojk summary possssion of a fishing which received from the begin- stage, and other conveniences that had b^en ening, both before and aftei the absorption of rected by tlie New Plymouth people intendthe Dorchester Company into the Massachu- ing no doubt to usurp this Episcopal fcion of setts Company, the fostering care of such men the Plymouth Colony as their own. The valas VYhit"- and Humphrey, members* of both iant Capt. St mdi-ih was early on the spot and Companies, and that Endicott was sent over demanded immediate evacuation. Ilewes's parto take chargt^ of and strengthen this Colony, ty, knowing with whom they had to deal, for.verily the corm r stone of the Commonwealth, tified themselves at the stage head, behind a which in due time embraced under its Gov'-rn- barricade built of hogslieads, and defied Standment the eller Colony of Plymouth, aqd all ish and his men, and by the advantages of sitthe minor settlements around the Bay. uation, &c., which they possessed, could easily
gainsaid, that he
table Colony,
;

Conant was born at Budleigh,

ahire,

in

Oevoq-

have destroyed them.

battle of

words only,

about 1592.

From
that

the Parish Records of

however, decided the fortunes of the day.^

hot,

East Budieigh, through Mr. "Savage's Gleanings,"

Hubbard says, "the di>pute grew to be very and high words passed between them, wliich might have ended in blows, if not in Humphrey was a member of both Companies, blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and and there is scarce ^ doubt that White was also, and moderation of Mr. Rog r Conant, at that time probably others of the Massachusetts CoiQpapy. there present, and Mr. Peiroe'a interposition,

we

Jearn

he was baptised April

37

146
that lay just by with liis ship, timely prevented." The matcer was at last settled, by
Peirce's crew promising to help the aggrieved

wo

present

it

entire;

it is
:

and feads as follows

dated

May

28,

1671,

"To

the lionorabel Generall

Court, consist-

fishermen build another stage, and so they al-

ing of Magistrates and Deputies.

lowed Hewes to keep it. This disturbance, not settled without great and paintul exertion on the part of Conant,

"The

umlile poticion of Roger

Conant of
bin a plan-

Basriiier, alias

Beuerly,

who haue

ter in New England fortie eight yeers and vpmuHt have gone far in convincing him that the ward, being one of tlie first, if not the very permanency and sta^'ility of the Colony rested first, that reso!u3d and made good my settlemere upon its agrieultural than its fishing in- ment vnder God, in matter of plantation with terest, and his settlement at Naumkeag as a my family, in this collony of the Mas^achuset more suitable place for planting, resulted from Bay, and haue bin instrunientall, both for the special explorations subsequently made for that founding and earring on of the same, and end. when in the infancy thereof, it was in great Conant says that he built the first house e- hassard of being deserted, I was a means,

rected in Salem, where,

together

with

its

ad-

through grace assisting me, to stop the

flight

joining town and offspring, Beverly, he spent

of those few that then were heere with me,

the mijor part of his valuable

life.

and that
18, 1631
;

my

vtter

deniall to goo

away

witfi

He

was admitted a freeman.

ot the
first

May
in

them,

who would haue gon

but

either for

England

was chosen one

Court, at their
often

Deputies to the General

or mostly for Virginia,

to the hassard of

thereupon stayed

meeting

1634

was
the

our Hues.
is

Now my umble

one of the

twelve Selectmen

for

sute

and request

vnto this honorabel Court

management of town affairs, and also of the onlie that the name of our towne or plantaboard who presided over the landed interests of tion may bo altrcd or changed from Beuerly the town, and in 1637, was one of the magis- and be called Budleigh. I haue two reasora trates of the '-Quarter Court," so called. that haue moued me vnto tliis request. The
In 1636. he was

upon a Committee

for the
it

first is

the great dislike and discontent of

this

many
be-

inspection of the canoes of the town, which

of our people for

name

of Beuerly,

should be remembered were the principal vehi- cause (wee being but a smale place) it hath A writer of caused on vs a constant nickname of beggarly, cles for travel and convenience.
that day says, "there be more canowes in this

whole Patent, every househould having a water horse or two."* Conant bore his share of ecclesiastical as

town than

in all the

of many, and no order was giuen or consent by the people heere to their agent for any name vntill they were shure of being a town granted in the first
place,

being in the mouths

well as

municipal duties
the
at

in 1663, he

was a

Secondly.

1 being

the

first

that had

delegate at

ordination of Mr.

Newman,
in

house in Salem (and neuer had any hand in

over the Church

Wenham

in

1667 he led
Bevof
list

naming
ing
all

either that or

any other towne) and

in the organization of the first

erly,

and

his

Church name stands first on its

before
his death,

myself with those that were then with me, be-

from the western part of England, de-

members. But a few years

western name of Budleigh, a market towne in Deuonsheer and neere vnto the sea aa Bented the following petition to General Court we are heere in this place, and where myself in relation to the town of Beverly, which is was borne. Now in regard of our firstnesse now cherished as a document of great value, and antiquity in this soe famous a colony, we
sire this

he pre-

and

it is

so

suggestive

of his character, that

*Mass. His. Collections, 3d
S., 7, 252,

or

CJeto.

Wood's

New

England Prospect.

Register, 2d vol., 333.


14?
ehuulJ
with

uniblie

request

this

littell priuelicig

Lot, born 1624, died 1674.

vour

I'auors

name ahousaid made sute or requi-st unto

for the least matter, the'

and consent, vnto our town.

the

to
I

giue this

neuer yet

Roger, born 1626, died June 15, 1672. Mary, born married first, John
,

Generall Court
I

Batch) second, William Dodge.

I thinke

might as

Sarah, born -^
April 28, 1722.
Elizabeth
j

well haue done,

as

many

others

haue,

who
life

Exercise, [a son,] bap

Dec. 24, 1637, died

haue obtained much witliout hassard of

preferring the publick good before
interest,

or

theire

own
If

born

which,

praise God, I haue done.

find

Joshua,

who

died in 1659.

this uiy suie

may

worships, I

fihall rest

acceptation with your vmbly thankfull and my

The Conant family

present time through
Exercise, and
talent

have

descended to
sons.

theJ

Roger's

Lot and

praires shall not cease vnto the throne of grace

for Gild's guidance
all

among them have been men of

Roger and Joshua had Lot was the ancestor

and

his

blessing to be on

and

influence.

your waightie proceedings and that iustice and righteousness may be euerie where admin-

few or no descendants^
repres-'ntod in that

of the local or Beverly branch,

who

are well

and sound doctrine, truth and holiness euerie where taught and practised throughout this wildtrnes, to all posterity, which God
ifitred,

town, Ipswich and neigh-*

borhood at the present day. Exercise removed to Boston and is the ancestor of a family

grant.

Amen. "Your worships' vmble

seruant,

who have spread

petitioner

largely in Connecticut.

De-

and

scendants have

borne

the n ime of Roger,

it is likely,

through
time.

many

generations, and

we

"Roger Conant."
His petition was not granted
their consideration,
;

hope, to be continued to a distant

period of

his claims to

however, were not oversession

On

the

fly

leaf of

an old Bible, once the

looked, fur at the samo

they granted

property of the Conant

sion ot Cliaa.

him
ble,

as

"a very ancient planter," two hundred

set off

acres of land, afterward

near Dunsta-

'The
dere

s, but now in possesW. Palfrny, Esq., is this entry, 4 day of May 1G72 bang Saturday my

which land

is

mentioned

in his will

made
pre-

littel

sone Samuel Conant dyed.

The 15
dere,

in the eighty-fifth
served

year of his
ilouse.

age,

now

of June 1672 being Saturday

written by the
Eon of Roger

my dere,

among our Probate Records

Ci-urt

of Essex, at

dere husband Roger Conant dyed."

This was

the Salem

He

1679, in his eighty eighth year,

to his

died Nov. 19, and descended

widow of Ro^jer Conant, jr., who lost both her son a^ hus-

grave

like

a shock of corn fully ripe,

tidings

were borne to thousands of households where but fifty years

and

the

melancholy

band in the short space of six weeks. Roger Conant, Jr., the second son, was the
first

child born in Salem, (1626,)

and the town

before he had erected the

first

dwelling.

in recognition

of this circumstance, granted

at the same lime be was mild

Conant pissossed elements of great firmness, and conciliato;

him on the
land.

21, 11 mo., 1639,

twenty acres of

ry

the possession of such a character, inde-

Governor's Island in Boston Harbor, was

early

pendent of place or

honors, bears

its

own

re-

known

as

Conant's Island.

Conant

ward. "Blessed are the peacemakers, for thej shall

street in

Salem, not far from the Old Planter's

settlement,

was so named about

twenty-five

be called the children of God.*' He had seven children, four sons and three
daughters, viz
:

years since, at the suggestion of Major Conant

of Beverly.

An

extended notice of Conant by

gresB

by our townsman,
I

J.

P. Worcester, Esq., to

*A

genealogy of Conant's deseeudants

is

in pro'

whom

am

iadaJbted for Saeta.

148
Rev. J. B. Felt, appeared in the
Genealogic.il

you, though perhaps cuetonie

tie

and univereali-

Register of July and October, 1848.*

may make him

forget

himself," which aceflFectually did,

JOHN LYFORD.
The minister of the Old Anno and Naumkeag, was
er by the
;

cording to Bradford, he most

and

Planters, at

Cape

caused the Pilgrims a vast deal of trouble the

first

originally sent ov-

three or

four

months of

his

residence

Plymouth Adventurers, to be pastor their presicher, displaying abilities but little of the people at Plymouth he seema to have superior to their Elder, Mr. Brewster. been selected by a faction of the Company, lie was without doubt a great dissemand tliat much the larger p irt, with a design Upon uniting with the Plymouth to oppose the Congregationalism inculcated by bler. Robinson, and restore the Colcmy to the Epis- Church, shortly after his arrival, " he made
copil fold
in
;

with them, during w!)jch time he acted as

both

Cushman and Winslow,

to

tlien

large

confession

London, were opposed

Lyford had resided
in

him,

but finally

former disorderly
gled with

of faith, acknowledging walking and being entan-

consented "to give contents to some."

many

corruptions," and that "he

till

England but a short

for

held not himsnlfe a minister

he had a

new
pu-

time prior to being

s^'lected

this

mission,

calling," and thanked the Lord for the

lege of enjoying
ritie

priviin

having been previously settled in Ireland.

He

"ye ordinances of God

probably came over on the return of Winslow with supplies, in the ship Charity, whioh arrived in March, 162t.

among

his

people," yet before the return

of the ship that brought him over, he had laid

open bis revolutionary plans

to

the

energetic

Cushman, in his letter of January 24, 1G23, but troublesome John Oldham, and with a few [1624 new stvle,] says "The preacher we adherents, they secretly pursued their plot have sent is (we hope,) and honest plaine man with great earnestness "at length when ye though none of ye most eminente and rare ship was ready to goo, if was obt^erved Lyford about chusing him into office, use your owne was long in writing & scnte many letters, and
:
',

liberty

and discretion."
he came on shore he was exceedingly

could not forbear to communicate

to his inti-

When
diality,

complaisant, and was received with great cor

mates sueb things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done their errand
sufficiently."

him

ye best entertainment

by the Plymouth people. "They gave yey could," they

One

of these confederates wrote

at the

same time, "that Mr. Oldhame

in

& Mr.

furnii^lji

him a

dwellir>g in

one of their best

Liford intended a reformation

;

church and

fo

and, as soone as the ship was apportioned a larger allowance of commonwealth outof thecomra m store to him, *rtfd' his gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and family than to any other person^lBta of clothing have the saerements" administered by Lyford'a The suspicions of as they severally had nefetl-nCrov. Bradford, in de- former Episcopal calling. ference to his calling was accustomed to consult Gov. Bradford became aroused, and "knowing
houses, ajid
>d

with him in

all

"waightie affairs," as was

his

habit with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, and he

venturers,

how matters stood in Enjjiand" with the ad"and what hurt these things might
a league or two to sea," and

was otherwise by
in especial favor.

the Colonists generally, held

doe, he tooke a shalop and wente out with the

sliip

intercepted

Cushman.

in th letter

above quoted, says

is

^'he [Lyford,]

knows he

no

officer

amongst
Reg.

and opened upwards of twenty of Lyford and Oldham's letters, "full of slanders and false
accusations, tending not only
dice, but to their ruin
to

their

preju-

* Rfferences.-~Town Ree. Felt's. Salem, Gen.

2,

329

306.

Mass. His Col. 37, 250-60, and 38, Hutchinson, Hubbard, and Pjriace.
c 333.

This singular

visit

and utter subversion." of tho Governor caused this

first,

covert faction some uneasiness at

but as

149
he kept the information thus obt ined to hitnBelf, after a few weeks they became "us briske as ever," thinking nothing had been discovered,

the main attached to

him and

his family

he

appears to have

been a person of agreeable

manners and address, and as a preacher of and Ljford deeming his party now strong moderate but not buUiant abilities, and both enough, openly "without, [says Bradford,] ev- at Cape Anne and Naurakeag, he undoubteder speaking one word eitlter to ye Governor, ly continued his ministrations with acct'pt&nce, Church or Elder, withdrewe themselves and set conducting a church after his prior ordination up a pnblick meeting aparte on yo Lord's day, and in accordance with the usages and requirewith (sundry other 'insolent cariages" to the ments of the Episcopal Church.* disturbance of both Church and State. "It He was Conant's preacher about three was now thought high time (to prevent fur- years and as we believe for the last eight or ther mischeefe ) to calle them to accounte; so ten month* of the time, and perhaps longer, ye Governor called a Courte, and summoned at Naumkeag, that is through the winter of the whole company to appeare, and then 1625-6, to near the end of the summer of
;

charged Lyford and Oldham with such things

as they were guilty of."
their condemnation
;

1627.

On the banks of the North River, full two years before the eetablishment of the First Colony "Oldham presently," but Lyford was Church, so called, at Salem, or the ordination allowed six months grace, and Oldham's family of Higginson and Skelton, the rights and orhad liberty to remain during the coming win- dinances of the Gospel were administered to
and expulsion from the

Which

resulted in

ter.

This took
of 1624.

place probably

early in the

the

"Old Planters"

in

an appropriate place of

summer

They

fled to

Nantasket and

worship, and their voices in united prayer as-

were voluntarily followed by Koger Conant cended to Heaven in the sublime words of the and a few others of the Church party, with English Litany: "Webeseach Thee to hear their families, as before related. us Good Lord," "That it may plea^^e thee to Both Lyford and Oldham afterward became succor, help and comfort all who are in danger, And over the wain part reconciled with the Plymouth people, necessity and tribulation." and ocoa-eionitlly returned to the Colony. It ters echoed their anthems of praise: "For the was probably in the early part of the next Lord is a Great God and a Great King above all

year, wliile

still

living at Nantasket, that they

were invited with

Conant

to

Gods. In his hand? are all the corners of the remove to Cape earth, and the s'ren^tb of the hills is His also."

Anne
Mr. White and the Dorchester Merchants were deceived in Lyford, and perhaps imposed upon, and Conant who was without reproach, and eminently a peace-maker, miiy through love of the established church and (-ympjithy for Lyford's family, have been unbelieving and blinded to his faults and instability of character, until his eyes were opened

We
ginia,

tliink it

highly probable that the "lov-

The Rev.

ing invit ition" given Lyford, to settle in Vir-

was made by Mr. Fells end bis party, who, with many servants, and a large quantity of "plantation commodities," while on a voyage to Virginia, were wrecked near Cape
Cod, early in the beginning of the winter of 1626. This party remained at Plymouth the
next summer, and
planted corn and raised a
swine, and by mutual trade were of some

at the time of his heartless desertiou at

Naum- few
*

keag, and endeavor to break up the Colony.

Nothing but his unscrupulous

copacy was allegad against
in thin country, and
lleye that his followers
hia

zeal for Epis-

As Roger Conant's son Roger,

it.

bom

in 1C26,

was

conduct while
reason to be-

not 'baptized at the First Chnrob, after his father

united with
it is

we have

as all his

brothers and

sisters

were,

and adherents were in

presumptive proof that he was baptized previous-

ly, that is

by Ljford.

38

na
advantage to the Colony,
peetatiun of releasing

they

tarried in ex-

the deputi'S of the General Court, in 1635,

and

from the again 1638. One of the five farms, being oneBand, or otherwise waited for some chance fifth ot th'j great one thousand acre lot, at the opportunity of conveyance te Virginia. Mr. head of Basa River, was granted him Jauui;ry these farms were surveyed by himFells visited Cape Anne, and "ye Bay of ye 4, 1635 Massachusetts," which we suppose to mean self and John Bakh.
their
vessel
;

Naumkeag,
euccesslul to

for this purpose,

and returned unfinally succeed-

It is stated in

an

article

by Robert Rantoul,

Plymouth.

They

Esq.. in Mass. His. Coll., and also by Rev. Mr.

ed in obtaining pa-^sage thither in a "cuple of Stone, in his History of Beverly, that John barks at ye Utter end of sumer" of 1627, which Woodbury and Ins brother William, removed
vessels
ple,

had brought corn to ihe Plymouth peo- over to the Cape Anne side, afterward Beverly, and probably Ly ford and a few of Conant's about i630, to a spot near that which is now company departed with them. All that we called Woodbury's Point. It is supposed that

of Ly ford further, is, that "he shortly all the Woodburys in New England are descendants of these two brothers. dyed" in Virginia. Lyford had a large family and this was To Mr. Stone, also, we are indebted for the one of the objections that Winslow, the Com- following tradition After the farms at Bass River were occupany's agent, than in London, had to his being sent over, viz: "his great charge of children." pied, the only way of communication with When he was expelled from Plymouth, he them from Woodbury's Point, waa by water, tad a "wifii, and children four or five," their or along the st'a-shore and margin of the rivnames are unknown to us His wife is repre- er. A heifer was driven along this winding sented as 'bting a grave matron, and of good way from the puint to the head of the river, After where it was to lemain at pasture but judge carriage all yo while she was here."

know
after

be* husband's death, she ''returned againe to Of his descendants we know this country."
nothing.
eides in

of the surprise

of her owner,

who, upon

re-

tracing his steps, found that the animal, not

liking
its its

family bearing this

surname
is

re-

abode, had reached

home

before him:

Newburyport, and the rame

occaIt
is

tracks were accordingly traced

direct

sionally

met with

in

New

ilampshire.

more

out, and a path through the woods thereby

bowever, comparatively rare in New England. For a further account of Lyford' see Bradford's History of Plymouth, Mass.
vol.

discovered, which subst quently

became a road

of communie.ition between the two places, and

His. Coll.

although upwards of two hundred years havo

since elapsed, yet so
far

43.

Also

Young's

Chron.

of Mass.

as direction
ir

is

con-

Prince's Annals, Felfs, Salem, Hubbard, &c.

cerned, neither science

to improve

skill

have done

much

full

account of John Oldham,

Hist,
of

is

given id

what

in-tinct

first

projected.

Bradford's
Hist, of

Plymouth, and Bond's

Mr Woodbury,
in l64i
;

after a life

of energy, and

Water towii,

faithfulness to the interests of the

Colony died

JOilN WOODBURY, Came from Somersetshire, was made a freeman Vay 18, 1631. Both he and his wife Agnes are among the original members of tbe
First Church.

With

Palfrey,

he was one of

we do not know his age, but probably not much above sixty years. He was called "Father" Woodbury, howevhave been a er, as early as 1635, which may title due him as one on whom many leaned for we regard him as standcounsel and advice
;

* As this family of six or seven pfersonS removed

so early from the

ing next to Conant in intelligence and

ness to the Colony.

useful-

Colony, they were not added in

of
its

the compatation

numerical atr^ligtb, in A

His descendants are huraeroua, niany

live

still

former page.

atound the 6pot that witnessed bis

trials

151
ried

and Buffering, and the ancient homestead with DO other deed than the original grant, still remains in the family.

and had children

he

died July 5, 1704,

aged 64 years.*

Among
cupied

his

descendants have been

many

WiLLtAM WOODBURt.
Brother of John, had grants
of

worthy and influential men. and some have ocliigh placea in the land.

land in Sahis

lem; he died the latter part o( 1676;

wUl,

The Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the dated 1, 4 mo., 1663, was probated 26, 4 mo. Navy, under Pr.?8ident Jacicson, was the son of 1677 he left his dwelling house, household Peter Woodbury, who was bofn in Beverly, as goods, and most of his lands to his wife Elizi

all his ancestors

were.
Peter,

abeth
the son of the
son,

his children

were Nichola.^, the eldest

He

descended from

and William,

Andrew,

Hugh,

Isaac,

primitive John,

thl-ough

Jusiuh, then Peter,

his

to the third Peter,

who was
vol.

father.

Mr.

Cranch, in
sents Peter

tlie

Ist

cf Gen. Keg., repreas

and a daughter Hannah Hascall. Mcliolas and Hui^h had lands granted them in Salem alWilliam was one of the five witnessts to so.
the signing of the Indian deed of the territory

incorrectly

the son of

Humand

phrey

Peter was Humphrey's brother,

of Salem, wiicn transferred to the

11, 1686, by the

Town, Oct.

both sonsof theoriginalJohn.

Humphrey had
in 1075, at the

grand children of Sagamoro

a son Peter,

who was

killed

George and others.

early age of twenty-two,

Capt-iin Liithrop,

while serving under

the "Flowcalled,
setshire,

who commanded

JOHN

B.\LCH,

er of Essex," as his

company has been

at the famous

Indian battle at Muddjbrook,

Belonged to a very ancient family of Somerwho had a seat at St. Andries, near
but

September 18th, after that jeaf

Beside Humphrey,
father

Bridgewater,
over with his
there.

now

believed to be extinct
to

who came
in

He

is

thought

have been a son of

on his return

1628, having then

just arrived at seniority,

being born in 1G07

we have the namea of such cliildren as are recorded among the baptisms of the First Church,
but whether there Were others between these

was born in 1536, and who had sons George and John. George, the eldest by two yars. is supposed to have been
the ancestor of the St Andries family.

George Balch, who

John,
1623.

and Humphrey we knuw

not.

born about 1579, came to Captain Koberi Gorges, in

New

Engl.ind with

September,

The Hannah, bap. 25 of

10, 1636.

spot on which he settled in

Sahm, being

Abigail, bap. 12 of 9, 1637.

Peter, bap. 19 of 7, 1640.

tlie "old planters' homestead was no doubt on five acres of upland and meadow there, which we

in the field called very early,

marsh."

Hi-t

Humphrey had sundry

the town of Sulem

grants of land from, think could

It

now

be approximately pointed out.

was situated north of the Skerry Ijt of two which Francis fekerryf bought of Peter acres, Elizabeth and -married had He he was a member of Palfrey, in 1653, which said five acres Benjasons and daughters the First Church in Salem, and afterward dea- min Balch, S'jn of John, bought his brother's 1658. This also designates con oi the Firft Church in Beverly at its organ- right therein in He lived to be upwards of three ization. score and ten years of age. His widow died Young 28. Gen. Reg. 1, 84 and 8, 168. Felt's
In 1637, forty acres.
,

in Beverly about 1689.

Peter, son of John,

Salem.

Sione's Beverly

Town

Rec.

was made a freeman

to

Mass. His. Ck)U.

[Hubbard,]

25, 107,

Church Reo, and 37, 352-4.

1668

representative

General Court 1689

fTho Skerry family own or very recently owned

land upon or near the same spot.

was

also

a deacon of the Beverly church, mar-

152
Palff'y'fl lot aH

on the south (or eouthweat)

neously maintained* that he was the

child born in Salnm.

first

white

and further up tlie peninsula. John Balch had two wives, Margaret and Agnes in his will the latter is called Annia. Her own inventory is recorded 9 mo.. 1657, as that of Agnes Balch, John, with his first wife, Margaret, were among the original members of the First Church. He was made a freeman May 18, 1631, had a grant of one of the five farms of two hundred acres each, at the head of Bass River, January 25, 1635-6, to which he removed three years afterward, and where he lived till his death, in June 164^8, aged about
;

He

inherited the larger

portion

of his

father's

property.

children. Samuel,

John,
wa.->

Joseph,
in

He had and Free-

born.

This Joseph

slain

1675, at the

fatal Indian battle at

Muddy

Brook.

ter of

John's son John married Mary, the daughRoger Conant ; he was drowned when

the ferry near the Old Planters' homes, then called Ipswich ferry, in a small skiff, during a violent storm, June 16, 1662 his widow afterwards married William Dodge,
crossing
;

who was

the ancestor of all

69 years. This farm was situated near the present residence of Mr. John Bell, which
upi)n the
is

settled in the

River farms

the Dodges, and neighborlmod of the five Bass The neighboring lowns of Wen-

new map

of Essex County

his descendants
spot.

still live

bam and Hamilton contain many of his desome of scendants, and this surname is by far the most upon or near the same common name in those towns,
designated
:

Mr. Balch sustained various

trusts

from

Freeborn,

who

is

believed to have been born

the town, as selectman, surveyor, &3.

resolution, perseverance,

"He
intelli-

the year his father was

made freeman,

in 1631,

appears to have possessed the qualifications of

integrity

and

and was probably so named in allusion to that He inherited one quarter of his father's fact.
property.
is

gence neces-ary to the

of a new community."

founding and guiding

He He

lived near

1648, when his corn

left three ^ons,

He died about May, was in its tender leaf. He

was witnessed by
Jeffry

supposed he went to Engl

Wenham Lake. md and never

It
re-

turned.

probably died about 1658, as his

Baieh family at Salem,

Benjamin, John, and Freeborn.

name
The

then disappears ftom our records.

pres^ent
to

His

will,

iti'd

May

15, 1648,

have

Peter

Palfrey,

Nicholas Patch, and

descended

our

time through

John's son,

in Court a fortnight after, viz

and Massey proved the same 28 of 4 mo., Wife Annis and son Benjamin, Execu1648. tors, and John Proctor and William WoodMassey.
P.ilfrey
:

*Roger Conant,
doubt, the
1639,
first

Jr.,

white

child

born in 1626, was, without born in Salem, and in

13 years of age,

when he was but a youth of

bury, overseers.

Inventory returned

valued

and

still

trotted on his parmt's knees, he received a

220,

138, 4d., consisting chiefly of tillage

and

meadow

land, and cattle.

his cattle he mentions

dence.

grant of land from the town, in token of that preceThere need be no confusion regarding the

two cows by that circumstance of fortune. Benjamin Baleh, as name. *'Koddie" and "Cherrie," and another shown above, was born three years after Conant. In that he had bred up expressly fur his son Free- 1686, forty-six years after the above public recogniborn. He mentions his great fruit trees, and tion, when both Conants were dead, John Maisej, also his young apple trees, and his corn that in order to strengthen his petition for the Ferry, His widow Ag- stated that he was the ntrirxt town born child then livis growing upon the ground. Eighteen years later, in 1704, and si.^tyins; there. nes died at'out 1657, after "long weakness and four years .after the aw ird to Conant, the First Church
Bickness,"

Among

unauthorized claims either of Balch or Massey, to

Benjiimin, the eldest son,

was born

through careless truditiou or other miscontruction,

in 1629,
voted Massey,

who was then aged, an

first

old Bible,

"he

the next year after

the arrival

of Governor

being considered the

town born child."

Felt,

See a

Endic

>tt,

settlement at

and three years after his father's similar explanation by Mr, Naumkeag, and it baa been erro- Gen, Keg. vol. 10, ITO.

with references in


153
Benjiimin.

The Rev.

William

Balch.

of

Samuel b Aug. 14, 1706;

1708.
it

Mary b Aug. 18,

and that
)

Bradford, a grandson of Benjamin, was one of

the subscribers to Prince's Chronology, and
hia

(I sucpect this is

erroneous,

should come one generation later

copy with wonie of his writing therein,

preserved in the family,

is still

Our venerable townsWilliam"? grandson.*

man, Benjamin Balch,

is

To be Continued.

MATERIALS FOR A GENEALOGY OF THE INGEKSOLL FAMILY.

For an account of Richard Ingersoll and his
children, see

John, son of George, b 1645. d 1715, md Deborah Cliildrtn: Eiidha, Nath'l, John, Ephraim, Del'orah b 1668, md Benj'n Larrabee Mary md Low Rachel md John Chapman Abigail md Blacey another dau name unknown md Brown, and died before her fa-

ther.

Joseph, son of George, married daughter of

Number

1,

paoe 12.

George, son

of Richard bad a wife

named

Elizabeth.

Matthew Coe of Portland. Mary, dau of George.

Elizabeth, dau of George.

Child

Benjamin.

2d generation.
Children of George, son of Richard.
BOn
1st

John, son of John and Judith Felton, bapt.

name unknown, killed bv Indians: George d 1730 Samuel John d 1716 Joseph, Ma;

XJ

&

Elizabeth.
Fel-

Children of John Ingersoll and Judith

ton.
;

John b 12t,h 7th mth 1644 Natb'l b 10th 2d mth 1647: Ruth b 20ih 4th mth 1649; Richard b Ist 7th mth 1651 Sarah b 28th 6th mth 1655 Samuel b 6th 8th mth 1658 Joseph b 9th 10th mth 1661, d 1661 Hannah b 11th 1st mth 1663, d 1663. Children of Alice Ingersoll and Jonathan Wolcott, unknown. Children of Bathsheba I and John Knight Jr., of Newbury, were 8, a6 appears by DeaAmong them con Nathaniel IngersoU's will. were John and Joseph. Children of Joana or Jane Ingersoll and Matthew, Samuel, MaRichard Pettenpill
;
; ; ; :

Mary Cooms Mch Mary b 10th 7th mth John bap Sept. 1, 1761, md Geo^-ge Cox 1678; Sarah and Elizabeth bap Mch 15th. 1702, adults Ruth b 2d 12th mth 1673, md Zach
7th 12th roth 1644, married
17, 1670.

Children,

Fowler.

Samuel, son of John and Judith Felton died

about 1695, b6th Oct. 1658. md Sarah
11th, 1665.

b Dec.

Children. Sarah b Oct. 12, 1687;

;

Susannah b Dec. 8, 1690 Samuel and Sarah md 28:h April, 1684. Sarah was md wife to Philip English, Susanna probably died young, as she is not menMargaret b April
1692
;

4,

tioned in the acpt of guardianship rendered

by

her mother.

Nathaniel,

son of John and

Judith, b 2d
Preston.

10th mth. 1647, married

8ih

Mary
1684.
;

8th
:

mth 1670. d
1
,

Sept. 28,

Children

ry and Nathaniel

Elizabeth b
(1st

1th 12th mth, 1672

John b 7th
b 20th

Children of Sarah Ingersoll

husband,

8th mth, 1674

Nathaniel b
of

died 1704.

Wm.
alseth

Uaynrs, bro
:

to Lt.

Gov'r llaynes)

and

Ruth, daughter
mth. 1070.
;

)hn and Judith,

Joseph Iloulton

Joseph, James, John, Eliz-

4th mth, 1649, married Richard Ropes 7th 4th

Children

and Sarah Houlton. 3d generation.

Richard b April 20th,

George, son of George,

Child, David.

md

Nicholson

b Aug. 16, 1678. 1674 John Richard, son of John and Judith, bapt Ist 7th mth, 1651, married Sarahs-, died Nov. 27,
1683.

Samuel, son of George,

field,

md

Elizabeth

Wake.

Child

Richard.

1702.

Children

Mary

b Aug. 6. 1704
Mass., 26.

Book

of Grants.
in Gen.

Yoang Chron. of
Reg.
9,

Mr. Balch

234.

Mass.

Ills. Coll.

bapt 28th 6th roth, 1655. roarried David Ropes July 26tb. 1676. Children Jonathan Sarah
:

Sarah, daughter of John and Judith,

"Bantoul" 37, 254, and Hubbard.

b Jan. 9th, X680

William b March

5,

1685

39

154
Joseph b Jan'j George b August 12, 1688 John b Jan'y 25, 1694. 11, 1G92 Juseph, sun of John and Judith, bapt 10th mth 9th, 16G1, and died the same jear. Hannah, daughter of John and Judith, bapt
; ;

John, eon of Nathaniel

&

Sarah Ilasketti
3d,

md

Ist,

Hannah Bowditch, &

Elizabeth,

widow

of

Nicholas Crosby, (living June, 1859)

over 90 years of age.

Samuel, son
married at
Oct., 1772.

10th 1st mth, 1663, died the same jear.

Hampton

Ruth

Ingersoll, daughter of

4tu generation. John and Mary

John & Elizabeth Bray, to Susannah Hathorne, Samuel d 15th July, 1804, aged
of

60.

Cooms, married Zachariah Fowler. Children, Mary, Ruth, Elivnabeth and Zechariah. Samuel, son of John and Mary Conms, married July 29, 1702. Sarah,

NEXT

GENERATION.
all

Children of Jonathan,
Dr. Bowditch.

by his

first

wife,

Mary Hodges Nathaniel, George, Mary,

md
:

daughter of Capt
Nathaniel,
;

Stephen Haskett,

Children,

Bethiah Gardner, S<^pt. 1, 1737 Elizabeth Bray, May 9, 1741.

John,

md md

Children of John & Hannah Bowditch John, married Mary Hunt, and died without
issue.

She afterwards

md John

Biirley.

Mary, daughter of John and Mary Cooms b 10th 7th mth, 1671, married George Cox. John, SOD of John and Mary Cooms, died
young.

Nath'l married Margaret Foote, whose mother

was a Crowninshield.
Children of Samuel Ingersoll
:

John 3d, son of Nathaniel and Mary

ton, b 7th 8th mth, 1674.

Pres-

& Susannah Hathorne Ebenpzer b 1781. died July 2d, 1804, no issue; Susannah died 13th July,
1858, never married.

Children, Elizabeth,

md Lawrence
b August

Knight,

Nov. 2d, 1696.

29th,

Issue: Nathaniel,

b March
5,

1698: Elizabeth,

1700;

N0TE3 ON AMERICAN CURRENCY.No.

BY M.
A.

1.

John, b May 20th,.1703. Riohard, son of Richard

STICKNEY.

son of John and Judith, Beverly, April 28th, 1699.

& Sarah, and grandmd Ruth Dodge of

The
first

history of

the

copper coins, which

Colonies, f >r the
settlement's, is

found a circulation in the

involved in great obscurity.

hundred years after their

I

5th oeneratiok.
John, son of Samuel and Sarah Haskett, md Elizabeth, dau of Capt. Daniel Bray, May
9th, 1741, by Rev.

have

carefully

searched the recordo ard

histories of that pe-

riod, with but little success. Even tradition James Diman. Elizabeth has failed to hacd down to us any correct account of them. his wife d aged 56. Children. John and SamuThe government of Great Britain, from el. the Colonies would have probably rewhich Nathaniel, son of Samuel and Sarah Has-

kett,

md
:

Betliiah

Gardner, Sept. 1, 1737.

ceived most of their supplies, appear

to

have

Child

Nathaniel died unmarried.

very reluctantly adopted a copper coinage.

David, Jonathan, John, Samuel, daughter

A very
the reign

Hannah md John

Pickering, son of Wm. and Eunice; one of the name (Hannah) was baptized at Episcopal Church, June 29th, 1744.

few pieces only were struck during of Elizabeth* and her immediate

successors, but

no general coinage of

sufficient

Jonathan, son
kett, married 1st,

of Nathaniel

&

Sarah Has-

*The
were
1601.

first

copper coins, struck by Great Britain,

reign of Queen Elizabeth,

Mary Hodges,

for Ireland, in the

sister of

Jon-

athan
Fitch
uel,

2d,

Polly Pool, sister of Ward and and 3d, Sarah Blythe, widovr of Sam-

She ordered "certayne pieces of small monies of meere copper, of Pence, Half-pence and Farthings, for ihe poorer sort, to be stamped, with her
highuea armes crowned, and inscription, of her usual

whoee maiden name was Sarah Purbeck.

155
amount
to

have found

tlieir

way

here in

large

master to coin twopenny pieces, and according

to

Ruding, pennies, none of which are now The coinage of copper was viewed by the known. About this time (1662,) Lord Baltimore, people of that period as an experiment, of which the projectors themselves were uncertain proprietor of Maryland, coined silver and also of its uselulness. The large issues of small copper for the use of that colony. Only one silver coins, such as twopennies, pennies, and of the copper coins is now known to be in exquantities, until the reign of George the first

even

farthings,

from

the

British
to

Mint,

istence, the last possessor of it

was Dimsdale,
It

fumisbfd a

sufficient

medium

transact all

the banker, at whose sale

eas. It is

it

realized nine guin-

the small operations of trade.

They however
ancestors

now

in the British

Museum.

had

did not re.ich this country in sufficient quantities

on

its

obverse, Caecilius

Dux

Terrae Mariae, &c.

for

business,
in

and our
tlieir

were

obliged to use

stead, various substi-

silver coin,

Bust of Lord Baltimore to the right, as on bia mint mark on both sides a cross
Eeverse,

tutes, such as shells., bead?,

and even
It

bullets,

patee.

Denarium

Terrae

Mariae,

two

as appears from the Massachusetts Colony rec-

flags issuing

out of a ducal coronet, the crest

ords of March 4th, 1635.

was ordered that

of Lord Baltimore.

"muskett buUetts of a

full

boare shall passe

There
ny,
lina
is

is

in the British

Museum a
God

half pen-

currantly for a farthing a peece provided that

Obv an

elephant. Rev.

preserve Caro-

noe man be compelled to take above 12d att a tyme of them." in 1052, Massachusetts established a Mint to com silver shillings and
sixpences.
tSmail

and the Lords Proprietors,

it is

1694.

This

commonly

called the Carolina halfpenny,

but
a-

the intention of
nother,

not known.

There

is

change being very scatce,

Obv
the

like the above. Rev.

God

preserve

the General Court in 16tj2, ordered the Mint

and on the other, with crowned harp, being the arms of this her kingdome of Ireland, with the inscription Posui Deum Adjutorem Meum.'' Only the pennies are now known, one of which is in my collection; it is of the size of a half James I, by procent, and of the greatest rarity.
stile,

New
On

England, 1694.
5th of July, 1700, the Board of
consideration the state of the
plantation.

on the one

side,

Trade took into

coins in the

Mr. John Fysacfc

lead a memorial proposing the

erection of a Mint, on the Continent, as a meann to remedy

many

inconveniences in

the trade of the past.

clamation,

made

current

May

19,

1613, a copper

After full

consideration of the matter, their

fit that any Mint xhould Such was the scarcity of

farthing, Obv. Jaco. D. G.

Mag.

Brit,

two sceptres
issued copper

lordships did not think

crossing under a diadem.

Kev. Fra Et. Hib. Rex.

be
als

erected

there.

crowned harp. 1635.

farthings, like

Charles I also

those

of his father, (only Caro. in-

stead of Jaco. and sometimes a rose

instead

of

harp.)

It

is

probable that the last found a currency

here to some extent, as I have in

my

change in Massachusettf>, that many individustamped pieces of brass and tin and passed them for a penny each. March 3d, 1701, a Committee of General Court report in favor
of having Province pence made of copper.
It

collection a

copper farthing of Caarles

cent piece, found by
lot

I,

of the size of a three

Hardy Phippen, Esq., on his on the extreme eastern end of Hardy Street, on
E. Pine Tree pieces,

was negatived by the Council.

March 26th, 1703, a

hill,

proposition

is

laid

the harbour, where he also found four or five pieces

before the General Court, that William Chalk-

numerous Indian what appeared to be the ruins of a house, though no one can remember of having heard of any house ever being erected This coin was presented to me by George D there. Phippen, Esq., in 1849. During the period of the
of the N.

who had

been an

officer

in her Majesty's

arrow-heads, a pipe, and also

Mint, but then a resident of Boston, be contracted with to import from England 5000
This project must worth of copper pence. have also failed, as no pence were coined by the British Government till 1722, and then only for America.

Commonwealth of Oliver Cromwell and Richard, only pattern pieces of copper

money were

issued.


156
Februrtiv 5th, 1716, a plan

was started
in

for

on the corner of Court (now Washington) and Church

streets."

the coinage of
per,

basfi

money

here, one third cop-

and the

rest silver, to pass

New Eng-

the deposition above

land; but the Ministry in England would allow

Having recently had occasion to make a copy of named from the record in the E><sex Registry of Dee 1, I senil it to yrm for inser-

no such thing

to

be done.
all

1722, defeated in

their attempts to pro-

cure a currency in copper, small

coins

being

exceedinuly scarce. General Court ordered an

emission of 500 worth of penny, twopenny and threepenny bills. The form of the first

of these hills was round, of the second square, Richard Brackenbury of Beuerly in the County of and of the third, angular. They were printed Esisex, in New England aged eij^hty yenrs, TesJtifieth, on parchment, in the old English letter. 1 have that he the said Richard came to New Englaiifi, with John Eiidtcott E.-^qr late Gouenor in New England, the one penny, it is of the size of a dollar, its deceased and that wee came arihore at the place now edge is ornamented with flowers, the printing caled Salem the 6th of September in the yeare of our Lord, 1628:filty two years agoe: at Salem wee is enclosed in a ring, making the place of the found liueing, old Goodman Norman, & his sonn: half dollar, thus printing the size of a A\illiam Allen and Walter Knfght, & others, those
,
:

tion in your columns, blieving that its perusal will be ag interesting to some of your readers ai" it has been to myself, and feeling quite certain that all of them will agree with me in the opinion tliat there is little in the pre.ent appearance of this ancient mansion to indicate that it wa.s once "a ta^tetul edifice of two stories high, of the order of architecture called the Eliziibethan, which was but a slight remove from the Gothic."

owned that they came ouer upon the acot of a company in Kngland, caled by us by the name of Dorchester Company or Dorchester .Vlarchants, tliey bad ."undry houses built at Salem, as alsoe John Woodberye, Mr Conant, Peeier I'alfery, John Balch &

& they declared that they had an house built Cape Ann for the dorchester C<>mpany at d I haueing waited upon Mr Eiidecoit, when ho atended the cumpany of the Massachusetts Pattentees, when they kept theire com t in Cornwell streete in London I understood that this company of London hauein:: bought
others,
at
:

out the

rif^ht

of the of the Dorcf.e<ter niarchants

in

The
ton.

square

bill

of twopenny,

is

in the col-

lection of W".

Tl)e threepenny
iill

they are
able

Greenough, Esq., of Bosbill 1 have never seen extremely rare. These bills are
VV,

Eodeodtt had power to take poss'-ssion ol theire right in New England, which Mr Kndecolt did, & in pticulir of an house built at Cape Ann, which Walter Knight and the rest said they built for Dorchester men <fe soe I was sent with them to Cape antj, to pull downe the said house lor Mr.
:

New

England, that

Mr

noticed in the Rev. Joseph B. Felt's very valu-

Endecott's use,

the which

wee

did,

and the same

work upon

the Massachusetts Currency.

THE ENDICOTT HOUSE, IN SALEM.

Mess7s
'Editors:

Francis Higginson landed

at Sa-

lem on the 30th

oaine
first to

of June, 1629.

In a letter to friends

in England, the July following, be says,

"When we
we

Naimkecke, (now called Salein),

built,

found about half a score bouses

house newly built for his "Annals of Salem,"
"according
of anotner,

and a fayre the governor." Mr. Felt, in

p.

122,

informs

us

that

to the deposition of

Richard Brackenbury,

the mansion here spoken of was made from materials

first

erected at Cape Ann, under the

Dor

yeare wee came ouer according to my best remembrance, it was that wee tooke a lurther po.-<session, on the north side of .Salem terrye, comonly caled Cape an sKie, by cutting Ihach for our houses, & soone after laid rut lotte lor tillage land on the said Cape an side, & quickly after sundrye h( uses were built, on the saiJ Cape an side & I myselfe haue liued there, now for about 40yeares, & I with sundry others haue beene subduing the wildernes <fc improuing the fields and comons thei e, a. a part of Salt ui, while wee .belonged to it & since as inhabitants of Beuerly for the.--e fifty yeares never yt I heard of disturbed in our possession, eitner by the Indians or others saue in our late unhappy warr, with the heathen, neether haue 1 Leard by mygelfe or any other inhabitants, nither for the space ot these filty yearts, that Mr Mason or any by from or under him did take any possession or lay any claime to any lands heare saue now in his last claime within this yeare or two:
,fe

Chester Associates, which probably served for the res.

Richard Brackenbury made oath to

the truth ot the at<ve written this 20th daye of January 1680-1 before

idence

Roger Conant, while Governor of that plantation." "Part of its timber," he adds, "is said
of

me Bartholomew Gedney
in the

assistant

to be contained in the dwelling, formerly

a tavern.

CoUuuy of Massachusetts,

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
OF

THE

ESSEX INSTITUTE.
Vol.
I.

ISToveraber,

1859.

No.

5.

A SKETCH OF PHILIP ENGLISH A MERCHANT IN SALEM FROM. ABOUT 1670 TO rounded sketch can be made. ABOUT 1733-4. tribution to the Commercial
BY GEORGE
F.

As a small conHiptory of Salem

CHEVEB.

work which needs

to

be written

it

may
of

prove not unserviceable.

(Continued from Page 143.)

Philip English wat. a native of

the

Isle

The history of a man who for fifty years or Jersey-^the descendant of French Huguenots, Such at more occupied a somewhat prominent position who sought a refuge in that island. Uis true among the ancient *Alerchants of Salem, may least is the tradition in his family. not, in this connection, be uninteresting or un- name was not Philip English, but Philippe
profitable.

At

this distance of time, the

mate-

L^Anglois, which, however,

suffering

''a sea

ample aa could I'C desir- change'' by transportation to New England, ed yet, by combining the scattered fragments became Piiilip English, by which name he i> which are found in Felt's Annals, Public Rec- known, and which he himself finally adopted. ords of Salem, Bentley's History, Upham's His baptismal certificate, which has been prerials for it are not as
;

Witchcraft. Massachusetts Historical

tions, Histories of

Collec-

served, reads thus

Massachusetts, and ancient

^"Extrait

du

Livre

des

Baptessme

de

family papers and traditions, something like a

[translation
* Among the
]

Salem Merchants, who appear

to

t''Extract from

the Baptismal

Register

of the

bare been promineqt when Philip English flourished,

judging by papers in the English Family, were
dall,

Church of Trinity Parish,

in the Isle of

Jersey."

Col.

Turner, Benj. Marston, James Lindall, Timothy Lin-

Thomas

Plaisted,

wall,

Benj. and

Wm.

John Higginson, Stephen SePickman, Thos. Ellis, John

Pickman,

Wm.

Bowditch,

Wm.

Pickering, Benja-

"Phillipe Son of Jean L'Anglois, was baptized tho 30th day of June, in the Year One Thou.<:and Six Hundred and Fifty One presented for Holy Bapti.m by Sir Phillipe De Carteret, Chevalier, Lord of St. Ouan [Ovan] and Madame bis wife given by copy [or duplicate] by me.

min, William, John, and Samuel Browne.

also appear a few papers bearing the

There
of the Seignory of Carteret in
feited their estates to

J.

DOREY,

Scc'y."

name

of Rich-

This Sir Philip Carteret sprang from tde Carterets

there in

ard Derby, most probably the grandson of the mer-

chant Roger Derby of 1671.

Among

the Salem Merchants from aboat 1640

adherence to the Crown of

fore gr.inted lands

Normandy, who forHenry 2d'8 reign, by England, and were therethe Island

16t8, certainly, Capt. Geo. Corwin (Curwin)

stands

and

offices in

of Jer-

prominent, and one of his Account Books, kept with

great neatness,
of a descendant.
is otill

sey,

and were distinguished for their services by

extant,

and

in the possession

land and sea to the Crown and Country.

Phillipe

The

Sir

De

Carteret, mentioned above,

was grand-

40

1^8
L'Efflisse de la
L^isle de Jersey,

Paroisse

De La

Trinite

En

[ran awayj to seek his fortune, and was disin-

herited for marrying thi' lady of his love, the UAnglois, fut Baptize only surviving daughter of Will-am HoUingLe 30e Jour de Juin En L^an Mille six Cents worth, a merchant of Sulera. This rumor may Cinquante un presente au Se Baptessme par have arisen from the fact, that the Chevalier Messire Phillipe de Carteret, Cheua/ier, Seiffne- De Carteret presented him for baptism. There ur de St Ouan df Madame Sa Femme donne are no family papers that throw any light up-

*^PhiHipe

ills

de Jean

par Copie par moy.

J.

DOREY, SeCTR."

There
not

ia

tradition in

one branch of the

this rumor, which is perhaps only a rumor, and therefore unreliable, Philip English came to Salem before 1670

on

family, that he was the only son of a

Hugue-

in all probability, since

he resided in the lami-

Chevalier that he came

to

New England

ly of

William IloUingworth before marriage,

1675 married
his

and

in

daughter.

There

is

father to the Sir Phillipe De C, who in 1651, was Gov. of Mt. Orgueil Castle in the Isle of Jersey, and

mere boy, twelve years of age, having run away from

tradition that he landed in Salem, a

then defended

it

against the Parliamentary forces.

Jersey to follow the sea,

(his

parents being

His father, Sir George Carteret, who married a daughter of the Sir Philip in the certificate, is often mentioned by Pepys in his Diary, as being a high officer in the Navy Department of England.

unwilling to permit him to go) without a cent

in his pockets,

and going by

Mistress Holling-

worth's house, was welcomed in by that lady,

who took compassion on

gave him a drink of beer

hisfri^ndlessness,
in

and

His son Sir

Philip,

named

above,

married the

a silver mug.

He
home

daughter of the Earl of Sandwich, Vice Admiral of England, and both the EaiJ and his son-in-law

made
ter

Wm.

Hullingworth'a house his

were blown up in the Royal James in the great naval engagement off Solebay, May 28, 1672. Some of the Carteret family came to N. England temporari
ly, after 1700, as

while in Salem, and in 1675 married his daugh-

Mary.
tradition runs, that

The

Wm.

Hollingwortb,

would appear by certain

their papers.

letters di-

rected by them to the English and Touzel families,

who in 1675 was home to his wife

good husband

in Virginia,

that be

and found among

for his

wrote had secured a very daugliter Mary, viz. one

trading,

The

Isle of Jersey (anciently

called

Cesserea)

is

one of the Channel Islands, belonging to G. Britain, lying thirteen miles ofif the French Coa?t, being only
12 miles in length and 3 in width. It is very fertile, and trades freely with the Spanish, and French
Coasts, and Holland.
It
is

To which Mrs. Hollingwortb promptly replied, that ho need give

of his Virginia friends.

himself no trouble on that score, since she had

already given her daughter to Philip English Shortly

killed

a peculiar Isle still re-

afterwards

Wm. HoUingworth was

its ancient Feudal Customs and though so near the French Coast, has always repelled the French when coming as invaders.

taining some of

by the Indians there. Susanna (should be Mary) HoUingworth

(according to Dr. Bentley of Salem, in a letter

It

may

not be amiss here to state that not a few

of our early Salem families (the

men

at

least)

most

probably came from the Isle of Jersey.

Lefavois, Beadles, Cabots,

The Valpys,

seem to have come from this beautiful and valiant little Norman isle; and a correspondence was long kept op (in the English and Touzel and most probably
others,

among

wrote to Timothy Alden Jr. who was preparing a sketch of Kev. Joshua Moodey, one of the Portsmouth ministers, and which is found in the Mass. Hist. Coll. of 1809,
vol.

which he

10 pages 64-5-6 First

series,)

was the "only

rich in-

daughter" "of Mr. HoUingworth, a

*Mary HoUingworth was
Elinor HoUingworth.
the daughter of

other families) with their Jersey relatives. Numbers of old family letters in French arc yet extant to

Wm. and

prove

this,

and also

letters

in

English, the

latter

Ho was

a merchant in Salem, be founds

gradually supplanting the French language in that

island.

trading with Virginia, where a branch of the Hol-

lingworth family, wo are told,

ia

still to


15d
habitant of yalem," and '-had received a better
education than
is

Boston.

Dr
of

B. further states, and also on the

common
the fainil;

even at

this

day

authority

Madam Susanna
that

Harthorne, a

(1809.) as proofs. I hold, 8ufi5ciently discover.". great granddaughter (should be granddaugh-

The

tradition in

is.

that she

had
in

ter)

of Philip English,
to

Philip E.

"came

been the pupil of a

Madame Piedmonte, who young

of that day
in

vras a celebrated instruetre&s

America from the Isle of Jersey, lived the family of Mr. llollingworth," and marbefore
stated.

ried bis d.iughtor as

In

the

William, himself, was the aon of Richard,

to

who oame
and
uf means,

marriage record he (P.

This

) is

styled merchant.

Salem from Eagland

gbipbuilder.

in 1635, with bis family,

who was a
and

He was a man

when he could not have been is in 1675 more than 24 or 25 years of age, and therefore
his business life

built in IGIO, on the

leit

Neck, a ship uf 300 tons

He

two sons,

William, who married Elinor Stowho was married to The in 1659.

latter

years before

say

probably commenced a few about 1670, or perhaps a

rey, about

1653, and Richard,

year or two later.

Sliortly after his

Elizabeth Powell by Gov. Endecoti,

fcrmer was the merchant.

The

marriage he

is

at

the Isle

obtained a

grant from Gen'l Court in 1673-4, of 500 acres of

land, but he and a part of his family soon emigrated
to Virginia.

of Jersey (1676)
well,

commanding

the ketch Speedto

from Maryland, and agrees

The name soon afterwards disiippears from this St^te, so far as we can find. Dr. Bentley Some few says that the family was a wealthy one.
of their papers yet remain in
Philip English married this
the English
family.

Isle of

May

to load with salt for

New

go to the Kngland,
old pa-

and return next year to some port

or Bordeaux, Rochelle or Natttz.
pers concerning this agreement,

in Biscaye,

The

being in

an-

Mary, the only daugh

William and
the

ter,

surviving,

of

the above-named

cient French chirography, are very hard to de-

Elinor llollingworth, and the name on that side be-

cioher.

It

is

very probable that

he loaded

fi-

came

extinct

with

William, (son of William

nally with French merchandize for

New Engfree

merchant,) who died unmarried, in 1683.

Richard's

land

there being then

comparatively
papers,

family migrated, as has been said, to Virginia.

The

trade in our Massachusetts colony with all nations.

.

name became

extinct in

Salem about 1690.

In looking over his old

there

The Hollingworths were from England, and very

likely of HotUngworth, in the county of Chester, since

appear sundry agreements relating to bound servants, which may not be uninteresting. He
appears to have taken quite a number of girls from the Isle of Jersey as apprentices in bis
family, and quite a

Burke, in his General Armory, has the following:

"HoUingworth, Hollinswortb, or DoUingsworth,

(Hollingworth, Co. Cuester; traceable to the year From this ancient bouse descends the pre^ieut 1022 Robert Hollingworth, of Hollingworth Hall, Esq., Idagistraie for the Counties of Chester and LancasAz..0D a bend, ar. three holly leaves vert. ter.) The family name was formerly spelt Hollynworthe, and is evidently derived from the Holly Tree, called in Cheshire, "Hollyn Tree,'' with which the estate stag ppr. Motto Dusce Feabounded. Crest. re7ida Fati."

same
the

Issland to

serve

number of men from the "iy sea employ.''^ The

but
serve only four

giria serve

as apprentices for seven years,

men (probably young men)

let

years.

were

Judging by the old papers, these men out at sea service, and their wages ta-

ken by their oiistdr.

We

have before us

It is almost a trite assertion now, but

may

bear

the testimony of one Nicholas Chevallier,

in

who

repeating, that the early

-were oftentimes the

settlers

of

New England

1682-3 was bound to Philip English "/or ye

representatives of that liberty-

termeoffoureyears,^'sind'^to

Sea Employ,^'

loving, staunch,

and substantial commonalty of old England, which, howevar loyal it might be, could
not stoop to tyranny or flattery i but
spect based

with a

England, he liked land service better, and by the consent of

his master,

When

be arrived in

New
to

self reits

upon

its

own

merits,

avoided

was bound

na-

tive land, and sadly, rather

than seek to overthrow

.Manchester.

lie testifies that

the monarchy by violence.

Many

of

this

stamp

glish has treated

Mr. Joseph Lee of Mr. Philip Enhim well, and be acquits bim

came to Salem, which was indeed considered, and for a while, as the refuge lor such.

of the origina4 indenture, &o.

I

Now such

ser-

yants as these,

when

in

*'Sea Employ^'

were

160
hired out or
let

out as Bailors

We

have the

ried
ters)

one of old Richard llollingworth's daugh-

order of Thomas Elhs. an old Salem merchant, on Col. Samuell Browne anuther old
Salem merchant,
requestin<;

and on the eastern corner of Essex street and English Lane, now English street. When
torn

him

to

pay Philip

down, there was found a

secret

room

in

JBnglish the wagf^s

('^sarvice''')

of one
in

Wm.

the garret, supposed to have been built after the

MackelroVi "Aj man"' on "a voige'"

well

1716-17

Witchcraft furor, as a place of temporary con-

to Barhadoed and Saltitudos in -'the ship Hope-

cealment in case of a second

-^outcry.''

In

"

This hiring out "/o

better than the slavery
It

sarvice"'

was not

much
tem.

apprentice sys-

was the way probably in which these bounden servants by "iea em;)/oy" paid their craft, and various old family portraits, as well masters tor their transportation to this coun as the furniture, destroyed or carried away^^ a system When Mrs. English returned from New York, try from Jersey, France or England

1692 this house, as well as his store house, was thoroughly *acked by the mob, when Mr. and Mrs. English were arrested for witch-

It is a tra(iition in the long since exploded. family that Philip E. had no less than fifteen

According
Institute, No.

to

the petition

of Philip

English to
Cdll. Essex

bounden servants (male and female)

iness,

in his

own

the Committee of the Gen'l Court, (Hist.

2,

family: and considering the extent of his bus-

page 57,) he

lost,

"a.

considerable

and

the.

profit of such service,

it is

by no
bis pa-

quantity of household goods and other things." while

flyma; from persecution.

Tuis corroborates the tra-

means
pers.

unlikely.

There are quite a number of

still to

dition in the family.

says,

Buch indentures

be found

among

In 1G83 Philip E. had so flourished in business, that he put

up a

stylish
is

mansion

in
to

Sa-

lem

the frame of which

reported

have

Bentley (Hi.-t. of Salem) Mr. English was apprehended, his house was opened, and everything move^ible became free plunder to the multitude." The Family Tradition says that his store houses were robbed to the amount of 1500. Philip English puts the loss

"As soon

Dr.

as

been brought from England. It was one of those

ancient Mansion Houses for which Salem was once noted a venerable, many gabled, solid

by seizure at his Wharf House, at Point of Rocks,

1183-2s.

For the

loss of his estate, the

only satis60.

faction he ever got, was

from
the

the Administrator of

George Curwin,

Sheriff, to

amount

ot

In

structure, with projecting stories and porches,

if

his petition, Philip English

charges that the Sheriff

WB remember

aright.

Down

to

1753

it

known
serted,

as '-English's great house.'''

It stood

was and his under officers took away the chief of this amount 1183-2s though he (P. E.) had given a
4000 bond with sarety at Boston. Philip English wag bitterly incensed a>rainst Curwin, who however was only an instrument ir. this affair,

until 18ii3,
it

when, long since tenantless and dehad become dangerous to the very
or boy,
It

tread of

man
it.

who had

the curiosity to

but obtained no adequate compensation

for his

explore

bilonged

to

bad been built on theloi which a Captain Robert Starr, (who mar-

losses.

"The [General] Cuurt (says

to

Dr. Bentley,)

made some allowance

It,

Mr. English, but he refused

and other buildings.
Af-

as not being in a just degree adequate to his loss-

*The following copy of a similar "order" may not

be out of place here:
"Gapt. Jno. Browne.
Pleas to pay Mr. Philip English the Sum of Sr. thirty three pounds Eiijhteen shillings, Being Due to him for his seru'ts [servants] wages in ye Ship [under] ye Comand frinilship. [Friundship] und'r
ot Ciipt. EleazV Lvndsey & Sam'l Crow, voyage ffor [tor] Bilboa, ye Isle of May, <t home, A charge ye same to sd [said]

es

from his houses,

stores,

ter his death, his

heirs

accepted

200, which they

obtained through the family of Sewall."

ails

The Bew-

had been intimately connected with the English family in commercial matters, and a lew papers yet

remain to ware

attes*. it.

Philip English appears to have owned a wharf and

in

her Last Barbados,

ac-

house
in her

at

the

Point

of Rocks, and his wife

ship's

owned
to the

own

right a wharf

and ware-house just

co"tt.

Yr Humble
1,

Seru'nt,

eastward of the bottom of English Lane (now

33 189
Balem, Jan'y
1717-8.

WM. BOWDITCH."

street,)

an inheritance from her mother, Elinor Hol-

lingsworth.

161
whither she had
fled to

pave her

life,

she found

in

Salem
fish

Vessels appeared

to

g^t their car-

only a servant's bed in her

the furniture v-hich
it

houssj

out

of

all

goes of

mainly from there.

a number of old commercial

From theyea-B 1676

uppeara to have traded
Cliristoplier's, Jersey,

once contained. to 1602 Philip English

Barbadoes. St.

We
1676

find quite

papers referring to Mr. English's business from

to

to Blihoa,
If^l^

about 1G82 say, but only one or two

peveral French ports.

May, as well as That trade was very

of
fisth

from that date to 1692.

ly in the

The former are most,

difficult

French language -very

to

prohably hased on catching

on the hanks

decipher

as being in

the ancient French wri-

in the bays of tingbut proving that his. earliest coiumerc* coast of Nova Scotia Newfoundhind, and very likely in our own was largely to France. Spain and adjacent immediate *bay8 alno. and sendiug them to countries. It ia very likely that when bis Spain, Europe and Barhadoes, and thenc tak- house and store were sacked in 1692, many paing Bait, dry goods, or West India produce pers at and just prior to 1692 were scattered There appear to liave or destroyed. Two papers remain of the dat back to New England been two classes of vessels then employed in of 1687 and 8, which show him to have been our commerce the regular fishing craft and trading to St, Chriatopher's (W.l.)in conthe foreign traders both being af>out the same nection with Daniol King and Billiard Wilize. Though the foreign traders seem some- liaros, sending thither the ketch Repair. King times to have gone up to fNewfoundland after being then a resident merchant at St. C, and there being probably depots signing the accounts. Sugar, rum and molastheir fish cargo there of prepared fish, yet Winter Island, ses constitute the return cargo. No paper It is (Salem) was a large depot for cured fish, and referring to the outward cargo rem lin.

the

almost, if not quite, monopolized that business

and the early fishermen

fact.

to 1692 main profitaVde, since at the latter * Fish were very pleDtiful on our own coasts and period, he was wealthy, and had probably quit in our owd bays in th<3 early days of Massachusetts going to sea himself some few years belord

certain that his voyages from 1675-6

were

in the

availed themselves of the

Among

other

fish,

cod and mackerel eeem to

1692.

have been very plentiful near home. Both these fish were largely exported. It is most probable that our Salem fishermen made good aro of the "design' of catching mackerel by nets which was fir^t di3> covered by some tew fishermen of Bull, (aad as be-

In 1692, Philip English was at the height

of his prosperity,
ings in
lie

owned fourteen

build-

ing successful on light as well as dark nights)

few years before 1671, and which being freely com-

town twenty-one sail of vessels, besides a wharf and ware house on tbo Point of Rocks (Neck). His wife, before the witchcraft ^^outcry.^' had been considered arislocratand Philip English ic, so says Dr. Bentley
;

municated to the Plymouth

profitable to that colony.

colonist<) became very Our own people were not

himself, though wealthy, had held no

office in

likely to be far behind

their

neighbors in

availing

town, and had besides been engaged in soma

unsuccessful suits with the *^own in legard to

themselves of the -'deaiga," and

sharing the profits

See
8
fit
lit

Mass, Hist. Coll. Vol

6 1st

beriei pp 127

lands which he claimed of

it.

These things

Prince and Bos worth's Petition.

is

most probable that there were large Deposat that

may have At also.

contributed to render Aim unpopular

all

events both he and his wife wer8

of Fish at the English Settlement or Settlements

"cried out'' against for witchcraft, and ao-

la

Nnwfoandland
fleet

time.

The Englibh

fish-

ing

at N. F. was

a large one, and their

cording to Dr. Bentley (Mase. Hist. Coll. vol.

10
first series

fish

were probably cured on the coasts.

tarty fashion at least

That was the

pp

6:1-5)

he was the only parfor

At early

as 1615 the Eoglish

son in Salem Village "distinguished

erty

prop-

Iisd 175 vessels fishing at

New

Foandland, and the

and known
'bo

in the commercial world''

who

French , Spanish, and Portuguese had altogether 300 nor*.

was

accused.

Whether

in the

hour of theit

prosperitj, pride got the better of

wisdom ia

41

16^
the counsels of the English family,

we know

that he was an adherent to the church of Eng;

Dot

but whatever

may have been

the sins of land

and

it

may

be that this fact cost

in

Philip or hia wife, there can be but little doubt that ignorant malice and mischief formed one
iogrediont in the persecution, as Dr, B. says

influence,

power and respect

at
first

the

him communiSulem, to
for

ty during his long business

life.

be sure,

was

considered,

and

lome prejudices were at the bottom of the mat ter. Philip E. (so runs the tradition m the fam ily,) had moreover made himself also obnoxious by asserting in public and fearlessly, that the charter of the Colony had been violated, and in various ways, by the Colonial government that there was no religious toleration to be had under it as construed by the authorities, lie was himself an Episcopalian, and desired toleration for that creed, and felt that he

while, as the shelter of the moderate Episcopa-

but Congregationalism soon triumphed, and did not relax its rule until 1732. In 1734 St. Peter's Church began to rise aa a monu ment of a hard- won toleration. Before that, some Episcopal missionary, like Pigot, might
lians,

collect (perhaps

privately)

tho

adherents of

could not obtain

it.

He adhered

to

his re-

and even <a8 late as 1725, was imprisoned in our Salem for refusing to pay jail (according to Felt)
ligious creed with great pertinacity,

for worand baptize their children according to its rites and forms, but Episcopacy was an outlaw and an alien in tho sight of our New England Congregationalism.

the Episcopal

Church here together

ship,

church taxes to
tional

the East Parish Congrega-

Church though he was then in his 75th year, and though for more than 50 years he had been a well-known merchant in Salom. It was not until 1732 that the law was passed releasing Episcopalians from pajing taxes for the support of Congregational churches. The
Quakers, even, were released from similar burThis seems dens in 1728, four years before
!

we think, have shared a greater or lesser extent the odium attaching to the English Church and his bold adPhilip English must,
to
;

vocacy for
coiled

its

toleration

could only h&va re-

upon himself in the day of trouble and The causes of the witchcraft persecutions of 1692 were various and multiform. The principal cause waa doubtless a belief in
calamity.
the guilt of the accused, as

a general rule,

but there

is

too

much

reason to fear that the

to indicate that the Colonial authorities were

morbid condition and anger of the pubiio mind at that day, resulting from a peculiarly
distressing combination of
civil

more indulgent

to the latter than the former.

evils

in the

Now
to 1692,

as the religious

history

of

Massachu-

setts is the history of the State, certainly

down

Colony, were also eager and prepared to seek victims for their own unjust sufferings, and
that there were also working with

and even later as

ia

proved by such

them

for mia-

and similar laws,

Beet.

we

can readily see that

government, in the

chief the elements of personal prejudice,

per-

Episcopalians were

practically a proscribed
civil

Thrust out from

haps personal malice and uncharitableness. That storm had been long brewing, and contained as

and all which waa the mora though if any was, it was religious sentiments, hopes, faiths and fears of fatal ingredient, bigotry, that, clothed in the name of Bethe against were them. To tolerate Colonists the them waa to tolerate the tyranny of that ligion, was burning with every unholy fire eharch which had driven the Puritans and an awful fanaticism, under the guise and with Pilgrims over the sea, and was only waiting the seeming inspiration of a true enthusiasm. That storm burst mainly on the humbles tfiA biding its time for spiritual dominion again txer them. It was most probably no reoommen- ones of the community, many of whom, howTer, proved that thej were really the loft^ f.fttion to Philip English, in the daya of 1692,
all terrible,

Colony, in 1631, by the law of freemanship, they were not practically restored to their
the royal restoration.

many
It is

ingredients as the cauldron of

the Macbeth witches,

fights, even after

The deadly.

hard to

tell

163
ones of tbs earth in
heroic courage,
in true

time of trial."
tory of Salem,

Dr. Bentley says, in his

that the
officer

Ilia,

virtue, in a rare enduring

and

meek

patience,

who

arrested

and Christian Bubmission to an unjust and peculiarly ignominious doom. It ia impossible to read the letter, as an instance, which Marj Eastj, of Topsfield, wrote after condemnation to the Judges of the Court in Salem, (see Upham's Witchcraft) without seeing and feeling that some who perished in that terrible persecution
earth,

Mrs. English, came in the

his

ei^ening

and read
but she

warrant

in her

bed chamber, whither he

had been admitted

refused to rise.

by the servants,

Guards were placed around the house, and in the morning she attended
the devotions of her family, kissed

her chil-

dren with great composure, proposed her plan

were really the salt of the for their education, took leave of them, and and met their fate with a Christian then told the officer "she was ready to die." meekness so touching that it will bring tears So says Dr. B. She was evidently so persuadinto the eyes of the readers through all the gen- ed from the first that accusation of witchcraft erations. Mary English herself, though she es- was equivalent to condemnation, that she only caped a public execution by flight to New expected death, and prepared herself for it.
York, was really a martyr to this persecution,
Mrs. Enelish was (according to Dr. Bent^
the before ley) examined and committed by

for she died, says Dr. Bentley, (in

indulgence quoted article of his,) "in consequence of the to custody in a public house, at which her ungenerous treatment she received," and the husband visited her. There is a tradition in tradition in the family is, that owing to her the family, that, before her own examination,

exposure in our Salem

confined,

jail, in

which she was she was placed

in a

room

directly over the ex-

(Dr.

Bentley says six weeks,) she amining Judges, and heard through the thin
to see the witchcraft

contracted a consumption, lingering,

er, until 1694.

She lived madness paoa away, and

lier.

howev- partition the examinations of some of the accused and that she took some notes of these

to die of its effects,

examinations

particularly

of the

questions

freely forgiving, however, those

who had

in- asked

jured

On

the 2l8t April, 1G92,

and "from some

and com-

prejudiceo," says Dr.

Mrs. English "was

accused pf witchcraft,* examined,

mitted to prison in Salem.

Her firmness is memorable. Six weeks she was confined .but being viaited by a fond husband, her husband was absent from Salem when she was examWP^ eleo accused and confined in the same ined, but soun returned. The family tradiBy the intercession of friends, and by tion is, that she was confined in the second prison. a pleft tb^vt the prison was crowded, they were story of a tavern, which stood just above Mar-'
;

by the magistrates, and when her own turn came, she asked them if such things were right and lawful, and told them she would know of the higher Courts whether such things were law and justice, and that their decisions should be reviewed by the Superior Judges. Her huuband, according to tradition,

removed

to

Arnold's

jail

in

Boston

till

the ket Square, on the northern side of Essex St.,

and which Felt, in hia Annals of Salem, calls *^ Cat and Wheel.''' Here her husband deaoiiption of an examination of one aocosed of frequently visited her, which soon brought vitohcreft, will find it in Jonathan Gary's loiter, him into trouble, as on the 30th April, (acpage 71 of Upbam'* Leetures on Witchcraft. The cording to Felt) a warrant was issued for the

Any ona

desirons of readiog a virid lifo-like the

paitia* there were of Charlestown, and the examination appear! to

in Salem.
pofied in

arrest of Philip English for witchcraft, but have taken place in the First Chnrch being taken. Two warrants aeem The phtlotophy of witchcraft ii well ez- he avoided been issued against him. The tradihave to thii graphic and teaching letter, as well as

thr inbomaaity rMoltisg from Hi* judicial prejadice tion in the family is, that be kepi himself out of the way for a while, Niog io Boatoa, en^Jt ii


1G4
deavorinu; to obtain the
thither,

removal of his wife

interest cf
ttiat

selves.

Bridget Bishop, alias Oiiver, was the

and

to obtain the

the au- first \'iGtim to the witchcraft

madn^

'>f

1692.

thorities in her Jjchalf.

and

then

he vol-

Giles

C'M'y

was pressed

to death

for lefij-ing

untarily surrend'red himself, mure partioul.rIj as he found his

own
in

absence was being used

wife.
U",
apjio/irs to

to plead to his indictment, and Alice Parker and Geo. Jacobs, senior, were hung. It is his
trial, as

to the prtyudice of his

painted by sonie American artist, and

have been examined

Salem, and
Iiis

was then

presented by the M'^ssrs.

rates the entry of

Ropes,
Hall.

committed

to prison,

and with

wife.

Plummer
York.

which decoPhilip Enby flight

Dr. Buntley gives as one of

tlie

causes of the

glish

and wife only

jail to
is

escaped death

accusation aj^ainst Mrs. Enjilifih, that she had

from
It

New

been considered aristocratic

and haughty

in

a tradition in the

family that

several

her bearing towards

the

poor that "some

of the Boston clergy espouned the cause of

Mr.
;

prejudices" were at the

bottom of it. The family trad'tion says nothing as to the causes

she

and Mrs. English when confined

tluit

in

j.il

there

Cotton Mather,

who was a

great

friend

of her arrest, but that her Fervants were over-

whelmed with grief wh'^n and wished to resist the would not permit.
Slie

of Mrs. E., said, that though she was accused, was arrested, "he did not believe her to be guilty that her officers, which she accusers evidently believed her to he so, hut that Sitan was mot probably deceiving them
;

seems

to

have been a

woman

of relig-

into that belief

a very

in;ijeniou8

defence in

ious sensihilities. for as early as 1681

she was

fact agiinst all accasitions of

the kind.
their friends
flee to

The
re-

admitted a Congregational church

member,

tradition further

runs, that

and has

left

behind her the following religious

peatedly urged Mr. and Mrs. E. to

New

Acrostic, which

was put

into our

lady of Boston, one of her descendants

hands by a :

York, and

that

some

New York
in.
first

merchants,

who knew Mr.

glish

English, sent on

acarriage for
This Mr.
to

"M
A

ay I with mary ohues ye bettar part nd serue ye lord with all my heart eseue his word most JoyfuUj
liue to

himself and wife to escape

En-

was unwilling at

do,

saying

Y
E

him

eternily.

"that he did not believe they (the courts) would shed innocent blood." He, however,
had soon reason to believe the opposite, and
fled.

god I pray me for to stray iue me grace the to obay ord grant that I mny hapy bo I n Jesus Curist eiernille S aue me deer lord by thy rich graea eaven then shall be my dweliag plase."

uerl Suing euer leue

G L

The

tradition in the family

is,

that the the plot

State authorities
for the escape
.

were cognizant
it.

of

and aided in
letter

H
ferent

Dr. Bentley in his

to

Alden
to

(Mass.
the e8

This acrostic certainly

spirit

breathes a very difis

Hist. Coll. vol. 10 First series

pp 65-6) thui
Boston.
that the

from that which she

in

chargacros-

details the circumstances in regard

ed

wit!)

possessing

1692.

The

cape of Mr. and Mrs. English from

Before referring to
llev.
it,

tic is

not dated, but was evidently written af-

we

will

state

Joshua Moodey (mentioned as being conadmitted to the church in 1681. At tht cerned therein) was indeed a rare man for that About the year 1658 be began to preach time, certainly, she seems to have been bumble age. New Hampshire. "His indePortsmouth, in in mind 'and heart. Mr. and Mrs. English were finally removed pendent and faithful manner of preaching, and from our Salem jail to Boston, (the stone jail the strictness of his church discipline" brought his head in 1684 the wrath of Lieut. there,) together and on the same day with down on that Province, who indicted Giles Cory, Geo. Jacobs, senior, Allica Par- Go?. Cranfield of under the Uniformity act. him imprisoned and ker, Ann Pudeater and Bridget Biohop, alias
ter marriage,

and perhaps after she

l)ad been

Oliver.

Of

these, all

perished

except tbem-

and dismissed him

after thirteeD

week* imprii.


165
no more on This droTB penalty of further imprisontupnt.

onment with

a charge to preach

ANOTHER. In the discourse, with a manly freedom, he justified every attempt to escape from
the forms of justice,
in them.

him to Boston, wl>ere he preached until 1692. At that time he boldly espoused the cause of

when justice was

violated

After service Mr. Moodey visited

Mr

and Mrs.

Ensjlish

openly

justified

Mr. E,

the prisoners in the gaol, and asked Mr.

glish

En-

and in defiance of the popular prejudices denounced tiie prevailing Witchcraft persecution.
This brought

whether betook notice

of his

discourse?

down upon him

in

the wrath of not

h\9

Mr. English said he did not know whether he had applied it as he ought, and wished some
conversation on the subject.

a few

influential persons

own

society,

and be was obliged to leave Boston in consequence. He was gladly welcomed back to Portsmouth, and by a parish by whom he was greatly beloved, and thence remained with them. In 1684 he was ofiered the Presidency of Harvard College, which he modestly declined. Dunton, who was in Boston in 1686, speaks of Mr. Moodey as assistant to Mr. Allen, and "well known by his practical writings.'* Cotton Mather preached his funeral sermon and calied Iiira 'Uhat man of God .'" It 18 evident that he was a bold, fearless, able man, seeing clearly through the delusions of

frankly told him that his

life

Mr. Moodey then was in danger,

to

and he ought by
escape.

all

means

provide for an

Many,

said he, have suflfered.

English then replied,

to

God

will not suffer

Mr. them

hurt me.

Upon

this reply

Mrs. English

said to her husband, do

you not think that

they,

who have

suffered already, are innocent?

Ha

said yes.

Why,

then,

may

not

we

suffer

also?

Take Mr. Moodey 's advice. Mr. Moodey then told Mr. English that if he would not carry his wife away, he would. He then informed him that he had persuaded several worthy persons in Boston to
their

make

provision

for

liis

age

while his treatment of his personal

noble, as he was brave and
in his

enemies proves him to have been as magnani-

conveyance out of the colony, and thata conveyance had been obtained, encouraged by

mous and
cieties

able.

the Govenour, gaoler, &c., which would

at midnight,

come

Mr. Alden

Account of the Religious SoPortsmouth, New Hampshire, (Mass,

first series

and that proper recommendations

Hitt. Coll. vol. 10

pp.

37

to'

72)

does justice to Mr. Moodey, and Dr.

Bentley

had been obtained to Gov. Fletcher of New York, so that he might give himself no concern about any one circumstance of the journey ;
that all things were

adds further proof,

in the

account ho gives of

amply
to

provided.

The
his

Mr. Moodey 's

Mr. English, as obtained from a grand-daughter of Mr. E., and

services
to

Governour also gave

wife,

letters

Gov. Fletchnr,
English,

and.at the time appointed, Mr.

which we now quote

escape.

in connection with

the

Says Dr. Bentloy, writing to Mr. Alden, and

concerning Mr. Moodey,
giving bail, they
'"In

and daughter were taken and conveyed to Now York. He found before his arrival that Mr. Moodry had despatched letters, and
the Governour, with

Boston, upon

many
;

private gentlemen,

(Mr. and Mrs. English) had

came out
tertained

to

meet him
at his

and the Governour enbouse, and paid

the liberty of the town, only lodging in prison.

bim

own

him

the city. Upon their arrival Messrs. Wiilard and Moodey visited them and discovered every dis- On the next year he returned" (to Salem). "In all this business Mr. Moodey openly jusposition to console them in their distress. On
the day before they nere to return to Salem for
tified

every attention while he remained in

Mr. English, and,

in defiance of all the

Mr. Moodey waited upon them in the prison, and invited them to tl)e publick wortrial,

prejudices which prevailed,

expressed

his ab-

horrence of the measures, which had obliged a

useful citizen to flee from

ship.

On

the occasion he chose for

the

text,

the

executioners

If

they persecute you in one

city, flee to

Mr. Moodey was commended by all discerning men, bat be felt the angry resentment of the

42


166
deluded multitude of bis

authorities, though
w<is

own

times,

He vrbom some of high rank were included. soon after left Boston, and returned to Fortsmouth."
"Mrs. English died
age, in consequence ot
in 1694, at

among New York known that

it

well

the fugitives

had gone

thither.

Brattle uses this strange neglect as a proof that

the authorities in Massachusetts could

not be-

42 years

of

lieve witchcraft to be a

crime equal to that of

the

ungenerous

treat-

ment she had

received.

Her husband died

at

murder (then the general belief) or Mr. and Mrs. E.j would have been demanded of Gov.
Fletcher.

84 [86] years of age, in 1734 fl736J." "This is the substance of the communication made to me at different times from Mad-

Brattle ably opposed witchcraft, but

did not then of courae see that the

these parties

escape

of

was a premeditated thing on the

am

Susanna Harthorne,

his

great-granddaugh-

part of the authorities

who
law

for once

were cer-

ter [granddaughter]

who

died in Salem 28

Au-

tainly inconsistent as to
tent

gust, 1802, at the age of 80 years, who received the account from the descendants of Mr. English, who dwelt upon his obligations to Mr.

thoroughly so with justice and

to leave

but then consismercy

Boston in consetransaction

the true consistency.

Mr. Moodey had

quence of his share

Moodey with great pleasure." Such is the version which Dr. Bentley
E., and which

this

but
He

gives

only to return to the arms of a congregation

of this affair, told by a granddaughter of Mr. we doubt not is a correct one

who had
died

never willingly given him up.-

universally lamented, and with a rare

left

though the tradition

in anotjer

branch of the
Philip

modesty appears not to have

his papers

a line among
to his con-

family varies from this in stating that

which

refers in

any way

E. and his wife escaped from the Church in a

ing, and assisting

nection in this matter.

It is thus

by the trapreserved by

coach after service, some of his frienda aidhim by crowding back the

ditions of the English family, as

Dr. Bentley, that we get an insight into the

manliness and worth of this man,

officers as if accidentally,

and locking them

in

who

equally

the church, until the fugitives were well out of reach. Both Dr. B.'s version and the tradition agree that the Governor
officers

dared to face the vrrath of the

New Hampshire
in

Government or Massachusetts people

far

the

and high State

es-

cause of right and justice, and who, standing

were privy

to,

and encouraged the

above his age, saw from the mountain top

cape, and Thos. Brattle in his letter of Oct. 8, 1692 (Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. 5 & 6th, First series) indirectly

the clear sun-light of truth,

when

all

was mist

and darkness

in the valley below.

confirms the truth of this,

when

The winter of 1692-3 and the succeeding

spring, were days ot terrible suffering for Sa-

Mr. English, somewhat of this misery, sent on *Dr. Benjamin F. Browne, of Salem who is well from New York during the winter one hunversed in our local traditions and antiquities dred barrels of flour for the poor, who, he was informs us that the tradition in his younger days afraid, "would suffer in his absence." The was, that Philip E. escaped from Boston on town was then indeed in a terrible state. The horseback, having first reversed the shoes on his witchcraft madness and terror the executions horse's feet, so as to appear to bo entering, instead the accusations on the numerous arrests Dr. Bentley does not departing from the city.
,

he wonders why no requisition had ever been made for Mr. and Mrs, E. at the hands of the

lem, particularly that winter.

anticipating

of

give the particulars of his escape

the

means emwere
it

all

sides the

flight of the

inhabitants, over a

ployed

and the two traditions have seeming discrepreConeiled,

it.

quarter part of

whom

fled

the general gloom,

ancies, which, however, could be

worth the time to attempt

The escape from

prison

depressed Salem beyond imagination.

and the utter prostration of business, had all In 1693

the storm was over, and people were themselves

was easy indeed.

The only danger lay

in arrest

by

ignorant officers, or an excited people.


16?
again Mr. . then returned to Salem, and was welcomed back by Rev. Mr. Noyes, who was very attentive to liim ever after. The Town expressed its joy at his return by bon-fires and
.

some 54 out of

its

60 fishing ketches, and as

was the staple interest, the town became so poor, with continued losses up
the fishing business
to 1711, that it could

not repair

its fortifica-

Mrs. E., however, returned home an invalid, only to die. Mr. . found
a general rejoicing.

tions as ordered

by the Governor that year. were captured by French

off the

Its fishing ketches

fleets in

moreover, that his house had

been sacked by
to

tho Bays of Newfoundland,

tho multitude, and goods attached and taken

from hib stores by

JSheriflF

Curwen

tho a-

mount of 1.183.
Lis
It
i3

He

sued Curwen, laying

damages at 1,500, bat never recovered.

very probable that Curwen sheltered him-

self

under the law of confiscation against those

escaping from prison

crimes.
one, for he had given
bis appearance,

when accused

of capital

Philip English thought his case a hard

"Acadie," and near Cape Sable. The Indians, instigated probably by tho Frenclj, shot down the crews from ambush, when ashore, and French privateers, and even pirates preyed on these ketches. In 1689 Government had to send a vessel of war to scour our bay and coast for pirates, and in 1704 Major Sewall of Salem, captures some of these outlaws
coast of

4000 bail in Boston for who have been taking fishing shallops at the and was, perhaps, then legal- Islo of Shoals. Our Salem fishermen perseverIn 1699 they sent ly liable for that amount, in addition to the ed as well as they could. sum Curwen attached. His wife's health was out a fleet of fourteen vessels, but were almost
ruined

his goods gone his

business
ail

for the

discouraged in 1711 by their repeated losses.

an innocent Philip English was engaged in this business, The only pecuniary satisfaction ho ev- and sent out his katches, and suffered, doubtman er got was 60 paid him by the administrator less, in common with his neighbors. He, howof the estate of George Curwen, the late Sher- ever, was engaged in other trades sent his This whole affair was a terrible trial to ketches, sloops, brigantines to JBarbadoes and iflf. Mr. E. and perhaps was one cause of the dis- other British Westlndias fSurinam in Dutch
time broken up, and he after
!

ease, (clouding of the

mind) under which he

life.

labored the last two years of his

of bis wife, and under the circumstances, was

have refused her quota of men and means bj land or sea, in any of the wars of the Cola severe blow a wife, too, whom he tenderly ony. (See Felt's Annals passim.) As one proof of this, we find that in March, 1674, Edward Havson, loved and in addition to this came the loss of
er seems to either

The

loss

property to no small amount, and most unjustly.

our colonial Secretary, informs the Viovernor and

Council of Connecticut that the Ketch Swallow of

He

petitioned the General Court with oth-

Salem, 60 tons, 12 gans, and 60 men, Capt. Richard

ers for pecuniary satisfaction

in

this

matter,

but refused the amount tendered him, entirely inadequate.

being

Mr. English

set

about repairing his fortunes,

and the Ketch Salisbury, of nearly th6 same tonnage, 8 guns and 40 men, Capt. Sam'l Mosely, were ready to sail, and cruise up and down the Sound "on the service of the Colonies." Felt menSprague,
tions this of Salem, tho

having children to bring forward, and seems to have entered into business again with fresh epirii and energy, though not with tho good
fortune, perhaps, he

"service" being perhaps to

watch the Dutch

then dreaded.
in the days of the Revolution,

1692.

From 1689

to

had met with prior to 1711 Salem merchants

from tho
lost

this old

The Privateer history of Salem dates perhaps from French war, and as a precedent was not forit is likely,

gotten,

century later.
j-The following letters of instruction of Philip
glish to

suffered severely at the northward,

*Frencb and Indians.

*Salem
fitted

In 1697 Salem had

in this

En-

two of his captains

one

his

son,

William

oat privateers

old French

English, the other,

John

Touzell, a son-in

law may

war, which did some damage to the enemy, and nev-

be of some interest, both as connected with this mer


I6d
Guiana

Maryland Virginia Kiiode kland history of

*New Hampshire

*Connecticut Ireland

ohant, and as illustrating the commercial

the times.

Salem

in

New England,

je 9th day of Juce, 1712. J being master of the Slope [sloop] Mary, & hauing Laden yo'r vessell, you are to attend ye Laws and Customes of this place Relating to Clearing ef said vessell and Goods, you are to take ye first opportunity of wind and weather, and sett saile, Directing yo'r Coarse for Seyrinam, [Surinam, Dutch Guiana,] where you are now bound, and when it shall please god to bring you safe there, you are to attend ye Lavrs and Customes of that place in Respect to Eniring yo'r vessell and goods, and then you are to deliver yo'r goods according to bills of lading, and receiue yo'r freight (money) and what goods you haue of ours consigned to your selfe, you are to make sale of for Malasses so to Lode your vessel home here for New England, and it in case cur Effects, both of goods and freight, doth not produce a full loading for said vessell, Thentako what fraight you can for Salem or Boston, and if you have more of our Effects as aforesaid then will Lade yourveS' sell with Mallasses, we leaue it wth you to Lay out in such things as you shall think most Benefitiall for ye owner of sd vessell, and for to Loade in ye same for ye owner's profitt. Be sure make no debts, and so, haueing Loaden yo'r vessell in Seyrinam, and done yo'r Consearnes, you are to cloare yo'r vessell and goods so that no Damage may necrue to your owners and Imploy'rs. So haueing no more at present, but wishing you a good and prosperous voyage, and a safe ruturne to Salem in Now England, Again We Host yo'r Loueing Owners,

Wm.

English.

You

the principal markets so sought. At a later day the same practice obtained in the East Indies, when our Salem commerce was diverted thither. This Samuel

Sewall charges in his subsequent account, commissions 5 per

cent., storage

and portage 2^

the curNew Eng4,

rent rates probably of that day.

letter.

To Mr.
land.

Wm.

English, merchant in Salem,

Bakbadoes, Feb'y
Mr. William English.
Sir

1712.

These wait on you by

Estis via Saltertuda [sometimes spelt Salwith enclosed account Sales for yo'r Eight hhds fish which came to a miserable markett, Tho I think I sold to ye heighth of ye markett. Im heartily sorry I can give you no better Inoouragem't. I shall observe yo'r orders in ye returns, and make all reasonable dispatch pleas to acquaint yo'r father I have rec'd his Thousand of staves per Woodbridga, but have not yet sold them, they are very low, and sold at 50s pr M. I cannot Inlarge, but am Sr yo'r ready and Obe't Ser't,
titudos,]

Matthew

SAM'L SEVYALL.
Saltertuda or Saltitudos we have
discovered to bo

only a corruption of Salt Tortuga, an island near the

Spanish Main.

According
nial

to the 2d in

Book (B.)

of the old
is

Coloin

Custom House

Salem, which book

now

PHILIP ENGLISH.
SECOND
LETTER.

the posssssion of Benj.

it

Browne
to

Esq.,

who

inherited

from his ancestor Gerrish, the Collector, Philip

English was trading in 1695

Barbadoes.

New

Hampshire, in
vol.,

Salem, May ye 2d, 1722. Mr. John Touzd. S'r, you being appointed master of my sloop Sarah, now Riding in ye Harbour of Salem, and Ready to sailo, my Order is to you that you take ye first opportunity of wind and weather to saile and make ye Best of yr way for Barbadoes or Leew'd Island, and there Enter and Clear yr vessel and Deliver yr Cargo According to Orders and Bill of Lading, and make Saile of my twelve Ilogsh'd of fish to my Best advantage, and make Returne in yr vessel or any other for Salem, In such Goods as you shall see best, and if you see Cause to take a fraight to any part or hire her, I leiuo it with your Best Conduct, Managem't or care, for my best advantage. So please God to give you a prosperous voyage, I Remain yr Erieud and Owner,

1G96 to Virginia, in 1698 to Medara [Madeira] and

According to the same

Surinam,

Virginia and Barbadoes were favorite places of trade

for various

or later.

Salem merchants, from 1700 to 1715 say, The first vol. of these Custom House
is

Records (A.)

unfortunately

lost.

Hampshire, as mentioned in this old Colonial Custom House Book, Portsmouth, N. H.,
is

By New

perhaps intended, for P. was largely visited by

In 1G81 (according
less

vessels.

to Cooper

Naval Hist.

U. S.) no

than 47 vessels entered that port.

Philip E. also traded to

Rhode Island and Conis

necticut, certainly after 1700, as

evident from his

PHILIP ENGLISH.
Endorsed

son

William's letters and accounts.

According to

"My

sailing orders to Barbadoes."

it

Trumbull, Connecticut maintained a very humble

In connection with the Barbadoes trade,

ter from

may marine
let-

of her

own even

as late as 1713. In 1680 she

not be out of place here to append the following

had 24

vessels, with a total of 1050 tons, trading be-

Samuel Sewall, which, with other evidence

tween that Colony and Boston,

New

Foundland, the

West Indies &o., and in 1713, 2 Brigs, 20 Sloops, some of our Salem or Massachusetts men went to the and a number of smaller craft. No. of seamen 120! British West Indies and acted as commission mer- Mass. had then some 20,000 tons of shipping, and chants there. Barbadoes seems to have been one of some 3000 seamen. Newport, in Rhode Island, was
in our possession, proves that in our early Commerce,


169
Jersey England, and perhaps Holland. most probable that P. E. was en^ragf-d in trade with some of these places prior to 1692 but many ol his earlier commercial papers were moat probably scatu^red, if not destroyed, when bis house and waret>ouse were sicked that year, A few papers are found of commercial interest,
Isle of

It is

Having enjoyed eo much commercial both Charles the First, and Cromwell, particularly the latter, and feeling a growing consciousnens of strength, both through that long liberty and its attendant
escaped.

librty under

success, Salem, in 1670. occupi>'d a high posi-

tion in commerce.

She was

also one of the prin-

running from 1694 to 1720. From these and various commercial item;* we find in other quarters, the subsequent remarks are based. When P. E began business Salem, say in 1670* or thereabouts, the town was already

cipal ports in the Colony for shipbuilding.

From

1670 to
greatly.

76 Salem

seems to have fl-iuvished

After that the havoc

made by the

recovering

probably from the "smite on

all

French and Indians among her fishing fleet B'tween forced her to retrograde for a while. these years we find Wayborne, Randolph and
^

employments,^^ that ^u/Zmentiong in 1665.

In

t\\6

London merchants,

all

endeavoring to re-

1664, Josselyn said there were ome rich mer-

chants in Salem.

It

is

not be wondered at

the acts of trade, that we do not make Enand gland the magazine* of trade, but go and come the shipping needed fur both trades enjoying and buy and sell where, and as, and when we a comparative Iree trade with the world, un- please. This proves our commercial freedom. hampered by the Plantation Act, without even The light burdens, moreover, laid on coma Custom House Office established by Parlia- merce by the Colony were not seriously felt, ment, Salem might have been the envy of some if we except, perhaps, the duty on grain. of the Britih. seaporta which had at home Even De Ruyter, in 1665, spared us, though to conform lo rules, from which Salem, in he "did great spoiV in Newfoundland, and common with our Massachusetts sea ports, again in 1667 the Dutch, though ravaging the coast of Virginia, ai.d capturing some of our

that our old town should have flourished. Admirably situated for the fishing t.ade, and

our trade, (in common with that of the Colony) stating that our [Maspachusett."] commerce is irregular, that we do not o inform to
strict

the foreign trade then connected with

it,

then, doubtless, the

great Southern

New England
*

Port, as in 1737 she

owned 100

sail

of different sizes.

So says Cooper.
In
the
1st vol.

We

have

in

our possession one of the Plantation

173U, and in tuitherance of th

certificates,

dated

Booke of Reeordes

for

masters,

desi^'o to

make England

the magazine

of colonial

page 85, Aug. 23, 1710, Phillip English and Eleazer Lyndsej-, ot Salem, let their Brigantine Neptune to

produce.
ficers of

By

this, security is

given to the chief ofit'

the customs in London, that

built
in

the Endeavor,

Leonard Abbott, of Kingstowne, Jamaica, (but then resident in Salem.) for a voyiige to Jamaica, and thencn (transporting Abbott also) to Bay of Gampeacbe (Campeachy) to load with logwood for Amsterdam and Rotterdam, the owners to hare as freight
every twelve tons out of twenty ^hipped

a ship or vessel

New

Enj^land,

of sixty

tons burthen, and belonging to Salem, shall load

any

sugar, tubaeco, eottun wooll, Indigo, ginger, fustick,

or

other aying wood; as also rice, melasses, tar,

turpentine,

pitch,

h^mp, masts,

yard.--,

b'-wsprits,

the balance

copper ore, beaver skins, or other furs uf the growth,

production or manufacture of any
British

It appears from a subsequent protest, that the vessel did not sail at the time appointed, but may have afterwards.

forAlbott.

planta-

t'ons in America, Asia, or Africa, the

same commod-

* The population of Salem from 1670 to 1740 may be set down as varying from say 1500 in 1670 to

ities shall be by the said ship ur ves.el brought to some port of Great Britain, and be unloaden and pal

4500 or 5000 in 1740. This period embraces the whole business period of the life of Philip English,
as well as various other

on shore, the danger of the seas only excepted. Such arbitrary attempts to Curn the natural current of trade, and aggrandize the mother country at th

Salem merohacts of that

expense of the Colonies, proved to be one of the moil

serious caasea of the Kevjluiion in later years.

day.


170
tessels

England.
ferer.

and men, yet spared us a visit in New In 1073 piracy is said to be prevai

ever,

gloomy

ones.

The

loss of the charter*

the drtaJed loss by the Purita' s of their Protestant privileges of even

lent, but fc>alem

not recorded as a direct sufduties on

off,

the titles

to

their

In 1076

all

exjiorta, except

very lands and houses ae a consequent on

loss of the charter

the

6d. on hoises. are taken

indef'iitiguble

and not until the

mischievous Rando/ph returns wars which liad from nj:land as Inspector of Customs, does ing the public dread of James, as the secret thero seem to be serious trouMe in prospect. ally of France and the Indians as against the The intervening years up to *1092 vyere, how- Colonies the public and private calamities,

wars and rumors of gathered or were fast gather-

the

* The staple commodities of Massachusetts, about

1680, were
fish,

mackerel, peltry, horses, provisions,

which were numerous the belief in witchcralt. and the growing belief throughout New England that Satan was let loose to do his
will,

cider, boards,

timber and pipe staves.

These

our

especially in

these colonies

these,

all

West Indies and the Colonial possessions, and obtained sugar, rum, indigo, cotton wool, tob^icco, which were transmitted usually in
traders sent to the
their

these eauces contributed to render the

public

nerves morbid

own

vessels to England.
<tc.,

Some
to talsen

of their

pipe

acute

until as

the

evil

imaginations of
off the

men

they drank

successive

staves, fish, mackerel,

were sent

Madeira, and

drauglits of these evils, temporal and spiritual,

western

islands,

and wines

thence to

New

they themselves went

intoxication

finally

mad

in

all

the

England.
goods ot
setts
all

No

great quantity of tar and pitch was

of calamity.

Thus came upon

English flourIn 1694

then made here

sort.-'

Some 40,000 or 50,000 of English were imported yearly. Massachuin

the Colony the madnes-i of 1092.

During these times Pfilip

ished or

seems

to

have been poorer

1G80 than in

'70.

suffered with his compeers.

See Govtrnor Bradstreet's answers to Lords of the

Privy Council. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. 8, Boston, Charlestown and Salem are there pp. 333-0.
called the principal places of trade, idem.

he

is

bliiniiig on the

ketch ^Prosjiorovs^'

''Benj. intone. Master,'^ b( und to Baibados,

certain goods consigned to
carried

Mnjor Juhn

Pil-

No

export duty upon the produce of Massachusetts

was imposed in or about 1680, bnt one penny a pound upon goods imported. i.his was the general tax (it seems) upon houses, land, cattle, and other estatj of The poll money was 20d per the country, yeaily. head. A small tax was put upon rum, cider, beer,

them to England the full duty being demanded thi're. Gov. Bradstreet, therelore, asks of the King the privilege of free trade, (at least for some ew ships lor some time,) to build up the Colony. Ma.-snchusetts was built up commercially by
an unrestricted trade. 3d
series, vol. 8, pp.

The whole revenue of Massachusetts from these was only about 15(jO per annum, out of which the government had to be supported, officers'
Ac.
sources
salaries paid, furtifications maintained,

See

Bradstreet's answer to

the Lords of the Council, in 1680.

Mass, Hist. ColL,

332 to 340.

&o.

In the

Bradstreet's views of the

setts in 1680,

commerce

of

Massachu-

times of the Indian wars, ten or fifteen general rates

were rather gloomy.

Salem, as one of
Massachusetts,

were obliged
year,

to

be levied upon

all

men's estates in a

the three principal places of trade in

S'^vere

burden

to the

Colony.

In the years

must have
* In the
in 1684,

suffered severely.

1664-5,

according to Rawson, the total income of

Massachusetts was about 1200.

Besides the troubles
pirates
to

Judgment to vacate the Colonial Charter among the sins of the Colony are especially

occasioned by the Algerine

our

commerce
l^

the

troubles with

the

enumerated the establishment of customs, the coining of money and the levying u pell tax. This

French at Nova Scotia

Acadia],

who

interrupted

Judgment
Coll.

(a copy)

can be found in the Mass. Hist.

see by this, that

our fishing, and the tyrannical demands of Sir Ed-

It is eatiy to
in

Mas^achnsett3
asserted,

mund Andros upon

trade
to

our fishermen to pay for the priv

usual
accidents of

was regarded

England as having then

ilege of fishing there were the

practically, her independence of the

mother country.
both

meet, and & double custom to be paid

by the
sugar,
j

Her

spirit,

moreover, on various

civil occasion*,

merchants of

Massachusetts
<fcc.,

who imported

before and after this, proved to be of the indomitabla

order.

indigo, cotton wool,

into the Colony,

and thence

171

gram (Pilgrim
empty
Goods, viz
there."
:

?) in

B.
is

She

carries fish

and

men

of Ciiirography. and instructs the Con'"If

it

hogslieads,

aud

to return
^

with Dry
if

sijinee,

shall please

God
tl

that

the

said

"Nails, blew lining.

Blue limn)

Ketch arrives safe

at Barbados,^' to

n ctive her
of

Oembrigs, Holland Ducii and tJordage

cheap

Cargo, &c.

higher power
fallible

an the winds

He mentioned

also rectiving

Kum and
tlie

and the wraves and the

is

efforts

man
let-

"Malcsses" (Molatisee) from the Major at hand^ of Mr. Benjamin Pitman. This
ter of advice is very well written
* This letter of 16945

indeed reeogniz d in all the old Salem

advice

let-

ters of

now

extant, not of P.

alone,

as a speci-

may have some

interest,

and we tberefure

will gi?e it entire.

Tbe Maj'r John

Nor were manly or generous for such a belief and acknowledgment, as the noble legacies for in>tance, of the Brownes to
but of the Brownes. and others.
t-uch

men indeed

the lees

Pilgram named was a merobaot in Barbadoes, it would appear most probably a Commission Mtr chant, and perhaps a native of Masi^aehusetts.

Salem, Jan'y the 28th, 1694-5.

Maj'r John Pilgram,

Salem, abundantly prove. From 1694 to 1720 Mr. E. sends ketches to New Foundland, Cape Sable or Acadie to
catch
<<ther
fish,

sends these

fish

to Bar^adues, or

Yours Received p [per] Mr. Benjamin Pittman with one Eovoice and bill ot Loading Enclosed ol four bbd of Kum and four libd of Mai loses. The Rum was in good conuition, But tbe Mallust-s was above one-fourth part Leeked, or taken
Sr.

Englit^h

West

Indies, Surinam, perhaps

Spain or the Streights.

If to the

West Indies
barrels,

or Surinam, he sends also lumber, shingles,

oil (fish

and whale?) and staves,*

and

out.

was
not

of hiui; the Casks were good No. 3. To 6 hhds Cont. 6i Qnintleg att 15s 6d per Quintle is 39 qtls to 8. 30 04 06 doe likewise signiiye tljat I have To 8 Empty hhds at 5s per Inclosed herein a bill of Lading ol eight bbd. of piece, 00 00 2 fiSsli ivr mj acco't, aud Re.-que which I have Shii>ed on board tne Ketoh th Prosporous Benjamin btoiie Errors Excepted me 44 04 06 by Mastei and cuiisigned to you. If it should please PHILIPS ENGLISH. Qo'l that the saia Ketch arrive safe at Barbados I Intreat you to Receive the said flSsh and dispose of the * Tbe following memorandum found among tho saiue lor uie, and Returne the Produce by the same English papers, besides giving the names of a few Ketch in Barbados goods it to be had (if not) in dry Goods (viz) nailes blew lining osmbrigs Holland wharves in Salem, in 1695, shows the kind of bnsidm-k Coraage il it be cheap there Knowing not ness done at them. It95. what is best I leave it to your discretion to make Returns in what you think best for my advantage, but Aug. loth Account of goods taken abord ye Slupe in case tbe sd ketch should not Returne hither di prudent Mary, recily Pray send t:ie Effects by the first that is bound loth taken from Mr. Turner's worfe 18 bund Red for 6alem if Barbados Good, If English Goods by Oke hh. Staves. any bound for Salm or Boston; fliah is ver> scarce 16th taken from Capt. Sewel's worfe 5000 of Shinhere is none to be Expected till the Spring gel. Sr I have not anything else to trouble you with at pr'seut 19 day Loded on bord from Mr. Brown's worfa onely my Humble Service to you & your good Lady 15 bund of bb. staves, ard of Mr. Hurst nukaowne I Kemaine Sr. your fiom Winter Island: 6 hh. of fish G. U. 1 JViost Humble Servant at Command to 6. 20 day taken on bord 4 hh of fish S B 1 to 4. PHILLIP ENGLISH. 2 day taken on bord from Mr hurst 8 hh of fish Salem 28 day of January, 1694-5. G. H. No 7 8 and U. H. aud 12 huudard of Invoice of 8 bhd of ffish shiped on board tbe ketch etaves from Mr. Brewn'a worfe. Prosperous Beoja. Stone Master upon the Proper 23 day 4 hh of fish from Marvelhed for Capt. Alj\cco't <fc Resque of me Phillip Englis of Salem in len BS A 1. 2 BC A3. 4. New England & Goetb Consigned to Maj'r John 24 day 13 hundard staves from Mr. Browne's Pilgram in Barbados marked & numbered as pr worfe Margent with the Contence of each hhd as foil 25 day 2 hh fish and 3 bar oyle from Marvel(viKt) hed S. B No. 5. 6. P- E. . a. d. 27 day 2 hh of fish of Mr. Hurst. No. 1. To 1 hhd Con't 8i Quintles-att 28 day 4 hh of fish from Mr. Engels of Samai Ids per Quintle is 6 07 06 Browns S. B. No. 2. To 1 hbd Cont. 7i Quintles att 29 day to 6 hundard of staves at Mr. Brown'a 15s per Quintle ia 5 12 06 worfe.
iiiiy
ti

Air. Pitujan gives me to undt-rstand that it so beloro it came on Board; Therefore I had
siitisfaotiou
o-

and

Sr. these

173
hogsheads.

In return he takes Sugar, Mulas-

see,

Rum

from Salem
}it

and Cotton Wool. He tht-n sends to Maryland or Virginia,* Sugar,

men capable
of bearing

September 3 hund
worle

day 2

of stares from Mr. Brown's and 4U00 ufsliin^fels. hh of fish from Mr. Engol's H No 1 2 for Mr. Hurst, and 1 titi & 1 bar 1 G No 1 ^ for Mr. Kitchen."

said to have furnished 100

arms

doubtle.^s a sturdy and hardy set.

foot of Turner's street,

Turner's wharf was at the

NoTB.

The above memorandum seems

Sewall's,

to

imply

that Turner's,

and Brown's wharves were

devoted to the stave, shingle and lumber business,

while the fishing trade was confined to Winter Island.

we are at a loss to locate. Brown's wharf may be that wharf which a Capt. Brown, in 1U8I, desired to build, and for that purpose got the town's interest "in the cove down against his father's hnuse." See page 141 of vol. 1 Salem

we

believe.

Sewall's wharf

This agrees well with the history and tradito

Records.

Which

of the

Browns or Brownes

it

was,

tions in respect

Winter Inland ba'ng the great depot of the fishing trade even from the gettlement
of the town.

does not, however, appear.

* The following copy of an old printed Bill of Lading of 1707, with contents may nut be out of
place bere;

According to the
ters,

Ac,"

in the

first "Booke of Kecordes for MasEssex County Court office. Winter

Island had somo settled "customes" of

its

own.

In
ditch,
is

the first of these books, pp. 2t-5, Oct. 1700, there appear certain depogitiDns of variou.s parties in regard
to the delivery of fish thare.

Shipped by the Grace of God, in good order and well conditioii'^d, by Sam'U Browne, Pliillip Eiglinh, C.iot. n. iJowWm. Pickering & Sam'll Wakefield in and

upon the Good sloop called the may flower whereof .\lastt?r under Gjd for this present voyage Jno the ship Leonora, Capt. Alexander Dowdidge, refused Swasey, and now riding at Anchor in the harbour of Salem, and by God's Grace bound for Virginia ar to take a boat load of fish from thence, unless the men delivering it tor Capt. lienj'n Marston carried Merriland To say, twenty hogshats of rfaitt one quarter partt on the Acct Resque of Sam'll IJrowne it down to Fish St (which was probably close to the one quarter on the Aoctt & Resque of Philip Enwater) whereupon Natb'l Wallis, aged about 70, and glish one quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of Pickering one Mathew Barton, aged about 58, testify to their cer Captt. Wm. Bowditch and quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of Sam'll Waketain knowledge that it hath ever been the custom of field Being Marked and Numbered a.s in the MarWinter L<land for the masters of vessels to receive gent, and are to be delivered in the like good Order the fish at the end of their flakes at every part of the and well conditioned at the afi-resaid Port of Virginia or Merriland (the da'ger of t!ie Seas only Island. The Island was then well covered with fish excepted) unto Mr. i?am'll Wakefield or to his Asflakes most probably. signs, he or they Paying Freight for the said Goods" Winter Harbor was the long Cove which runs into * * * with Primage and Avarage accustomed. In Witness whereof the Master or Purser of the the we.stwaid of the is^land, (now Cat Cove) and was said Sloop hath alHrnnd to Two Bills of Lading, all well adapted for the ketches, sloops and larger shal of this Ten' ur and Date, Ono of which two Bills lopi then in use. Probably not many even of our being Accomplished the other one to stand Void. And

Soma

of the crew of

<fe

Wm

schooners

up
so

to 1740

ranged over 45

SI)

toijs

bur'hen.

God

We judge
On

safety.

from a cursory perusal of the two Bookes

semi the Good Sloop to her desired Port in Dated in Salem Dec. 24,

AMEN.

1707.

of Recoidcs for Masters.

the shores of

JOHN SWASEY.
On
of
this Bill of

Winter Island or the adjacent

Lading

is

endyrsid:

shores were granted in l(i3G-7

fishing trade

"haH

acre lots" "for

"Rec'd. the Contents of the within menshened Bill

and

to build

upon," and

among

other

Layden per
Marelv'id,

Sam'll Wakefield.
the 31,

very early merchants settling there was Pasco Foot who was a very enterprising merchant, and died in
1C70.

May

17o8.

By
this,

another Bill of Lading, not separated, from and of the same date, Sam'l Browne, Wm. Bow-

Right opposite Winter Island H.arbor to the westward was Water-t..wn, a fishing \illage on the Point of Rocks (the farm lately occupied by Mr. Eben
Ilathorne) which
liittei

ditch

the

and Wm. Pickering being the shippers, it seems same sloop took the following additional items:

settlement, however, appears

to have been on privato land. A large population dwelt formerly on Winter Island and iidj icent shores, including Water-town. The Neck at one time is lond and twelve four gallond Runlits, Sixtiene new

or Merriland" "Five toarccs of Matwo ho^shuts Rum, twelve barrills RackttSider, forty Eightt Sidcr pails, two barrils and one firkin Shugar, forty Eightt Shugar boxe.-', twenty four gallonds & two galiond Runlits, twe'vo three gallasses,

"To Virginia

173

Rum

and Molasses, (the

in

result

of his

West another then

of the

here of eighty

tons.

The most

India voyages) and

addition, Salt, Cider,

Cans.

Wooden Ware, Casks, Barrels, Kegs and He takes from thence to Salem, Wheat,

Indian Corn, Hides, Peltry, Tobacco, Old Iron,

Pewter, Copper, perhaps also some Dry goods

imDorted from England into these countries. If there be much Tobacco purchased, it is to
sold on P. E's. account,
to his

be sent to London, by some English vessel, and and tho money paid

Salem Shipping then averaged from 20 to 40 tons. Some of his vessels were named from various members of his family, such for instance, as tho sloop Mary, and the briganThe cargoes teen William and Susannah. carried to Virginia and Maryland seem to be worth when sold there, about *140. It seems that Wm. HolliDgworth, his father in law,
had been before him
engaged in
this

trade,

and also Capt. John Brown, son of Elder John Spain, the return cargo If Salt from St. Ubea of Salem. When the Dutch ravaged Virginia, or Isle of May, with Wine, we should judge, about 1667, both these merchants suflfered sefrom Fuyal or the Wine Islands. We can verely, Wm. H. being captured by the Dutch. trace one of his voyages to Rhode Island and As an item in regard to these Maryland &, VirConnecticut, to load with Staves for Ireland ginia voyages, the Captain gets a commission and find some papers, and items In Felts annals, of 5 per cent, on sales. Kent Island, Marywhich make it very probable that ho traded land, appears to have been a favorite market, with England and Holland. to judge by old accounts. His vessels were most probably of the size The Salem trade with Virginia and Marythen common in the Colonies, and probably land flourished (comparatively speaking) beSuch were then called tween 1690 and 1720, though it was imporall built in Salem. They consisted o( Sloops, tant between 1660 and '7.0. It appears to '^Plantation built. ^^ which were from 20 to 36 tons buithen, car- have been a somewhat peculiar trade, owing rying five or six men. Ketches, which were to the peculiar condition of those countries. from 25 to 45 tons, carrying five or six men, New England had been settled by parties and Bri(janteens, from 60 to 70 tons and car- gathering into towns, but the former States by rying from six to eight men. In 1698-9, there planters, who scattered themselves over the was a Ship in Salem of 200 tons built here country. Consequently while New England
Banker
there,
if

he sends

his

fish

to

half barrils twelve pecks (T) on the proper

Acctt

<fc

Resqe

<tc."

receipt as of the Both Bills show

ia

This Bill of Lading has also Sam'U Wakefield's Same place, and date with the other. some of our Salem exports to Virgin-

had towns, with mechanics, traders, artizans, &c.,^all concentrated and co-workers, the more southern colonies had a sparse popula-

and Maryland at that time. The following Receipt shows some of the articles then brougiit from Maryland to Salem and the rates
of their freight.

Mary Land. "Received onboard the Sloop Mary Bound for Salem in New England on accompt of Mr.
Phillip English Merchant there to say one thousand and ffity pounds of Hides, Three hundred Eighty <fc Eight pounds of Iron, Thirteen & i pounds of Brass, Eight pounds of puter (pewter) and Two hundred to deflSty five i bushels of wheat, w'ch I promise liver to s'd Mr. Phillip English or assignes (danger of ye Seas Excepted) he or they paying freight for ye same, fforty shillings for ye Hides, Brass & puter and Iron for ye Wheat Eighteen pence per bushel having signed to Two receipts of ye same tenor and date the one to be accomplished ye other to stand void. I say reo'd English." per St Mariotffeby 21th 1711-12.

and no towns, markets, or indeed, capiTobacco was the principal crop of those was in fact their currency to a good colonies degree and only occupied the planters as a crop during the summer, and left them often They idle and lazy the remainder of the year.
tion
tal.

also raised wheat, Indian

corn, oats,

barley,

and many sorts of pulse in great plenother ty, and supplied Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, and also New England with such produce. At the date of 1696, and for some years before, the New England colonies
pease,

Wm

*This

sum

is

probably only a quarter part of the

true value of such voyages.

44


lU
had not been able
to raise

much wheat

or In-

cargoes with the same difficulty and delay.

dian corn, owing to the early frosts, and had

The
gard

writer,
to the

who

has

left

us these facts in re-

from Virginia and adjacent coasts. The sloops, ^^nd Ketches from Massachusetts, which ran to these Southern shores, had to gather their cargoes from
to seek their supplies of grain
vride
loss

condition of trade in

Virginia at

that date, regrets that that State had not originally laid out

towns as

the

New

Englanders

did

with home lots for gardens and orchards,

lots for

and scattered plantations,

It

and
giving

at groat thing-

outlots for cornfields,

try

of time.

was

no uncommon
Hist.

plantations, with

and meadows and counoverseers and

(says a writer in 1696 to 1698,

an ac5th

count of Virginia

Maes.

gangs of hands to cultivate them.

this

He

says

Coll.,

opportunity was lost by the Southerners,

seated themselves, without rule or
order,

vol., 1st series, pages

126 to 129,) for ships to

waiting

who

be three or four months in Virginia

for a cargo ol

in country plantations,

and

that the general

tobacco,

which might, under

fort-

Assemblies of Virginia, seeing the inconveniences of this dispersed

other circumstances,
night's time,

be dispatched in a

way

of living,

had made
state

and which delay

It

doubled the

several attempts to bring the people into towns,

price of freights.

probably took our Mas-

which had

all

proved ineffectual.

Such a

sschusetts craft a long time to dispose of their

of things of course affjoted trade unfavorably.

It is difficult, therefore,

cargoes under such circumstances, as well as

get their return cargoes, and
ble that they pushed
it is

to tell

the *length

very probasloops

of these Southern voyages of our fathers,

who

their little

and

ketches far into the *creeks and bays of Virginia and Maryland, traded
off their

were delayed not alone in those days by imperfect means of navigation, but a want also
Their voyages to EngEurope or the West Indies, were undoubtedly much longer than those now. Dun. ton, who sailed as passenger from England to Boston, in 1685, was over four months in making the passage which appears, however, to
of business facilities.

cargoes

over a wide space, and collected their return

land,

*The following note from John English

Touzell,
(his

to

brother-in-law)

may

serve to

John show

somewhat of the nature of the Maryland trade at Both were in Maryland at the time, oolleoting a cargo separately or together, and probably It would appear as if barter enfor Philip English.
that date.
tered essentially into the character of this trade:

have been of an extra length, as the provisions

gave

out

and

they

were on the point

Boston.
felt

of
evi-

Starving, on

arrival at

As an

NOTE.

dence of the insecurity

at

that late day,

"To

Capt. John Touzell at Wichicorne Creek:

from Corsairs, and even in the English Chanalarmed there which they took to bo a Salleeman (a pirate from Sallee, a fortified maritime town in Morocco,) and prenel,
all

Kathokine Creek, Desemb'r

28, 1722.

Dunton says they were

Brother Touzel. This is to let you [know] of our welfare hear, and I hope is so with you and the rest of you. hear is Capt. Gansby and Capt'n Solter hear, and they hare got abundance of dry and weat (wetl) goods, and Capt. Solter Traids for pork and Tar and corn, and he sells Kum for 6 shillings per William Paird is gallon in pork [paid in 'pork.] with Capt'n Gansby. Capt. EnMy is bin hear twis (twice) and he says Nothing about Molasses Nor Buger. I baue 3 barrells of pork and 3 of corn the Spineys ows me Corn and pork. I baue bin to John Ward's, and he says he will bring it Down to me. I baue resiued your Leatter. Father Burkett and his wife giues [their love] and I Remain ENGLISH." Yr Louing Brother,

by the appearance of a

vessel,

pared for defence, but found themselves mistaken.

If from a third to a half of the length

of modern voyages was added to the voyages

*In the orders given

father,

to Capt.

Wm.

English by bis

Nov.
is

25,

1709, on a

voyage to Maryland,

JOHN

Capt. E.

ordered to

there, so as to be

make all the dispatch he can back to Salem early in the spring. A
all

It

la

very likely that the various Captains named

Maryland voyage, made with

of /our or/ve months.

dispatch at thai

in this note were all Salem men, as they are

fiftmiliarlj,

named

date, would seem then to hare taken the better part

and not as of anj other place.

175
tlieiusc-lves,

they

would not probably exceed

the

triie

length of the old voyages as compared

Wm. Browne, Jr. receives '^onboard ye*Skoner Kingfisher, Captain John Pitman, master,'^
certain fish, &c.

ith the inodern.

The schooner

is

said to have

One
Bucb)

of the favorite craft of our fathers (and

Piiiliip

English appears to have owned several

P. E. owned several fSloops, and perhaps one Schooner,

originated at Gloucester in 1714.

was the *Ketch

the
in

name and

rig

of which.however, have disappeared from mod-

and retained perhaps a Sloop or two in business to employ himself as late as 1733-4.

era

commerce,

at
The

least
last

our State and

About the year 1715, Philip English

his son William, with

lost

neighborhood.

about 1800.

went out of date Elias Haskett Derby had one in nected

whom

be had been con-

in business,

and which must have been

1799, called the John.

An

old sea captain

a severe blow to hiin, as this son was more after

now

living,

pays that

the Ketch was twosails

the pattern of his father, than perhaps any

masted, with square

which was a stout

tall

on the foremast, mast stepped far for-

other of the sons.

At

the

age of 19 he was

commanding

the sloop Aike, belonging to his

father, bound for Virginia, and his accounts ward, and a mainsail on the mainmast, which with, and letters to, bis father and other buswas a shorter mast than the foremast. The iness men, at various times, prove him to have Ketch sailed very fast before the wind. The rig been able and competent as a business man. of the Briganteen does not appear. The sloop The He died at the early age of 25 and probably to our own. rig was perhaps similar when his father was beginning to believe he gradually supplanted have ScAooner seems to would succeed him in his commerce. Philip the Ketch. It first appears in our Salem maWe find among the English English, however, still continued in business, rine about 1720. and, from appearances, did not retire entirely papers an old receipt of 1727, wherein one from trade until about 173.3-4In 1725 (according to Felt,) he is put into
,

*In the Essex Institute, in a volume called Elements and Practice of Rigging, London 1794," between pages 220 and 221 can be seen engravings of an European Ketch, and some pinnaces, and between pages 238 and 9, an engraring of a French Shallop.

There appears

to

be no material difference between

the rig of the ancient and

modem

Sloops of

New-

our Salem jail for refusing as an Episcopalian to pay taxes for the support of the East Church (Congregational.) How long he staid In but probably not long. is uncertain 1732 the law by which he was imprisoned was repealed. In 1734 ho appears, together
;

England, to judge by drawings of the former on a map of Boston with its Harbour made by Capt. Bonner in 1722.

As no Schooners seem
state what, if any,

to

appear on this
there

1733, and in our possession, the vessel

*In an old account of a fishing voyage made up in is described on

map, we cannot

difference

the outside as the " Shooner John," and on the inside

may

be between their ancient and modern rig. It would seem by this as if the Schooner at that date

was very rarely met with.

It is to be

ings, paintings, or engravings of our early

hoped that those who may have drawNew Eng-

John Webber was master. tin 1733-4, Philip English is paying Benj. Beadle money on account of Capt. Wm. Smith, which seems like a commercial transaction. In 1732 he
as "ye Schonner John."

gives a Sloop to one of his children, which shows

him

them as mementos of our to have been engaged in commerce up to that time: He was then over 80 years of age 81 or 2. As an arly commerce, and place them where they may be of itiem of the value of a sloop in 1712 we find in the avail to the commercial historian. Our New England vessels from the commencement, we have reason Book of Becordes for Masters the recorded sale by Eben'r Lambert, Shipwright of Salem, of ye good to believe, were somewhat different from those of
land
vessels, will preserve

the old Country and these peculiarities are worth knowing and preserving; especially as they were

Sloop Betty, lately bailt, of about 80 tons burthen,

to

Mr. Benj'n Marston of Salem

for 240, that ia

tometimes improvements.

per ton.

176
with" his family,

as the donors ot land for a

not long after her father, and soon after her

site for St. Peter's

Church

in Salem.

In 1735

husband, who was also a native of Jersey, a

put under guardianship as being clouded in mind, and in 1736 dies, aged about 86

he

is

years,

and

is

buriod in the Episcopal Church

who was employed both by Philip English and William and Samuel Browne, as captain and agent,
very well educated sea captain, and

yard.

and who
seems not to have confined himself alone

left

about as large a fortune as

Air.

He

English himself.

By

his second

wife, Philip

to commerce, but to have

real estate.

bought largely into

the

English appears to have had a son John English,

When

the division of

Com-

whose
is

fate is

uncertain.

The

direct

mons took place in Salem that which was held in com&on by its

is,

the land

male line
His

perhaps extinct, but his descenstill

inhabitants,

dants in the female line are

life

in existence.

he held twenty-five shares or rights, being the In 1692 he owned largest single proprietor.

appears to have been an adventu-

rous, enterprising one, with

some extraordina-

Bome fourteen houses

in

Salem.

Before his

ry trials also, like that of the Witchcraft furor

death, however, he seems to have given to his

childi'en or grandchildren,
tate,

and misfortunes
at, that,

and

it is

not to be wondered

some of

his real es-

when over eighty years of age, a

and perhaps other portions of his prophis inventory shows no personal estate of any consequence, nor anything like the amount of real estate he had once owned. He seems to have been treated with great reerty, since

mind which had been so tried as his, should have set amid clouds and darkness. So 'set the mortality of his nature, but not its immortality,

we
is is

trust.

There
glish, as

no portrait extant of Philip Enthe

case also

spect by his children,

^^

who always

call

him

with

the

Brownes

Honored talker EngJish^^ in their accounts with him, and sometimes in their mention of
him.
After the witchcraft madness had
over, Philip English seems to have

(Benjamin and William) who were his cotem-

blown

and who so nobly remembered our Salem schools. Philip English is represented by tradition to have been of middle stature,
poraries,

been for a

time popular in Salem, since he was then chosen a Selectman, and a

and strong physically. In character, Philip English had some marked points, was high-

Deputy to the General spirited: not ungenerous, impulsive withal, Uis funeral was attended by a large and at times choleric, perhaps. He is repreconcourse of people, and by the most distin- sented to have been kind to the poor, yet not
Court.

guished then

among

us.

He
bis

lost his first wife,

Mary,

in 1694,

1698 married Sarah Ingersoll,

first

over conciliatory to his peers. He may have and in felt sore on the subject of Episcopacy, and the a widow. By denial of toleration, and was not likely, in

wife he had seven children, of

whom

that respect, certainly, to have conciliated the

only three survived

him, viz

Philip,

who powerful

Congregationalists.

At times he apand
it
is

Mary, who married William Browne, and Susannah, who married John Touzell. Philip inherited the Blue Anchor Tavern, which his grandmother, Elinor
married Mary
Ellis,

pears to have been popular,

evident

by his papers that he was often on terms of business intimacy with the then prominent
;

Hollingworth, kept when poor,

merchants of Salem and the elder Benjamin and in her Browne seems to have been somewhat nearer widowhood, and he appears to have run out the than a business friend, to judge by one or two whole belore 1750, in spite of the efforts of old papers. Some of the papers of the Brownea Eichard *Derby to help him. Susannah died are still mingled among his own. His own
Philip Jr., and gave

him permission
.

to

use the same

*Richard Derby most probably out of friendship

to the father,

for his

natural

life,

Philip Jr. then being embar-

Philip English, bought the estate of

rassed in business.


177
immediate neighbors seem to have liked bim, and in 1732 heartily repelled the charge, then

then with Salem was very probably the importation of hosiery

and shoes from Jersey

itself,

him bj the Selectmen, of being and wines, brandies and fruits from France, unsound in mind, and triumphed in tbeir op- Spain or Portugal, and linens from France or position, in 1735, however, it would appear Holland as a return for New England fish that the authoritiea triumphed in turn, (staves?) and lumber. This trade with Jet^ but Mr. English waa then already on the sey, and the neighboring countries of Europe, brink oftho grave, and was soon released from may have begun before 1660, and continued, all human supervision and control. A natu- we should judge by old papers, (in the Enrally buoyant spirit, joined with a higher glish and Touzel families) up to the American trust and stay, had borne bim through and Revolution, if not later. over the cares and struggles and sorrows of a It is very probable that this Mr. John long life, and some sad and peculiar troubles, Browne, of Jersey, permanently settled in Saand whatever may have been his failings or lem, as in January, 1673, a person of that hortcomings, he was honored in death, and name, who does not appear to be John Brown,
againet

made

attended to his grave by a large

concourse of

the ruling Elder, gets a grant of 50

acres of

the people,

who were

evidently gathered to-

the

town

of i>alem, (Vol. 1, Grants,

page 117)

on the Lynn boundary line, and a hill in oar was not then ho great, but to those qualities Great Pastures still retains the name of Bellywhich are really independent of mere wealth hac, which may be Ballhac, and named so bj lie must have been looked this Mr. Browne as near his own estate, and or distinction. upon, we think, as having been somewhat in compliment to one or both of his partners, enterprising and useful in his day and genera- the Ballhacs, in Jersey. A William Browne, tion, and as a man really superior to his frail- the son of a Mr. John Browne, married the ticE, whatever they may have been. eldest daughter of Philip English, and it ii When Philip English came to Salem, he not unlikely that he was the son or grandson must have found the town already a commercial of the Jersey merchant, with whom, or hia place decidedly so in its character and pos- children, Philip English would (as coming sessing also rich and influential merchants. from the same little Island) doubtless be well From some circumstantial items, almost a- acquainted. This seems to be the more probamounting to evidence, it is not at all unlikely ble, as there cannot be traced as yet any conthat Philip English came hither, allured by nection between this Browne, and any other stories he had heard aa a boy from Jersey tra- Salem family of that name then resident at S. though there may be. At all events there ders or merchants who had preceded him. In 1661 there was in Salem a Mr. John Browne came over here as early as 1660, a Jersey who is described as of Jersey, and who enters merchant by the name of Browne, who appears into an agreement with William Stevens of to have had a trading bouse here in 1661, and Gloucester to build a ship ot about 110 tons when Philip English comes here, he finds that at 3 per ton, for himself, and two partners, the Jersey trade with Salem is already begun, Messrs. Nicholas and John Balhack then in and very probably tluurishing. There came This Mr. John Browne agrees to pay here also, alter Philip English, quite a numJersey. Stevens in goods, in part, at Mr- Corwin's, Mr. ber of Jersey people, whose descendants ar
gether, not out of respect to his wealth, which

Price's, or his

own

store,

we should

judge.

still

among

us.

The trade between the Isle of Jersey and SaWe have said that Philip English found Salem was then already established [in 1661] and lem about 1670 a decidedly commercial place Browne appears to have been a resident part- that is, Salem proper the body of the town ner and merchant here. The Jersey trade and whoever looks into the history pf Salem,

i5


178
will see the causes of this,

which

it

may not The Home Company must

brieflj^

then Lave had

little

be unprofitable here to glanco at, and

or DO control here.

Now

comes

(iu

1635) tin

review, for they are

|culiar.

When Salem
its

peculiar policy adopted in Salem, whiish pluc* d

was

first

colonized by the

Home Company,
entirely

trade was doubtless limited to and with that

company

to a great degree, if not

its

commercial basis, the fruits of which were so obvious in 1640, and which helped to carry her so rapidly forward to comher on a firm

This state of things

to 1634-5.

may have
the

lasted from

1628
the

mercial success.
titioned

Those,

who

at this date,

pe-

When

company

relaxed
left

for farms, obtained

them (says Dr.

tfieir

hold on the Colony, Salem was

to

B.,) on the condition thai they should sell

commercial liberty of the charter, and took, most probably, more even than was granted by Before 1636 she began doubtless to build it.
small vessels

houses in town to accotmnodate more

easily all

who came
by
lease

for trade,

and
to

unless

they sold their

houses in town, they tvere only to hold their land

shallops, pinnaces, and

scarcity of

perhaps

the term not

land,
it

exceed three

years.

ketches, for fishing and trade with the adjacent

colonies.

Dr. B. further adds, that, as Salem held

much

The

gram, with which

common
as could

could offer such

rich

inducements

our people were afflicted in 1631, compelled them to send a pinnace down to Cape Cod
for corn,

draw new and

settlers,

and that

such
in

men

as found the best lands pro-occupied

and such voyages were not perhaps

It
is

in other towns, could obtain great advantages

unfrequent for years afterward.

adjacent coasts for furs and
sels

very

Salem, and to judge by a cursory review of

probable that traders at Salem searched the

fish

the 1st

volume of the Records of Salem, we

in small ves-

ourselves are convinced that tho town at that

up to 1640, and for years afterwards. A- day considered that it held the reverter of the bout 1634-5 Say, wo may safely conclude that fee in almost, if not all, cases where certain our Salem commerce begins to bestir itself, in conditions were not complied with those conAt that time ditions being based upon the industry and a very humble way, however.
there was most probably a settlement on

the

usefulness of the

grantee to the town in some

specified

Neck,

(see

Dr. Bentley's History of Salem)

way

or other,

and sometimes

in the

which would naturally be the nucleus of the grant itself. Colonization of the right kind marine trade of the town. As parly as 1C36, was the object of tho town, which evidently eight individuals were granted half acre lots considered the original foe of the soil in Salem at Winter Harbor (on tho Neck,) for fishing to be in itself, at is proved by the early grants Shallop Cove (now which were sometimes made by the committee trade, and to build upon. CoUins's) was early used by the fishermen for of thirteen for the town, and sometimes by the It is proved light shallops, (as tradition has it) and who town in town meeting assembled. also by the nature oi the grants made to those lived themselves in a village on its shores.
-Though Salem was settled on the North River At first, yet the marine business of the town
its fishing,

who founded
ter Island,

the large fishing village on

built

Winof

and

wharves, storehouses,
there.

boat-building, &c.,

seems

to

have

and even

dwelling-houses

None

centred at

the lower part, on and near the

these got a fee from the town, but

only a use.

Neck, and perhaps on the harbor proper. The authorities of Salem were not at
zealous for trade, to judge by

To obtain a
first

*fee even in the

body of the town,

what HutchinThat policy, however, did not last long, for in 1635 (Dr. Bentley says,) a plan for the fisheries was adopted and pursued, and
Bon says.
it

*The

fee

of all lands in Salem, not speciGcally

granted by the town, seems to bare been considered

anciently as belonging to the

town, and to be used!

Pro Bono

Publico.

Those who

wished to

buildf

greatly assisted the prosperity of the town.

wharres even went to the town for permission, and this

jSaleio

began

to

flourish,

he says, in 1634.

was the custom down to a eomparatirely modern pe-

town

179
the conditions (express or implied)

must be

though

it

probably only

directed her

performed by the grantee.

to

This at least seems

;

attention the
interests.

have been the general rule

and the policy

been
applied to
is

more keenly to her commercial In 1641 and in 1643, Salem must

Dr. B. spejiks of as having

have been largely engaged in shipbuilding,

eral Courts
;

we

tne eurl; commercial settlers of Salem,

in

should judge, by the several orders of the Genin these jears

harmony with

the records so far as

It

we have

referring

to ship-

was a singu- building and in 1642 Salem pays the next lar policy, but an effective one, and based on a highest sum of the Colony tax 75^ Boston o<)mmunity of industrial and useful interests, 120 which shows oalem to have been well and is of great importance also as determining grounded in her prosperity at that time. Sha
been able to examine them.

the ancient landed

rights

of the

town.

It

Salem still held, according to her old laws and practice, the fee in all lands, by sea and shore, not yet specifically granted by the town since its settlement. This may be an anomaly in the town

would

certainly appear as if

may have been somewhat checked in 1642, but not seriously, so far as we can find.
In 1646 Salem has a viewer of Pipe staves
ordered for
it

by General Court, as defective,

worm-eaten staves had been sent abroad to our

prejudice. The General Court order viewers Commonwealth, but for some other ports also. This however shows 80 it seems to be by our records. Salem ap- that Salem was then one of the principal expears to have been almost a Commonwealth porters of such articles, and doubtless made
histories of our ancient
in itself.

a profit thereon.

This policy, mentioned by Dr. B., was a

great stimulus to commerce,
as
it

of the places aimed at

in

Salem may be in 1651 one by the Commonwealth

being

enabled

England as furnishing Virginia and Barba-

commercial men to choose good commercial sites in the town, and was not prejudicial to
the farmers,
lands, the

does with gunpowder (those colonies

then Royalist,) and so stood in jeopardy of

losing her free trade privileges
;

who

got in excliange

for

town

meadows and

rich land in the rear,

blew over, and from thence

it is

to

but this storm 1660 and '70

and on the outskirts of the town. Joined to this policy was a comparative freedom of trade under the charter, and under the English Commonwealth. Dr. Bentley states that not only was a ship of 300 tons built here in 1640, but that another of 200 tons was built in 1642 and that 80 per cent profit was made this year Though Marblehead was then suin trade. perior to Salem in the fisheries, and though Gloucester, Manchester, and the whole Eastern shore of Massachusetts was then also engaged in the fishery, yet Salem doubtless flourished,

evident she must have flourished with the

colony.

and

in

In 1664 she had her rich merchants, 1670 was well grounded in the Euro-

pean, West Indian, and Colonial trade

wise policy ot the town

day of small
capital, skill,

commencing things in 1635 had

and the
in

the

invited

and industry to her harbor and and in less than forty years, Salem was a commercial town favorably known in Europe
shores,

trading wita
ly
it

all nations and comparativewealthy Such doubtless was the town, as met the eyes of Philip English, when he

and enjoyed her share

ity

of the general prosperin

which prevailed over the Colony

came here between 1660 and '70, and such the 1645. causes and effects of its prosperity. The wise
policy of encouragement

The
riod

agricultural rivalry of Ipswich at this pe-

the

wealth of

its

may

have checked Salem as a farming

resources, viz, its fisheries, lumber,

riod.

The biatory of the ancient common

rights of

and the general freedom of its combined to place it in this short period on a
substantial prosperity.

and furs commerce all

Salem, and of the grants made by her, prove that Salem considered the fee of her land to be In herself,

Phillip English found the town a prominent

and she the great grantor.

commercial place when he entered

it,

and

lived


180
Boston was more to see it more than double in populatioa, and judge by Dunton^s account. most probably in means. In 1680 (about 10 cosmopolitan, but Salem more homelike more jears after he came here) Massachusetts had stable, more really socwl. It was a quiet about 120 ships, eloops, ketches and other town as compared with Boston wealthy ecraft. In 1G86 Dunton (who was then herej nough however for liberaKt^ and hospitality writes of Salem as "being reported next to somewhat reserved retajnitig many of the Boston in trade." Between 1714 and '18 (ac- sober re&traints of PuritaoiiMik, and nofe^ few cording to Custom House Returns) Massachu- of its primitive virtues. 'Yfae venerable Higsetts had 492 vessels of 25,406 tons and 3,492 ginson then presided over its morals and re-

'

Seamen, and

in 1731,

38000 tons of shipping,

ligion, assisted

by the polished and agreeable,

about one half of which was in the E uropean Sulem, as next in commercial importrade.
tance to Boston, must

but not so solid Noyes.

over
its

The eminent Epes

;

be credited

with her

pitable Sewall over its laws

share of this shipping and attendant wealth.

For the 50 jears or more,whicli Phillip

have been a great advance
losses
in

Eno;lisb

and hosand around them were gathered a group of men, and merchants whose characters were unstained whose
learning
wise, generous

the

occupied in commercial pursuits, there

must

miniJs

the commercial

importance of the town, spite of commercial

were liberal and polished by books, travels, and knowledge of mankind men who believed in religion, were brought up unde?

and drawbacks to its prosperity. grew up with or was a contemporary with a body of merchants, whoso lives, characters, papers, acts, and histories, prove them

He

also

to have been solid, reliable, useful enterprising

men

and

not a

lew of them

public fpirited.

Some

of

generous and them were the im-

and who reverenced its example, the old and austere Puritanism of the Colony had become mellowed and softened who had been blessed with abundance, and used it wisely. The society of the town was hospitable, refined, enlightened. Its
its

influence,
in

men

whom

merchants were men

true
to

of their

word,

its

people

mediate descendants of the old Puritan leaders of the Colony. The Corwins, the Sewalls, the
Higginsons,
tho

their

engagements.

Dunton,
to

who
adven-

came

to Siilem to dispose of part of his

Browns were

really

distin-

guished merchants were wise men not merely to acquire wealth, but in that higher wis-

ture of books,

which he brought

Boston

from England, disposed of a part here, and

has not a word to say about the
faith,'"

"Grecian
traded
hospitably

domthe
poses,

skill to use it for

noble ends and pur-

which a

seller

needed,

who then

and

as a trust, to

bilities

attached.

which grave responsiThey were educated men almoreover, as ruled

with the Boston people.

He was

so.

Tho

society of Salem,

over by such

their example,

men, was sensibly affected by and it struck Dunton when hero in 1686 forcibly, reminding him of the generworth, tho wise
stability,

and kindly treated in S., well encouraged, and promptly paid, and therefore gives us a character written in letters of gold and silver. He describes the town as then being about
a mile long, with
is

many

fine

houses in

it.

It

ous hospitality, the genuine ease, the sterling

evident that he then found Salem a compar-

and

intellectual cul-

atively

wealthy,

refined,

intelligent,

scabi*
It

ture which characterized the really good sociDunton came near forgetting ety in England.

town.

And such Salem

then was.

bad,

England, and even his home and wife. he tells us in his own amusing way while in Salem being tempted to remain here permaold

nently,

Salem at that day (1686) doubtless was the most agreeable residence in New England, to

which the elements of a It was sowise conservatism were apparent. ber, yet given to hospitality reserved, but generous and virtuous free from show and There were of solid sterling worth. pretence here too those habits, and ways and modes of
evidently, a society in

thought and

life

which characterized good bo


181
ciety in England,

and somewhat

too jerhaps

morality, order, religion which abhors license

in all Its forms

of the distlnctionp and grades of society there

and ways, and

is

as far removed

found modiBed, however, by

lar

the more popu-

from

it

as the heavens are above the earth,

and peculiar views of

in

New

England.

Quality and quantity were terms understood

for witchcraft, with the

[The prosecution of Philip English and his wiftt direct and collateral docuthereto, will be given

nnd practised upon

as elsewhere, but

our early N.

Society

mentary evidence pertaining

as a Second Part of this

modified som-'vrhat by our

Sketch in the

coming

more popular

ideas.

Our

society

was not

volume of the Historical Collections.]

then quite English, though resembling it, but rather new English an improvement on the

original,

and admitting of
It

indefinite

improve-

ment also. somewhat

its

may have

looked

to

ABSTRACTS FROM WILLS. INVENTORIES, &o., ON FILE IN THE OFFICE OF CLERK OF England COURTS, SALEM, MASS.
Copied by

(or its models,

but

it

also looked to

ow^n origin and progress also, and the laws

ha

J. Pttfch.

of reason and wisdom. io

it,

There was a loyalty

superficially

which externally and

was

John Norton, April, 1663.

and aristocracy of England, but which in the hour of trial was really devoted to God and liberty. The men and women of New England were loyal to God and not the King, in any great emergency God being to them the King even of Kings and though this loyalty might sleep for a time. It was the deep inspiration it never died. the calm belief the motive power of their re ligion, their thoughts, their manners, and
directed to the royalty

Copy of

will of

John Norton, of Boston,

brother
gives

will dated 14th Jan., 1661, mentions

Wm. Norton

of

Ipswich

him land be

bought of Matthew Whipple, deceased, now in the occupatibn of Goodman Annable givea bim also the 100 pounds due unto him for his house in Ipswich which Mr. Cobbctt now
;

dwelleth in.
his ever

endeared and honored mother thirty

current

pounds
paid
to

in

money of England,
London, at
Mrs. Martha
bis

to

be

their laws

the key

to

their

history

the

her use in

Brother

se-

cret of their triumphs.

The

Thomas Norton's house.

his

idea of liberty in

cburcb

in State in

two

sisters,

morals,

manners, cus-

Wood and
to be

Mrs.

toms and laws, is the great idea, from whose seed has sprung New England as she is, religiously, intellectually, politically,
ly,

Mary Young, 20 between them,

Elizabeth, his wife.
to the poor of the
officer.

paid at Thomas's .house in

London, brother

Thomas and
gives ten
of wiiich

commercial-

pounds
is

germ of our existence, our growth, our flower, and our fruit.
and
socially.
It is the

church

he

an unworthy

wife,
It is a developement of

Mrs.

that idea that idea

outwardly,
sole ext'x,

Mary Norton, and app'ts her

overseers.

and

irresistably.

From

as a people, and any and all attempts to

we sprang and Elder Pen make

1663.
of for-

and app'ts Mr. Rawson secretary,

Proved June 12,

ourselves foreign to this are unnatural, absu>d,

unwise.

We

are not, and cannot be,

eign growth or complexion.

to BO appear,

We

may

be

ourselves appear so
ly to ourselves

we may even attempt to but we must return

:

Mary Smth, May, 1663, made Will of Mary Smith, wile unto the late make James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar.
final-

1663, daughter Catherine Eborne.

&

daughter

people whose seed

domand whose

law of growth, and flower, and fruitage, must simply come from liberty the liberty, moreover.

Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Jo> developement, and seph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daugiiter Mary
is

free-

Rowland's
nab, James

five children,

borne, children

wbieb

is

of

itself

restraint, reason,

wisduui,

&

daughter Cathren EMary, Rebecca, Moses, UanSarah, Samuel, son James Smith.

46


152
John Bennett, Ath mo., 1663.
,

Inventory of the estate of widow Bennet ol

and charges 2 198 9d, returned by Peter Duncan, and is allowed 3d 5th mo., 1603.

Marblehead, amounting to 76 023

Od,

re-

turned and allowed 30th 4th mo., 1663.

Thos, Flint, Ath mo., 1663.

Wm.
Will of

Cantlebury, 4th mo., 1663.

Wm.

Cantlebury of Salem, datid

wife
Beatrice,

2d April, 1661.
1663.

son

John,

Will of Thomas Flint, dated Apr.

1,

daughter Ruth, daughter Rebecca, and her

;

To his wife 6<.> acres of improved, and his children mentions meadow and housing. To his son Thomas 30 George Corwinn3,
acres of upland on his farme next to Mr. Gardner's, which was bought of Mr. Higginson and Goodman Goodell, as he sees fit, not ensole ext'x,

the farm he bought of Mr.

app'ts

Beatrice his

wife

and Mr. John Croade overseer.

sr.,

Witnesses
ton.

John Porter,

and Nath'i Fel-

croaching on his mother's

of which he

meadow

or brother's

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate, taken 25th June,
1663,
Felton,

land, as also ten pounds in corno or cattle, all

is

to enjoy at age.

Sons George, John, Joseph, daughter Elia'b, app'ts his wife sole cxt'x, and Mr. \Vm, Brown
r., Goodman Moulton
Jr., to be overseers.

by Thos. Gardner, sen'r, and Nath'i amounting to 470 Ss Od. List of

15s 8d, returned 3d 5th mo., 1663.

debts

45

and Jos. fSwianerton,

Thomas Antrum, 4th mo., 1663.

Will of Thos. Antram of Salem, dated 24th
11th mo., 1662, mentions Isaac Burnape, the

proved 2d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate taken Apr. 14,
1663, by Robt.

Moulton, Sam'l Verey, and

to

son oi his daughter

age, son Obadiah

Henry
debts,

Phelps, amounting

330

I63 Od,

Hannah Burnape, under Antram, Thomas Spooner,

Batter ex'or, and

65, 13s, 4d, returned 2d 5th mo., and

Uilyard Veren.
app'ts

allowed.
Robt. Sallows, 4th mo., 1663.

Edmund

Thomas

Spooner and
Inventory ot Robert Sallows, taken by Thos.

Ilillii.rd

Veren

my

overseers.

Witnesses Thomas Spooner and

death.

Wm. Wood-

cocke. Will signed but a few days before his

Lowthropp, John Thorndike, Richard Brackenburg and John Patch, amounting to 143
9a 6d, returned Ist 5th mo., 1663.

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Inventory of above estate,

taken Feb. 17,

1662, by Elias Stileman and John Rucbe, aThos. Sallotus, Ath mo., 1663.

mounting
4th

to

258

Os Od, returned

by Edmond

Inventory of

Thomas

Sallows,

taken

Batter 3d 5th mo., 1663.

Jane, 1663, by Elias Stileman and Thos. Kootes, amounting to 105 lis 03d, returned

3d 5th mo., 1663.

f

Rolt. Roberts, Sept.,

1663.

Geo. Smith, 4th mo., 1663.

Inventory of estate of Robt. Roberts of Ipswich, taken July 20. 1063, by Thos. Clarke

Inventory of estate of George Smith of Sa-

atid Thos.

lem, taken 9th May, 1663, by Jeffrey Massey Rootes, amounting to 9, returned

and Ringdell Foster, Jr.. amounting lis 8d, returned 29 Sept., 1663.

to

177

and adm'n granted

to the

widow.

Thos. Scott, Sept., 1663.

Receipt of

Ric'd

Kimball

and

Edmund

Henry Muddle,
1^

4th mo., 1663.

Bridges, lor 24, Sarah Scott's portion of her

father's estate,

Inventory of estate of
Gloucester, amounting to

Henry Muddle of

paid by Ezekiel Rogers,

Maj

16

8s lOd

debts

la, 1661.


183
Receipt of
or

her Hither

Mary Thomas

Scott for 25, her portion

iSeott's

debits

279

123 4d, returned

26th 9th mo.,

estate, paid

by

1663.

Wr. Ez-kiel Rogers, Apr. 23. 1C63. Receipt of Hannah Boswort, of 5, his wife
Abigail's share of her father
tstate, Oct. 1, 1663.

Thomaa

Scott's

Gershom Lambert, Mar., 1664. Will of Gershom Lambert of Rowley. 16th Mar., 1664, mentions Aunt Rogers. (Brothers.)

Thos. Lambert, John

Lambert, John
Eliz'h
;

I'

John Comings, 9ih mo., 1663.

Inventory of estate ot John Comings, in possession of

Spofford sr, Charles Brewer, Richard Lighten,

cousin

Mary Brewer,

cousin

Piatt,

John Ormes, Salem, taken 26th No- sister Ann, wife of Thos. Nelson Thos. Nel* Tember, 1663, by Edmond Batter and Waiter 8on, ex'or. proved 29th Mar., 1664. Price, amounting to 47 14a 6d, returned Thos. Barnes, 4th mo., 1664. 14th 9ih mo, 1663, and John Gardner and Inventory of estate of Thos. Barnes of Sa* John Ormea were app'i adm'rs. lem, taken 12th 11th mo., 1663, by Walter Price, Elias Stileman, amounting to 337, 18s 9d list of debts, amounting to 120 I3a John Pickworth, 9ih mo., 1663.
;

Will of John Pickworth, dated 27th 4th

^

Od, allowed 24th 4th mo., 1664.

mo., 1663, wife Ann Pickworth, eldest son, Henry Harwood, Ath mo., 1664. John, 3 sons, Samuel, Joseph and Benjamin, Inventory of estate of Henry Harwood of daughters Ruth Macpherson and Vanin Col- Salem, taken lOth Ist mo., 1663-4, by Joseph lem, youngest dau Abigail, app'ts his wife, Grafton, Geo. Gardner, John Gardner and John and Sam'l, Thomas Jones and Wm. Henry Bartholomew, amounting to 163 148 Bennet, overseera. proved 25th 9th mo., 1663. 6d, allowed 27th 4th mo., 1664. Inventory of above estate taken 25th Aug't, Testimony (dated 29lh 4th mo., 1664,) of 1663, by Wm. Allen and Robert Leach, a- Messrs. John Higginson and Henry Bartholomounting to 168 48 Od, returned by Ann mew as to the minde of said Harwood, in the Pickworth 25th 9th mo-, 1663. disposing of his estate to his wife as long aa
she lives, and after her death to be equally di-

,^

Rich'd Rootens, 9th mo.,

<

1663.

vided between bis

kinswoman and

his wife's

Will of Rich'd Rootens, dated June 12, 1663, mentions hi4 wife, his kinsman, Edmond Rootgives his pastor, en, Jonathan Hartshorne
;

daughter, Elizabeth Nixcn, except a legacy of

four pounds to the poor of the church in bear-

ing the charge of the E^ord'e Supper.

Mr. Whitney,

forty

shillings.

Witness

Copy of the order of Court held at Salem

29th 4th mo., 1664, app'ting the widow ad'mx

Rhodes. Robert Driver, and Francis Burrill. his wife to be ex'tx. Henry Rhodes

Henry

and

after her decease,

and George Taylor,

9th mo., 1663.

overseers,

proved

25th

Ric'h
Eliz'b,

Flinders,

Jane Flinders, wife of all the land, and wife of Matthew Nixon, to have the
to

have

Inventory of above estate taken Sept. 20, 1663, by Nath'l Handforth and Francis Burrill,

balance.

280

6s 2d

list

of debts,

Sam'l Beadle, 4th mo., 1664.

Will of Sam'l Beadle of Salem, dated Mar. 12, 1663, son Nath'l Beadle, dau Dorothy,
three smallest children,

9a^ Od, re-

turned 25th 9tb mo., 1663.

"now

at

home with

Elias Stileman, 9th mo., 1663.

"^

Inventory of Elias Stileraan, taken 7th 9th

month, 1662, by Edmond Batter and Billiard Yeien, amounting to 176 128 6d. List of

and Eliz'b, appt'a Walter Price ex'or and John Croad and Hillyard Veren overseers, approved 30th 4th mo.,
'64.

me,"

Samuel, Thomas


184

NATHAN REED.
Hon. Nathan
llced,

He

reiiresented Essex

South

District in the

Congress of the United States, in 1798-9.

In

whose lithograph is in- 1807, he removed to Maine, and was Chief serted in this nuniher, was born in Warren, Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, for Mass., July 2, 1759. He was son of Reuben the State of Maine, till nearly th time of his and Taraerson Reed, of Warren Reuben was death, which took place at Belfast, January
;

son of Nathaniel and Phvbe Reed

Abigiil
to

Nathaniel,

20, 1849, in his 90th year.

eon of Thomas Reed of Sudbury, and his wife

;

A
J.

more mmute account of him

is

given by

migrated

Warren.

from Sudbury Thomas was son of Thomas and

in

early

life

W.

Reed. Esq., uf Groveland, Mass.. in his

in press.

History of the Reeds or Rk.\ds, now

gives
definition

Mary Reed, of Sudbury was son of Ellas, who was

;

the

elder

Thomas This wnrk

son of William, ol

an account of the origin and of the name, the wars, conquests and
t]>e

Maidstone, in the County of Kent, England, Professor of Divinity, and his wife Lucy. The
earliest

migrations of

cl.ins

of Rei^d in

the old

world, and notices of every one of the

in the

name

notice of the

name

in America,

is in

United States.

Woburn, Mass., and thence moved to Sudbury. Hegiaduated at Harvard CoUoge, in 1781 and w^as familiarly known among his cla-^smates, as

Nothumb

instead of Nathan, having

BOme deficiency in one thumb. He was for some years Tutor in the College, and after- prietors of the Salem Athenaeum to erect thereon, Plummek Hall, from funds bequeathed by the lata wards studied Medicine with Dr. E. A. Hol- Miss Caroline Plummer, of Salem. The dwelling,
yoke, of Salem.

Mrs. Elizabeth Jeffry, from whom it descended to her daughter, the wife of Nathan Reed, the subject of our notioe. In 179i} it was sold to Capt. Joseph Peabody, and remained in the possession of that family until 1855, when it was convej-ed to the Pro-

He

then kept an Apothecary

Shop, in Salem, and was known as Dr. Reed.

He

married Oct. 20, 1790, Elizabeth Jeffrey,

of Salem, whose father,

William, was

of the Courts, of Essex County.

nails,

Chrk He was the

thus removed, was built by Mr. Reed, in 1793. Col. Perk-y Putnam, the pj-esent superintendent of streets, yet a hale and hearty octogenarian, worked on this building when an apprentice. The following letter from him may not be inappropriately inserted in this connection. Salem, Feb. 11, 1859.

inventor of a patent lor the manufacture of

which originated the building of the

called.'
first

Danvers Iron WoriiS, so

the actual inventor of the
trip of this

He was also
The
trial

Steamboat with

paddle wheels in American waters.

boat which took place in 1789,

to Beverly.

was from Danvers Iron Works

board were the Governor

of the

On CommonE. A.
distin-

wealth, the Hon. Nathan Dane, Dr.

Holyoko, Rev. Dr. Prince, and other guished men.

His country residence was near the Iron

Works,
been

in Danvers,

the same that has lately

;

Porter's his town where Plummer Hall now stands, and was removed to give place for
as Capt.

known

dwelling was en the

site

the present building.*

Dear Sir, In compliance with your request of evening, in reference to the time when Dr. Reed's (late Capt. Joseph Peabody's) house was built, I would inform you that the carpenters commenced working on the frame of said house early in the month of October, 1793. The house was framed in the garden back of where it was erected. The frame was raised, boarded, shingled, <fec., before the old Bowditch house was demolished which stood a little to the eastward of the centre of the lot, and projected out over the present line of the street, about half the width of the present sideWhen the house was first raised it had the walk appearance of being set up very high from the ground. But, at that time, that part of Essex street was quite low, and was soon after raised, graded, and paved, after which the house had a very different appearance, at the time it was removed. Samuel Mackintire was the Architect, and Joseph Maokfntire and others were the carpenters, <feo. At the time said house was erected, there was not a tree or a shrub on the lot, with the exception of a few black currant bushes, which stood by the side of an old stone wall, which ran along on the south of Brown street, where the brick wall now stands.
last

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

Thia site was

owned about % century

since

by

Joseph Bowditch

be bequeathed

PERLEY PUTNAM.
Db. Henby Wheatlaxd..

it to

bis daughter

.;ri^^,.-.

^^^r^'w

yi.

sj^r^m.

^\i:\n

185

THE

'OLD PLANTERS" OFSALEM, WHO WERE ward chosen upon this and other Committeea SETTLED HERE UEFORE THE ARRIVAL OF at Reading. At town meeting. Feb 7, 1658,

GOVEKNOR ENDICOTT, IN
BY GEORGE
Btud
at
D.

1628.

'There was given to Peter Palfray, three acrei

PHIPPEX.
Uarek 26,
18S8-

of

meadow

in

the Long Hedge of

meadow,
the 14th

a Meeting of

the Essex Institute,

that lyeth by Rockey

Meadow."

On

Continued from Page 153.

of the same month, the upland at the north

side of Ipswich

PETEK PALFRAY
Was among
teen
first

River,
;

was divided by

lot afell,

mong
six-

the inhabitants

to Peter Palfray

the
t >ok

first

one hundred and

one hundred and seventy acres and forty-three

poles.

men who
Gener
il

the

freeman's oath at the

This land was located in what

is

now

Court for that purpose,

May

18,
first

North Reading, not far from the present Baptist

1631, as were several others also, of the

plant'Ts,
viz
:

meeting-house; the

meadows

that bordered

Mr.

Koger

Conant,

John

the River in front of this land, were formerly

Woodhury, John Balch. Mr William Jeffrey, and William Allen. May 9th, 1632, Palfray and Conant were the two persons chosen for Salem, ace irding to aa order of General Court, to confer with th^ GjvernDr and Assistants, abjut raising a puhlic stock. On the 7th of November, of the same year, . he was appointed with Messrs. Turner and Conant a Committee of the General Court, to
off
set

very valuable, but were

much

injured in later

years by the

damming

of the river in the con-

struction of mills.

On

the 31st of 1st mo., 1653,

Palfray sold

to Francis Skerry,

husbandman of Salem, two

acres of marsh, lying near the ferry, in sail

town, and abutting upon the garden of John

Luff, this

at his

first

no doubt was his original allotment settlement with Conant in 1626.

a tract of land to John Humphrey, the

in

Balch owned the adjoining land northward, along the river and nearer the ferry.
In December, 1653, "Peter Palfray,
ter, late

Deputy Governor,

Saugus.

tie

was often

on the land Committee, and Board of Select-

plan-

men
ral

in

Salem.

of Salem," sold half an acre of land

In 1635, was a Deputy at the second

Gene-

between John Horn and Capt.

against Mr. Downing's house.

U ithorne, over

Court

this

year he received

liis

grant of

two hundred acres at the head of Bass Kiver. It is supposed by some that he never lived upon this farm, which we r-^gard as uncertain.*

On the 23th of 7th month, 1644, Gaorgo Hawkins, of B)ston, by power of attorney from George Kichisson sold William Dodge,
for

Hi removed

to

Reading about 1652.

At

40,

his faroj of

two hundred acres near

tlie

tiwn meeting there, March 1, of that year, he was chosen one of the Prudential Committee of five. "The power th it the Towne doth give
to the five

the head of Bass River, late

possession ot

Peter Palfray.
life,

After an active and

wrU spent

he died at Reading, September 15, 1663.

will

men

before man'-iooed

is to

order

all

Ilia

the prudential

aff.iirs

of the town exciepting giv-

year,

and

was dated Oct. 21. of the previoui commences with these words
I,

ing of laud and timber."

He was

often after-

"Whereas
ly

Peter Palfray have taken

into

consideration the brittleness of

my

life,

especiai-

* The following extraet from the Court Records,

evinces that our ancestors were not exempt from a
certain class of social
troubles.
4,

being^arr
book

stricken in years,'* t^c.

It is recorded in the
ordif,

Middlesex Probate Rce-

At the Quarter Court

Eadicott,

2, folio 181,

and has

codicils

dated

held at Salem, 27 of

1637.

Conant and* 19 May, 1663.

He had

three wives.

His sec-

Uathorne, presiding magistrates.

servant unto Peter Palfray had not only wrongel her neighbours in killing their poultrie, but being convict of lying loytering and running away from her master, was whipped."

ond wife,
Fairfield, oi

Elizabeth,

was widow of John

died in 1646.

"Jane Wheat

Wenhara.who
Alice,
is

His

third wife,

mentioned in his will.

wlfo wero

Mr. Palfray and

hia first

amoog

47

186
the original
meiub'^rs of

tho

First
:

Church,

nings, Derbys, Graftons, Downings, l*.,ippoiia,

where

bin children

were baptized, viz

&c.*

Jonathan and Jehodan baptized 25tb of lOtb mODvh, 1G36. Jehodan married Benj. S'uith, Marcli 27. 1661. She died Nov, 5, 1662.

WALTER KNIGIIT
Was among
in 1622,

the Episcopalians at Nantibkot,

Remember, baptized 16th of 7th

1638, married
Peter

month,

Aspinwall,

of

Muddy

Kiver, 12th of Feb. 1661,

bv John Endicott,

and removed with Conant t) Cape Anne, in 1624; he was thirty-nino years of age, when in 1626 he followed Conant to Naumkeag was probably a carpenter, and emp'nyo
;
1

Governor.
l)y

the Dorchester

Merchans
in

to as-isr

in

tl

Mary, baptized 15th of 10th month, 1639,

called his youngest child in June, 1662.

Construction of buildings for tho

his

New

Colony.

One of Richard Brackenbury

ble

extiom'ly valua-

his daughters married iSunuel Pickin^in, another

document, f

testified in

1680, that

when he

Matthew Johnson.
will,

No

son

is

mentioned

in

arrived at Salem, with Gov. Endifott, in 1G28,

he found Walter Knight there, and that Norman, Allen and Knight, sc ited that th'-y came corded, and who may have been in circumstanover for the Uorehester Merchants, and had ces not to need further assistance from their built sundry housjs at S.ilem, and tliat VValt.T Ilia estate, consisting of land and father. Knight and the rest said that they bad also meadow beyond tho river. &c., was valued at built a house at Cape Anno, "and soh I was In conse eighty-four pounds, ten shillings. sent with them to Cape Anne, to pull down quence of the want of any thing definite abuut the said house for Mr. Endicott's use, the
older than
t!)e

his

8)me have

supposed

he had a Kon

children whose baptisms are re-

<

the continuance of his son or sons,

far been

which wee did." It was erected iimncdiately where under many alterations it is to trace their line farther back than to the supposed to be standing at t!ie present <lay J three following men, supposed grandsons of Brackenbury also menti 'n>: Woodbury, Coimpossible for
the present

it

has thus
Palfrays

in 8alem,

Peter.

nant, Palfray, Balch

is

and

others, in another

All that

wanted
of"

is

to find a

common

fath* Refe.-ences.

er to Walter,

Salem^

William of Baston,

Hubbard,

Prince,

Felt, Rantoul,

and John of Cambridge, probably sons of Young, Reo, of Mas.^., Probate and Deeds Rec, Jonathan or some other son of Peter, of Court and Church Rec, Town Rec. of Salem and These Reading. which however no proof remains. f Presented from another source, on page 156. three men had each considerable families, and
their descendants appear to embrace all

the

j:Allu3ion to Gov. Endicott's hou^e has been before

Palfrays of

New

England.

mnde with some

confidence, on pages 102 and 4,

and

Walter
still

is

the ancestor of the Silem family,

from another source on page 156, and the opinion

has long prevailed that
it

and who have been known ner of Church and Washington streets, and this statethroughout the hjstury of the town. William ment has occasionally appeared in print. Since tho is the ancestor of the Hon. John G. Palfray, appearance of the last number of these Collections, late member of Congress, and one of the his- however, extensive examination of the Essex RegisProminent men are try of Deeds, in relation to this' estate has been torians of the country.
represented,

was situated on

the cor-

found
easily

in all the branches.

If tho lost

patri-

arch were found, a complete g.-'nealogy could

b'^

made, with the disappoiutment, of not largely corroborating, at the same time not directly conflicting
with
tliis

made from

the primitive Peter to the

view.

Zerubabel Endicott, son of the Gov-

ernor, sold the land

on which this house stands to

See memoir
of

present time.

Daniel Eppes, in 1G81, and the region thereabbuts

is

This family in Salem

connected

others, with tho primitive

stock of the

among Man-

was long known as Endicott's

'gov. Endicott, by C.

field.

M.

Endiaott, page 20 and note.

187
p.irigrjiph,
|lpoJlk^<

of the
it

and from the manner in which h< men found at Salem, classifying
rd in

William
thers,

mini(ter

at Topstield,

and perhaps

who

are not likely all to have been of

them as
were
1

two

differenc 8entenee,

me

family.

The name

is

common throughout

infer, that tht)

relation of these

two

clas.-te

the country.*

essentially different.
ui^-n

The one appearing

ke

who

posse.s8ed

umiiTtaking,

while

a prime interest in the the others were withsent

WILLI.\M
And
ori;jinal

ALLEN
among
;

his wile

Elizabeth, were

the

out d>>ubt
B.Tvi.;n(

men who were

over in a sub

memliers of the First Church

her

capacity, and there are other indica-

maiden name we think

Bradley was called
1642.
first.

was Bradley,

as

John

tions ihac the latter were

men

of

less

education

Allen's brother in law, in

and refinement. Norman and Allen were carpenters, and the otliers in the same para^rap
were of occupations indispensable to a new
tiement.
^et'-

He was admitted a freeman among the May 18. 1631. He had a grant of fifty
which time
lay
it

acres of land on 20 of 12, 16o6j at

John Woodbury had a warrant

>pti

to

out.

The ad

of this yiew,

we

think, ac-

On

2;3d of 2d,

1638, one acre of Salt Marsh

counts cjucl.isiv.ly for the omission of one set

of these names in the large grant of one thou-

sand acres of land at Bass

lliver.

We

intend
tliat

however, under another head, to show

party, di
collectively

reasonal)le prjof remiins that they, tiie other

I

adjoining his lot probably 01 Planter's Marsh. On the 25th of Uth month, 1642, William Allen and Robert Allen were granted ten acres apiece at the Great Pond, \Wenham Lake.) William Allen
at the
1

w 18

granted him

receive a similar
in a far less

grant

as "old pi inters," thougli

tity.

quan

The namo of Walter Knight

is

not found a-

was by trade a carpenter; in 1637 he and Samuel Archer were to build the powder house, and were allowed two months to finish it in. He removed to Manchester, where
the

mong the numbers of the First Church, and many generations of he may have uiaint lined his high church oppo appears that on the
positi'>n t!ir>ughout his residence in

name have

lived.

It

13th of May,

1640. he,

Salem.

with sixteen others of Salem,

among whom

In IGIO and '42. he the Quarter Court,

in

iiao

sjme small causes at

In the formej.

were Robert Allen and John Norman, petitioned General Court for liberty to remove to Jeffry's Creek,

Salem.

year he received

as plaintiff against Richard

(Manchester,) and erect a yillaga

Cook

2d of

Ist

month, 1640, he was fined 10

in
;

there. ly for it

He may
was not

not have retnoved immediateuntil ten years lat-^r, that

in

at the Qi.irter

Court

Boston, for rude and

he

contemptuous speeches
over a bill of 11.
sixty-six.

and

for security

made
de-

seld his

homestead

Salem,

viz:

On

the 9th

In 1653, at

the age of

of 4th month, 1650, he sold his lute dwelling

ho was

living in

Boston,

when he

house and one half acre of land adjoining, in

posed that Tiiomas Gray had received Nantasket by the yeir 1622, from Chikataubut, Saga-

Salem, and six acres in the south

field, to

John

more of the Massachusetts Indians. This is all we have learned of Knight or

family.

his

Bridgman, of siid place. On the 20th of April, 1659, he sold Samuel Gardner, a quantity of land lying near the meeting house, between Philip Cromwell's and Richard
Still-

Information

is

doubtless accessible a-

mong

the Records of Suffolk County.

man's land.f
* RfferrnctJi.

Like most of the old planters,

ter the settlement, were

Cotemporary with him the next ten years afWilliam and Ezekiel
;

Felt's Salem Mas8. Rcc, Court Files

1,

Knight, at Salem
leaving

William died about 1655,

Gen. Reg. vol.

page 38, Reg. Deeds, Town Rec. Ac.

is

fThe following
as to locality.

subjoined for future elucidation

wife

Elizabeth

and

four

children.

George at Hingham, John at Watertown, John at Newbury, Richard at Weymouth,

At Court at Boston, July 3, 1632. Rev. Mr. Skelton, among other lands was granted "ten acres on a Neck of land abutting on the South

11

he lived to be aged, dying in 1G78 or 1364, then an old man, he deposed that
that

"9,
it

In

children were born

these

in

1640 and odd.

those

From

had

men h&ve descended

in Salem,

bearing the

been a resolve of the inhabitants of >alein,

name

Manchester and vicinity.*

when land was granted on

the rivers that

skirt the town, a reservation

should be made

THOMAS GRAY.
A
very early settler, purchased Nantasket of

for a passage between the top of the banks and the water side, and such were undoubtedly a-

mong

the most primitive of our highways.

His children, baptized at the first Church,

Sachem Ciiikutaubut, as early as he was living with John Gray and Walter Knight, and to his eiiccor and
the Indian

1622, where

were Deborah, baptized 23d of 2d month, 1637. " 16th of 11th month, 1639 Bethiah, Oiiisiphorus, " 3d of 5th mimth, 1642.
"William,

hospitality

the

persecuted

Epifrcopalians

of

Jonathan,

" "

31st of 3d month, 1646.

Plymouth fl-d, and very naturally therefore he would aecompaoy Conant to Cape Anne and Naumkeag, when the prospects were so flattering of the permanent establishment of Episcopacy.

29th of 5th month, 1649.

His son Samuel, probably older than either, we do not find mentioned among the baptisms. His will
first
is

Thomas Gray, supposed

son,

to be th

same per[Marble-

was located
is

in

Marbleharbor,

recorded on

the

72d

folio

of the

head,] then a part of Salem, as early as 1631;

his

June. 1678, proved 26th of 4th

book of Etsex Probate Records, dated 7th month, 1679.

full

name

or later.

met with as of that place till 1660 The records of the Quarter Court at

wherein he styles himself "William Allen, sen>

of Manchester,'" makes his wife Elizabeth

Salem, and the Court of Assistants at Boston,

during that period, do not furnish any other

point worthy of interest relating to him.
lived to be aged,
ble.

and

sole executrix of his

;

property,

to

be disis

lie

posed of after her death

ty

part of which

as

and should have been venera-

follows, "to Samuel, the remainder of the twenfive

acre lot of upland, and the share of the

to

fresh

2d son Onisiphorus, and son "Williaiu Allen, my whole fifty acre lot, and an

meadow;

Another Thomas Gray was living at Plymouth in 1643, and died there Nov. 29, 1682.
Robert Gray, 1656 to '66.
ing

who was
liad

horn about 1634,

liv-

acreof saltmarsh at lower end of my orchard." It is remarked that both these sons had houses of their own. and were to have Jands adjoining them.
In the inventory presented, which
to

ed in Salem, and

children

born there in

lie was Quaker meeting

;

fined in 1669, for attend;

his

will

was made

in

1662

loft

Elizabeth, Joseph, Robert, Bethiah

186, 10s, among other lands and fifteen acres of upland Jyin^ on the bounds of Beverly, joining to Wenham Gr>'at Pond, also two oxen, one cow two hcilers, two sheep, and a horse.

amounted

Hannah and Mary.

ues to he very

The name Robert continin

efiects, arc

mentioned

common

this

family after-

ward.

There were coteinporary families very

of diffjrent

early in the county, and probably

origins f

Bobert Allen, probably William's brother,

was granted on

the

4tli

of 12ch month,

1638,

JOHN
At
the

TILLEY.

twenty-five acres of land at Jeffrey Creek; his

commencement of the Cape Anna settlement, John Tilley was appointed Overseer of the Fishing interest, while the planting

River, upon the Harbour River on William Allen's ground on the East, Ilijginson's ground on the west." was William Allen's land, and was

the North, upon

and upon Mrs.

Query.

When

* Rrfrrrnces.

Mass.

Rec.,

Town and Church

Rcc.,

Harbour Rivei the North River, the land being bounded on the
fiouth

Reg. of Deeds and Probate.

flieferrnces.

Felt's Annals, Drake's

Gen. Reg.,
2.

Boston, Re
235.

by the South River

Qr. Court, Rco. of Mass.

1S9
depiirtinvnt vrus

placed ia

charge of Thomas
followed

of the Indiana, he trusted to

hi.*

own

sag icity,

Gardner.
It is generally accepted that Tilley

and

disdaint'd the well

intentioned advice,

and

very imprudently left his vessel, in

a small
landed

Conant

to

Naumkeag

in

1G26.
4,

freeman's uath

March

1534.

He took tlie He was a

with the

canoe, with one assi.-tant, on a fowling excursion along the

bmks

of the river
fort,

lie

mariner bv occupatiun, and

fishing
setts

identified

about three mlle^ from the

thily

and euuiinercial
his

tradin|r

of MasHachuis

watched by the Indims

in

and was stealambush, until

till

d-ath in 1G36.

His name

asso-

he had discharged bis gun. when a large number of the savages arose from thir covert

ciated in Colonial affairs with such persons as

an
in

William Peirca and Th(>ujas Beecher, noted shipmasters* ot that day his career subsequent
;

took him prisoner without chance of resistance,

and at the same time

charge of the boat.
tured him

killed

the

man

left

to the failure

of li^hing op^-rations at Cape

His inhuman captors

feet

tor-

Anne,
side of

related,
tl)o

more particularly,

to the South

by

first

cutting off his hands, and

also
;

Bay, and trade with the neighboring

year

a while after, his which,

it
is

notwithstanding
ftir

Colonies.

said, he survived

three days,

In

tiie

1G34 he became involved in

moneyed difficulties with his partners in trade, and General Court, on the Ist April of that
year, appointed assignees over hia property
his "dibts be sai-fied
tl

till

and won the admiration of the Indians by tha manner in wiiich. he enJur d their cruel tortures. Up is r-'pres' nted by VVinthrop* as a "very stoutf man, and of great understand,
ing."

at

heowed

in

ye Bay,''
1st of

This dreadful event was one among many July following, his affairs were adjusted by similar figgravating experiences that our ancesmutual consent of the diff rent parties, in the tors enduied, in rapid succession, from the qaappointment of rofertes.viz.; "John VVinthrop, tivts, and which led to the swiit dcstructioQ Ben., Esq., Mr. \Vm. Peirce, Mr. Thomas and almost annihilation of the powerful PeBeecher and Mr Stag^j." quod tribe ; in wliich war another of the Old

At

the Court of Assistants, held on the

The difficulties, thus settled, had occurred Planters, who commanded the Essex men^ with Mr. Marryner's Company, Mr. Ilenry Capt. Trask, of Sajem. *-ignalizad himself aiii Coggin and Mr. John Cog::in, for moneys paid won the gratitude of his country. the ship's c )mpany. and other matters. Sep.. We have learned nothing of Tilley's de-icend' by General ants, if any he had. A few years after his 2, 1G35, Till.y was appointed Court upon a committeo with Mr. Thomas death we find a family of that n iine living at Dudley, Mr. Beecher, Mr. VYaltham, Mr. Dun- Plymouth and neigh iiorhood, viz Thomas and com. and Mr Peirce, with "power to consulte William, in 1643, and John, in 1G53. Others,
:

advise and take order for the setting

forward and probably of the sjvme family stock,, wera and after manageing of the fishejng trade and Hugh Tilley, who came to. Salem in the fleet, as ypon their accompt all charges of dyett, or * Drake, in his History of Boston, expresses some other wayes att the tymes of their meeteing to
doubts as to the identity of John Tilley, mentioned be allowed out of the fishing stocke." by WinWirop and the Mass. Records, with John Tilley In the year 1G36 Tilley was on a trading of the Cfepe Ann Colouy, but the lavt of Tilley's promTbjage as master of a bark and while coming inency in the trading and fishing interest of Massa-. down the Connecticut River, notwithstanding ohusetts throughout his a tive life, evincing peculiar the caution he received from. Capt. Gardner, at qualifications for the superintenJency of the Cap* Anne fisheries, convinces us that these events, occuSaybrook, to be on his guard against

surprise

Peirce was master of ihe ship J^jon, of the Ta'ibot, in the fleet of
IGlfO.

and Beecher

pying in time but a few years, and the sa^e individual.

t Courageous.

all relate

ta on.

190

eervant
John

to Sir

Eichard Saltonstall, another

Their children were Samuel, born

1648.

May

14,

and also Edward Tilley, with their wives and families formed part of the 101 Pilgrims wh'> came in the Mayflower to Plvmouth, in 1620, but they and their wives, with thne other members of their famiTilley,
lies,

Beihia

born 1654.

llittabell,

Ehenezer, born 1657, and George. He died about 1679. leaving a large family. See record
of his will, Efsex Probate Records, Book
1, 73.

Nov

9.1659, John Gardner and Sauiml Gard-

died the

first

winter.*

ner, with

mew, had permission

Walter Price and Henry Bartholoto erect a corn-mill on

THOxMAS GARDNER,
Overseer of the
planting interest at Cape

South River.
This Samuel Gardner was deputy to General

Anne,

at its beginning, wac, according to Far-

Court
in

in

1681-2 and

5.

Samuel Gardner,

sen.

mer, a native of Scotland.

Farmer, Young,

his will dated

and Felt agree that he followed Conant to Jonathan my Salem he was one of the original members of nances, and my flakes and housing and wth the first chuich here, was admitted freeman else I have at Winter Island." Another Samuei Gardner was deputy to May 17, 1C37, and was the Bume year member General Oourt many years, for most of the of General Court. The following grants of land show him to time from 1694 to 1710.
;

2 Oct 1689, gave his'-sone fishing ketch, and her appurte-

have been a man who had prominent claims

among

his fellow Colonists.

The

tith of

Mr.

as the

Thomas Gardner, supposed the eon of Thomfirst, was a memher of the First Church,

then of no mean import, generally precedes hja

1639, freeman 1641.

On

the 18 of 5
ot in

name

in the Records.

he had a grant from the

lot, ^'as

On
acres.

20 of 12 1636, be had a grant of 100 On 21, 12. 1637, Mr. Gardner is grant-

a great lot."

Town He died

mo 1637, a five-acre
the latter

part of 1674.

He had two

wives, 1st
;

Mar-

ed an addition to his farm, not exceeding twen- geret Fritr, 2d Damaris Shattock the latty acres. On 17, 2, 1639, Granted a bank of ter united with the Quakers, and was often

upland near

his marsh, at Strong Water Brook. In 1642 3-4 of an acre near the Rayles.f In 1643, a parcel of land to set a house ilpon, near

fined for her heresy.

He had a
1

large family,

eleven children, viz.: Seeth,* baptized 25 of 10,

1636,

married

John Gralton

of lO, 1659;

the old mill.

In 1649, a small piece of mead-

Sarah, Elizabeth, Bethiah. Thomas,

George,

ow

next his farm.

Thomas Gardner and John, Samuel, Joseph, Richard,

,

Merriam.

George Gardner, brothers, were granted land Here are six sons and five daugliters, with a His ill dated 7, 10 8, 1637, who were probahly sons of fair chance for posterity. Thomas. In 1647, Thomas Gardner, George mo 1668, proved 29 March, 1675 to his wife Gardner, and Hilliard Veren were to have Damarif he gave up all the et^tate she brought four acres of meadow each. In 1654, George him. also 8 in money. &c. To his dau. Saon 9 of
;

Gaidner was to have

his ten acre lot

six

acres of upland at

rah Balch, 15, dau.,

He
in

took the freeman's oath

Sargent George, and

dau. Merriam Hills

j

Soeth Grafton, 15, to to Iwo dans. Mjrriam and

;

in 1642.

lie is called

Susan 5 each at 18, or marriage

to his sons

was

lieutenant

1664, under Capt. Walter

.

Price.
keress,

He married
and
in

Eliza She was a Qua1658 was indicted "for adher- and Joseph, sect

George and John, salt meadow west of Capt. George Corwin's meadow, to his sons Samuel
salt

meadow

east of Corwin's.

ence

to the

cursed

of

the

Quakers."

His housing the rest of the lands, goods and

estate to be divided in seven equal

* References

Hubbard

pans

be.

106;

Savage's Winthrop
<to.

1,200; Mass. Records; Drake's Boston; i In Beverly, near Wenham.

daughter origin of the name

to be given in

future number.

191
tween liia six sons, Thomas, George, Richard, each a grant of twenty acres of land on 8 of 9 John, bamuel and Joseph. Thomas, the eld- mo 1637. These persons are the same referred George and Sam, ex- to in the quaint line, "Old Goodman Norman est, to have two shares, Mr. Joseph Grafton and D<acon and his sonn." Felt, Drake, Thornton and ecutors. Robert Pease and Samuel all other writers describe them, as we think, lloine, overseers. Goldthrite, witnesses. Inventory dated 4 of 11, erroneously as Kichard and Richard, Jr. John 1074, val 274 16 8., in which were dw' lling Norman, in 1628, was about 15 years old, at which time his brother Richard was but three. l)0U8e aid ten acres of land, with orchard, &c 10 acres in ye Northfield, 100 acres of upland John removed to Jtffry Creek.* The old gen-

and moiidow, 20 acres '-lying in ye woods,'' and about 2 1-4 acres of sfllt marsh "lying about
ye
uiili."

tleman and his younger son, Richard, removed

household

stuff,

&c.

Geg^le's Island, in the South River, was

granted to one Thomas Gardner in 1G80.

the division of the Salem Military
into two separate Companies, in

On

where they were both living in Richard Norman, sen was presented at the Quarter Court at Salem 17 of 7 mo, 1650, "for defective fences on Darbyfort
to JMarblehead

1650 and

'53.

Company

side," [Marblehead.]

We

do not know when

1674, Joseph

he died.

Gardner took command

vrin of the other.

of one,

and John Curleft

JOHN NORMAN,
son of Richard, the

In 1685, Ebenezer, son of George,

to poor honest people of

50
1721,

"Old Goodman" had a

petitioned
to

grant of land at Jeffry Creek, 8 of 9 mo, 1637,

Sakm, and

in

John Gardner
like purpose.
Tliis

left

one-tenth of his estate for a

and with sixteen others Court 14 of 3d mo, 1640,

erect a village.

General

remove there and

surname has been known and respected throughout the entire hititory of Salem, and descendants are still numerous in this the primitive

At

the Quarter Court held at Salem, 3d of

8 mo, 1637, the Jury found for Richard InkerwjU, plaintiff, against
lings, in

abode of their ancestors.*

RICHAHD NORMAN
ia

John Norman, 40 shilmoney, and 30 shillings in mackerell. lie had removed to Jeffry Creek as early as in 1650 he petitioned for liberty to 1640
;

mentioned in Brackenbury's deposition as among those ho found living at Naumkeag

these words,

keep a house of entertainment there.

lie probably lacked

some of the graces of the

when he arrived in 1628, in Goodman Norman and his

the old
;

"old

man

of Uz, for he was once presented at Court

sonn.'" Most of "for striking Nath'l Masterson with the help young or middle-aged of an ax to ye breach of ye peace" men Norman was probably older than any of His wife, Arabella, was admitted to the them. Tliis deposition was taken fifty years Firvst Church in 1637. Her children baptized afterward, and w hen old Norman was probably there and also recorded in the Town Records,

planters were

dead, and Brackenbury himself an

old

man

are John,

born in 1637, Lydia. Hannah or

Anna. Arabella and Richard. Her daughter Arabella married John Balden in September, 1664, by Major Dennison, and had Hannah viz.: in 1649, John Gedney pold Thomas Spoonand John.* er a parcel of land which was given "Old NorIn Thomas Williams' will, dated 2
1, 35.

he wsis describing matters as they struck him on his arrival. We have other evidence that Richard Norman wag called "Old Norman,"

mo 1646,

man."
Richard

Norman and John Norman had

* See Essex His. Coll.

* References'

Hubbard, Felt, Young. Rec. of Mass.

* In 1645, Jeffrie's Creek,

by order of Genera

Probate Rec.. City Rec, Ac.

Court, to be called Manchester.

Ir2

John Normjin
he
is

ia

called of Jeflfrj Creek, but in

RICHARD NORMAN, Jr,

son of Richard, and brother of John, was born
in 1623, as

the inventory presented the

8tjl 'd of

foilnwing month,

Marblehead.
in

at the

latter place
in 1672.

1648.

Ho was residing He died aged

age ;n

1672

we loam he was forty-nine years of he was residing with his old

;

The leader of the Jeffry father, in Murbleiiead, in 1653. William NorCreek settlement was Rev VV^illiam Walton, of man, supposed another brother, also lived Marblehead, who expected to remove there, there in 1648, and probably the same of the but continued tt reside at Marbleliead. name who afterward settled at Manchester. The inventory of ^he estate of John Norman, It was both easy and natural for the Marbleabout 60,
taken 23 of 9

mo

1672. amounted to 125, and

head people to cross over the water from that

place to Manchester in their shallops

consisted of house,

uplmd and meadow,

stivers,

three

and

fish-

cows, two yearling

son John was a

two

calves,

and four

ing craft.

small S/^ine, household

stuff, tools,

memb -r

of the

&c. John's Salem Troop in 1667.

sea

The Normans were

Creek settlement.
remained
in

leaders

in

the Jeffry

1678, perhaps the same individual, in

Richard Norman, however, Marblehcad, where he appears to

of enterprise and

who

l>ad recently

"received greate loss at

have been a
ir^

man

consequence
propfrty,

being taken by the Dutch," as were sundry

his day,

possessed
:

consii^erable

Sab-m

vess

Is

about that time.

John adminis-

tered on his mother Arabella's estate in 1680,

Arabella
years
;

Norman

survived her husband seven

company, and reared a large family hia wife's name waa Margaret, and their children, six sons and two
in the military

was a lieutenant

the Inventory of proporty "she died posof

sessed of 23 Nov. 167i)," as administratrix

the eatiteof her hushiind, John

Norman, taken

29 of 4 mo 1680, is recorded in Es.sex Probate Eecords. 1, 84, amounting to 150, 16s.: consisting ot hous-', barn

daughters, viz.: Rebecca, Richard, William, John, Elizabeth, Joseph, Benjamin, and Jonathan. He died in 1682. Moses Maverick and James Dennis appraised his estate Nov. 20',

1682, amount to 400.

Among

the items are,

and or-oliard, ten ajcns of upland upon tho mck, and two acres of sak marsh, one acre of sihmarsh at Kettle Cove,
&j.

One

acre lot at the Ferry, a lot in Mr.

Hum-

phry's farm, one acre of salt marsh at Salem, a tract of land at Dunstable, dwelling-house and

Among
:

the items

is

this

remarkable

orchard

a-t

Marblehead, furniture

in

the

half,

statement

"The remaining

of land granted

part of 400 acres by the town of Salem to 8

in the old kitchen, in the

new

kitchen, in the
in the old

great chamber,

''n

the

new chamber,

men.
eiglit

his part appraised

50;"
four

Qaarj,

What

men, and why

thi-j

hundred acres?

kitchen chamber, in the cellMr, half hhd. of Claret and one bbi of Rum, in the yard two

Have we not

here the counterpart to the M)00

cows, two heifers, one buM, horse, mare

colt, sheep,

and

acres at Buss River, whieh

was granted

swine, stage flakes, and

to

yard, half

five

of the most prominent

viz.: to

among

the old planters,

a shallop, &c.
Lieut,
estate.

Conant, Woodbury. Tpask, Pal fry and Balch, or two hundred aores apiece, that is,

His widow, Margaret, and John Pickering administered upon hia

His son, Richard, died at sea about

Htftle

four hundred

acres, or

fifty

acres apice

1682, leaving wbat

to

property he possessed

eight otlier of the old

planters, one of

whom

was John Norman?

record of this grant,

Though we
is

no other not this conclusion alfind

I-n 1690 hia William and John, were charged with sundry goods delivered them from their father's

to

his eouein,

Hannah Balden.

sons,

most

irresistible?

proximate aiscuracy can be iViiAus given on page 104.

These eight men. with apfound in list ot

estate by their mother,

Lieut.

Pickering.

Margaret Norman, and His eon Joseph married

Mary

-, and diedoo 18 Nov.

169L


193

On

the westerly side of Gloucester harbor,

How long

he was here previous to the arriis

not far from the present eastern bound of Manchester, the early home of the Normans, a long,
rocky

val of the Abigail

not

known

certain

it in

that he was granted one of the five

farms of

200 acres each, to the old planters, [making reef, b.ire at low water, stretches out from the shore, terminated seawardly, bj a 1000 acres,], at Bass River, in 1G35, which large rock, designated from distant times, as seems to settle the matter b -yond controversy. Norman's Woe here, as the name implies, He is am(^|g the original members of the first
;

shipwreck and disaster befel some indi-idual of church, and was on the
the family whose

first
-d

list

(Oct.

19,

name

it

bears

this
it
;

is

all

1630.) of those
to be

who
7,

p'tition

General Court

that

can

now

he learned about

neither

made freemen, and took

Nov.
1632,

his oath in

May

record nor tradition throws any

this

light

upon
the

untold calunity,
:

faded

out frjm

memory of man

the sea shall perpetually

surge over the place of Njrtnan's doom, and

Trask and Mr. Conant, appointed, with otliers, by General Court, to set th bounds between Dorchester and Roxhury. In 1635, he with Conant,
following.

Capt.

moan

howl around

murmurings, and the winds dismal requiem forever, and forever (ail to communicate the sad story of its despairing victim and of the anguish wrung from family and friends. ''Norman's Woe"
in ceaseless
it

his

Woodhury, Balch and Masey, were appointed and associated with Mr, Humphry, Mr. Endicott and Capt. Turner to set the bounds of Newbury Patent, and Mr.
overseers of land,

intensely expressive in
pathetic heart.

its

doleful brevity,

R name never uttered by the pas^ing mariner, without vibrating a ciiord in his large and sym-

Dumer's farm of 500 acres, near Newbury; and in 1637 he was on to lay out Mr Humphry's farm. th3 four f >llowing years, he was a Salem to the -Great and Gmeral

the falls of

a committee
In 1635 and

deputy from
Court.

He

Norman's Rocks, a crag had several grants of land from the town be on the western border of Salem, and Norman fide his farm of 200 aeres. At one time 100 acres, and on 9 of 8, 1637, he is allowed five street, also in Salem, commemorate the name of a family long extinct here, and as far as our acres of meadow next Mr. Johnson's farm. knowled^re g >es, in the vicinity also. The In 1636 he erected a water-mill for grinding Boston Directory was printed in 1789 by one corn, on the North River, at a place above John Norm in. We are unable to say where what are now called Frye's Mills; before this descendants, if any. of the family now reside. time most of the corn ui^ed was pounded in Querns* On 30 of 1, 1640. he had leave to Mention of the nams is occasionally seen set up a tide-mill upon the North Kiver, prodifferent pirts of the cjuntry.
Another
locality,

vided he laade a suffioient passage for a shallop

Capt.

WILLIAM TRASK

from half

tide to full sea

it

thus appears to

Town to Naumkeag bekeep the water courses free from obstruction. fore the arrival of Endicott. He was born He also set up a fulling-mill not far from his about 1587. consequently forty years of age When, about corn-mill, about the same time. when he came to New England. Mr. Hub 1636, it wag proposed to builJ the college here, bard, who was nettled as minister at Ipswich Mr. Trask gave up his farm to Thomas Scruggs, Boveral years belbie Mr. Trask's death, and who poes^ssid land at tho designated place bewho, no doubt, knew him, says expres>lv tiiat yond Forest River, on what is now a beautiful
was, without doubt, settled in have been the original policy of the
Endicott's party "added to Captain Trask and John Woodbury, &c., they went on comfortably together to make preparation for the new
*

kind of stone pestle and mortar,

for

private

use, a few specimens of which, are still preserved iq

Colony that were coming over."

the ol milies.

49

lU
lain at the

Marblohead farms, thus leaving

Trask

their bands for defence against surprise by the

the lot unencumbered.

In 1648 General Court granted Capt.

Indians.

The

militia of the Jurisdiction

;

were

divided into three regiments

the

East Regi-

250 acTtis of land. Theaameyear he exchang- ment was placed under command of John ed 250 acres of land with Gov. Endicott for Endecott, Coll., John Winthrop, Jr., liout. 500 apple trees of three years' growth being coll., and Capt. Trask, muster master. At two trjes for an acre of land, then no doubt the organization of the Salem conipanv, a fevr en equitable bargain. Again, 1656, h^xchang- weeks after, Mr. William Trask was appointed ed 100 acres of land, near Spnnj; Pimd. for captain, Richard Davenport,* lieutenant, and a cow which was valued at 5. He lived in Thomas Reade, ensign. Salem village, or what is now South Danvers, For this campaign, in 1637, Massachusetts

and during the ]iti;atii>n8 of the Mason claim raised 160 men. twenty-four of whom were estate was forced to pay 15 shillings from Salem. They were under commander-in rent in acknowledgment of Said claim. He chief. Captain Stougbton. tras an energetic man, a brave soldier, and The wonderful success of this expedition reHe was one sulted in the overthrow, and almost the annireliable in case of an emergency.
his

commander hilation of this formidable tribe. of him June 6, 1639. General C mrt granted 6000 what as has been said of Capt. Mason, acres of land to nineteen meritorious individuals, Captain Standish was to the Plymouth Colony, not all soldiers. among whom were Cap .Trask, and Captain Mason to Connecticut, Captain who had 200 acres of land "in regard of much Trask was to the Massachusetts Colony. Davenport 150 acres. service," and Lieut In 1634 he was on a committee of seven to Captain Trask retained cdmrnand of the comof the
in
first, if

not the
tts
;

first

military

Maspachus

we can

safely say

superintend the fortifications.

We

notice he

pany

in Salem,

till

Octob

r,

1645.

he no doubt was from the beginning of the first Massachusetts the few military commanders trained band

was Captain

this

year, as

ceived his discharge from General Court

when he re"with

were ordered to train their Bands once every month, lie was once eent (1635^ by General Court after some rogues who had stolen a boat and other thirigs, and fled to the eastlvard. Capt. Trask otertodk them at Piscataqua, brought them back to Bdston, where they paid penalty for their villainy in both fines and Captain Trask figures most conspicustripes.
ously as a
trar.

acknowledgment of iiis faithfulness all due and former good service to the country," and Wm. Ilathorne was appointed his successor, as it was thought Capt Trask resided at too
great a distance to be of service in case of sudden attack from the seaboard, by foreign ene-

mies

at the

Game time

pointed lieutenant, and

Oct, 19, 1658.

Wm. Clarke wms apWm. Dixie, ensign.

At a Court of Assistants,

Captain in

the

famous Pequod

he was granted 400 acres of land in the Poquod country, and in 1661, when far advanced in
(74th year,) he presented a petition, to General Court, written by biniself in a bold and still beautiful hand, rari-ly equalled by
life,

This powerful tribe of Indians, in the wilds 6f the Connecticut, became very iiggre-sivoand
insolent
;

they destroyed

Several

parties

of

traders and others,

noted traders,

among whom wete two and John Oldham and John Tiiley.

one who had passed the bounds of threescor*

ten years.
It is still preserved

among

the

The Colonies were threatened with extermination by the Peq'iodsand confedetate tribes, and
7 Dec
the country became effectually al-out-ed. On 1636, General Court selected oflicers
,

* Lieut. Davenport was Ensign bearer when Governor Endicott cut the cross from the King's colors; he was afterwards Captain of the Cattle in Boston Harbor where he was killed by lightning July 15,

for aervice in the various towns, to

organize

1665, aged 59.

195
State archives.
It is Bh(>rt

and reads thus

In his will he speaks of his dwelling-house

'To the Honorable General Court bled at Boston:

now

assem-

and orchard.

To William he gave "

ail

all

the

meadow

that lyeth between the upper and the

The

huinV)le petition

of Wra. Trask, off Saserved under him in

lower mill, and

the

upper mill-pond."
dwelling-house, &c.,

lem, and some others

who

The locution of

his mill,

the exficdition against the Pequots,

showeth,

Humbly can now be traced. "The house in which he

l;iid

Whereas yr
ral

petitionrs understand that seve-

died, in 1666, was according to tradition, about 200 feet in the

gentlemen have lands granted and

out rear of the present one, built by his son William, probably about

at the Pequots County that was, and

others
bee

1680. which

has been

are likely to put in for more,

who

it

may

the birth-place of his descendants for five genecations.

never swet so

much

for

it,

as some off us bled

The

w^'ll
still

dug hy The

the old pioneer

two

and for your service These therefore humbly pray the Court to consider of it, and in your wisdom to appoint such a portion of land and some meet men to lay it out as m your goodness shall think meet and your petitionrs shall ever remain Your ever obliged VV. Traske for himself and other souldiers under him.
on
it,

centuries ago,
is

remains, the water of which

original gr-st mill

in constant

use.
in

erected by
river back

him

1636 was situated on the

;

of his dwelling-house

and

it

ia

said that remnants of the

dam

are

now

visible,

when the water in the pond is drawn off" Edward Trask, probably a grandson, was one of Capt. Lathrop's seventy men slain at Bloody
Brook, Sept. 18, 1675.

Consented to by the Magistrates.

Ri. Bellingham.

Dept Govr.

The descendants of Capt. Trask are

ing in Salem, Danvers. and vicinity.

still liv-

In answer to this p' tition ye Deputies think meet to grant Capt. Traske 400 acres of land in the place desired, with reference to the
consent of our honored Magistrates hereunto. Wm. Torret, Cleric."

One of

them,

Wm.

B. Trask, Esq., of Dorchester, to

whom I am much
rial for

indebted, is collecting matea memoir of the Captain and genealogy

of bis descendabts.*

Mr. Trask

lived to the ripe age of 77 years.

WILLIAM JEFFRT,

"What an eventful period was the latter half or Jeffries, was settled in this neighborhood of his life, and how much did he witness of re- before the arrival of Gov. Endicott. It is not Bults that his valor, industry and sell-sacrifice known when he came over. He probably lived helped, in a great measure, to produce. some time at Jcffry Creek (now Manchester) He died May 16, 1666, and by order of the which bore his name, and which lies between town was buried with military honors. His the two settlements of Cape Anne and Naumwill was made only the day previous to his death, when the valiant Captain surrendered, He was called William Jeffries, Gentleman,

andwas

butju't alle to sign

the letter

(W.)

in the

Company's

first

letter

of instructions,

agairst the natiie of Wra. Trask Sen'r. He left a wife, Sarah, and children, Mary,

21st April, 1629, and generally had

the then

comparatively rare

title

of

Mr.

prefixed to his
It
is

Susan, William, John and Sarah. The baptisms of his children are found in the let

name.

He was an

Episcopalian.

sup-

posed that Jeffry and Blackstone, of Boston,

belonged to Robert Gorges' party .who settled at

church records, viz

Mary, baptized Susanna, "

William,

1,
,

11, 1636.
10, 1638.
7, 7,

* References "Essex Reg.

1852,

370,

and

10

"

'-

19,

1640. 1642.
1645.

101, 1857, 257; Mass. Hiat. Coll., 25, 109;

Mn,
Eliza.

13,

Farmer, Prince, Felt,

Hubbard Young, Town Rec, Church

21,

7,

Rec, Mass. Rec, &o.

196
Wessagassett
as
thii

in

September, 1623.
Gorges,

They acted and extradition of the same individual

succeeded

this

agents of John

who

may have

been compulsory or in the nature of

to his brother's patent,

and were empowered

taxation or assessment.

Morton, as

is

well

put John Oldham in possession of known, again returned to this country, to be'a Jeffry was further irritation to the Massachusetts authorhis afterward contested territi>ry.

by

hiia to

admitted freemm
1G31.

among

the

first,
-s

May
in the

18,

ities.

The condition of the country in regard to quod war. in 1637, honorably montioned by roads after twenty years of Dccupancy may ba Capt. Mason, in his narrative, and also in learned by the foUowin^ order at Town MeetWinthrop's letti^r to the Governor in connec ing, 26, 8, 1646 : '-That William WoOdbury,
tion with Ensign Davenport,

There was a Sargent

Jeffri

Pe-

the Salem company, as

also.

who belonged to Richard Brackenbury. Ensign Dixie, Mr Cowe think JeflFry did nant, Lieut. Lithrop and Lawrence Leach,
shall
(urthwit'i

lay out a

way between

the

In 1638

Wm. Jeflfry rpmoved

to the neighbor-

Ferry at Salem and the head of Jeffry's Creek,

hood of the Rhode Islmd plantations, and in and that it be such a way as men may travel 1641 and 2 was- among the proprietors ot Wey- on horseback or drive cattle, and if such a way mouth, where he wasc imuiis.-ioneil to join par- may not be found, then to take spsedy course ties in marriage. On 16 Oct 1660, General to set up a foot bridge at .Mackerel Cove." Court granted liira 500 acres of land "on the Of the descendants of Win Jeffry. we have South si le of our pitent to bd a final issue of learned nothing, unless tiie following person
all

claims by virtue of any grant heretofore

whati'ver."

made by any Indian

This allusion to an Indian grant was on account of a claim of his to JefiVy's Neck, in Ipswich, on the plea of a purcliase of the Indians, and having made his claims before the Court sufficimcly ul-ar, he received this grant

'-Ed^^ard Jeffri-s, who was be one of them drowned on the 25th diy of May, 1683, as he was going from on b >ard the ketch called the
:

Adventure, Andrew

Ellet, jr.. [Elliott. J

being

master, Irom Mackerel Cove to the Ferry place or

thereabouts, on Beverly side."

The inventory
recorded Essex

of his effects, valued

10 4

s. is

in ii'u therefor

this unsurveyed-tract

of land

Probate book

2: 23.
is

he sold to VVm. Hudson, wlio in 1665, petitioned General Court that Lieut. Joshua Fisher and company might be appointed to lay
it

This surname
elderly portion

now

extinct in Salem.

The

of our c ininuni;y, however,

remember a family of the name who formerly

resided

out,

who were
it

accor^lingly directed so to do.

provided

encroached not upjn any other lor

tlioughtalso to have
da^.e,

m^T

;;rant.
i<

Jeffry

had possessions

as Jiimes Jeff.y died in Salem, aged 74, and his brother John died William, in 1812 at about the same age another brother, who died in 1772. is probain 1807.
;

at an eirly

at the Isle of Shoals, proba-

bly the
in

same who
5.

tau^^ht the
sister,

Grammar School

bly nothing

m )r3,

however, than the erection

1753 to

Margaret, married
reside

of

fish

fl

ikes tliere.

Stephen Cleveland, Oct. 28, 1772, late of Salem, whose posterity

Tliis

It ha-j been

supposed that he was an old

now

among

us.

acquaintance and intimate friend of the notorious and tioublestime Mortim, of Merry Mount, ^ho in a letter to Jeffry, dated May, 1634. addresses him as "M v very good gossip;"
it is

and two daughters, were the children of James Jeffry, who came from Portsmouth, N. H., to Salem, lie was the in 1722, at the age of 16 years.
family, ccn.-^ising of six sons

however, equally certain that six years be-

son of

James

Jeffry.

who was born March

10,

fore, Jeffry

had c >ntributed a sum towards delaying the expenses attendant upon the arrest

1676, in the Parish of St. Agnes, Cornwall, England, and who came to this country and

197
lived

many yoars at
I"

P.)rts:uoat^>.

Ho was

the

in

drawing these remarks

I

to a

close,

it

Bon of Cypii

and Ann Jrffry.*

with gome
tbo

egret

that

we bad not
is

entitled it
lor

Old Planters of Massachusetts;

the
tiititory

tho

early hutory of 8aleui,

of tbt

Colony, and of the Commonwealth for the Old Planters of Salmi we have pre- time being, not one line of which can ba ented a few gleamnj;* of the life* and dainu;* spared from the history of our common counbut of those whose names are known to ue
titled the
.

In the r<ir>j:oin2 paper, which vr have en

try.

* Rffi-rrncrs
throp'a Jlis.
;

nYoung's Chroa. of Mass 171; Com. of H. W. S. Reo. of Mass.

,
;

Cleveland.
[Appendix
to

In our attempt at de.ignatin; the spot on which they s^-ttled in Salem, we have followed Hubbard, F-It, Rantoul, and other writert.
astiisted

page

150,]

by the accepted tradition,

JOHN LYFORD.
The following
fmily of the
additional facts, in relation
to

sta.ed that
the

upon

the dispersion of the

Anne
kea<?.
lin.s'

colonists, they settled

and havf Cap* upon the compar-

Rev. John Lyford, are derived from

ativeiy small peninsula

lying between

Naum-

extracts taken from

book

1, folio

27, of the

Sulolk

now North

Deeds, kindly furnished by J. W. Dean, of Boston, from which wj learn, with cimsidcrablo confidence, that Mr Lyfurd had died, testate, previous to October,
1641,

Cove,

River, and Shallop, or Colthere, no doubt. Conant and somt

first

of his followers built their

substanti.il cottages.
tiiat

small

and un-

But when

wa consider

devising his

property,

consisting chiefly of

tobacco, which

may have boon

married

the currency in which

who

the minister tax was collected in Virginia; and that

his

they were at peace with tho few Indians, frtquented the neighborhood, whose lives

widow

h.ad

Edmund

Ilobart, of llingham,
viz:

ftnd

that two of

his children,

Mordecai and

Buth, were then living at that place. As the extracts are short, and as so few facts remain to us relative to Lyford and his family, they are presented
entire.

had been spared from the distemper that had t-in years before so nearly depopulated tids region, we do not perceive the necessity of the
first settlers

hovering very cIomiIv

a.s

toi'etlicr

surrounded
so

they were by

such a vast

terri-

Not many years

II.

aftor

tliis

we

find

Lyfords

tory, waiting for

occupancy aod
so

po.-jsession

in Exeter, N.

whither descendants had probably

many

removed from llingham:

jutting capes and headlun-ls,

suitable

"

for ihe fifiheries;

4,

IC4'2.

Be

it

known vnto

many

.tII

men by

shelten d coves and

all sides

these prseuts, that I, Ruth Loyford of llingham in the Bay of Massacuseits, in New England, have fully acquit^d and di.-cliarged Edmund llubbi-rt, senior, my St(!p Father, of a legacyu of 210 li. of To bacco, given me by my Father .John Lcyforl, by his last will and Tesraiuont, of woh gifft [ acknowlidge

safe harbors,

bordered on

bv woode

or
for

other

lands easily cleared and

subdued
foreseeing

cultivation.

These

pioneers,

that the time

would soon come wlien mant

band and

myselfe fully sattisfyi-d <fc content-nl. 21 Otitob r, 1641. In wittness whereof 1 have heervnto sett my seale, the day & yeare above written.

other adventurers would claim a liare in these unappropriated wilds, would very naturally select tlie f'est

localities,

haal In ye presence of The: Nicolls A Mordicay

and spread out

t!iei

.fe

so.alo

Leyford.''

individual possesbions over a larger

acres than was compatible
lecality

number of

" Do it known vnto all men by 4, 1642. these prsents that I Mordicay Lyford, of llingham in the Bay of Massacusutts in New England, have fully aeqnited and disciiarged E Imund llubhord senior my ritep Father, of a legaoye of .)()') li. of Tobacco, and one cow a id ono h -yfjr, given ma by my Father Jo: Lyford. of wch gifft I doe ackno,vlidge myselfe fully sattisfyed <fc contented. 3 nf .June 1642 In wittness whereof I have subscribed my han 1 & sett to my seale the day and year above written.

with the limited above mentioned, and consequentiv we

ever the
req.ii:.ite

believ-' if

zeal

be put forth

among

private conveyances of land for a more accurate localization of the first abodes of the Ol-i Planters,
it

tiie first

pub.ic

grants or

will be

found that they embraced a

much

wider extent of surface, or were

ately

more separis

In ye prsenco of Clement Bate, John Beale his

marke.''

and distantly looated than

now gao*

rally su{{osed.

5Q

198
Five of the

most prominent

of them

v?e

part and parcel of the great territory and jurisdiction

know, soon accepted farms

tion)

(of their

own

selec-

of Salem,

when they had found a

from the new government, and which thej had, no douht, previously improved on
the
C'vpij

minister as counsellor and guide, asked the

privilege of settling across the water at Jeffrey

more Creek, or Mancbe; ter, whose sheltered harccurateiy, at Bass iiiver. Their withdrawal bour and forest-clad hills skirted in pleasing from the niiclous of the town, resulted in part outline the northern shore. There the Aliens from dissatisfaction engendered by what they and one or more Normane, of the old planters, regarded aa too light an estimate by the new fixed their final abode. Thus it was, from dr Massachusetts companj of their abilities, point to point, island to island, and harbour to rights and improvements, and we believe if harbour, that the country along the coast and the old planters had had some other leader up the rivers became settled here a few than the virtuous and neaceful Conant, they fish-flakes, easily constructed from the neighbormight have comhined with Mr. Oldham and the ing woods, and an attendant shallop or two
side of the

Anne

stream,

or,

Gorges, or other conflicting patent to a

much

dt

noted

fishing

settlement,

and

there

greater discomfiture of the powerful and wise,

a few

cottages

clustering around a

house of
;

but to them
erate

in the outset,

somewhat

inconsid-

worship, began a more enduring plantation

and oppressive government.

thus settlements increased at varied intervals

The great highway of the first settlers, and along the great margin of waters. Upwards of two and one quarter centuries their means of travel and conveyance, can be given in one word, the sea, for in place of have p:i8sed away since Conant and his followthe endless variety of vehicles we now possess, ers built their humble dwellings on the banks

that willing beasts draw, or

impels, they bad
little else

unwearied steam than the shallocand

of yonder stream and dropped the

the soil of Massachusettn.

first

seed in

Their descendants

Tlie perils they often encountered, to have since numbered thousands. About eight which their wives and children, their teachers geni rations have been born, and have either and magiftrates were alike exposed, furnish us acted or are now acting their parts upon the irith melancholy proof of this their evident same stage of their ancestors early trials, but It was natural, therefore, for how varying the scenes witnessed by each. necessity. them to explore the indented coast, and locate Most of the old planters lived to be aged, and here and there more or less permanently, as unless they were "inspired by some superior infancy or interest dictated. The inland coun- stinct,"* they could hardly have imagined such try was an impenetrable wilderness, full of reenlts as they were privileged to behold ere tery description of peril, and its exploration they fell asleep in the land of their adoption.

canoe.

but slowly attempted.

What
spirit,

a debt of gratitude do their descendfor the enterprise, foresight

Thus

Ji-ffrey,

an active, uneasy

wan-

ants

owe them

and

dered about the coast, settling now at one locality, then at another, appropriating territory
to himself, or

perseverance, that planned and carried through

those early projects that have been crowned

buying

it

of some

Indian Sa-

with such stupendous results.

chem

fishing

and so Tilley and Oldham, in their and trading vessels went hither and
the orders of their

Inasmuch
their

as

we are

grateful for

what our

ancestors have done for us, let us be jealous of

thither, as self-interest or

honor, and

when with

pride

we look
us not

joint partners directed.

down

the long array of worthies that adorn

Norman, the tlder, soon settled on the the Darby fort ide, or at Marblehead, and a
portion of the inhabitants of that place then

history of our

Commonwealth,

let

* Hubbard.


199
and named the southern boundary Cape Cod the abundance of that fiah found in We, their its vicinity. Here Captain Smith, in rapturei the dreary winters of 1626 and 27. descendants, can form but a very imperfect with the country sailed in and eut as he suridea of the impression that this rude and in- vejed the coast. Here the Dorchester merforget

the old planters of

Naumkeag,

strug-

gling to sustain the infant settlement through

from

hospitable country then presented.

chants laded their ships with codfish, beaver

however, one aspect which must skins, clapboards and medicinal roots. Here, much the same, and the one near the Southern cape, the Pilgrims of 1620, which WHS most deeply engraven on the minds amid the blasts of winter, cast their lot in th naked wilderness; and near the northern cap of the settlers. It we launch out upon the bosom of the Bay on some pleasant day in at first her ofispring, but afteward her rival, sprang the Colony of Mnssuchusetts, which June, when the clear sky and sleeping waters

There

in,

forever remain

blend in one mirror of light, and

redolent with the fragrance of

the

air

is

soon outstripped and enfolded her into one.

young

leaves
lofti-

The

forests

that

everywhere clothed the

and opening flowers

er skies

or. later,

under the

of September, after the atmosphera

arched the streams, or bordered the sea, and breathed the sweet cadencies of sum'
hill sides,

has been winnowed by the rains of August,

mer winds, or heralded the storms,

ries

for

centu-

and

all

nature

is

in

her fullness of apparel,

have gone forever, and in their places have

culti-

we shall see much that greoted the Winthrop when in the Arbella, he
fleet

led

eyes of arisen our cities and towns, wiih their templss and seminaries of learning, our factories and the

of 1630, or that Endicott beheld

when he workshops, our comfortable abodes and

vated
fields.

landed here, two years earlier.

How
these

agreea.hle the

contrast presented on

Tha winds that waft seaward our

the ends of the earth,

sTiipa to

two

occasions,

compared with the advent

murmur with

the din of

of the Leyden Pilgrims at Plymouth ten or

twelve years before.

industry and the rumbling of steam cars, that

bear the burdens of trade, and thousands of passengers between marts of business and the

The ocean, with

throbs
its

its

restless watersi,

still

everlasting

pulse," and "reflects

the eternal mechanism of the skies."

The

homes of a happy people, instead of being laden with the war whoop of the savages and the dismal cry of the wolf and the bear.

same

hills

touch

the horizon, and

first

similar

Here

it

was that that seed

sifted
civil
its

was scatterad
to find.

breezes fun the shore now. as at

witnessed

which the "Lord

a nation"

by the f torm-tossed Puritans and Pilgrims. On the north reposing upon the bosom of the fea, lies Cape Anne, and far down to the louth. Cape Cod stretches out her crooked arm oyer the waters, while between them ILes the
,

Here was the nursery of freedom, which has spread

and

religioui

offspring tar

and
riia

wide over the land, "from the sea on the The sun that to the sea on the west."
from between the capes of Massachusetts

east,

till it

curving outline of Mas^iachusetts with its sets at the golden gate of California, ihinei reeky roast. Here is the very vestibule of upon the joint heritage of the Puritans. SureNew England, the gateway through which ly then may we thank God that we are their

tntered the effective Puritan element of Amer-

tons,

and pray that H may forever save the

of

ean institutions. Here, at the beginning of the 17th centary, it was that Gosnold explored

Commonwalth
union

MassaebuNtta, and

the

of the States.

200

IXTRACTS FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF BIRTHS, George Cockea and Mary Mason were marjd MARRIAGES AND DEATHS OF THE CITY OF 23d February '67 their son George home (h SALEM. 24th 9 mo. 1668 James borne the 3d of Da;
;

Copied by Ira J. Patch.

cembor, 16'^0

Mary bom 20th June, 72.

Cornelyus Concklin deceased ye 2l8t March,

[Continued from page 115.]

1667-68.

Woolland Mrs. Elizabeth Corwin ye wife of Capt. married by M.iJDr Williiun Hathorne, 7th George Corwin, deceased j 15th 7th mo son Wiiiiiiin born je 27th DeApril, '65; 1668. cember. '65; da. Elizabeth home 13th SeptemCapt. George Corwin and Mrs. Elizabeth son Richard. 12ch July, 1671 Edber, 1668 Brooks, widow, were married ^he 22d 7th mo. ward, borne 28th March, 1674. 1669 theire daughter Penellopee was born Isaack Cooke maried to Elizabeth Busstone 7th 6th mo 70 daughter Susaua borne 10th 8d May, '64:; thoir dani^hter Elizabeth, borne 10th mo 1672. 23d Sapteuiber. 1665 son Isaack born ye 9th Peter Cheevers and Lidda IJaly were maried 11th mo. 1666; theire daughter Mary borne the 19tb 2J mo 1669 their sons Peeter and 12tli 9th mo. 1668. Samuel, being twins, borne the 29th lOih mo. Mr Rich'd Croad, his dini;'iter Sira borne
Rich'd

Crannever

&

Elizabeth

by Frances,

his wife, ye

3J

12rli, '65

1678.
;

theire

on

William, borne the 9th

>rri3

12ch mo.

I(j67;
;

d*u;;htdr llanna, b

the llth 9th

mo. 1671

Bon John borne ye 25 12th mo. 1672.

Mr. John Corwin were married the

&

Marjiarott
;

Winthrop
tlieir
;

Henry Colhorno & Sara Golt were maryed mo 1665; their dau. Cristian. borno 25th 10th mo. 1666, and died 1st 6 mo "67 ; son Henry borne the 25ch January, 1667, and
10th

May. 1665

dyed
1671

17*-h
;

son

4th mo. '69

Sara borne

212]

mo.,

Georae born ye 26th Fobruary, 1666 theire died ye 21th 7th mo. '73 dau'r Elizabeth borne ye 28th Aprill, 1668 17th 10th mo. 1674. their daughter Lucy borne the 11th May. 1670;
:

Johanah borne 20th 7th mo, 1673, and

:

Maiy

borne tha

Paughter Hana born ye 4th 2d

Giles

ino 1672.

Coreo

maryod

to

Mary

by Joane, his wife

Britz

llth

Michaell, the son of Michaell Combes, borna the 22 J Miroh, 1668-9;

April. "64.

theire son

Joshua borne the 23d 12th mo.

1670.

William Curtice, his daughter Elizabeth Thoa. Clungen, his daughter Elizabeth borne AHs, his wife, llth mo. 1668 by Eliza, his wife, in August, 1670. daughter Il.inna borne 6th mo. 1670. Mr, Phillip Cromwell and Mary L^men, Ji)hn Cole and Mary Knight were married by widdow, were maried the 19th November Major Wm. HatJM.rne the 28th May 1667 1674. D.rithy, his former wife, dyed 28th of Bon John bo 18 May 1668 son Thomas borne
borne by
; ; ;

September, 1673. in November 1669 and dyed the same year. Abraham Cole and Sira Davis were maried Mary, borne 1st, 7 h mo. 1671 Hanna borne the llth of Juno, 1670; theire son Simuell 12th 10th mo 1674. Venus CollFox maryed to Mary Dayo the born 14th Miy, 1671, and deceased a month 20th A'igust 1636: their daughter Elizabeth after Daughter Sara borne the 29th of Augist, 1672; Abraham, horn 6th Jan 1674. borne 14th J:\no '67 daughter Mary
; ; ;

borne
'72,

24th

Ith luo
ni

70

II

lua borne 7th

;

and
7th

di

3 montiia after

son

mo

1674.

Francif* Collins, his son William, borne hj Hanna, his wife, 9th 7th mo. '69, deceased John home 18th 9 months after Abig:iile born in October, 1671. Benjamin born 14th May, 1674.

May,

Index of Names.
Abbot, 33, 113. Abbott, 96, 169.
Bachelor, 36, 114. Backster, 33.

Abby, 33.
Acosta, 130.

Adam,

19, 20, 21, 22, 27. 31, 32. Adams, 33, 85, 112.
18,

Bacon, 10, 34, 36, 50. Badcock, 65. Baggerly, 39.

Bailey, 36.

Baxter, 35, 36. Bayley, 8. Bayly, 114.

Bootsman, 33.
Borne, 4. Bosworth, 139, 161, 183. Boudinot, 111.

Beachum, 34.
175, 183. Beal, 112. Beale, 197. Bean, 112. Beckett, 80. Bedell. 80. Beecher, 189. Belfluwer, 95.

35.

Beadle, 34, 35, 113, 158,

Bouen, 35. Bound, 38.

Bourguess, 14, 15.
B(mtellc, 9. Bott, 113. Bowdidge, 172.

Baker, 34, 48, 55, 74,

96.

Adden, 112.
Ager, 11, 38. Alden, 164, 165.

Alderman,

4, 38.

Balden, 35, 191, 192. Baldin, 35. Balch, 8, 38, 51, 101,
102, 110, 151, 185, 193. 103, 143, 152, 186, 104, 147, 153, 190,
109, 150, 156, 192,

Bowditch, 135, 154, 167,

160, 172, 184.

Alfard, 4. Alford, 38. Allen, 8, 38, 95, 102, 103, 104, 112, 156, 171, 183. 185, 165, 186, 187, 188, 198. Allin, 33, 85. Ally, 5.

Belknap,

3, 8, 33, 34.

Bell, 113, 152.

Ambrose, 3. Ames, 38, 39, 111.

Anderson, 96.

Andrew,
113.

33, 53, 66, 111,

Balhack, 177. Ballard, 49. Baltimore, 155. Bancroft, 119, i22, 123, 127. Bank, 53. Bankes, 38.

Bellamont, 78, 82. Bellingbam, 195.

Bfllyhac, 177. Bennct, 5, 114, 182, 183. Bennett, 36. Bentley, 157, 158, 159,
163, 164, 160, 160, 178, 179. 35. Best, Betty, 34. Bickford, 112. Bieulieu, 16, 31.

Boyce. 4, 10, 35. Boyes, 8, 50. Boyle, 50, 51. Boys, 50. Boyse, 10, 113. Brackenburg, 182. Brackcntury, 38, 52, 67,
101, 102, 105, 180, 191, 196.

156,

165,

Bann, 38.
Barber, 4. Barbolton, 66. Barker, 50, 58, 96. Baraard, 62. Barnes, 33, 34, 183. Barnett, 34.

Bracket, 35. Bradford, 72,

148, 149, 150.

75, 140,

Andrews, 50, 54, 85, 91,

143.

Andros, 84, 91, 127, 170. Annable, 181. Anthrop, 39.

92. Appleton, 55, 63. Archard, 11, 143.

Bigsbv,

7.

Birdsiile,

114.

Bradish, 78, 112. Bradley, 187. Bradstreet, 11, 71, 82, 9t, 119,170.

81,

Antram, 182. Antrum, 33, 39,

Barney,

5,

35, 38,

39,

Bishop,

92, 96. Barr, 113.

12, 13,33, 34, 38, 48, 92, 164. Bitfield, 10.

Birdsalls, 9, 11,

Brapg, 92, 113.

Braman.
Bransom,

66.
1

Brankett, 124.
1

2.

Archer, 33, 71, 112, 158,

187.

Barry, 17,

19, 22, 31. 33.

20, 21,

Arnold, 84.

Bartholomew,
190. Bartlett, 4, Bartoll, 93, Barton, 36, Bassett, 96,

5, 6, 7, 8,

Ashby,

33. Ashtori, 113. A.pinwall, 186.

33, 39, 143, 144,

183,

Attwatcr, 33.

Auger, 38.
Austin, 113.
Averill, 10. Avery, 39, 50.

Ayer, 5, 6. Ayres, 95. Babadge, 34. Babbadge, 113. Cabson, 95.

49, 53. 114. 114, 172. 111. Batchulder. 144. Batcheler, 36, 39. Batchellor, 36. Bate, 197. Batter, 9, 11, 35, 38, 41, 48, 49. 51, 92, 93. 95, 96, 113, 182, 183.

Bitnar, 8. Blacey, 153. Black, 112. Blacke. 38. Biaokleeeh, 38, 39, 84. Blackstone, 195. Blake, 79. Blethin, 36. Bloomfield, 3. Bly, 34, 36. Blyth, 113.

Brattle, 106.

Bray, 17, 25, 36, 114,

154.

Brayne, 38. Breck, 111.

Breed, 5, 144. Brewer, 183.
Brewster, 148. Bridges, 34, 36, 58, 183.

Bridgman. 50, 187.

Bright. 38.
Britz, 200.

Bly the, 154. Bond, 150. Bonner, 175. Boone, 35. Booth, 36.

Broagham,

4.

Brocklebank, 96. Brooks, 112, 138, 200.

51

202
Brown,
3, 4, 34, 54, 66, 68, 80, 81, 82, 83, 92, 96, 109, 112, 95, 93, 143, 144, 153, 171,

Chapman,
Chard, 78.
Charles,
6.

153.

Cooke, 92, 114, 200.

Corley, 112. Corlye, 11.

Dennison, 35, 191. Derby, 56, 111,

175, 186.

157,

Charles

1st,

(King,) 89,

172, 173, 180, 182.

Browne, 3,4,

6, 10,

11,

90, 125, 126, 139, 140, 141, 155, 169.

Coomes, 114. Cooms, 153, 154.

Cooper, 168, 169. Coree, 116, 200 Corey, 56, 57, 60. Corning, 4, 143. Cornish, 4.
94, 96, 123, 157, 177, 180, 190, 200. Corwine, 182. Cory, 164. Cotta, 4, 38. Cotty, 40. Cox, 97, 153, 154. Coy, 50.
5,

Dermer,

75.

De

Kuyter, 81, 124, 169. D' E.taing, 112.

33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 49, 66, 82, 84, 86, 92, 93, 121, 120, 136, 95, 157, 160, 143, 144, 171, 172, 166, 168, 175, 176, 177. Browning, 3, 35, 38. BufBngton 114. Buffum, 36, 49, 50, 115.

Charles 2d, (King,) 89, 90, 124, 125, 126. Cheelcraft, 50.

Dewing,

113.

Dicke, 9. Diconson, 50.

Cheever, 61, 113.; Cheevers, 200.

Chester, 17, 26.

Digweed, 38.
DiKe, 102.

Corwin,

Diman,

62, 63, 154.

Chevalier, 159. Chever, 67, 77, 117, 129,

157.

Dimsdale, 155. Divan, 96. Dixey, 38, 48, 67.

Dixie, 194, 196.

Bulfinch, 4. Bulflowcr, 33, 95. Bullock, 34, 51, 114.

Chipman, 113.
Choot,
Clark,
6.

Churchman,
6, 9,

3.

Dixy, 38. Dodge, 11,

Bunker, 51. Burbank, 112. Burch, .53, 36.

Burchal, 39.

56, 61, 62,

63, 65, 91. Clarke, 92, 93, 113, 182, 194.

Cradock, 12, 68, 70, 87,

107, 108, 110,

48, 50, 62, 55, 92, 113, 147, 152, 154, 186.

139.

Cranch, 151.
Cranfield, 164. Crannever, 200. Creek, 91. Croad, 114, 183, 200. Cioade, 85, 182. Cromwell, 12, 35, 49, 60, 71, 89, 90, 91, 125, 127, 165, 169, 187, 200. Crosby, 154. Cross, 9, 114. Crow, 100. Crowell, 112. Crowninshield, 154.

Burcham, 11. Burchmore, 113. Burden, 90.

Burdin, 95.

Clearke, 115. Cleaves, 54. Clement, 9, 93.

Clerk, 39. Cleveland,
Clifford, 74.

Burke, 159. Burnap. 33. Burnape, 182.

Burnell, 94.

55, 196, 197.

Burnet, 142.
53. Burrell, 34. Burrill, 5, 11, 144, 183.

Burnham,

Clough, 112. Cloutman, 112, 113, 138. Clungen, 200. Clymer, 111.
Cobbett, 11, 181.
Cobit, 5.

93, 143, 144. Doohttle, 143. Dorey, 157, 158. Dorman, 54, 96. Douglass, 55, 61. Dow, 65. Downes, 30.

Dollaver. 95. Dolliver, 92,

112,

Downing,
180.

37,

39, 185,

Drake,
191.

113,

189,

190

Burroughs, 57. Burt, 3, 9, 35, 95, Burtai, 94.

96.,

Cockerel], 95. Cockes, 200. Cockett, 5.

Dudley,

Driver, 3, 96, 112, 183. 54, 105, 106,

110, 189. 126.
03.

Cummings,

4, 6.

Dummer,
Dunbar, Dui can,

Burthum,

5, 10.

Codnor, 94.
Coe, 153.
Coffin, 93, 95.

Bush, 34, 114.

Bushnell, 67. Bushrode, 100.
55. Butler, 10, 112. Buttolph, 34, 35, 114. Buttrick, 55.

Butman,

Coggin, 189. Coker, 95. Colborne, 200. Culdfox, 200.

Cole, 10, 110, 200. Collem, 183. Collens, 114. Collins, 10, 12, 17, 35, 74, 96, 143, 144, 178, 200. Cotton, 10. Combes, 200.

Currier, 63. Curtice, 200.Curtis, 114. Curtise, 114.

Duncom,
157,
180.

182. 189.

Dunton, 39,

165, 174,

Curwen,

8,

57, 73,

160, 167.

Durand,

Curwin, 191. Cushing, 56.

Durm.

94. 35.

Buxston, 36. Buxstone, 200. Buxton, 11, 34, 35, 36,

92, 113, 144.

Byrne,

17.

Cabot, 98, 113, 158. Cadwall.ider, 111. Cain, 112. Camplin, 115.
Candall,
6.

Cushman, 98, 112, 148. Cussins, 53. Culler, 54, 55, 65, 114. Daland, 65, 113. Dalton, 112. Dam pier, 122.
Dana, 64. Dane, 8, 58, 184. Darby, 100.
Darlin,
4.

Eardry, 4. Easty. 52, 163: Eaton, 113, 144.

Ebborne, 113. Ebburne, 51. Eborne, 38, 94, 144, 181.

Edmonds,
Edwards,
76,

112.
6, 39, 49,

3, 4,

Comer, 51. Comings, 183.

Conant,
93,
11, 38. 67, 92, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106,

77. 78. Elforde, 38.

Elizabeth,

(Queen,) 16,

Cantlebury, 115, 182. Capon, 3.

Carlton, 34.
Carrell, 115. Carroll, 111. Carteret, 157, 158.

103, 107, 143, 149, 185,

Darlington, 129. Davenport, 8, 38, 139,

194, 196.

108,
14.5,

150, 186, 193,

Cartwright, Cary, 163.

3.

192, 198.

109, 110, 146, 147, 152, 156, 189. 190, 197, 196,

140, 154. Ellet, 190. Elliot, 1, 12.

Elliott, 129, 196. Ellis, 160, 176. Ellsworth, lllj

Davis,

17, 28, 136, 200.

Daye. 200. Deacons, 112. Deakin, 96. Dean, 56, 197.

Dellodore, 35.

Chadwick,

55.

Chalkhill, 155. Chamberlain, 113.

Chaplin, 50.

Concklin, 200. Connant, 115. Converse, 17, 28. Cook, 8, 113, 144, 187.

Deneson, 35. Dennis, 3, 112,

192.

Elmore, 111. Elvin, 6. Elwell, 0. Emerson, 144.

113,

Emery,
144.
.

6,

6,

10.

50,

203
Endicott, 4, 12, 15, 17,
23,

54, 101, 105, 109, 162. 186,

Engel, English, 13,14,57,67,76,

117, 153, 160, 164, 168, 172, 176, 181.
77, 7b, 80, 83, 84, 85. 121, 135, 139, 157, 158, 159,

32, 38, 52, 67. 71, 90, 97, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 110, 140, 145, 156, 159, 185, i'Ji, 194, 199. 171.

Francis, 17, 28. Friend, 50. Frier, 190. Frost, 53.

Grcnough,

156.

Greenwood, 113. Gregg, 55. Gregory, 29.

Griffen, 111.

Fry, 58. Frye, 80, 113.

Fuller, 50, 109, 144. Fysack, 155. Gaffoid, 39. ,

Grose, 39 Gruver, 50, 51.

Hobart, 197. Hobert, 3. Hod-es, 10, 55, 154. Hod^is, 143. Holden, 41. Holgrave, 38, 39. Hollingsworth, 2, 11,
75, 80, 81, 84, 121, 158, 159^ 160, 173, 176. Hollis, 125. Holme, 38. Holmes, 14, 39. 73,

Uage, 11.
Gaines, 4. Gale, 111, 121.
Gallison, 2.

Hacber, 94. Hacker, 95, 96. Hadley, 136.

Hall, 112.

161, 165, 169, 173, 177,

162, 166, 170. 174, 179,

163, 167, 171, 175. 180,

Gansby, 174.
Gardiner, 94.

Haly, 200. Hamelton, 112. Hamilton, 112. Hamuiatt, 129.

Gardner, 10, 11, 34, 38,

48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 92, 93, 94, 100, 104, 113, 136, 145, 154, 182, 183, 187, 189, 190, 191. Garford, 4, 38, 48. Gearinjje, 5. Gedney, 38, 39,156,191. George 1st, (King) 155. Gerrish, 6, 60, 118, 119, 168. Gerrold, 113. Gerry, 111. Gibbs, 145.

Hammond,
Handforth,

32.
4, 183.

Holt, 63. Hol'en, 65. Holton, 113. Holyoke, 103, 184.

llandsoth, 10.

Homan,

112.

Hardie, 3. 48.

Engol, 172. Eusly, 174.

Esticke, 5.
Estis, 168. Epes, 160. Eppes, ls6. Faben3, 56. Fairfield, 6, 185. Fairservice, 112. Falconi-r, 72, 75. Faller, 49.

Hardy,

9. 14, 15, 39, 48,

80, 86 Harraden, 55, 113. Harradine, 136.

Hood, 50, 51. Hootoo. 22, 122. Hopkinson^ 8.

Horn, 185.

Home,
191.

4, 12, 38, 51, 93,

Harris, 94. Harrison, 135.

HornisJ, 50.
49, 58,

Hart,
59.

6,

38, 39,

Houlton, 12, 153.

Hovey, 112.

Hartley, HI. Hartshorne, 95, 183.

How,

9, 51.

Fannuck

112.

Gidney, 44.
Gionies, 41. Gigles, 38. Gilbert. 51, 98. Giles, 38, 114, 115, 116. Gillis, 30. Gillow, 7, 8. Gilinan, 111. Glover, 10, 112, 143. Goufrey, 136. Goffe, 110. Goldtbrite, 191. Goldwhatye, 38. Golt, 34, 93, 200. Guodale 6, 64. Goodell, 182. Goodhue, 111, 113. Goodwin, 38.

Harvey, 51. Harwood. 4, 183.

Ha^call, 151. Haskell, 9.

Farmer, 190, 195. Farrin.iU'n, 50. Farrow, 144. Faulkner. 59.

Fay.
4i.

Haskett, 154.

Hatborne. 2, 5, 8, 33, 34, 35, 55,93.94, 113,

143, 114, 166. 170, 194, 200. 154, 172, 159, 185,

Fenley, 112. Fellows, 95.

Fells, 149, 130. Felt, 53, 68, 72, 74, 78, 80, 84, b6, 90, 105, 109, AO, 112, 113, 123, 124, 120, li2,

Hawes, 4, 6. Hawkins, 185. Uaynes, 12, 153.

Hazelton, 112.

129. 115, 152, 167, 187, 195, Felton,

137, 138, 140, 150, 151, 148, 163, 156, 157, 186, 173, 175, 188, 190, 191, 197. 12, 39, 50, 51, 54, 92, 144, 153, 182.

Heard, 7
Hecter, 50. Heister, 111.
2d, (King) 157. 8tb, (King) 140. Henderson, 121.

Henry Henry

7, 51. 33, 54, 99, 100, 101, 103, 105, 106, 108, 145, 148, 150, 151, 153, 186, 190, 191, 193, 195, 197, 198. Hubbert, 197. Hudson, 196. Hull, 169. Humfry, 41, 42. Humphrey, 95. 100, 106, 129, 145, 185. Humphry, 192, 193. Hunt, 154. Huntin<:ton, 111. Hurst, 171, 172. Hutchinson, 12, 38, 70. 72, 7a, 80, 110, 125, 148, 178.

Hewlett,

Hubbard,

Field, 4 Fisher, 196. Fiske, 3, 6, 7, 11, 39, 113. Flagg, 113. Fletcher. 105, 166.

Googes, 4. Gookin, 35. Gordon. 130, 134. Gorges, 70, 98, 108, 141,
151, 195, 196. 198. Gosnold, 71, 199. Gott, 4, 39. Gould, 66, 112, 113. Gover, 112. Goyt, 144. GniJton, 3, 39, 94, 183, 186, 190, 191.

Idell, 5.

Herbert, 5. Herculeous, 112. Herrick, 36. 38, 50, 51. Hersoine. 9.

Ingalls, 5, 8, 10, 11, 95, 96.

Inger3oII.12.13,38, 121,
153, 154, 176. Inkersoll, 191. Ireson, 5. Isbald, 4.

37,

Hewes, 145, 146.

Hibbert, 4. Hide, 34. Higginson, 85, 99, 102,
110, 108, 109, 157, 180, 149, 183, 188. Hisigison, 39, 73. Hill, 9, 10, 51,52. Hiller, 113. Billiard, 102. Hills, 190. Hinds, 39. Hiz, 35.

Flinders, 183.
Flint, 65, 92, 182. Fogge, 38. Folsom, 112. Foot, 172.

113, 182,

Jackman, 49.
3, 4, 5, 39, 49, 112, 151. 52, 53, 54, 55, 164. James, 68, 92, 93, 139, 155.

Jackson,

Graham,

74.

Jacobs,

Graim, 96.
Grant, 112, 113. Gray, 9, 49, 55, 56, 104,
143, 187, 188.

Foote, 95, 154. Forrester, 113. Foster, 10, 54. 57, 113, 1S2. Fowler, 51, 56, 153,154.

James

1st

(King), 170.

Green, 39, 56, 59, 60, 64. Greenleaf, 10, 96.

Janes, 93.
Jarret, 8.

204
Jeffrey, 198,

104,

184,

185,

Little, 10.
Littlefield, 54.

Milburn. 112.
Millard, 10.

Jeffries, 195, 196.

Lofty, 112.

Montjoy, 92.

Palrd, 174. Palfray. 185, 186. Palfrey, 4, 6. 8,

165,
103, 104, 147, 150, 152. 156. Palfry. 38, 192. 102, 109.

101,
10,5,

Jeffry, 195, 19G, 197. Jenks, 23, 30, 93. Jewett, 8, 50, 9(3. Jiggles, 92. John.-on. 33, 38, 41, 73, 93, 91, 102, 103, 110, 111, 186, 193.

Long, 49. 95, Lord, 4, 9,11,38, 48, 93,

115.

Moodey,
166,

158, 164,

151,

Moody,
111,

95,

Lothrop, 33, 96.

Luvr, 153.

Moor*}, 6, 8, 38, 92, 93,

Pailgrave, 5.

Lowe, 84,
Li)wle, 6.

Morgan,

Jolbson, 6. Jones, 112 183. Jordan. 4S Josselyn, 82, 130, 169.

Lowt.hrop, 51,

78, 112. Morrell, 63, Morris 111,

Palmer. 8

51.

Parker. 49, 96, 111, 164.

Parni'll, 17, 25, 26.

Lowthropp, 52, 181.

Luff 185.

Lume,

96.
9,

Joy, 9

Luscombe,

Morton, 196, Mosely, 167. Moses, 113, Moulton, II, 36, 39, 41,
48. 49, 54, 55, 72, 73, 75, 95 182,

Kane, 27. Keazur, 49.

Lyfc.nl, 99, 100, 104, 105,

Kemp,
Kent

11.

Kendall, 38. Kenist-n, H, 39.

6, 95.

Kertland, 94. Kutherell, 39.

106, 145,148,149,150, 197. Lyndsey, 160, 169. Maechiavelli, 126. Macclay, 111, Mc'intire, 112. 184.

Muddle, 182, Muhlenburg, Muse. 92. Murrey, 25,

Myrrcl, 39. Neal, 14.

111.

Parratt, 49. Parris, 60. Pardons, 56. Partridge, HI, Patch, 3 8, 11, 33, 48, 52. 85, 91, 113, 51, 143, 136, 138, 152, IKI. 182, 200. Patterson, 17, 111, 112,

Payne, 3. Peabody, 32, 91, 96,184.

Peas, 78. Pease, 4. 191. Pecker, 50. PedechiR, 17, 28.
Peele, 55, 113. Peeters, 112. 145, 113, 189. Pellen, 3.

Me'Kenney,

112.

Kibben,

11.

Kid.l, 78. Kiltaiu, II.

Mackleroy, lOO. Maelunal on, 113. Maekmallen, 36, 96.

Mc'.Veil, 112, 115,

Needham,

6, 94.

Nelson, 183. Newell, 112.

Kimball, 9, 182. King, 38. 50, 54,

121, 138, 161.
Kinsiuiiii,

Newhall. 50.
146. 136, Nicholson, 6, 94. Nicke, 94. Nicolls, 197. Nixon, 183. Nooton, 112.

Mc'Pherson, 112, 183. Madison, HI.

Newman,
Newton,

Pence,

146,

92

Mahomet,
Manning.
Mansfield,
14.i.

16,

Kitonen, 93, 172.

17, 20, 186,

5,

Knap,

112.

96,

113,

Pen

181,

Knight, 6.12, 17, 19,20, 26, 48. 49. 52, 96, 98, 102, 104 153, 154,156,
186, 187, 200. Knolcutt, 85.

Margerum,
Markes. 36.

67,

Noris,

4,

Marryn

Lake, 1-13. Lambert. 33, 113, 175,

183
55, 95. Lan>;, 55, 113.

189. Marsh. 116. Mar,<hall, 33, 39, 41, 96,

r,

Norman,

114.

35, 39, 81, 102, 103, 104, 105. 110, 156, 186, 187, 191, 192, 19.3. 198.
8,

Perkins. Perlans, Pesters. Peters,

113.

Pentland, 50, 48 50,

112. 41,

38,

61,

75, 90,

Peterson, 112.
Pettengill, 153. Pcttingall, 4.

Mar.^ton, '58,
172, 175. Martin. 55.

92,

157

Norris,
113,

56,

93, 112,

Lamson,

Langdun,

1.

Maiy, (Queen), 140,

Masiin,
102, 200,
5, 55. 70, 96, 194, 196, 150,

Northey, 66,113. Norton, 3, 6, 12, 38, 92,

181.

Larrabee, 153, Laskin, 38, 92. La'hrop, 43, li.0,

195, 1^6. Land, 90, 143. Laught'in, 11.

Nottingham. 117.
Nours, 55, 60. Nowell, 9. Noyes. 6, 10, 14. 49, 95,
96,

Phelps. 48, 49, 95, 182. Philip, 124. Phillips, 6, 54, 56, 103, 13b,

151,

Phippen, 97,

Massey,

4, 5,

8, 17, 93,

Lawrence, 55. Leach, 38, 92, 95, 112,

196. Lee, 111, 159. Lsecli, 67 Lefavor, 158.

Massy, 6 12. Masury. 28

144, 152, 182, 193. 13, 38.

113, 55, 185, 186. Phii^.ps, 59,

145,

167, 180. 136.

Pickard 50,
Pickering, 14, 39, 51, 53,
66, 80, 97, 113, 157. 172, 192.

Noyse. 41.

Ma.-iterson, 191.

Nut

154,

144, 183

Mather, 143, 164, 165. Mattnx, 3.

112. Oderic, 96.

Oakman,

Pickman,
100, 150, 108, 194,

11, 17, 66, 92,

Maury.

38.
0, 49, 93.

Oldham,
94,

99,

157

180.

Maverick.
114. 192.

Legs, 94

Lemon,

35, 200.

Leonard. 111.
Leslie, 2

Mavcricke, 126. Mavor. 16.

Ma.Kwell, 54.

Leveit, 72, 73, 74, 112. Lewis, 3, 9, 64, 76, 129, 143. Leyford, 197. Lightfcot, 4, 5.

Mayson,

112,

Meachum

35.

Meaeh. 1 12. Mehaney, 112.

Merrill, 48. Metcalf, 35.

148, 149, 196, 198. Oliver, 104. Olney, 39. Oimes, 183. Orne. 113. Orrick. 112. O.^born 55. Osborne. 113. Osburne, 39.

Pickworth, 39, 112, 183. Piedmonte, 159.

Pierce, 55. Pigot, 112, 162. Pike. 49. Pilgrim, 170, 171. Pingry, 93

Pinkerton, 76.

Pitman, 112, 114,

175. Place, 4. Plaice, 103. Plaisted, 157.

171,

Lighton, 183.

Osgood

9. 58,

Lind,

3.

M'gholl 60,
Migill, 17, 28.

Pag

55. Ill,

113.

Lindall, 14, 104, 157.

Paine, 50, 94.

'

205
Piatt, 183.

Robinson, 10, 38, 39, 61,

10, 184.

Smothers, 112.
Solter, 174.

Plummer,

Pollard, 6. Pool, 154.

Poor, 55. Pope, 3(5,

:i8,

56.

Popham,

98.

Port, 39. Porter, 4, 8, 11, 23, 54, 93, 96, 113, 144, 182, 184. Potter, 10, 49, 50, 94. Powell, 112, 159.

93, 94, 144, 148. Rogers, 7, 182, 183. Rolle, 11. Rootens, 183. Rootes. 38, 182. Ropes, 4, 55,113,153,164. Rosewell, 106, 139, 140. Row, 143. Rowden, 144. Rowland, 94, 144, 181. Ruche, 182. Ruding, 120, 155.

Somerby,
90.

10, 48, 49, 95,

Sothwick, 35. Soathcoat, 106.

Tibbetts, 9. Tilley, 188, 189, 194, 198. Tillotson, 132. 133. Tilly, 145. Tilton, 5, 10.

190,

Southmead,
94.

8.

Tod, 50.
93,

Southwick, 10, 39,

Spalding, 7. Spaulding, 56. Spencer, 34. Spinney, 174.

Tompson,

7.

Torrer, 195.
Touzell, 66, 83, 86, 158, 167, 168, !74, 176, 177.

Powers, 23.

Rupert,

9.

Powlew, 92. Pratt, 138. Prescott, 67. Preston, 153, 154. Price, 5, 8, 9, 11, 50, 93, 96, 114, 143, 177. 183, 19J.
Pride, 8. Prince, 3, 10, 55, 72, 75, 92, 93. 100, 143, 148,
153, 150, 186, 195.

Russell,71.

112,129,138.

Rust, 55, 56. Sage, 56.

Saint, 112.

Spofford. 183. Spooner, 39, 18i, 1*1. Sprague, 55. 167. Stagg, 189.

Towens, 9. Towlo, 10. Towns, 112. Townsend, 55.

Trask,
189, 195.

104,
192,

Stamwood,

95. 99.
145.

109, 193,

112, 194,

Sallows.

5, 6, 182.

Salmon, 76, 77. Salter, 112. Saltonstall, 110,190.

Standford, 96. Standisb, 39,

194.

Traake, 38, 51, 94, Traverse, 112.

Tresler, 48. Trewlove, 112.
Trill. 9.

Starr, 160.

"

Sampson,

10.

Staynwood,

144.

Sanders, 3, 6, 38.
Saueefleld, 112. Saunders, 55. Savage, 104, 145, 190. Savary, 56. Sawyer, 52, 63. Scarlet, 3, 38. Schureman, 111. Scott, 8, 111, 182, 183. Scottow, 94. Scruggs, 11, 38, 193. Seudder, 51. Seers, 95. Seller, 135.

101,

184,

Proctor, 8, 152. Pudeater, 104.

Pulsifer, 37. Purbeck, 154. Porchis, 93, 96.

Stearns, 55. Stevens, 10, 53, 82, 90, 177. Sticknev. 121, 125, 129, 138, 154.

Trurabul. Ill, 124. Trumbull. 51, 1C8. Trusler, 11.

Tucker,

Stileman, 10, 11, 12, 38,

48, 49, 93, 182, 183, 112. Stillman, 167. Stone, 56. 63, 81, 150,
Still,

60, 61, 62, 64, 113, 184. Putney, 116. Pye, 112. Quelch, 78. Raleigh, 98.

Putnam,

Randolph, 91, 117, 124,

125, 170. Rantoul, 150, 197.
RatclifF, 68.

153, 186,

Sergent, 9. Severy, 1 12. Sewall, 15, 50, 78, 157, 160, 167, 168, 171,
172, 180. Shaflin, 11, 39.

151, 170, 171. Storer, 5t. Storev, 159. Stoughton, 53, I9t. Stretton, 39.

!', 54, 55, 94, 112, 113. Tuker. 111. Turner, 38, 78, 112, 157, 171, 172, 185. Tyler, 6, 58. Tylly, 100, 104. Vain, 136. Valpy, 158. Van Tromp, 124. Varney, 8, 10, 144.

Strong, 111.
Sturgis, 111.

Varnum,
Veren,

8.

Venner, 39.
11, 49, 91, 118, 119, 113, 183, 190. Veriu, 38, 48, 116.

Sugthwiko, 50.
Sullivan, 112.

104,

182,

Swain, 63.

Rauson, 118. Rawson, 6,

181.

Shaflinge,
167, 170,

4.

Swan, 39, 50,

Swa.se V, 172 Swett,'49.

51, 93, 114. 38. Rea, 38, 56, 92, 96. Read, 38, 93, 184. Reade, 194. Reed, 6, 184. Rees, 78.

Ray, 39. Rayment,

Sharpe, 8, 38. Shattock, 136, 190. Sheldon, 65. Shelton, 109, 149.

Verev, 182 Very* 92, 115, 116.

157, 163. 56, 60, 64, 65, 06, 111. Wait, 112. Waitt, 113. Wake, 11.

Raymond,

Sherman,

50, G3,

HI.

SwinnertoD. 182. Svlvester. 94. Symond., 34, 30.

Talby,
4, 43.

Upham,

Wadsworth,

63,

Shiply, 4. Shovel, 135.

Tappan,

49.

Shrimpton,
Sibley, 95. Sibly. 38. Silsbee, 17. Silsby, 144.

5, 94.

Tarbell, 60. Tarr, 144.

Wakefield, 112, 153, 170,

172, 173.

Taylor, 53, 183.

Remmocs,
Rese, 121.

112.

Rhodes. 183.
Richards, 94. Richisson, 185. Rigsley, 112. Riley, 21, 25.
Rist, 59. Roach, 112. Robbins, 63. Roberts, 182.

Simonds,

10, 39. Sinclair, 112. Skelton, 41, 187.

Teague, 112. Temple, 90, 126. Tenney, 33, 37, 54.

Thatcher, HI.

Waleott, 144.

Waldo, 113. Walker, 39,41, 113.

Wallace, 112.

Thomas,

5, 94.

WaHburt, 112.
Walli--, 172.

Skerry, 4, 6, 39,151,185. Skipper, 8. Small. 35, 54. Smith, 3, 11, 36, 48, 50,
55, 56, 63, 94, 98, 99. 102, 111. 112. 113, 144, 175, 181, 182, 186, 199.

Tliomkins, 41.

Thompson, 112.
Thorndike, 52, 182.

Thome,

4,

5.

Thornton. 99,
109, 191. Tho'son, 39.

lOI, 106,

Robertson, 112. Robins, 48.

Thurston, 11, 48.

Waltham, 189. Walton, 6, 192. Wal, 9. Ward, 8, 13, 14. 48 50, 55.66,113,174. Wardwell, 59. Ware, 63.

52

206
W^arner, 48.

Warre, 10. Warren, 3,

113.

9, 10, 17, 25,

Whipple, 112, 182. Whitcombe, 106. White, 100, 101, 105,

106. 107, 108, 112, 145, 149.
111,

Waters,
82.

4,

39,

51, 52,

Wathen, 4, 10, Wathin, 4, 9. Watson, 4, 38,

51.

Whiten. 3.; Whiterig, 35.

Whitfoot, 112. Whitforth, 112.

11, 38, 48, 63. 113, 161, 191. Willshire, 25. Wilson, 6, 55, 58. Winchester, 55. Wingate, 111. Winslow, 98, 99, 100, 104, 148.

Williams,

Woodbury,

56, 93. Watts, 64, 112. Wayborne, 84, 91. Webb, 112, 113. Webber, 175.

Whiting,

5, 11.

Winter, 3. Winthrop, 86, 87, 110,

189, 190, 199, 200.

Whitmore, 104. Whitney, 183.

Wickes, 49. Wicks, 143. Wickson, 3. Wigglesworth, 64. Wilkins, 60. Wilks, 143.
Willard, 165.

194,

197,

8, 38, 51, 62, 105, 101, 102, 104, no, 114, 106, 109, 121, 150, 151, 152, 185, 186, 187, 192, 193, 196. Woodcocke, 182. Woodice, 92. Woodis, 92, 115. Woodman, 7, 48, 53, 64. Woods, 64, 121. Woolbridge, 112.

Webster, 144,

Weeks, 4, 11, 39, Weight, 67. Wellman, 112, 113.

West, 4, 67. Weston, 39, 40, 42, 43.

Witt, 5, 33, 49. Witter, 95. Wolcott, 12, 153. Wolfe, 38.

Woolett, 112. Woolland, 200. Worcester, 147. Wright, 72. 73. 91.
146,
67.

Wood,
181.
127,

102,

112,

Wyatt,

7.

Wheat, 185.
Wheatland, 138, 184,

William
128.

(King),

Woodberry, 11, 34, Woodberye, 156,

Wynkoop, Young. 6,
151, 190.

111. 106. 113, 150, 153, 181, 166, 191, 195, 197.

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