) SATI

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Introduction
Indian widows gone to bed In flaming curtains, to the dead G.T. Garratt
1

Within the Indian culture, the highest ideal for a women are virtue, purity, and allegiance to her husband. From this tradition stems the Hindu custom in which a wife immolates herself on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband as proof of her loyalty. This custom in which a woman burns herself either on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband or by herself with a memento after his death is now referred to as Sati . The word is often written as Suttee in !nglish wor"s and papers. #.$. %ane, a renowned authority on Hindu scriptures and Hindu &aw, in his monumental wor" History of Dharmasastra, opined that the sub'ect of Sati is only of academic interest in India, since over a hundred years (i.e. from )*+,-, self. immolation of widows has been prohibited by law in /ritish India and has been declared to be a crime.+ This was probably true in ),0), when 1r. %ane wrote his magnum opus. However, following upon the highly publici2ed incident in ),*3 of 4oop %anwar5s Sati in 6eorala village located in the Si"ar district of 4a'asthan, a great deal of attention, both western and Indian, was once again drawn to this barbarous and cruel practice, as many people describe it to be. What is of significance today is not 'ust the incidence of widows becoming satis but the attempt to 'ustify a custom at a particular historical 'uncture, a 'ustification which involves more than merely a custom for it also symboli2es an attitude towards women as well as

view of what is regarded as tradition . Sati has perple7ed both the philosopher and the layman for centuries. It has been the sub'ect of constant debate ever since the custom came into prevalence. !fforts have been made to legitimi2e it so as to ma"e it universally applicable by incorrectly see"ing its 'ustification from the Hindu 6harma. It is argued that sati involves the 8uestion of 4a'put honour and is deeply ingrained in all 4a'puts. It is surely rather dishonourable that a societ5s honour should be dependant on women having to immolate themselves.

9rvind Sharma, Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays (:ew 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass #ublishers #rivate &imited, +<<)- ). + #.$. %ane, History of Dharmasastras$ol. II, #art I (#oona; /handar"ar =riental 4esearch Institute, ),30- at >+>.

+ SATI

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Sati has also been called as a symbol of an ideali2ed husband.wife relationship. It is rather surprising, since the relationship will then be 8uite unbalanced, as no one has ever heard of a husband immolating himself on the pyre of his wife. Sati has clearly become a heavily contested symbol, li"e arranged marriages and polygamy. Its discourses serve many agenda, and it has been appropriated as a symbol of female sub.ordination and female resistance. The practice of widow immolation is not a modern phenomenon nor can it be understood as e7clusively indigenous to India. It is reflective, more generally, of a specific manifestation of a social process that has as its underlying basis, deeply ingrained constructions of power and misogynous attitudes. 9 mi7ture of religion, economic interests and politics has played a ma'or role in the rise of the institution of sati, as we "now it today. 1uch of the Sans"rit material that articulates traditional prescriptive codes of conduct for women has been misread and misinterpreted? so as to legitimi2e the institution of sati by see"ing scriptural sanctions. This has s"ewed the understanding of sati in the true sense of the term. In the heated debate that sati has been sub'ected to since the colonial times, people have overloo"ed the fact that sati-worship has given rise to a distinct identity of many communities, chiefly the trading 1arwari community of 4a'asthan. The fact that sati is worshipped in various parts of :orth India proves the point that widow immolation was not always illegitimate. However, it is the manifestation in its current form that has led to sati being loo"ed down upon as a religious suicide, rather than a religious ceremony. In this paper, the researcher has tried to study sati in its historical conte7t and then tried to conte7tuali2e as to how we "now it today. The paper see"s to study the theories of the origin if sati and its so called scriptural sanction. Finally, the researcher has tried to understand the ways in which the defenders of this custom try to gain legitimacy for it from the past, and how this has led to satis being worshipped in many parts of the country.

@ SATI

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
AIMS AND OBJECTIVES:
The researcher aims at understanding the history of the practice of sati through various evidences and see"s to understand the reasons for its e7istence in the Indian civili2ation. The primary ob'ectives of the term paper are; abcdTo study the practice of widow immolation in the Indian history by loo"ing at various evidences. To see whether sati really had the scriptural sanction, which it claims to have. To loo" into the origins of the custom. To study the phenomena of sati-puja.

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS:

The scope of this research paper has been restricted to the period before the advent of the colonial period, though the modern debates started during that very period. The main limitation has been the unavailability of sufficient translated material relating of the scriptures, which would have enabled the researcher to understand the issue better.

METHOD OF WRITING:
The researcher has endeavored to use a combination of descriptive and analytical styles of writing throughout this term paper. !8ual emphasis has been placed on both the styles.

MODE OF CITATION:
The researcher has followed a uniform mode of citation throughout the pro'ect.

SOURCES OF DATA:
Secondary sources including boo"s and other te7ts as well as the articles from 'ournals have been used in writing the term paper.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
The 8uestions which the researcher has sought to answer in this pro'ect are as follows;

0 SATI
history, as inferred from the various scriptures and te7tsA

THE HISTORY OF

a- To what e7tent is sati prevalent during the ancient and medieval periods of Indian b- Is there a religious and scriptural sanction for the practice of widow immolationA c- Is the status of women in general, and widows in particular, responsible for the rise of the custom of satiA d- What are the reasons behind the tradition of sati worshipA

CHAPTERIZATION:
Bhapter ) deals with the general position of women in the Hindu civili2ation. Bhapter + tries to find historical evidences of sati in ancient and medieval India, by loo"ing at the various te7ts, scriptures and other historical evidences li"e inscriptions. Bhapter @ tries to understand the rise of the custom of sati in the conte7t of the status of widows and other socio.political and economic factors. Bhapter 0 deals with the tradition of sati-puja prevalent amongst the 1arwaris.

C SATI

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CHAPTER 1: POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE HINDU SOCIETY

One of the best ways to understand the spirit of a ci ili!ation and to appreciate its e"cellences and to reali!e its limitations is to study the history and status of women in it......
#

The above 8uote ta"en from #rof. 9lte"ar5s wor" cannot be more apt than in the conte7t of studying the Hindu society. 6iscussion on the position of women has a uni8ue position in the writing, teaching and learning of early Indian history. There is some information on women in almost every te7t.boo" of early Indian history. The reason behind this may be that the degree of freedom given to women to move about in society and to ta"e part in its public life gives a good idea of the nature of its administration and enables us to "now how far it had reali2ed the truth that women too have a contribution of their own to ma"e to its development and progress. 0 How far a religion stands for 'ustice and fairplay and how far it has succeeded in e7ploding pre'udices and shibboleths of a primitive age can be seen from the position it assigns to women in its ritual and theology. The nature of its philosophy can well be ascertained from the observations of its philosopher about the nature and worth of the fair se7.C Thus, we see that indeed, the history of the position and status of women is of vital importance to the student of the history of any civili2ation or society. 9 loo" through 9lte"ar5s wor" reveals to us that he identifies two contradictory long.term trends influencing the position of women in the Hindu society, vi ., a decline in their familial status, religious rights, and in their participation in public life complemented by an increase in their propriety rights. =f these, the first clearly outweighs the second, as the family is clearly privileged as the institution being particularly relevant to women while discussing their history. This is why a ma'or part on discussion of the history of position of women consists of defining their status and position within the various familial relations. /esides, even the discussion on religious practices and women5s access to property are located within the conte7t of the family. 9s the discussion on the status of women in India e7ists entirely within the conte7t of Hinduism, it is heavily preoccupied with religious and legal 8uestions
@

9.S 9lte"ar, !he Position of "omen in Hindu #ivili ation: $rom Prehistoric !imes to the Present Day (+nd ed., :ew 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass #ublishers #rivate &imited, ),C,- ). 0 %&id., at page +. C Supra. note @, at page +.

> SATI

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such as the right to widow remarriage, the e7istence of the institution of niyoga, the right to property for women, the origin and development of the institution of stridhana, the right of the childless widow to adopt and so on. > =n the religious front, there is an obsession with the right of a woman to perform religious sacrifices either by herself or with her husband as also with her interest and involvement with the pursuit of religious goals, such as committing sati or self.immolation on her husband5s funeral pyre. 3 The social position of women is usually concerned with the inclusion or e7clusion of women in public assemblies and their right to education.* Thus, we can see that on the whole, the perspective on women is confined to seeing them within the conte7t of the family. It is the status of women within the family and primarily in the relationship of wives to husbands with which the history of the position of women is concerned. 9lte"ar5s wor" on the history of women is based on the two a7es of comparison vi ., within the Indian history and with the other "nown societies and civili2ations. , Within this framewor", the oldest "nown society in the Indian conte7t that ascribed to the early $edic 9ge, is conceived as the best from the point of view of women. This is substantiated in terms of access to education, a relatively high age of marriage, monogamy, the absence of seclusion and sati, and possibilities of widow remarriage. 9 study of the Hindu civili2ation would lead us to infer that the main culprits for pitiable condition of women in the post.$edic and post.Bhristian was the decline in their education, the various social and political upheaval such as the invasion of foreigners including Huns, 'uslims and also the changes in the propriety hierarchy in the Hindu society. 9ll these coupled with the various interpolations in the sacred te7ts, and the degradation in the status of widows in the society were responsible for the rise of the custom of widow immolation or sati.

>

Dma Bha"ravarti, /eyond 9lte"arian #aradigm; Towards a :ew Dnderstanding of Eender 4elations in !arly Indian History , from %um"um 4oy, "omen in Early %ndian Societies (:ew 6elhi; 1anohar #ublishers, +<<)- 3@. 3 %d. * Supra. note >, at page 30. , Supra. note @, at page viii.

3 SATI

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CHAPTER 2: THE SCRIPTURAL SANCTION OF SATI IN THE HINDU DHARMA

$ll the actions of a woman should be the same as that of her husband. If her husband is happy, she should be happy, if he is sad she should be sad, and if he is dead she should also die. %uch a wife is called a &pati rata'%huddhitatt a1( The above verse sums up what was and is e7pected of a woman in the Hindu society. Within the Indian culture, the highest ideal for a woman are virtue, purity and allegiance to her husband. 9nd from this belief stems the custom in which a wife immolates herself on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband as proof of her loyalty. This custom is what we now call as sati or suttee .)) Sati, now identified with widow burning, originally means a virtuous or a pious woman. The word sati is derived from sat meaning truth, and a sati is a woman true to her ideals.)+ WIDOW BURNING IN OTHER SOCIETIES: The burning of widows was not peculiar to /rahmanism, )@ as many are prone to believe, but the custom owes its origin to the oldest religious views and superstitious practices of man"ind in general. In prehistoric times, there prevailed a belief in several societies that the life and needs of the dead in the ne7t world are more or less similar to those in this life. )0 Thus, a man would of course re8uire his wives, horses and servants in the ne7t world, and it would therefore be necessary and desirable to "ill these all, and burn or bury them with him. Such a belief should have given rise to the custom of burning or burying the husband also along with the wife.)C The practice of widow burning obtained among ancient Eree"s, Eermans, Slavs, Eoths, and other races, but was generally confined to the great ones, the princes and the nobles.)> It was 8uite common among the Scythians. From this, we can infer that it was probably well established among the Indo.!uropeans too. )3
)<

Sa"untala :arasimhan, Sati: ( Study of "ido) *urning in %ndia (:ew 6elhi; HarperBollins #ublishers India, ),,*-. )>. )) The !nglish still call it as suttee . )+ Supra note )<, at page )>. )@ #.$. %ane, History of Dharmasastras$ol. II, #art I (#oona; /handar"ar =riental 4esearch Institute, ),30- at >+>. )0 9.S. 9lte"ar, !he Position of "omen in Hindu #ivili ation: $rom Prehistoric !imes to the Present Day (+nd ed., :ew 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass, ),,,- ))C. )C %&id., at page ))>. )> Supra note )@, at page >+C. )3 Supra note )0, at page ))>.

* SATI
SATI IN INDIAN MYTHOLOGY:

THE HISTORY OF

The original Sati in Indian mythology was not a widow and did not immolate herself on her husband5s funeral pyre. Sati was the wife of &ord Shiva, and was the daughter of 6a"sha, the son of &ord /rahma. She consumed herself in a holy pyre in response to her father5s refusal to invite Shiva in the assembly of Eods. She was so mortified that she invo"ed a yogic fire and was reduced to ashes. Self.sacrifice, li"e that of the original Sati, became a Fdivine e7ample of wifely devotion5. )* There are several e7amples of women who did not immolate themselves but nonetheless came to be "nown as sati. Women li"e Savitri, (rundhati and (nasuya of Indian mythology were all e7alted as pativratas or paragons of connubial dedication. :one of them committed sati in the sense in which the word is used now. Still, Sati Savitri+ is a commonly used epithet when referring to a devoted wife. ), To refer to a more recent e7ample, 1ahatma Eandhi5s wife %asturba is referred to fondly as sati %asturba, although she did not immolate herself. +< This clearly shows that the religious and historical roots of the concept of sati are 8uite different from its popular usage now.a.days. So, the 8uestion which arises is whether the Hindu scriptures or epics sanction, or suggest sati in the sense of immolation of a widow on the death of her husbandA To begin with, it would be useful to point out that the Hindu scriptural corpus comprises two bodies of literature, sruti or divine revelations and smriti or te7ts attributed to human creativity+). It may be noted that in the event of a conflict between the two, sruti prevails.++ The sruti includes te7ts li"e $edas and /rahmanas whereas the smritis include te7ts li"e #uranans, 1anusmriti as well as the two epics. REVIEW OF THE HINDU TEXTS ABOUT WIDOW IMMOLATION: There is no reference to sati in the /rahmana literature up to 9.6. 3<<. +@ It is not referred to in the funeral hymns of the ,igveda, where it would certainly have been mentioned if it had been in e7istence. Therefore, we can conclude that the custom was un"nown in the $edic

)* ),

Supra note )<, at page )3. Supra note )<, at page )*. +< Supra note )<, at page )*. +) &iterally, sruti means that which was heard and smriti means that from memory . ++ 9rvind Sharma, Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays (:ew 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass, +<<)@). +@ Supra note )<, at page +<.

, SATI

THE HISTORY OF

period.+0 However, a verse in the ,igveda is often 8uoted to show that widows were, in fact, re8uired to ascend the pyre at the funeral of their husbands. +C The case, however, could be rendered plausible only by fraudulently changing the last consonant of the stan2a from agre to agneh: The verse in 8uestion refers to women with their husbands living coming forward to anoint the corpse before it was consigned to flames, and contains no reference whatsoever to any widow immolating herself on her husband5s funeral pyre. +> In fact, in the ,ig--eda the act was only a mimetic ceremony. The widow lay on her husband5s funeral pyre before it was lit, but was raised from it by a male relative of her dead husband. 9ttempts were made, probably in the si7teenth century, to see" -edic sanction for the act by changing the word agre, to go forth into agneh, to the fire, in the specific verse. +3 The point to be noted here is that the ,ig--edic te7t endorses the system of niyoga or levirate where a widow is permitted to marry her husband5s brother if she has not borne a son to her husband. +* The (tharva--eda also clearly mentions widow remarriage, and it has been pointed out that widow burning could not have been decreed since the two are contradictory. +, The *audayana .rihyasutra lists rules governing a widow conduct, which implies that widows lived on and were not re8uired to end their lives on the pyre of the husband. @< 9mbiguity together with metaphoric, cryptic construction that mar"s the ancient Sans"rit te7ts ma"es for difficulty in decoding the true intent of some of the passages and edicts. Still, the unanimous view of authoritative interpreters is that none of the sruti te7ts refer to widow immolations.@) WIDOW IMMOLATION IN THE EPICS: In the 'aha&harata/0, there are several references to widows becoming satis such as 'adri, the favourite wife of Pandu as well as the five wives of 1rishna// and four wives of

+0 +C

Supra note ++, at page @0. %ma nariravidhavah sapatneeranjanena sarpisha samvishantu (nashravoanameevah suratna arohantu janayo yonimagre. +> Supra note C, at page ))3. +3 4omila Thapar, Sati; In History , @0+, Seminar (),**- at page )>. +* %d. (&evirate in patrilineal clans is often intended to consolidate property-. +, Supra note )@, at page >+3. @< Supra note )<, at page ++. It says; 9 widow should eschew for a year honey, meat, li8uor and salt, and should sleep only on the floor . @) Supra note )<, at page +@. @+ This is dated around ,<< /.B., although one opinion holds that it belongs to a period prior to @)<< /.B. @@ :amely 4u"mini, Eandhari, Saibya, Haimavati and Gambavati.

)< SATI
-asudeva
/2

THE HISTORY OF
burnt themselves along with their deceased husbands5 bodies respectively. @C

9ccording to the -ishnupurana (9.6. @<<.><<-, eight 8ueens ascended the pyre at 1rishna3s death while Satya&hama chose not death but ascetism and life as a recluse. @>There is, however, no mention of immolation by the wives of other Pandavas or by the widows of the 1auravas, who were slain in the battle of 1uru4shetra. :either did the wives of (&himanyu, .hatot4acha and Drona burn themselves.@3 It has been argued that these references to sati are late interpolations. =ne other argument put forward in connection with the 'aha&harata is that -yasa who is said to have composed the original story, was a great advocate of female sacrifice .@* &i"e the 'aha&harata, the ,amayana too has different versions. =ne view holds that sati is not mentioned in the original epic. In the 5ttara4anda/6 we find -edavati3s mother becoming a sati7 but this story is more legendary than historical. In the original "ernel of the epic, we find that when ,avana, by means of his magic, raised before the eyes of Sita the illusion of the fall of ,ama, she e7pressed the wish to be burnt along with her husband. This passage is also probably a later interpolation, for none of the wives of Dasaratha or ,avana are represented in the epic as accompanying their husbands on the funeral pyre. 0<

THE EARLIER SMRITIS , DHARMA-SHASTRAS AND OTHER ANCIENT TEXTS:

The dharma-shastras seem to hold contradictory views on sati. 'anusmriti28, written at before the dawn of the Bhristian era, is entirely silent about sati.20 This is despite the fact that the 'anusmriti has been critici2ed for adopting a rigid and chauvinistic attitude towards women and lower castes. In fact, 'anu suggests that a widow may if she chooses, emaciate her body by subsisting on flowers, roots and fruits , and declares that if she stayed virtuous and celibate, she would go to heaven even if she were sonless. 0@ %autilya5s (rthashastra, another important te7t of the pre.Bhristian era, written during the 1auryan age, recogni2ed both niyoga and widow remarriage. %autilya, in fact, forbade
@0 @C

:amely 6eva"i, /hadra, 4ohini and 1adira. Supra note )@, at page >+>. @> Supra note )<, at page +@. @3 Supra note +3 , at page )C. @* Supra note )<, at page +C. @, 9 chapter in the epic. 0< Supra note )0, at page )+). 0) 1anu is considered the foremost lawgiver in the Hindu tradition and his wor" formed the base for the law codes of later times. If the practice of widow immolation had been prevalent in his time, he would have surely made a mention of it. 0+ Supra note )@, at page >+>. 0@ Supra note )<, at page +C.

)) SATI
condoned it.00

THE HISTORY OF

suicide of any "ind overtly and suggested stringent punishment for those who attempted or The son of a remarried widow, called a punarbhu , is mentioned by some writers li"e 9arada and Parasara, and from this it is possible to infer that even in times long after %autilya, sati was not a general practice.
0C

The /uddhist tradition, which came to prominence in the C th century /.B., increasingly emphasi2ed on ascetism and branded women as temptation incarnate. The :ata4a !ales, for instance, portray the demorali2ing influence of women. 0> However, the /uddhist literature is unaware of the custom of sati. The great Sa4ya sage, who opposed sacrifice of dumb animals to Eod, would certainly have been e7asperated by a custom of burning human beings alive and would have started a vehement crusade against it? if the custom had e7isted. 03 9lso, 'udging by the large number of Gain widows who became nuns, it is evident that although some might have become satis, this was not the prevailing custom.0* Thus, we can conclude from the available evidence that till around the dawn of the Bhristian era, sati was not prevalent even among the 1shatriyas, who practiced widow burning much before the other classes too" to it in imitation.

THE LATER SMRITIS AND DHARMA-SHASTRAS:

9s we proceed chronologically from the earliest "nown sources to the medieval period, we can observe a steady shift in the attitude to women down the agesHinitially, they were allowed remarriage? then celibacy was en'oined? later, celibacy and immolation were mentioned as alternatives? then, immolation became the more sanctimonious alternative and finally, there was an outright glorification of widow immolation. !ven after the dawn of the Bhristian era, between the first and third century 9.6., ;ajnaval4yasmriti mentions a widow as the first heir of a sonless man? there is no mention of widow immolation.0, The -ishnusmriti ()<< 9.6.- thin"s the custom to be not illogical? it advanced the vies that in spite of diversity of 1arman, a widow can, though other relations cannot, go the way of the departed soul by dying after him. C< However, it does not mention it as a religious duty . Still, it is one of the first te7ts to mention widow immolationH9fter
00 0C

Supra note )<, at page +C. Supra note )<, at page +3. 0> Supra note )<, at page +>. 03 Supra note )0, at page )),. 0* Supra note +3, at page )3. 0, Supra note )0, at page )++. C< Supra note )0, at page )++.

)+ SATI

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C)

the death of the husband, a woman had to preserve her chastity or ascend the funeral pyre.

:arada, writing around the same period, also mentions about widow immolation, but 8ualifies it by adding that a widow should not immolate herself if she has young children or if she is pregnant.C+ /ut both the commentators consider immolation only as a secondary alternative to lifelong celibacy. However, from the time of the of the Eupta period (0<< to ><< 9.6.-, clear references to sati can be observed in the various writings, such as those of *rihaspati, Parasara and the author of (gnipurana.</ The Hitopdesha, a collection of stories dating to the early first millennium 9.6., glorifies the act of becoming a sati with the theory that it ensures for the wife and the husband an eternity of living together after death. C0 The Parasarasmriti, another ma'or te7t, offers three different points of view and is an interesting e7ample of how amendments to the te7t over a period of time in "eeping with the changing attitudes, were made for confusion and contradiction. =ne view advocates remarriage while another decrees a life of chastity for the widow in order to attain heaven. The third view, presumed to be yet another later edition reads thus; Gust as a sna"e charmer draws out a sna"e from a hole, similarly a woman who burns herself draws her husband out to en'oy heavenly bliss with him.
CC

These three statements span the changing attitudes towards women. Instances of widow burning are said to have proliferated in the early years of the si7th to seventh centuries due to the political and social uncertainties. C> Women began to be secluded to protect them and as an e7tension of this reasoning, immolation came to be loo"ed upon as a solution, so as to protect the honour of the women endangered due to the rising rape and abduction. C3 Harita reflected the pervading attitudes of the times in his unambiguous pronouncement; She, who dies when he dies, is a good and loyal wife.
C*

C) C+

Supra note )<, at page +>. Supra note )<, at page +*. C@ Supra note )0, at page )+@. C0 Supra note +3, at page )>. The act is described in various te7ts as sahamarana (dying together-, sahagamana (going together- and anuvarohana (ascending the pyre-. CC Supra note )<, at page +,. =ne other oft.8uoted verse is; She who follows her husband will abide in heaven for three and a half crore years, i.e., as many as the number of hairs on a human body. C> Supra note )<, at page +*. C3 Supra note )<, at page +*. C* Supra note ++, at page @+. He also added; the woman who follows her husband in death purifies three families, vi ., of her mother, of her father, and of her husband.

)@ SATI

THE HISTORY OF

The !aittiriya samhita, 8uoted in the 9arayaniya 5panishad contains a verse addressed to (gni (fire god-C,, to give courage to the widow who wants to immolate herself on her deceased husband5s funeral pyre.>< This verse is read in con'unction with a verse >) from the *rahmapurana, to assert that the $edas sanctioned sahamarana (dying together-.>+ Bommenting on the 8uotations from the 9arayaniya 5panishad, the Sans"rit scholar, H.H. Wilson adds the caveat that the 5panishads are of varying dates and not une8uivocal . >@ 'ita4shara, a commentary on ;ajnval4yasmriti, declares that the duty of anvarohana+ was common to all women from all castes from /rahamans to BhandalaHprovided they are not pregnant or having young children.>0 The .aruda-Purana and the Padma-Purana also portray the custom of widow immolation in good light. >C !ven classic Sans"rit literature, including the celebrated play 'ritcha4ati4a, made references on immolation. Finally, the latest wor"s on Dharma-Shastras such as 9irnaysindhu and Dharmasindhu, as well as (ngirasa, approve of widow immolation, may be due to the political and social turbulence prevalent at the time due to the 1ughal invasion. >>

HISTORICAL SATIS AND EVIDENCES THROUGH INSCRIPTION:

The earliest historical instance of Sati is that of the wife of the Hindu general %eteus, who died in @)> /.B. while fighting against 9ntigonos. 9lthough both his wives were an7ious to ascend the pyre, only the younger one was allowed to as the elder one was with child. >3 To turn to historic cases of the Bhristian era, we find that the wife of general Eopara'a, who fell in C)< 9.6. while fighting for his country against the Hunas, immolated herself on her husband5s funeral pyre.>* In ><> 9.6., Iueen Jashomati, the mother of %ing Harsha, chose to predecease her husband by committing herself to flames, when it was declared that there was no chance of her husband5s recovery. The famous Sans"rit scholar /ana has described this instance in his Harshacharita.=6 In his other wor", 1adam&ari, /ana has severely
C,

= 9gni, I will observe the vow of following my husband. 6o thou enable me to accomplish meKto gain the heavenly mansion I enter into theeHinspire me with courage and ta"e me to my lordK.. >< Supra note ), at page +,. >) ,ig-veda vadat saadh)i stree na &havedamaghtinee, meaning, The loyal wife who burns herself shall not be deemed a suicide. >+ Supra note )<, at page @<. >@ Supra note ++, at page @@. >0 Supra note )0, at page )+@. >C Supra note )@, at page >+*. >> Supra note )<, at page @3. >3 Supra note )0, at page )++. >* Supra note +3, at page )*. >, Supra note )<, at page @<.

)0 SATI

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critici2ed the custom. 9t abut this time, a :epalese 8ueen, named 4a'yavati, is also seen becoming a sati.>? 6uring the period 3<<.))<< 9.6., Satis became more fre8uent in northern India and 8uite common in %ashmir. The history of %ashmir during this period teems with the cases of satis in royal family. The wives of %ings Dchchala, %alasa and Dt"arsha, immolated themselves on their husband5s funeral pyres. 4ecord of this is present in 1alhana3s ,ajatarangani.3) In the stories of the 1athasaritsagar>0, the custom of sati is 8uite common. Inscriptions from the peninsular region refer to women becoming satis when their husbands died in the battles fought between and among the Hindu rulers such as the Bhalu"yas, Jadavas and Hoysalas, in the period from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries. 3@ In the e7treme south, sati was more an e7ception than a rule down to )<<< 9.6. The 8ueen of only "ing /huta #andya of the Sangam age is "nown to have followed the custom. 9mong the members of the #allava, the Bhola and the #andya ruling families, so well "nown to us from numerous inscriptions, we do not come across any cases of Sati down to ,<< 9.6.30

6espite references in various writings, it is strange that only a few epigraphical records from :orthern India of this period should be referring to the actual cases of the sati. !ven in 4a'putana, which later became the stronghold of sati custom, only a few epigraphs refer to it. The earliest among these is that of the mother of the #hahamana "ing Bhandamahasena, who became a sati in *0+ 9.6. the custom became firmly rooted in this region at around )+<< 9.6. When 4a'a 9'itsingh of 1arwar died in )3+0, >0 women mounted his funeral pyre.3C The Si"hs, who5s Eurus condemned the custom, began following it once they became a warrior community, as they did not want to lag behind the 4a'puts in following the time. honoured martial traditions. So, when 4a'a 4an'itsingh died, four 8ueens and seven concubines ascended his funeral pyre.3> !ven the 1aratha ruling families, who claimed 4a'put descent, could not remain immune from the influence of the custom. When

3< 3)

Supra note )0, at page )+@. Supra note )0, at page )+3. 3+ Which was written in ))<< 9.6. in %ashmir. 3@ Supra note +3, at page )>. 30 Supra note )0, at page )+*. 3C Supra note )0, at page )@). 3> Supra note )0, at page )@+.

)C SATI

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Shiva'i died, only one of his wives became a Sati. 9mong the members of the #eshwa family, only 4amabai, the widow of 1adhavrao I, became a sati.>> SATI STONES:
9nother indication of the e7istence of satis is the sati memorial stones. Their location and chronology have provided a new insight into the history of these areas. Some of these areas were sub'ect to raids by "ingdoms in the vicinity, contesting this territory. They occur in the same locality as the hero.stones which commemorated death in the course of a heroic act. They have a standard set of symbols; the sun and the moon indicating eternity? an upright, open, right arm and hand, bent at the elbow and clearly showing bangles intact 3*? a lime held in the hand to ward off evil.3,

SATI UNDER THE MUSLIMS:

The 1uslim rulers, as a general rule did not li"e the custom of sati. Humayun wanted to prohibit it in the case of the widows, who had passed the child.bearing age. In the ++ nd year of his reign, 9"bar translated his opposition to the custom into action by appointing inspectors to see that no force was used to compel widows to burn themselves against their will. 9s a conse8uence, satis became rare phenomena in the territories contiguous to 9gra. *< In the case of Gaimal, one of 9"bar5s officers, his son wanted to forcibly immolate his mother? she was eventually saved only by the intervention of 9"bar. This account can be found in the (4&arnama.@8 These instances are important, as many people believe that it was due to the 1uslim invasion during the medieval period that the sati custom was revived.

SATI AS KNOWN FROM THE ACCOUNTS OF THE FOREIGNERS:

The travelogues of the foreigners are as important historical sources as our scriptures and te7ts. They give us a deep insight into the prevailing custom of sati. 1edieval travelers record many cases of sati where force was e7ercised, and their accounts must be true in some cases. 1anucci tells us that %shatriya women were burnt even against their wishes. :icoli Bonti informs us that financial pressure was often e7ercised, the widow being informed that she would lose her right to Stridhana, if she decided to survive. /ernier
33 3*

Supra note )0, at page )@+. 9 woman5s bangles being bro"en when she is widowed, the bangles being intact would be an indication of her continuing marital status. 3, Supra note +3, at page )>. *< Supra note )0, at page )@@. *) Supra note )0, at page )@C.

)> SATI

THE HISTORY OF

has narrated the pathetic case of a child widow of )+ being burnt against her will at &ahore. Tavernier, a )3th century traveler , narrates how a widow of ++ went to the Eoverner of #atna to get his permission, and how she held her hand in the flame of a torch till it was burnt to cinders in order to convince the officer that she was a willing party, and was not afraid of the fire. Ibn /atuta, a )0th century traveler, tells us how he fainted to see the unbelievable courage of a dauntless widow, who gleefully embraced the devouring flames of the funeral pyre. #ietro della $alle*+ was also impressed by the courage of the average sati.@/ In this manner, the sati custom was prevalent in the Hindu civili2ation. It obtained the status of a well recogni2ed and commendable practice in Hinduism. This was the reason why sati, which was restricted to only the warrior %shatriya classes to start with, slowly but steadily spread in the /rahamana community as well, by )<<< 9.6., as they did not want to be outdistanced by the %shatriyas, as the were accustomed to pride themselves on following the most ascetic and self.denying mode of life. *0 !ven the wealthy traders too" to this practice in the eighteenth century, in order to enhance their social and political power. *C

*+

He said; If I "new of a lady about to become a sati, I will not fail to go and see her and honour by my presence her funeral with that compassionate affection, which such a great con'ugal fidelity and love seem to deserve K(as cited from 9lte"ar-. *@ Supra note )0, at pages )@C.)@>. *0 Supra note )0, at page )+,. *C Supra note +3, at page )3.

)3 SATI

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CHAPTER

: SATI!WHAT LIES BENEATH"

In almost all cultures and ages, over e7tended periods in time, disdain for the female has mar"ed social attitudes in general. 1ost laws, religious practices and secular customs have mirrored this outloo" that condemns women to a lowly status. /y and large, this has been the case in the Hindu conte7t also. 4eferences are available in plenty from the time of the earliest of the ancient te7ts, to illustrate how women were denigrated and held worthy of only contempt. 1orally and intellectually, women were held to be inferior and wea". They were not permitted to study the -edas7 and marriage and motherhood were their only goals. 9 girl5s upbringing was patterned entirely around the concept of Pativrata, right from birth. For the ideal woman, there could be no e7istence apart from that of the husband. *> Treatise after treatise, in Sans"rit and in other languages eulogi2es the wife who relegates herself to the bac"ground and puts herself last, in matters large and small. *3 The husband had natural propriety rights over the wife.** The whole situation was summed up by 'anu3s declaration as follows; 9 wife5s marital duty does not come to an end even if the husband were to sell or abandon her.
*,

9s loyalty, chastity, and devotion in a woman assumed such an overriding emphasis, it followed that her e7istence lost its rationale once the husband was dead. Widowhood, therefore, came to be seen as the worst calamity that could ever befall a woman.

STATUS OF THE WIDOWS:

Widowhood, for Indian women, was seen as the ultimate degradation because it practically invalidated her continued e7istence. Widows in Indian culture have had to bear the burden of social opprobrium of horrendous dimensions, through every period in history. Widows were considered inauspicious, barred from festivities and forbidden all comforts and pleasures. #rescriptions, often reiterated, for the proper conduct of a widow included instructions that she should not eat more than one very plain meal a day, that she should perform the most menial tas"s, never sleep in a bed, leave the house only to go to the temple, "eep out of sight at festivals, wear nothing but the drabbest clothes, and of course, no 'ewelry. #erhaps, most humiliating of all for a high.born lady was having her head shaved
*>

Sa"untala :arasimhan, Sati: ( Study of "ido) *urning in %ndia (:ew 6elhi; HarperBollins #ublishers India, ),,*- 0>. *3 %&id. at page 03. ** 9.S. 9lte"ar, !he Position of "omen in Hindu #ivili ation (+nd edn., 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass #ublishers #rivate &imited, ),,,- )<3. *, Supra note *>, at page C<.

)* SATI

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monthly by an untouchable ale barber. ,< 9ll this was held to be necessary for the sa"e of her husband5s soul and to "eep herself from being reborn as a female animal . ,) 9ll this was due to the fact that the death of the husband was construed as punishment for the sins committed in a previous birth? in order to atone for those sins and ensure that she would not suffer widowhood in her ne7t birth, the unfortunate woman had to perform all "inds of austerities and flagellations prescribed for her. ,+ To add insult to in'ury, the denial of all "inds of adornments for widows was sought to be 'ustified as in their own interest Hif widows loo"ed attractive, they would become the victims of men and go astray? and that would mean dishonour to the family. ,@ Widows were not allowed to remarry. They were forbidden to turn to religious learning? as social outcastes they could not immerse themselves in 'obs or interests outside the home. With nothing to do, if the future stretched out blea" and barren, the fiery pile assumed, in comparison, if not an attraction then at least a semblance of an escape hatch, with the possibility of religious merit thrown in as a bonus. ,0 Dnder these drastic circumstances, it was obvious that widows chose death over a miserable life. Shan"aracharya of #uri said; 9ccording to Hindu Shastras and $edas, the only choice before the widow is to suffer throughout her life or to commit sati? out of the two, sati is a better way out because the agony of burning would be short.lived, compared with the agony of lifelong widowhood.
,C

9nother reason for the deplorable condition of the widows was the prevalence of a patriarchal society, which denied women the identity of her own. The notion of bride.price, for e7ample, can suggest in some situations the purchase of a woman, the logical termination of which may have been the re8uirement of her dying together with her husband, although this is not typical of bride.price ,>. #erhaps, a more acceptable e7planation may relate to societies changing their systems of "inship and inheritance. In some circumstances, the wife would be an alien in the early stages of change. Bontrol over female se7uality would be a further reason. The practice may have originated among societies in flu7 and become
,<

6orothy %. Stein, Women to /urn; Suttee as a :ormative Institution , Signs, $ol.0, :o.+ (Winter, ),3*-, pages +C@.+>* as cited from http;LLlin"s.'stor.orgLLsiciAsiciM<<,3. ,30<N+*),3*+0N+,0N@9+N@B+C@N@9WT/S99N@!+.<.B=N@/+.+ ,) %d. ,+ Supra note **. ,@ Supra note *>, at page >>. ,0 Supra note *>, at page >3. ,C Supra note *>, at page >3. ,> 4omila Thapar, Sati in History , @0+, Seminar (),**- at )C.

), SATI

THE HISTORY OF

customary among those holding property such as the families of chiefs and %shatriyas. =nce it was established as a custom associated with the %shatriyas, it would continue to be so among those claiming %shatriya status as well. ,3 =ne e7ample is the oft.8uoted inscription of the eleventh century referring to a shudra woman whose husband died in battle against the Eanga ruler, and who, in spite of the opposition from her parents, became a sati. Her husband held a high military position under the Bhola control. Her insistence may have been occasioned, among other things, by the wish to establish status. The custom it would seem was prevalent at this time among those who held high administrative and military positions generally associated with %shatriyas. Therefore, it is li"ely that members of lower castes holding similar positions emulated the style of the %shatriyas. ,* Deification of the woman was another incentive to becoming a sati. It was said that a woman who burnt herself on her husband5s funeral pyre would dwell in heaven for as many years as there are hairs on the human body and will dwell with her husband served by apsaras.,, It was said that her act would purify of all sins, not only her husband but also her parents and of course herself. The inclusion of her parents was a shrewd move appealing to her filial emotions. The ultimate threat is that if she does not burn, she will be reborn as a woman in many successive births.)<< 6eification was a compensation for suicide and acted as an incentive as well as an attempt to ta"e the act onto another plane, where mundane considerations would not apply. 9nother reason for the rise of the custom of sati in the early centuries of the post.Bhristian era is the change in the propriety rights of the women. In the $edic times, the women were not allowed to hold property, although their position was much better compared to later times. /ut, in the later period, when the practices of niyoga and widow remarriage were abolished, and the marriageable age of the girls was drastically reduced, society had to devise an honorable means to enable the widow to maintain herself.
)<)

9s already stated earlier, the

;ajnaval4yasmriti mentions widow as the first heir of a sonless man. Dnder the 6ayabhaga)<+ system of inheritance, a widow was entitled to inherit the property of the deceased husband, overriding the claims of his other relatives. The entire property of a
,3 ,*

%d. Supra note ,>. ,, 9rvind Sharma, Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays (6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass #ublishers #rivate &imited, +<<)-. )<< %d. )<) Supra note **, at page @C+. )<+ =ne of the two standard authorities for Hindus on the division of property among heirs.

+< SATI

THE HISTORY OF

man dying without sons went to his widow who became as much a coparcener as the male. )<@ In addition, under the 6ayabhaga law, a widow could not gift away her property or sell or mortgage it? which meant she could not distribute it to the /rahmins for performing rites to ensure her husband5s passage to heaven. This led to the pre'udice in the minds of the relatives against the widow. This must have fre8uently induced the surviving members of the Hindu 'oint family to get rid of the widow by appealing at a most distressing hour to her devotion to and love for her husband. )<0 The large number of cases of widow immolation in /engal, where this system was prevalent, supports this viewpoint. This can be contrasted with areas li"e /enares, where under the prevailing 'ita4shara law, the rights of the widow were limited and amounted to no more than a lifetime maintenance. Dnder the circumstances, the relatives did not stand to gain much through her death. )<C Hence, there were very few instances of widow immolation in this area. There is a further aspect of the inheritance issue that standard e7planations in terms of 6ayabhaga and 'ita4shara laws have not ta"en into account. !ven under the 'ita4shara law, the widow got the husband5s property if he happened to be separated from his co.heirs and did not have sonsHthat is, whatever protection the 'ita4shara offered the widow against avaricious instigations to immolate herself held good only as long as the 'oint family system remained intact. With the erosion of this lifestyle in the face of increasing e7posure to the alien ethos of the invaders, even this dubious protection was whittled away. )<> 9nother prevalent view is that it was necessitated by the 1uslim invasions when upper caste Hindu women resorted to it to defend their honour from 1uslim marauders. )<3 Thus, we can infer that the approval of the notion of a woman ceasing to e7ist on the death of her husband is part of a wider canvas of social attitudes towards women and the triviali2ation of their lives, as well as certain economic factors, religious pressure, education and male chauvinism.

CHAPTER #: SATI$PUJA IN THE MARWARI COMMUNITY

)<@ )<0

Supra note *>, at page *). #.$. %ane, History of Dharmasastras$ol. II, #art I (#oona; /handar"ar =riental 4esearch Institute, ),30- at >+*. )<C Supra note *>, at page *). )<> Supra note *>, at page *@. )<3 Supra note ,>, at page )C.

+) SATI

THE HISTORY OF

The She"hawati region, which lies close to Gaipur district and consists og the Ghun'hunu and Si"ar districts, has in the post.independence period witnessed a deliberate and organi2ed effort to revive the practice of widow immolation. What is notable is that during neither the medieval nor the colonial period was this region particularly "nown for this practice. )<* 1ost 1arwari families come from the districts of Ghun'hunu and Si"ar districts. 1arwaris are typically described as comprised of a large number of e7tended family lineages from the communities of 9garwal, 1aheshwari and =swal, all originally from 4a'asthan but now spread all over India. The 1arwari temples, for the glorification of their 4ani Sati+ lineage Eoddess are among the wealthiest temples in India. However, many 1arwaris maintain that the worship of sati has nothing to do with actual widow sacrifice and assert that sati worship is an essential part of their religion, tradition and cultural identity. )<, The temple was built in ),@>. 9ccording to popular community legend, on one day about si7 hundred years ago, a fourteen. year old Hindu bride named :arayani 6evi was coming home for the first time with her husband, a member of the :alan lineage, 'ust after their marriage. 1uslim invaders suddenly attac"ed her husband and his companions, brutally "illing them. =nly :arayani 6evi, and her loyal 1uslim servant 4ana survived the attac". 9ccording to the story, :arayani 6evi then bravely burned herself t death by spontaneously bursting into flames to avoid being captured and "idnapped by these invaders. The servant 4nan, following her instructions, built a temple for her after her death, depositing and burying the ashes where the horse carrying them had stopped. This formed the site of the current 4ani Sati temple.))< This myth appropriates many cultural values associated with the 4a'puts, a traditional warrior class, including the importance placed on the 4uldevi888 tradition. /y "illing herself, therby avoiding her capture and rape by the invaders, :arayani 6evi maintained the boundary lines of the community. She is often referred to 6adi'i , which means respected grandmother and the ostensible matriarch of a longer e7tended lineage. ))+ The worship of 4ani Sati occurs overwhelmingly in public temples, along with the entire community. 4ani Sati has become a public symbol of a community.identified goddess who reflects particular ideals of domesticity and gender roles
)<* )<,

Sudesh $aid, #olitics of Widow Immolation , @0+, Seminar (),**-, at page +<. %&id. at page +). ))< 9nne Hardgrove, Sati Worship and 1arwari #ublic Identity in India , !he :ournal of (sian Studies, $ol.C*, :o.@ (9ug., ),,,-, pages 3+@.3C+, as sourced from http;LLlin".'stor.orgLsiciAsiciM<<+). ,))*N+*),,,<*N+,C*N@9@N@B3+@N@9SW91#IN@!+.<.B=N@/+.%. ))) Family deity. ))+ Supra note ))<.

++ SATI
to its businesses.

THE HISTORY OF

which are valued in the 1arwari community, which is traditionally patriarchal in nature due The figure of the sati, reflecting the devoted widow, reflects the self.sacrificing nature which 1arwari women are supposed to embody, in their maintenance of the e7tended family and indeed, of the entire 4ul.88/ 9 sati, in this sense, serves as a powerful symbol of a woman, who sustains family, lineage and domestic virtues. /y worshipping their lineage goddess 4ani Sati, 1arwaris are asserting an ideal of wifely virtue in the public sphere that emphasi2es the values of women5s fidelity, self.sacrifice and service to family. In order to understand the cultural and historical meaning of sati-puja, it is important to loo" at the social status and practices of 1arwari women inside "inship structures and the community generally. 1ost of the 1arwari women are housewives, and do not pursue a career outside of the home. 9lthough, they have increasingly obtained higher levels of education and become active in public sphere, they do not get attached to what Indians call as service traditions. In this way, they do not compromise the family5s reputation by wor"ing for others, which would suggest that the family suffers from financial hardship.))0 The managing committee of the 4ani Sati temple trust, located in Balcutta, has established many temples all over India. /ut the one at Ghun'hunu still holds an important historical and cultural sanctity for the 1arwaris. While some read the 1arwari practice of sati worship as a rationali2ation or 'ustification of widow immolation, for the 1arwaris, sati has become a prescriptive definition of wifely devotion to husband, family and the 4ul. 9 parallel could be made here with the Bhristians, who venerate martyrs but do not promote martyrdom as a religious practice. 9 1arwari woman can become sati-li"e, without actually becoming a sati. 9lthough a typically patriarchal tradition, the sati-worship has given the 1arwaris an identity as a community, despite their history of migration from one place to another.

CONCLUSION
The history of sati has been e7amined in this term paper. The reasons for its rise and prevalence have also been considered. It has been discovered that the notion of sati as a
))@ ))0

Supra note ))<. Supra note ))<.

+@ SATI

THE HISTORY OF

custom has not been sanctioned by the smritis or other te7ts of the ancient period , but references to it are available in the later te7ts. 9lso, the earliest recorded instances of sati is to be found only in the post.Bhristian era. These facts prove that sati as a religious custom stemmed only very late in India. The main factors for the rise of the custom were not purely spiritual or religious, but the social, political and economic factors also played a ma'or role. To achieve their unscrupulous ends, the leaders of the patriarchal society as well as the writers of the time, made many interpolations in the ancient te7ts and advocated the custom in the medieval te7ts so as to legitimi2e this horrendous and barbaric practice. The verses in the $edic te7ts were misinterpreted so as to forge the scriptural sanction for the custom. The custom also gained a strong foothold due to vested interests of certain powerful people to remove a potential inheritor form the way. The point to be noted is that the same te7ts, which the defenders of sati used to legitimi2e the practice, also advocate certain moral code of conducts to be practiced by the widow. This is parado7ical, and it goes on to show that sati was not a compulsory course of action to be followed by every Hindu widow, but was a purely voluntary one. However, the propriety and other interests li"e protection of honour of the family lest the widow go astray, tried and succeeded to some e7tent in ma"ing immolation the better alternative for the widow. However, it does not mean that all instances of sati were involuntary and unauthentic. In fact, there are several instances to be found where the sati was committed out of a feeling of true devotion and love. Some of them were even committed to protect their honour and chastity from the various invaders, especially the 1uslims. Finally, the worship of satis and they being accorded the status of heroes goes on to show that the people really were awe.stric"en by this very courageous act of self.immolation. #eople also see" to identify the characteristics of an ideal women in the satis and thereby, see" their salvation from the worship of the Eoddess. #robably, this is the reason as to why even after more than )>< years of its abolition by the /ritish, we still find cases of widow immolation, li"e the one of 4oop %anwar.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
ARTICLES:

+0 SATI

THE HISTORY OF

a- 9nne Hardgrove, Sati Worship and 1arwari #ublic Identity in India , !he :ournal of (sian Studies, $ol.C*, :o.@ (9ug., ),,,-, pages 3+@.3C+, as sourced from http;LLlin".'stor.orgLsiciAsiciM<<+). ,))*N+*),,,<*N+,C*N@9@N@B3+@N@9SW91#IN@!+.<.B=N@/+.%. b- 6orothy %. Stein, Women to /urn; Suttee as a :ormative Institution , Signs, $ol.0, :o.+ (Winter, ),3*-, pages +C@.+>* as cited from http;LLlin"s.'stor.orgLLsiciAsiciM<<,3. ,30<N+*),3*+0N+,0N@9+N@B+C@N@9WT/S99N@!+.<.B=N@/+.+ . c- 4omila Thapar, Sati; In History , @0+, Seminar (),**-. d- Sudesh $aid, #olitics of Widow Immolation , @0+, Seminar (),**-.

BOOKS: a- 9.S. 9lte"ar, !he Position of "omen in Hindu #ivili ation (+nd edn., 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass #ublishers #rivate &imited, ),,,b- 9rvind Sharma, Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays (:ew 6elhi; 1otilal /anarsidass, +<<)c- %um"um 4oy, "omen in Early %ndian Societies (:ew 6elhi; 1anohar #ublishers, +<<)d- #.$. %ane, History of Dharmasastras$ol. II, #art I (#oona; /handar"ar =riental 4esearch Institute, ),30-. e- Sa"untala :arasimhan, Sati: ( Study of "ido) *urning in %ndia (:ew 6elhi; HarperBollins #ublishers India, ),,*-