4X0

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

481

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun: a Therapeutic Ritual from Neo-Babylonian Sippar
Daniel S C H W E M E R

Ceremonial anti-witchcraft rituals usually include the presentation o f offerings and the recitation o f prayers to a deity (sometimes to a pair or small group o f deities), the symbolic destruction o f the witches who are represented by substitute figurines and the purification o f the patient himself by washing, putting on pristine clothes and other symbolic gestures. By contrast, instructions for the preparation o f medications or apotropaic devices effective against witchcraft, such as potions, salves, phylacteries or necklaces, are mostly given as succinct prescriptions which detail the drugs to be used, briefly describe their processing (which may include the recitation o f an incantation) and provide information on the application o f the final product . There are, however, exceptions to this overall picture: a few o f the i n structions for the preparation o f anti-witchcraft salves or necklaces take the form o f complex ceremonies during which the remedies are consecrated in the presence o f the deities addressed in the ritual. Only two examples o f this type o f ceremonial anti-witchcraft ritual are known; both contain prayers addressed to Marduk and have been the object o f repeated study. The ritual BMS 12+ II was used for preparing a necklace and two salves effective against witchcraft. The ritual included the usual offerings and a recitation o f the prayer 'Marduk 5'; furthermore, a short incantation addressed to the personified anhull-plant was spoken over the necklace (a linen thread on which beads and artificial leaves o f the anhull-plant had been strung). The purpose clause at the beginning o f the text shows clearly that the necklace and the salves were considered to have apotropaic and purifying power (line 1), a notion that finds further support in the de1 2 3 7

scription and Interpretation o f the salves and o f the amulet necklace given in the text o f the prayer which, in contrast to the purpose clause, describes the patient as already having been afflicted by witchcraft (lines 67-78). Marduk's role is to lend divine approval to the proceedings and to activate the power o f the apotropaic substances. Another ritual against witchcraft and various other evils, KAR 26 / / , was performed before Marduk and his consort ZarpanTtu. It included, like BMS 12+//, the usual offerings and a recitation o f a prayer addressed to Marduk ('Marduk 24'), but the main purpose o f the ritual was the ceremonial preparation o f a necklace with a pendant in the shape o f an urdimmu ( ' W i l d D o g ' ) . The short recitation addressed to the urdimmu indicates that the function o f the necklace was both therapeutic and apotropaic: mimma lemna ... ina zumrTya ukkis l tusath l tusasnaqa "expel all evil ... from my body, do not let it come near me, do not let it approach me" (rev. 3133). This chimes well with the beginning o f the text whose symptom description suggests a therapeutic intention o f the ritual (obv. 1-10), while its purpose clause seems to indicate an apotropaic objective (obv. 10). A t the end o f the ritual, a we/w-pouch and, apparently, a salve are used, but their contents and purpose are not specified . A n anti-witchcraft ritual o f a similar type can now be reconstructed based on unpublished fragments from Neo-Babylonian Sippar housed in the Istanbul Arkeoloji Mzeleri, Istanbul . The five fragments numbered as Si 34, 722, 725, 745 and 818 belong to the group o f tablets that was excavated in 1894 at ancient Sippar (modern A b u Habba) by Vincent Scheil and subsequently brought to what was then the imparatorluk Mzesi at Istanbul. The fragments remained unpublished, but were identified by Scheil as "Fragment de siptu avec hymne" (Si 34), "Fragments de textes religieux" (Si 722 and others), "Fragment de siptu" (Si 725) and "Fragment de siptu, insignifiant" (Si 745) in the catalogue o f texts that was published in Scheil's report on his work at Sippar . Fritz Rudolf Kraus, during his
4 5 6 7 8

For a general overview of witchcraft therapies, see Schwemer 2007a: 194-246. For an edition of the text, see Mayer 1993; for a discussion of the development of the text, see Abusch 1987: 61-74. ' T h e preparation of a salve is described in lines 8-11; the preparation of a second salve containing powder left over from the materials which were used to prepare the artificial leaves of the anhull-p\an\s described in lines 14-15. This second salve is again referred to in lines 101102, while lines 116-17 probably refer to the first salve.
1 2 7

For an edition of the text, see Mayer 1999 with previous literature; for a new copy of KAR 26, see Schwemer 2007b, no. 21. On the urdimmu and its identification, see Ellis 2006 with previous literature. Unexpectedly, the instruction to put on the necklace refers to the neck of the exorcist (the second-person referent in this like in many other rituals): ina seri gassa ramnka tullal ann ana (var.: ina) kisdika tasakkan "in the morning you purify yourself with gypsum, you put this (necklace) around your neck" (rev. 36-37). Perhaps kisdika may be regarded as a mistake for kisdisu; but since both extant manuscripts have kisdi{Gv)-ka (KAR 26 rev. 36 // C T N 4, 180 obv. 1 17') one would have to assume that this mistake had become part of the transmitted text. 1 would like to thank the Turkish authorities for the permission to work in the collections of the Istanbul Museum. I owe a Special debt of gratitude to Director Zeynep Kiziltan and to Ms Asuman Dnmez, the curator of the collection of cuneiform tablets. "See Scheil 1902: 104, 138-39.
4 5 6 7

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Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

48^

stay at Istanbul (1937-49), joined Si 722 and Si 725; it is unknown whether the j o i n o f Si 745 and Si 818 is also owed to h i m . The fragments were then copied by Frederick W. Geers, but these drawings, like all o f Geers' copies, remained unpublished. In 1969 and 1973, within the framework o f his work on Babylonian anti-witchcraft rituals, Tzvi Abusch examined the Geers collection at the Oriental Institute, Chicago, and was able to add, among many others, the above-mentioned fragments to his list o f tablets relevant to his project. Shortly afterwards, Veysel Donbaz, then curator o f the cuneiform tablet collections at Istanbul, graciously made available to him photographs o f these and other Si-collection tablets o f interest to him. Abusch put these photos at my disposal for our Joint work on the Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals, and i n 2010 I had the opportunity to study and copy the fragments during a stay at the Istanbul museum. It then became clear that not only, as had always been recognised, Si 34 and Si 722 + 725 are duplicates, but also that Si 745 + 818 preserves the beginning o f the same text which can now be almost completely reconstructed. Despite their rather different appearance and, apparently, slightly different length o f lines, it seems possible that Si 34 and Si 745+ belonged to the same tablet (though a 'direct j o i n ' is excluded). A l l fragments, whether originally two or three tablets, are inscribed i n first-millennium Babylonian script, and, given that they were probably found in the same context as Si 1, a tablet inscribed with an anti-witchcraft ritual for Samas-sumu-ukTn, king o f Babylon, they very likely date to the early mid-seventh C e n t u r y .
9
10

The ritual text itself begins with a brief symptom description: a patient is suffering from a series o f various illnesses, and his 'way', i.e., his condition and its appropriate diagnosis, cannot be determined by means o f divination (line 1)"; i n the broken part o f this line, there is enough space for the restoration o f a purpose clause or a short witchcraft diagnosis. The ritual instructions begin with an indication o f when and where the ceremony should be performed: before the moon-god Sin and the sungod Samas at a time when both the (fll) moon and the sun are visible at the same time on the western and eastern horizons (line 2 ) . It is hoped
12

' The museum number "Si 745 + 818" is written on only one of the two fragments; perhaps the join was already made when the fragments were registered. An edition of Si 1 (with its duplicate Si 738) is in preparation for the Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals (see Abusch-Schwemer 2011). Note that Si 1, like P B S 1/2, 120, another anti-witchcraft ritual written for Samas-sumu-ukTn, is dated to the 24* of Tebetu. It is rather intriguing that there is a fragmentarily preserved collection of usburruda rituals written in Neo-Assyrian script among the tablets excavated by Scheil at Sippar (Si 96). For the group of ritual texts that can be assigned to Samas-sumu-ukTn, see Parpola 1983: 164. " For this Interpretation of the symptom description, see infra, note on line 1. For this Special constellation and its Interpretation in ritual lore and divination, see infra, notes on lines 2 and 3.
10 12

that at this time, when Sin and Samas decide the fate o f the people o f the land, they w i l l also render a favourable verdict for the patient. After a comparatively frugal offering arrangement has been set up (lines 3-6), the exorcist prepares a linen bndle filled with various types o f 'wood' and mixes a potion by stirring several drugs into beer; both medications are then placed at the side o f the ritual arrangement. The following section is a straightforward anti-witchcraft ritual: clay figurines representing warlock and witch are made, inscribed with their names and presented before Sin and Samas. Then the patient steps upon the figurines and recites three times a prayer addressed to the two gods (lines 12-14). The prayer, whose text is given i n fll, asks for a favourable decision o f the patient's fate and for the destruetion o f the evildoers by means o f their own witchcraft that is to be returned to them (lines 15-30). After the recitation o f the prayer the patient squashes the figurines with his foot and washes himself over the squashed figurines, thereby enacting the return o f the witchcraft to its originators requested i n the prayer (lines 3132). Then he strews a flour made o f kas-spice on the figurines, a gesture that is not attested i n other anti-witchcraft rituals. Maybe the kas-f\om should symbolically bind warlock and w i t c h ; alternatively, one could argue that the layer o f pungent-smelling flour served as an apotropaic sealing that isolated the figurines from the patient . After the destruetion o f warlock and witch has thus been aecomplished, the patient purifies himself with water, smoke and fire ("holy water vessel, censer and torch") and is then led by the exorcist to the offering arrangement; apparently, the destruetive rites are performed at a distance from the offering arrangement (lines 31-34). Now the exorcist has the patient speak a second prayer to Sin and Samas i n which the patient asks again for a favourable verdict and the removal o f the evil that has befallen him (the fll text o f the prayer is given i n lines 35-42). Finally, the linen pouch and the potion that had been prepared at the beginning o f the proceedings are put to use: the exorcist places the linen pouch filled with various kinds o f 'wood' on the patient's neck (probably he actually hangs it around the patient's neck by means o f a cord), and the patient drinks the potion containing the anti-witchcraft drugs (lines 43-44).
13 14 15

Cf. the connection made between the kas-phnt and kas "to bind" in Maql V 34 (see Schwemer 2007a: 198). Cf. the use of gypsum in a similar context in Farber 1977: 231, line 48' (see Schwemer 2007a: 217). " Cf. STT 256 rev. 34, where the exorcist is advised to withdraw from the offering arrangement before making figurines of warlock and witch.
13 14

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Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

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Fig. 2: Si 745 + 818 (ms. a )

2

The last few lines, which are only fragmentarily preserved, give a positive prognosis: the patient w i l l be well for the rest o f his life; he w i l l be treated with favour by fellow-humans and obtain propitious omens from the diviners (line 43-45a). This last part o f the prognosis corresponds with the Statement o f the symptom description that the patient's condition cannot be determined by means o f divination. It also ties i n well with the emphasis that is placed throughout the whole ritual on obtaining a favourable verdict for the patient. The introductory phrase o f the prognosis, adi m baltu "as long as he lives", indicates that the ritual had not only a therapeutic, but also an apotropaic function. In contrast to the two Marduk-rituals BMS 12+ / / and KAR 26 / / , the Sippar-text includes a symbolic destruetion o f the witches. But like the
Fig. 1: Si 34 (ms. a,)

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Daniel Schwemer

Kighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun 13 a b

:

487

Marduk-rituals it embeds the preparation o f medications and apotropaic devices into a complex ceremony; it also shares the combination o f therapeutic and apotropaic objectives that is characteristic o f the two Mardukrituals. Transliteration The line division of the transliteration follows Si 34 (ms. a flg. 1) (+) Si 745 + 818 (ms. a , flg. 2); several lines can be restored with the help o f Si 722 + 725 (ms. b, figs. 3-4). There are remarkably few variants between the two (or three) sources, which mostly agree even in their division o f the lines (cf. the notes on lines 27-28, 35-36 and 40-41). It seems likely that the present manuscripts were copied from the same original, quite possibly by young scribes as part o f their training.
? 2

14 a,b ab
2

[ina naglab(MAS.s\L) sumeli(\5Q)-s-nu] ana mahar(\G\) sin($0) u samas(uT\j) [ina muhhi(vGu) salmT(Nu) s-nu-ti(?) (URJ.GIM) iqabbi(ou .GA)
d d mei u

ta[sattar](s[AR]y" -ma^ tuszs(GUB)-su-nu-ti iz]zz(G\j]B)--ma kiarn

r

15 a b
2

[ si]n(3]0) ^(""ZLAG" ) mir uk-lu

d 1 d

same( A^ )
T R

hO erseti( Kp)['
r m

im

m]u-nam~
d

16 a,b 17 a,b

[ samas(vru) s a ] r ( L U G ] A L ) same(A^y u erseti(Ki)' e//[z/(EN.L[iL) j']/i(Di]NGiR) mu-sim srmti(NAM) [;7 (DiNGiR) g]as-ru-t s ina qe-reb same(AN) ellti (r i)mp]?-r i r - ?_ T?_[ ] ?
m4 MTI me V K m z z z/ z M T 5 su

amelu(~NA) m w r s F ' ( G i G ) marus{G\G)-ma alakta / ( N u ) pr-sat [x x x x] 2 a b e-nu-ma sin(30) u samas{uT\j) it-ti a-h[a-mis innammar-ma] 3 a b purusse(BS.BAR) mti(KVR) a-num u e / / / / ( B A D ) iparrasivjj^" ina x x x [x x x] 4 a b [qaqq]ara([K]i) tasabbit(sAR) me(A) ellti(Kv) tasallah(sv) sina(2) patiri{G\.D\i ) tukn(GTN) " sina{2) [ x (x) tasakkan(GAR) "C?)] 5 a b [ a f t a / w ( N i N D A ) e]l-lu tarakkas(KEs)-su-nu-ti sikaru (rest) ( K A S . S A G ) el-lu tu-n[aq-qa(-s-nu-ti)]
2 me

1 ab
2

summa(ois)
d

(A.RA)-S

18 a,b [ina] as-ru sip- tP iparras(YJj ) [puruss(ES.BAR)] 19 AjB [ina mi(u ) ] an-ni-i ana ni-is qtiya(su' -MU) i-ziz-[za-nimma] 20 a^ [si-ma]-a tes-li-tum kas~s-pi u kas-sap-[t]i 21 a,b [s kis]pi(v]s ) ruhe(us ) ruse(vs ) up-s-se-e lemnti(mjE) s amelti(w) Tpus(E>\jy -nin-ni 22 a,b salmr(N)[ f-s-nu epus(E>\j) ~ ina mahrl{\G\)-ku-nu e-li-s-nu
4 mi ]: n u n mil mti i me m

az-ziz 23 a,b di-[n]i di-na puruss(ES.BAR)-a-a

U

purs(KV ) ["]
5 s ri

gi

6 ab
2

[tu]sken([K.]i.zA.zA)-ma nu rabite{GA\)"

kam

taqabbi(pvs .GA)-s-nu-ti
n

i-lut-ku

llud^-luP] piri(AM.s\) musukkannu(MES. M .

gii R 1

24 a,b 25 a,b 26 a,b 27 a,b 28 a,b 29 a,b 30 a,b a,b 31 32 33 34 35 36 a,b a,b a,b a,b a,b a,b a,b

ab 7 ab
2 2

^ W S W ^ E S I ) /(GIS ) / ? / M ( B R ) sinni{zv) z taskarinnu( TASKARm~ ) mesu(MEs)

1 is r l gis

8 ab 9 ab
2 2

ab 10 a b
2 2

KAN.[NA]) [x x] x es-m-ru- ^kur-ka-nam kikkirnu(sE.Li) [an -hu]l -lu -u issT(Gis) ' an-nu-ti ina ^Ye(GADA) tarakkas ( K E S ) ina let(TE) riksi(KEs) tasakkanP"GAR )'""' ["xj-x " a t ' w ( K U R . K U R ) Har-mus Hmhur{\G\)-lim Hmhur(\G\)-essim 7 ! 4 mc s rtg 1 5

ina qibrti(nv .GA)-ku-nu sir-t S /(NU) uttakkaru(KVR)[ ] ii an-ni-ku-nu ki-nim s /(NU) innenn(BAE)[ ] kis-pi-s-nu ru}-he-e-s-nu ru-su-H-niP / (NU) tbti(r>u ) s-nu ana mulp-hi-sit-[n)u Ui-tu-ru-ma? su-nu-ti li-is-[ba-i\u-s-nu-ti // M ( DINGIR) sarru(20) kabtu(iviM) u A-M/>M(NUN) li-is-^bu-su eli([u]Gu)-s-nu [ana]-ku arad(\R)-ku-nu lu-ub-lut lu-us-Him-ma d-lP-[li-k]unu lud-luP _
U x m mei l 1 x

salsi(3)-s
R 1 M E

imann(*s\T^) Y\-ma
n T

salam(N\j)
1 r

li

kasspi(vs Jzu )
n ]

'^""^kasspti^vs^.[z]u) ina sepi( GlR )- s P-[ser] / w e ( A ) [ ] ina muhhi(vGv)-sii-nu i~ra-muk ^/'(KU) (GAz[i])[ ] i-sa-raq-su-n[u-ti]
sa r

kasi -tal-

11 a b
2

ra(20) [ x - x ] - x elO-kul-la
l, w

egubb{ A.GB .BA) la[l]

f 1

nignakka(mG.NA)

g/zi7/d(Gi.izi. L )
r 1

istenis(Y)"'

ina sikari{KAs)

tamahhas(siG) *
a

ina let(TE) ab 12 a b
2 2

riksi(KEs) salmT{n\j)
]i

tasakkan{GAR)" kasspi(vs .zu)

n munus

[ana A -]/fe /([K]E) tu~qar-rab-s-ma [//]w([DiNGiR])[ ] rabtu(GAE) ^ same(AN) u erseti{Ki)

m e m

ki-a-a[m] . i-lit-ti
d

tu-sad-bab-s . s nap-har

[sina(2) tidi(\M)

A : a i ] i p / z ' ( u ] s . z u ) s
ll

a-nim

teppus(D)

UI

sumsunu(MV.NE.NE)

[a]t-tu-nu

as-hur-ku-nu-si

e-se-e'-ku-nu-si

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Daniel Schwemer

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

489

Fig. 3: Si 722 + 725 obverse (ms. b) Fig. 4: Si 722 + 725 reverse (ms. b)

490 37 a,b

Daniel Schwemer

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun 9

491

[s- l]a- dumqa(sic ) Tpusa(Dy ti-da-a {s) kispT(vs ) ruhe(vs ) ruse(us ) up-s-se-e lemnti{wv) ipusa(n\j)'" 38 a,b [am ]^([iNi]M) lemutti(mjL.)'< is-hu-ra i-se-a-a 39 a,b [// Q(DINGIR)] Hs -tr -za-an-^niP-u it-ti-ia 40 a[b [ma-ha]r-ku-nu az-ziz arki(EGiR)-ku-nu al-lak
5 7 n n n mki R 1 %

[anh\ll-plant: you tie these (kinds of) wood into a linen cloth; you place (it) at the side o f the ritual arrangement. [...]-plant, at'isu-plant, ty'-plant, lupine, 'heals-a-thousand'-plant, 'heals-twen-

10 11

a,b 41 a,b 42 a,b a,b 43 a b

t

[x x] -/o/-w sakn(GAR) nam-mi-ru [e-s-t]i-ia li-za-ku-ma

mc 5

nu

lum-ni-i d-li-li-ku-nu

Hip-si-su lud-lul

ek-le-ti-ia

li12 13

[...]-plant, elikulla-plant: together you stir (them) into beer; you place (it) at the side o f the ritual arrangement. You make [two] clay [figurines o f the warlock] (and) witch, you [write] their names [on their left shoulder]; then you make them stand before Sin and Samas. [He ste]ps [on these figurines] and says thus: "[Si]n, light o f heaven and earth, who illuminates the dark, [Samas, ki]ng o f heaven and earth, Enlil o f the gods, who determines the destinies, powerful [gods] who have appeared in the midst o f the pure heavens to make [a decision at] the site o f judgement, [on] this [day] be present for my prayer [and] [list]en to (my) appeal. M y warlock and my witch, [who] have performed [witch]craft, magic, sorcery (and) evil machinations o f men against me I have made figurines representing them, before you I have stepped upon them. Judge my case, render a verdict for me! A t your supreme command that cannot be changed and with your true consent that cannot be altered: their wicked witchcraft, magic (and) sorcery, may they return to them and seize them, may god, king, nobleman and magnate be angry with them! Let me, your servant, live (and) be well, so that I may sing your praise!" He recites (this incantation) three times, then he [squashes] the figurines o f the warlock (and) witch w i t h his foot. He washes with water over them, he sprinkles them with /casw-flour. He purifies himself with the holy water vessel, the censer (and) the torch. You lead him to the ritual arrangement; then you have him speak thus: "Great [god]s, you are the offspring o f Anu, in the entirety o f heaven and earth,

[issT(Gis) (!)
mis

rik]si(K]Es)

ina kisdi(G)-s
isattT(NAG)-ma

tasakkan(GAR)
J/(EN)

an

samm(v )
4 um

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

mf( u )[
r l

m e

ina

sikari(KAs)

baltu(Ti)

44 a,b
45 ab
(

[ki-ma] '^samasiviv) tu i-da-bu-ub

r r

namir(zEAG)
71

ir

d[a-bi-ib]
[1

ittiO~Ki )- su
] r

kit-

j7wra5Sw(ES.BAR)(?)]- 5w' u
<p r 1 T > T

dinP~T>i )-s
T l

x [x x x (x) / / ( D I N G I R ) r

s] ' istar( l5 )- su'

damiqti(siG )'
5 im

ittT( Kp)- s~

isallim(
1

siuM )

] mu

ub[n(su.s[i)

ar/c]f(EGi]R)-'s

[ittaras]

45

ab

itti^Ki )
1

bri(HAL)

u ia['r7 /(E[NSi) dinsu

ustesser]

Variants: line 8, ms. b: (f)kur-ka-nam\e 9, ms. b: o i s ; line 19, ms. b: i-ziz'(za)-za' (ziz)-nim-[md\; line 20, ms. b: tes-li-t, kas-sap-H^; line 23, ms. b: di-na di-na; line 26, ms. b: r[u\-*he*-su-nu; line 42, ms. b: lu-u\d-lul\.
mS

Translation 1 2 3 4 I f a man is suffering from illnesses and his condition cannot be determined, [ . . . ] . When Sin and Samas [are seen] together [and] A n u and Enlil make the decision for the (people o f the) land, in (or: on) ... [...] you sweep the ground, you sprinkle pure water, (before Sin and Samas) you set up two portable altars, (next to it) [you place] two wooden [...]. You prepare pure [bread] for them, you [pour a libation] o f (firstquality) beer [(for them)]. You prostrate yourself, then you address them thus: "Let me [praise] your great divine power!" Ebony, 'wood-of-release', ivory, boxwood, mesu-wood, [ . . . ] , esmar-a\\oy, kurkan-plant, juniper seeds, rosewood,

31 32 33 34 35

5 6

7 8

492 36 37

Daniel Schwemer I have turned to you, I have sought you out! [The one who] has acted malevolently against me, you know (him) (the one who) has performed witchcraft, magic, sorcery (and) evil machinations against me, (who) has turned to (and) sought evil [wor]d(s) against me, (who) has caused (my) [god] and goddess to be angry w i t h me. I have come [be]fore you, I w i l l follow you (devoutly)!" "Your [...]s are put in place. May they cancel my evils, may they i l luminate my darkness, may they clear up my [conjfusion, so that I may sing your praise!" You place [the (various kinds of) wood in the bun]dle on (or: around) his neck, he drinks the plants in beer; then, as long as he lives, he w i l l be as bright(ly happy) as Samas; whoever [talks] to him w i l l speak sincerely; his [decision] and his verdict... [...; his god] and his goddess w i l l be friendlily inclined to him, he [ w i l l be i n good] repute; [his (oracular) decision] obtained from diviner and see[r w i l l turn out well]. Notes

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

493

vance", which is well attested in a variety o f texts, does not produce a satisfactory sense: usabri bar terti d[alhat] us'al sa'ila alakti ul [parsat] I consulted a diviner, my omen [was] ob[scure], I asked a seer, my ... [was] not [...]. K 2765 obv. 8-9 (ed. Lambert 1960: 288)

38 39 40 41 42 43

dalha teretu'a nuppuhu The organs inspected for my extispicies are uddakam obscure, they are ambiguous every day , itti bri u s'ili alakti ul parsat with the diviner and the seer my ... is not ... . Ludlul bei nemeqi I 51-52 (ed. Lambert 1960: 32-33) .
17 18

44 45 45a

Building upon W. G. Lambert's discussion o f these passages (1960: 284), T. Abusch argued i n an article published in 1987 that alaktu ul parsat s h o u l d be u n d e r s t o o d as a S p e c i a l idiom meaning "an o r a c u l a r d e c i s i o n is not made" . In S u p p o r t o f his argument he pointed to the lexical equation o f alaktu ("way", "course", then also "course o f action", "way forward") with temu "planning", "decision", "instruetion" and the use o f alaktu i n this sense with regard to the (usually unfathomable) 'ways' o f the gods. He also drew attention to the fact that alakti limad "learn o f my alaktu" and alakti dummiq "improve my alaktu", both stock phrases o f Babylonian prayer language, regularly co-occur with pleas for a favourable divine judgement . Moreover, he interpreted the phrase alaktasu ana lamdi i n the purpose clause o f therapeutic texts as "that an oracle be manifest for h i m " .
19 20 21

1: Pluralized G i o can stand for simm "wounds" or mursn "illnesses". In a few passages simmu clearly is used as a more general term for "illness" , so that a translation "is suffering from illnesses" would not be excluded even i f a reading simmi (rather than mursni) could be ascertained beyond doubt. The plural o f mursu is mostly used with regard to many individual cases o f an illness, but the present text with its reference to a number o f different illnesses suffered by one individual is not unique; cf. Surpu I V 82-83: mmtsu liptassir bu(llutu sullumu Marduk ittTkma), mursn(GiG) -s littakkis bu(llutu sullumu Marduk ittikma) " M a y his curses be undone re(viving and healing rest with you, Marduk), may his illnesses be driven away re(viving and healing rest with you, Marduk)" (Reiner 1958: 28; cf. Reiner 1956: 136, lines 78-79).
me 16 m,:i

Abusch's argument that the idiom alakti ul parsat, as used in Ludlul I 52 and related passages, must refer in one way or another to the unsuccessful consultation o f divination experts and cannot, in these contexts, have its usual meaning "my way is not blocked" is certainly persuasive
22

The phrase alaktasu l parsat has a number o f parallels i n Babylonian literary and medical texts. I n all o f these passages, the literal meaning o f alakta parsu "to cut o f f the course", "to block the way", "to stop the ad-

See CAD S 277b-78a, though not all passages cited there represent this usage.

The interpretation of nuppuh follows CAD T 365b-66a. Line 52 is quoted in an inscription of Nabonidus; see Schaudig 2001: 493, 498, I I I 1. " See Abusch 1987 passim; for his discussion of the passages quoted above, see pp. 29-30. See Abusch 1987: 18-27; for a collection of the relevant attestations in prayers, see Mayer 1976: 218, 285. See Abusch 1987: 27-28; for a discussion of these passages, see the following. For a critical review of the translation proposals predating Abusch 1987, see there p. 29 Ins. 46 and 49. Lambert favoured a translation "the omen of the diviner and the dream priest does not explain my condition", but, as rightly pointed out by Abusch, the comparable phrases in therapeutic texts with their logographic spelling of itti(Ki) rule out an interpretation of it-ti as "omen", "sign" (ittu). The translation " I cannot stop going to the diviner and the dream Interpreter" (e.g., CAD A I 299a) is rather bland and difficult to reconcile with the normal use of itti "with". Schaudig 2001: 498, without further discussion, translates "with diviner and dream Interpreter my severe condition was not brought to an end" ("mit Opferschauer und Traumdeuter wurde mein schlimmer Zustand nicht beendet"). But this interpretation, which takes its starting point from the literal translation "my course was not stopped", is hard to Square with the phrase ////' bri u s'ili alaktasu ana lamdi in BAM 446 obv. 8-9 (see infra). It also does not agree well with the expected diagnostic (rather than therapeutic) role of the divination experts.
17 18 20 21 22

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and was later taken up by B . Bck. Reviewing the evidence recently presented in PSD A I 148-51, Bck argues that Sumerian a - r too in some passages should be translated as "oracular decision", "omen". In support of her argument she refers to the lexical equation o f a - r with Akkadian temu "planning", milku "counsel", sibqu "plan" and tasimtu "discernment"; the correspondence l - a - r a - m e - e n : sa te-er-ti-i[m ... ] in an unpublished OB bilingual quoted by PSD is regarded by her as unambiguous proof for a - r meaning "omen", though she does not provide any contextual evidence supporting her translation o f the phrase as "the one in charge o f extispicy" (rather than, e.g., "officeholder"; cf. bei terti) . The overall contextual evidence for a - r in the meaning "omen" is not compelling, and B c k fails, in my view, to disprove convincingly the translations offered by PSD for the relevant passages .
n 24

The following passages from three related medical texts, which were discussed by Abusch in a later contribution , are also compatible with this interpretation o f alaktu:
27

T 8' 9' 10' 11' 12' 13'

summa(ois) amelu(wA) balit(Ti)' "-ma alakta(A.R)-s marsat(Gia) iz-zi-ir-ti PI(KA) nisi(uN) ma~d-da-a-ti issakin(GAR)-s ana /(NU) tehe(TE) up-s-se-e bel(m-\) amti(imyi)-s /(NU) sanqi(mM )-s w M ( s u . s i ) lemutti(HUL) '"' arkT(EGiR)-s /(NU) tarsi(EAy libbi(sk'[ki]) / / / ( D I N G I R ) ze-ni-i s-lum-me ki-sir' libbi(s') Hl
i( mei n e A 1 nui)

(DINGIR )-S
!

[an]a patri( DUg )'" "' follow)

n r V? r

(instructions for drugs to be worn around the neck

I would still maintain that an interpretation that stays closer to the basic meaning o f alaktu is more appropriate for the phrase alaktu ul parsat and translate "my condition cannot/could not be determined (by means o f divination)" . The meaning "condition", which is well attested for Sumerian a - r and, within Akkadian, easily derived from the basic meaning of alaktu "passage", "way(s)", fits all contexts discussed by Abusch, i n cluding those where alaktu is used with lamdu or dummuqu. It then becomes unnecessary to posit with Abusch a meaning "to reveal", "to make known" for the G-stem o f lamdu "to learn" in the translation o f the phrase alakti limad in prayer language (alakti limad "become aware o f my condition", not: "reveal my oracular decision") .
25 26

I f a man has recovered (or: is in good health?), but his (future) condition (determined by divination) is troublesome and the curse o f the mouth o f the many people has been inflicted on him so that it not approach him, so that the machinations o f his adversary not come near him, so that he not be slandered, so that the heart o f (his) angry god be reconciled, so that his god's anger be removed , ...
29 30

BAM

326 col. I I ' 7'-13' (ed. Ebeling 1949: 202-203)

The same prescription is preserved on a small Late Babylonian tablet; the symptom description and the purpose clause differ only in a few minor points: 9 summa(nis) amelu(NA) ba-lit-ma alakta(A.R)-s marsat(G\GY izzi-ir-t[i pT(L) nisT(im) issakin(GAR)-s] ana /(NU) tehe(jE) up-sa-se-e /3<?/(EN) amti(m\M)-s /(NU) [sanqT(DiM )-su]
mci e 4

Bck 1995 passim. For her discussion of l - a - r a - m e - e n : sa te-er-ti-i[m ... ], see p. 156; the phrase, attested in Ni 2765 col. I 5 (non vidi), remained untranslated in PSD A I 15051. For Inannaka to Nintinugga line 13, see now also Rmer 2003: 244, 248 who translates -u -a-u -a al-gen-na-gu a - r - b i n u - z u as "kenne ich, wenn ich unter 'Ach' (und) 'Weh' einhergehe, deren (= der Krankheit) Verlauf nicht" (following PSD A I 150); different Black et al. 1998-2006, no. 3.3.10, who translate " I do not yet know the divine oracle concerning my being in agonies". Note that ePSD (http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/epsd/, Version last updated 26 June 2006) lists "omen" as one of the meanings of a - r (without comment or relevant attestations). Lambert 1960: 284 considered a similar translation: "My 'way' has not been determined with (= by? or, at the place of?) He remarked that this interpretation would give "satisfactory sense", but rejected it because he found it difficult to accept that alakta parsu should have two idiomatic usages with a "totally different sense". Later, W. von Soden gave preference to this interpretation in his translation of Ludlul: "bei Opferschauer und Traumdeuter blieb mein Weg ungeklrt" (von Soden 1990: 117). " See Abusch 1987: 24-25. In support of his argument he cites K 128 rev. 22-24 (prayer of the diviner to Ninurta). I disagree with his interpretation of these lines; following Mayer 2005 (cf. also Annus 2002: 207-208), I would translate: "the (extispicy) judgement (di-i-nu) was impcnetrable and difficult to comprehend (a-na la-ma-da s-t), determining the matter (pa-ra<is dr ka tu) was far from me by daylight. (Now) 1 have come in the night to wait for you, I have L'ome before you to ascertain the matter (a-na la-ma-da ar-ka-ti)."
23 24 g g 1 0 25 2

10

See Abusch 1999: 117-21. BAM 326 col. II' 7'-12' and BAM446 obv. 1-9 were already discussed by Abusch 1987: 27-28; there he drew attention to the phrase alakta(A.Kk)-s ana lamdi (/u)''' in the comparable passage BAM 316 obv. II 15' (ed. Abusch 1999: 87-88). He did not include the phrase alaktasu marsat in his argument but noted that "it is possible that the occurrence of... alaktasu marsat... should be taken into account" (1987: 28, fn. 44); in his later contribution he translated alaktasu marsat as "his behavior/oracle is grievous" (1999: 119-20). '' A reading sakin(aAR)-s (so Ebeling 1949: 202) is excluded by the feminine subject izzirli\r the use of the N-stem of saknu with a dative object in the meaning "to be inflicted on", sec CAD S I 155. '" Note that u is absent from the parallel text B M 64174 obv. 9 (fragmentary in BAM 446 obv. 1-2); the presence of u here indicates that the phrase beginning with izzirti was regarded as pari of the symptom description and not as a diagnosis. "' This line seems to be heavily corrupted (cf. CAD S 92a); the emendations are bascd on a comparison with BAM 446 obv. 4 and B M 64174 lo. e. 12 (see in the following).
27

496 11 12

Daniel Schwemer MMH(SU.SI) damiqti(siG )""' arki(EGm)-s t[a-ra-si] libbi(SA) / / / ( D I N G I R ) ze-ni-i s w / / w m / ( s i L i M ) ki-sir libbi(s) / / / T D I N G I R ) [s patri(pu%) ] (instructions for drugs to be worn around the neck follow)
5 rl

Fighting Witchcraft before the Moon and Sun

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B M 64174 obv. 9 - lo.e. 12 (ed. Geller 1988: 21-22, Abusch 1999: 118-19) A very similar symptom description and p u r p o s e clause, preserved in BAM 446 obv. 1-9, confirms that the concern for the patient's condition resulted from the fact that attempts at clarifying the patient's S i t u a t i o n by means o f divination had failed. In this passage, the term alaktu "condition" is not only used in the symptom description (alaktasu marsat, line 1), but also taken up in the p u r p o s e clause where it is associated with C o n sulting divination experts (itti bri u s'ili alaktasu ana lamdi, lines 8-9): 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 [summa(Dis) amelu{NA) balit(i\)-ma a-lak]-ta-su marsat(GiG) ' ka x [x x x x x x] [iz-zi-ir-ti] pi(KA) wf(uN) ma-a'-da-t[i* x x x x x x] [ M j p i i J e ^ N i G . A K j / A ) bel(EN) amtT(imM)-s ana / ( N u ) kasdi (S.S)-SW ubn(su.s\) dam[iqti(si[G *)' arkisu ana tarsi] [libbi(sk) ///(DINGIR) z]e-ni-i ana sul-lu-mi ki-sir lib-bi / / / ( D I N G I R ) [s ana patri] [amt(TNiMy le]mutti(H]uL)'"" ana mahar(iGi) ameli(NA) l(Nu) parki ( G I B ) 5 M r z ( M s . G E ) " damqti(siG ) ana su-[ub-se-e(?)] [//(DINGIR ) i a r ] r a ( L U G ] A L * ) kabta(iDiM) rub(~NVN , text: L ) ana su-tam-gu-ri-s da-bi-ib itti(Ki)-s kit-t ana d[a-ba-bi] *hu-ucT- lib-bi ana ra-se-e sed(AEAE>) dumqi(sic ) lamassi(EkMA)
a 31 me5 1 5 im 6 M 5 mei ] 12 d s d

moved], so that evil [talk] not obstruct (that) man, so that favourable dreams [be there (for him)], so that [god, kin]g, nobleman (and) magnate be in agreement with him, so that whoever talks to him [speak] sincerely, so that he acquire happiness, so that a good seduspirit (and) a good lamassu-spirit [always] accompany him, so that his god and his goddess stand by him, so that his condition be ascertained by Consulting the diviner and the se[er], so that he ob[tain] his verdict (and) decision. BAM 446 obv. 1-9 (collated)

That a diviner would be consulted to determine the course o f an illness also transpires from Ludlul I I 110-11: ul uspi sipu sikin mursTya u adanna silVtiya br ul iddin "the exorcist has not diagnosed the nature o f my illness, nor has the diviner established the term o f my disease" (Lambert 1960: 44). To conclude: The passages quoted suggest that alaktu "course", "advance", "way" could be used with a meaning "condition" ( < course, development o f a person's Situation). Gods could be asked to become aware o f or to improve a person's condition (alakta lamdu, alakta dummuqu). A person's condition could be investigated by Consulting divination experts (alakta lamdu); it could be found to be troublesome (alaktu marsat), even i f Symptoms o f illness could not yet be observed. Finally, the consultation o f divination experts in such matters could fail to produce a satisfactory and favourable result (alaktu ul parsat). That the unsuccessful consultation o f the divination experts in such a Situation was regarded as a typical S y m p tom o f people who had been bewitched by their adversaries is confirmed by the following symptom description: summa(uis) amelu(NA) bel(EN) lemutti(HUE)' irsi(TUK) > ... Z ///( KI) bri(HAE) u 'Z 7/( ENSI) din(E>\)-s u puruss(ES.BAK)-s la sur-si " I f a man has acquired an adversary, ... (and) he cannot obtain a verdict and a decision for himself by Consulting the diviner and the seer" .
m s l 1 34

dumqi(siG )
5

itti(YA)-s
d

ana

ara//[w/c/](D[u.DU* ])
1

//(DINGIR)u
(GUB)
ZI

istar(l5)-s

ina qaqqadT(sAG.Du)-s
dm

ana

izuzzi

////(KI)

/3n(HAL) u i['///](E[NSi])

alakta^A^.RAj-s ana lamdi(rsj) ana* sur*~*-[se-e]

r

di-in-s

puruss(ES.BAK)(-s)

[ I f a man has recovered (or: is in good health?), but] his (future) [con]dition (determined by divination) is troublesome, [the curse of] the mouth o f the many people [ . . . ] , so that [the machination]s o f his adversary not reach him, [so that he be] in go[od] repute, so that (his) angry [god] be reconciled, so that (the god's) anger [be re-

-" Note that this sign does not look like U[N; the second vertical is clearly not broken. Read pcrhaps ii'//fa?u(KA. fi' .[GAL) ...] "slan[der ...]"? " Cf. fragmentary BAM3\6 rev. V 17: [... //^(DINGIR)] sarra(20) kabta(iD\M) [u ra(NUN)] ana su-iam-gu-ri (see Abusch 1985. 99). " Borger 2003: 252 no. 15 does not include lamdu among the Akkadian readings of logographic zu. But in light of the phonetic complement here and in BAM 316 obv. 1115' there can be no doubt that, as assumed by Abusch 1987 and 1999, lamdi rather than ede is intended.
r 1

The phrase alaktasu l parsat in the symptom description o f the present text should be understood in the light o f these passages: the patient is suffering from a number o f illnesses, and the nature o f his condition, his future 'course' cannot be determined by means o f a positive oracle that would assure the patient o f a soon end to his suffering. This interpretation flts well with the final prognosis at the end o f the text that the patient w i l l

SpTU 2, 22 + 3, 85 obv. II 8, 15; I regard sur-si as a by-form or corrupted spelling of the slalive sursu (ras S; perhaps this can be compared to the irregulr D-stem statives surri and kurri, for which see GAC 105 1*); Mayer 2008: 105 understands the form as a representation sursu. but also eonsiders an interpretation as a corruption of ssur (eseru S).
14

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obtain a favourable oracular decision from diviner and seer (line 45a, partially restored). At the end o f the line, one could either restore a purpose clause (e.g., ana bullutisu " i n order to heal h i m " ) or a short witchcraft diagnosis (e.g., amelu s kasip "that man is bewitched"). 2: The phrase Sin u Samas itti ahmis innammar is regularly used in astrological reports to refer to the simultaneous visibility o f the sun and the moon. Reports on the observation o f this phenomenon are restricted to days 13-16 o f a given month, indicating that only the simultaneous visibility o f the fll moon and the sun i n (approximate) Opposition to each other was regarded as significant. Only a simultaneous visibility on the 14 day was interpreted as a favourable omen , while the observation o f the same phenomenon on the 13*, 15 or 16 day indicated misfortune . Thus it seems likely that the present ritual was to be performed on days when the (almost) fll moon could be seen i n the morning and evening on the horizon opposite to the sun. This assumption finds support i n the fact that an anti-ghost ritual addressed to Sin and Samas had to be performed "on the 15 day, the day when Sin and Samas stand together": ina U .15. KM Um (v )" szrt(30) u samas(vT) istenis(X) izzazz(GUB) (KAR 184 = BAM 323 rev. 93 / / , ed. Scurlock 2006: 305-307, no. 91). There, the proceedings take place i n the early morning, when the sun appears on the eastern horizon, while the fll moon can still be seen in the west (cf. rev. 96-97, 99). The present ritual does not specify the time o f the day at which it is to be performed; perhaps one could carry it out either at sunrise or at sunset (cf. KAR 80 = KAL 2, 8 rev. 19 / / , ed. CMAwR I , 8.4: 62) .
,h 35 th th 36 th 4 4 m d A niS zu 37

only found here: the moon-god is identified with the sky-god A n u i n a b i lingual su'ila-prayer ( I V R 9 obv. 3, ed. Sjberg 1960: 166-79, cf. Borger 1971: 81-83), and Samas is called the Enlil o f the gods in the present text (line 16) and one other Samas prayer (ABRT 2, 18(+) r. col. 9 11, ed. CMAwR I , 7.8, 7.: 27', cf. also Tallqvist 1938: 26). The role o f administcring justice and deciding the fate o f the people features prominently not only in the prayer to Sin and Samas that was recited within the present ritual (lines 15-30), but also i n the two other surviving prayers addressed to the two gods: i n KAR 184 = BAM 323 rev. 100 (ed. Scurlock 2006: 306) they are called pris(KV ) purusse(ES.BAR) ana m'sf(uN) rapsti (DAGAL) "makers o f the decision for the widespread people"; in PBS 1/2, 106 rev. 5-7 (ed. Ebeling 1949: 178-83) one reads: purusse(ES.BAR) same(AN) u erseti(Ki)' at-tu-nu-ma (taparras) ... ta-sim-t m/ / / ( K U R . K U R ) sin(30) u samas(20) at-tu-nu-ma ta-sim-ma " I t is you who make the decision for heaven and earth, it is you, Sin and Samas, who decree the destiny for the lands." The same m o t i f also occurs i n the hemerology KAR 178, albeit i n fragmentary context (obv. I I I 4-5): s/(30) u samas(vrv) puruss(E$.BAR) i-par-ra-su (cf. also KAR 178 obv. I I I 3031, 59-60 / / 176 rev. I I 2-3, 31).
2 5 su me ME e im d! d

3: The text suggests that the simultaneous presence o f the moon-god and the sun-god on the western and eastern horizons was considered to coincide with the determining o f the fate by A n u and Enlil, the traditional heads o f the Babylonian pantheon. Within the present context, however, Anu and Enlil are certainly to be understood as honorifics o f Sin and Samas themselves. The patient expects the moon-god and the sun-god to decide his own fate together with the fate o f the population o f the land as a whole. The association o f Sin with A n u and o f Samas with Enlil is not

See S A A 8, 15 obv. 6-rev. 4 and passim in that volume; see also S A A 10, 116 obv. 5-9. 13"- day: SAA 8, 194 obv. 1-3, 266 obv. 1-3, 360 obv. 1-5; 15 day: SAA 8, 23 obv. 1-4, 24 obv. 1-5 and often in that volume; 16* day: SAA 8, 25 obv. 6-rev. 3, 111 obv. 1-5, 168 obv. 1-5, 327 obv. 5-7. The chief exorcist Marduk-sakin-sumi mentions a namburbi ritual that could be performed to counter the evil portended by a simultaneous visibility of the moon and the sun on the 13* day ( S A A 10, 238 rev. 13-19). "CMAwR 1 = Abusch-Schwemer 2011.
15 lh

At the end o f the line a phrase like ina seri asar sepu parsat " i n the steppe, at a secluded place" is expected. While the second sign after ina could well b e read asar(Ki), the first fragmentary sign (perhaps L U H o r , certainly not E ) poses difficulties. A n emended reading ina (-ri) asar(Ki) s[epu(G[iR) parsat], [qaqq]ara([K]i) tasabbit(sAR) "on the roof, i n a s e cluded place, you sweep the ground" i s not entirely excluded, even though ra tasabbit "you sweep the r o o f and qaqqara tasabbit "you sweep the ground" usually exclude each other; cf. PBS 10/2, 18 rev. 29' (collated): lu ina ri(R) lu ina sen '(EDiN) qaqqara(Ki) tasabbit(sAR) "either on the roof or in the steppe you sweep the ground". 4: Two portable reed altars (patiru) are set up before Sin and Samas (the expected phrase ana Sin u Samas i s omitted). One more item, apparently made o f wood, is arranged before each god ( [x (x) . . . ] ; o f course, /.s-[x (x)...] i s equally possible). It remains unclear which U t e n s i l should be restored i n the break: ' passri(BANSVR) "tables" would fit the available space and the preserved determinative, but it is unlikely that two types o f table, patiru and passru, were used at the same time. Other implements which one would expect to b e mentioned i n the present context (e .g., nignakku "censer", adagurru "libation vessel" o r egubb "holy water vessel") are excluded b y the determinative for wooden items, clearly preserved i n ms. b obv. 4.
gi gi s

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5-6: The use o f -sunti for the dative {tarakkassunti "you prepare for them", taqabbisunti "you say to them", cf. also restored tun[aqqsunti]) is not common in Standard Babylonian, but known from Middle and Late Babylonian texts (see AHw 1278a, Aro 1955: 58). Partly restored qem' kasi isarraqsun[ti] in line 32 is best understood as a double accusative construction ("he sprinkles them with /tosu-flour"), c f , e.g., sina nignakki riqqi tasarraq "you strew two censers with aromatics" {KAR 26 rev. 15, ed. Mayer 1999: 153). 8: The inclusion o f the silver-alloy esmar within the present list o f various kinds o f 'wood' (line 9) is surprising, but note that the precious types o f 'wood' listed in the preceding line (including ivory) were all used for pieces o f furniture and their decoration, and the same is true for esmar. The spelling o f esmar with m is not without parallel (see Frahm 1997: 76, line 129: es-m-re-e). 9: The restoration o f anhull, usually speit A N . H L ( . L A ) , is uncertain. The anhull-plant was regarded as effective against witchcraft (see Schwemer 2007a: 198), but alternatively one could restore [ pi\l-lu -u "mandrake". Note that the list in lines 7-9 comprises eleven items; thus, a reading [x]-x-lum 10 Gis an-nu-ti seems unlikely. 10-11: Potions containing seven drugs are common in Babylonian medicine, and there is no shortage o f prescriptions o f this type for potions effective against witchcraft (e.g., LKA 144 rev. 23-28 //, ed. CMAwR I , 2.5, 3.: 1-27; BAM 434 rev. I V 61-69 //, ed. CMAwR I , 7.10.1, 1.: 151"'-59"'; BAM 161 obv. V 8'-10', ed. CMAwR I , 7.10.1, 3.: 1-3); but none o f these prescriptions has exactly the same sequence o f drugs as the present text. 12-13: The restorations follow numerous parallel passages in other anti-witchcraft rituals (for a discussion and a collection o f the relevant attestations, see Schwemer 2007a: 201-202). 14: For the tentative restoration at the beginning o f the line, cf. line 22 o f the following prayer (salmisunu epus ina mahrikunu elisunu azzTz " I have made figurines representing them, before you I have stepped upon them") and the ritual actions to be performed after the recitation o f the prayer (line 31: salam kasspi kasspti ina sepisu i[ser] "he [squashes] the figurines o f the warlock and witch with his foot"). 15-16: The beginnings o f these two lines are broken. Given that line 15 must have contained the initial invocation o f Sin, while line 16 had a parallel address to Samas, the names o f the gods can be safely restored in the breaks; the traces preserved at the beginning o f each line are unambiguous enough to allow for a confident restoration o f the gods' epithets. From line 17 to the end o f the prayer Sin and Samas are addressed together.
(U) A me

17: The traces at the end o f the line suggest izzizz; cf. K U B 4, 47 rev. 37 (comm. W. R. Mayer): [sa] P-na sa-me-e iz-zi-iz-zu "(stars) [that] have appeared in the sky". 18: The collocation asar sipti "site o f judgement" is well known (see CAD S I I I 91b). The form as-ru is probably better interpreted as a construct State o f the locative-adverbial than as an irregulr spelling o f asar. Instead o f pleonastic ina one could also restore s at the beginning o f the line. 27-28: The independent pronouns sunu and sunti seem redundant. One might suspect that sunu after l tbti is a corrupt addition, triggered by the preceding sequence kispisunu ruhesunu rus[sunu]; but since both manuscripts agree in their wording, one should refrain from rashly emending the text. The translation offered here is based on the assumption that sunu "they" refers back to the sequence beginning with kispisunu, while sunti "them" refers to warlock and witch (as does the suffixed pronoun in lisbatsunti) and serves to emphasize the object {GAG 42 f ) . 31: For the use o f the verb seru "to Hatten, squash, crush" in contexts such as the present one, cf. KAR 80 = KAL 2, 8 rev. 18 / / (CMAwR I , 8.4: 61), V A T 35 rev. 5-6 (CMAwR I , 8.12: 17-18) and B M 40568 rev. 5 (ed. Schwemer 2009: 58-66). 32: The Akkadian reading o f K U preceding kasi remains uncertain, though qemu(z\) "flour", "powder" or siktu "powder" seem most likely (see Borger 2003: 425 ad no. 808 with previous literature). For the construction o f sarqu with two accusatives, see the note on lines 5-6. 35-36: Even though both manuscripts break the line after same u erseti, there can be no doubt that attunu at the beginning o f line 36 belongs syntactically to the preceding line. I f the object o f the sentence beginning with ashurkunsi was expressed by an independent pronoun, it would have to be ksunu (cf. kasi ashurka, see Mayer 1976: 136). The phrase sa naphar same u erseti seems to be an epithet o f Sin and Samas rather than o f A n u within the present context. 37-39: Lines 37-38 contain a number o f verbal forms ending in -a whose subject must be the evildoers ( D twice, is-hu-ra, i-se-'a-a); at the same time it is certain that the subject o f -za-an-nu-u in line 39 must be the evildoers too. I f all these verbal forms are interpreted as belonging to non-subordinate clauses, -za-an-nu-u must be interpreted as a 3"' masc. pl. D pret., while the forms ending in -a would have to be taken as 3"' fern. pl. (Tpus etc.). The only way o f avoiding a gender (or number) incongruity between the forms ending in -a and uzann is to interpret all relevant passages as subordinate clauses; then ipusa, ishura and ise'a
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would represent 3 masc. sg. G pret. forms with the pronominal suffix o f the l sg. dative ("against me"; subordinative unmarked), while uzann could be interpreted as 3 masc. sg. D pret. w i t h the subordinative marker u (note that no pronominal suffix is expected as the reference to the Speaker is given with ittiyd). I f this interpretation o f the verbal forms is correct, a restoration o f sa preceding l dumqa Tpusa at the beginning o f line 37 is called for: [sa P\ dumqa Tpusa tid "[The one who] has acted malevolently against me, you know (him)". While there seems to be just enough space in the break to allow for this restoration, a syntactical problem is posed by the continuation o f the relative clause after tid without the expected repetition o f sa, and, within this hypothesis, an emendation o f the text (preserved only in ms a,) seems inescapable.
rd s t rd

40: For the phrase arki D N alku, see Mayer 1976: 113 and 139. 40-41: I cannot offer a plausible explanation for the presence o f the paragraph divider between these two lines; it is clearly preserved in both manuscripts which, however, may well have been copied from the same original. 41: It remains unclear to me how the beginning o f the line should be restored. It seems not excluded that the line is corrupt; i f so, one could consider the following reading: [puruss(ES.BAR)(?)] -ku-nu s /(NU) (uttakkar(YJjR) ) lum-ni-i lip-su~ -su... " M a y your [decision]s that (can)not (be changed) cancel my evils, ... . " 42: Instead o f [e-s-t]i-ia one could also restore [dal-ha-t]i-ia . 43: The object o f ina kisdisu tasakkan is certainly the therapeutic package filled with various kinds o f wood whose preparation is detailed in lines 7-9. Traces o f K E S are preserved in both manuscripts, with space for one sign or, at the most, two short signs in the preceding break. The tentative restoration [issi ri]ksi is inspired by the wording o f the following clause (sammi ina sikari isattimd), taking into account that there is not enough space for a restoration issi ina riksi. Alternatively, one could restore just [rik]sa([KA.K]Es), but K A . K E S is only rarely used as a logogram for riksu and not attested otherwise within the present text.
mii r r i 5 5

45: I am unable to give a plausible reading for the damaged sign following D i - s in ms. b. The restoration o f the beginning o f the line proposed above remains highly uncertain, especially since dinu usually precedes puruss when the two words are paired up. 45a: The restoration follows BAM 315 rev. I I I 15 and SpTU 2, 22 + 3, 85 obv. I 45' (prognoses for bewitched persons, ed. Abusch 1999: 42, 43-44); cf. the phrase itti bri u s'ili dinsu l isser "his (oracular) decision obtained from diviner and seer does not turn out w e l l " in a number of symptom descriptions, most o f them relating to witchcraft-induced illnesses; in addition to BAM 315 rev. I I I 7-8 / / Bu 91-5-9, 214: 9' (ed. Abusch 1999: 40-42), cf. BAM 315 obv. I I 15, BAM 468 obv. 2 and STT 95 + 295 rev. I I I 136 / / B M 64174 obv. 6 (ed. Abusch 1999: 38-39). For a brief discussion o f these passages, see Mayer 2008: 104-5.
r 1 ?

References Abusch, T. 1985. Dismissal by Authorities: suskunu and Related Matters, JCS 37: 91-100. Abusch, T. 1987. Alaktu and Halakhah. Oracular Decision, Divine Revelation, Harvard Theological Review 80: 15-42. Abusch, T. 1999. Witchcraft and the Anger of the Personal God, in: Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and Interpretative Perspectives (AMD 1), ed. T. Abusch - K. van der Toorn, Groningen, 83-121. Abusch, T. and D. Schwemer 2011. Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals, vol. I (AMD 8/1), Leiden/Boston. Annus, A. 2002. The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia (SAAS 14), Helsinki. Aro, J. 1955. Studien zur mittelbabylonischen Grammatik (StOr 20), Helsinki. Black, J. A. - G. Cunningham - J. Ebeling - E. Flckiger-Hawker - E. Robson J. Taylor - G. Zlyomi, G. 1998-2006. The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/), Oxford. Uck, B. 1995. Sumerisch a.r und Divination in Mesopotamien, Aula Orientalis 13: 151-59. Uorger, R. 1971. Zum Handerhebungsgebet an Nanna-Sin IV R 9, ZA 61: 81-83. Borger, R. 2003. Mesopotamisches Zeichenlexikon (AOAT 305), Mnster. Kbeling, E. 1949. Beschwrungen gegen den Feind und den bsen Blick aus dem Zweistromlande, ArOr 17/1: 172-211. Kllis, R. S. 2006. Well, Dog My Cats! A Note on the Uridimmu, in: If a Man Builds a Joyful House. Assyriological Studies in Honor of Erle Verdun Leichty, ed. A. Guinan et al. (CM 31), Leiden/Boston, 111-26. Farber, W. 1977. Beschwrungsrituale an Istar und Dumuzi. Attl Istar sa harmasa Dumuzi (Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Verffentlichungen der orientalischen Kommission 30), Wiesbaden. Frahm, E. 1997. Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften (AfO Beiheft 26), Wien. Geller, M. .). 1988. New Duplicates to SBTU I I , AfO 35: 1-23.

44: For the beginning o f the line, cf. the prognosis kima mi inammer "he w i l l be as bright(ly happy) as the day" (LKA 146 rev. 21 / / BAM 313 B line d). For the second half o f the line, cf., e.g., BAM 446 obv. 6 (see supra), SpTU 2, 22 + 3, 85 obv. I 37-38 or I V R 55/2 obv. 3 (ed. CMAwR I , 8.13); for further relevant attestations and a discussion o f the motif, see Abusch 1985: 97-98, who argues that the phrase should be translated "the one who speaks to him w i l l say 'So be i t ' " (i.e., w i l l react favourably to the patient's requests).
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Lambert, W. G. 1960. Babylonian Wisdom Literature, Oxford. Mayer, W. R. 1976. Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen Gebetsbeschwrungen " (Studia Pohl, series maior 5), Rome. Mayer, W. R. 1992. Das "gnomische Prteritum" im literarischen Akkadisch, OrNS 61: 373-99. Mayer, W. R. 1993. Das Ritual BMS 12 mit dem Gebet "Marduk 5", OrNS 62: 31337. Mayer, W. R. 1999. Das Ritual KAR 26 mit dem Gebet "Marduk 24", OrNS 68: 145-63. Mayer, W. R. 2005. Das Gebet des Eingeweideschauers an Ninurta, OrNS 74: 5156. Parpola, S. 1983. Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Part I I : Commentary and Appendices (AOAT 5/2), Kevelaer/ Neukirchen-Vluyn. Reiner, E. 1956. Lipsur Litanies, JNES 15: 129-49. Reiner, R. 1958. Surpu. A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incantations (AfO Beiheft 11), Graz. Rmer, W. H. Ph. 2003. Miscellanea Sumerologica V Bittbrief einer Gelhmten um Genesung an die Gttin Nintinugga, in: Literatur, Politik und Recht in Mesopotamien. Festschrift fr Claus Wilcke (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 14), ed. W. Sallaberger - K. Volk - A. Zgoll, Wiesbaden, 237-49. Schaudig, H. 2001. Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros' des Grossen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendenzschriften. Textausgabe und Grammatik (AOAT 256), Mnster. Scheil, V 1902: Une saison de fouilles Sippar (MIFAO 1/1), Cairo. Schwemer, D. 2007a: Abwehrzauber und Behexung. Studien zum Schadenzauberglauben im alten Mesopotamien (Unter Benutzung von Tzvi Abuschs Kritischem Katalog und Sammlungen im Rahmen des Kooperationsprojektes Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals), Wiesbaden. Schwemer, D. 2007b: Keilschrifttexte aus Assur literarischen Inhalts I I : Rituale und Beschwrungen gegen Schadenzauber (WVDOG 117), Wiesbaden. Schwemer, D. 2009: Washing, Defiling and Burning: Two Bilingual Anti-witchcraft Incantations, OrNS 78: 44-68. Scurlock, J. 2006. Magico-Medical Means of Treating Ghost-Induced Illnesses in Ancient Mesopotamia (AMD 3), Leiden/Boston. Sjberg, . 1960. Der Mondgott Nanna-Suen in der sumerischen berlieferung. I. Teil: Texte, Stockholm. Soden, W. von. 1990. "Weisheitstexte" in akkadischer Sprache, in: Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes Will, ed. O. Kaiser, Gtersloh, 110-88. Tallqvist, K. 1938. Akkadische Gtterepitheta. Mit einem Gtterverzeichnis und einer Liste der prdikativen Elemente der sumerischen Gtternamen (StOr 7), Helsinki. School o f Oriental and African Studies Dept. o f the Near and Middle East Thornhaugh Street - Russell Square London WC1H O X G

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