Citation: Juan S. Larrosa-Fuentes. (2012).

Desconcentrar y descentralizar un sistema de comunicacin local: una propuesta para fortalecer el desarrollo de la opinin pblica en Mxico. In Premio Nacional de Investigacin Social y Opinin Pblica 2011 (pp. 291314). Mxico: Centro de Estudios Sociales y de Opinin Pblica. Retrieved from http://goo.gl/Pc5gZ

Dispersal and Decentralization of a Local Communication Network: A Proposal to Strengthen the Development of Public Opinion in Mexico By Juan S. Larrosa-Fuentes In a constitutional and representative democracy the State has the obligation of converting itself into a structure that facilitates the materialization of the agreements and values of a society. In this process, public opinion plays a fundamental role in the construction of a diverse public sphere. Various studies have shown that societies that have favored proper conditions for the development of a powerful public sphere have had more success in their democratic incursions. This is opposed to those that have weak public spheres where breeding grounds for authoritative regimens and scarce democratic values are generated (Castells, 2010: 216-217; Garca Canclini, 2006: 12; Gerbner et. al., 1994). Within this context, mass media (film, press, radio, television) and recently internet communication are some of the tools for the construction of public opinion in many countries around the world. From this stems a fundamental premise on which this work is based: the States that look to constitute and acknowledge the diversity of their citizens public opinion should guarantee, among other things, a communication network that allows for the development of a public sphere in which its participants are (more or less) equally able to participate in it. This essay is the fruit of many investigations carried out over a four year period through a media observatory (Larrosa, 2011a; Larrosa, 2011b; Quid: observatorio de

medios, 2008, 2009, 2010). 1 Its objective is to show, through a study of a local communication network (case study), some of the weaknesses of the Mexican communication network that have prevented the construction of a public sphere in which a public that participates in democratic life can develop. The second objective is to outline a series of proposals to transform the legal framework that regulates the media in Mexico by implementing specific public policies. In order to reach this objective, the essay is divided into three parts: the first constructs a brief theoretical framework to observe the relationships between the concept of public opinion and the political economy of communication and culture; the second section is dedicated to developing the case description of a local communication network; and the third part contains proposals for legislation and public policies for the transformation of the Mexican communication network, as well as the general conclusions of this project. Concentration and Centralization of Communication Networks Since the 1970s, the political economy of communication and culture has been an important field of social research in discovering the formation and development of massive communication networks in different countries around the world. Of course, this field of research does not include all the aspects by which media can be studied, but it has however constituted a fundamental branch for understanding massive communication as a cultural industry. This industry is generally formed by private companies, although there are also State or public ones, whose principal function is to commercialize and reproduce multiple forms of information and interaction. The study of mass communication networks operating in a capitalistic and globalized economy structure, and under regimens that are more or less standardized in liberal democracies, is of great importance in understanding contemporary societies. It helps to unravel and clear up some of the balances and imbalances of power that allow for certain social structuring (Murdock, 2002). In this context, the political economy has
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1

Quid: Observatorio de Medios (Media Observatory). Project from the ITESO University in Guadalajara. For more information visit the following website: http://quidmedios.wordpress.com/about/.

proposed to study, among other things, the ownership structure of the media (the number of mediums that make up a network, how big they are or the relationships established between them), describe the economic nature of these cultural industries, and analyze how their structure and nature influence the production of media content (Becerra and Mastrini, 2002; McChesney, 1998; Gmez and Snchez, 2009; Mosco, 2006; Richieri, 2008; Snchez, 1992). The concepts of centralization and concentration of a media network, seen from the political economy, are a fundamental part of the argumentative logic of this essay. Centralization refers to the process of geographic unification of cultural industries in the large urban capitals, detrimental to the development of localized industries in cities with medium or small populations. This causes the smaller cities to be culturally dependent on the media production of the larger ones. (Snchez Ruiz, 1987: 14).2 Concentration refers to the tendency or the possibility of the ownership structure of a communication network to be concentrated among few businessmen or players. The tendency towards concentration and centralization of communication networks has not only been recognized on a theoretical level but it has also been proven by various academic studies during the past forty years. For example in the 1980s, and at the time of the foundation of UNESCO, the MacBride Report was published. This was a diagnosis of the worlds communication networks during the past three decades and in it, the tendencies of concentration and centralization in cultural industries were already being recognized (McBride, 1993: 236).

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2

Centralization is related to the hierarchical structuring of a society by virtue of the concentration of power (economic, political, cultural, informative, as will be seen further on). The more centralized a system is, the more the decisions made and actions taken in the center(s) of power tend to directly, and frequently immediately, effect a large number of elements and subsystems. This is caused by unequal access and differential control of power resources. Centralization reduces the autonomy and self-sufficiency of the units and subsystems at the lower levels of the hierarchy. This does not mean that they do not have vital decision making processes, but that such decisions (and subsequent actions) tend to have a minimal or nonexistent effect on the highest level subsystems and/or the system as a whole. (Snchez Ruiz, 1987: 14).

In his book, Comunicacin y poder (Communication Power), Manuel Castells provides an interesting stance on the matter of the processes of concentration in cultural industries all over the world, particularly in the United States. The book shows for example, that in 1996 there were more than 10,000 commercial radio stations in this country. However, after a legal reform that permitted the concentration of ownership, that number was reduced to 700 (Castells, 2010: 96). As Castells himself has well explained, these economic phenomena that can be verified in cultural industries are part of the economic globalization process. They are also part of an extraordinary development of communicative technologies, or of what the Catalan author has called the creation of a network society. This new society demands the implementation of an open and global communication network conformed of multiple national communication networks. A network of this nature would not be possible on the basis of closed communication networks. During the last two decades this has provoked the implementing of liberalization and deregulation processes in the communication networks. However, at the same time these processes have opened and connected the world, and have affected the independence and autonomy of the most delicate communication networks, due to intense processes of concentration and centralization (McChesney, 1998: 1). The damages to democratic societies that are caused by the processes of concentration and centralization are very exact. The first of them is that concentration and centralization limit, and in some cases eliminate, the plurality of the public space. When the number of communication companies is reduced, the possibilities of including diverse points of view are also decreased. It has been widely studied that the media is a fundamental and in some cases definitive player in the formation of public opinion (Nelle-Neumann, 1995; McCombs, 2006). This is why a decrease in voices (in political terms) or players (in economic terms), reduces the diversity of the public sphere (Garca Canclini, 2006: 12):

Political pluralism is the need, in accordance with the interests of the citizens, of counting on a collection of opinions represented in the media. The connection between ownership and the potential influence of the media, the greatest challenge to pluralism, should represent the main focus of all those who promote it. Its mission would be to ensure that the media allows for the expression of a group of political opinions and not only those that pertain to the interests of the owners (Becerra y Mastrini, [unknown]). On the other hand, concentration and centralization of cultural industries also have effects on a societys cultural reproduction, as global or transnational culture tends to erode the local cultural (re) production. This can be clearly observed in the audiovisual industry, as will be shown later, where radio and television programming tend to be produced in a few countries (particularly the United States), undermining local production. Precisely along this line of thought, Becerra and Mastrini (unknown) clearly show the relations between economy and culture, very much overlooked by the neoclassic economic stances: The economic characteristics of the cultural industry should be complemented by the social and political mark of symbolic production. This means that its products not only have a production cost and an exchange value on the market, but also a significant role in the formation of political and cultural identities. From our prospective, and especially since the transformations of the sector in the last twenty years, both issues should be considered together. Under these circumstances, States should be very careful and responsible with the tasks of creating legislation and generating public policies concerning their cultural industries. On one hand they should look for a political and economic structure that allows them to incorporate themselves into the global communication network, and on the other, they have the task of ensuring autonomy and independence regarding cultural production.

This theoretical framework, that looks to position itself from a political and economic position in the study of communication networks, is the looking glass through which the following sections of this essay should be read. They will provide empirical evidence that will confirm the processes of concentration and centralization of cultural industries in the case of Mexico. Concentration and Centralization of a Local Communication Network: Case Analysis The economic phenomena described here have been studied from a global and national perspective. On previous pages, examples have been given of the tendency for cultural industries to become concentrated and centralized on a global level in the last decades. However, these processes have not been widely studied from a local perspective. This outlook, a bottom-up approach, does not verify different phenomena that can be observed from a global perspective, but does highlight the effects that these dynamics have on towns that do not have the magnitude of a country, a region, or the whole world. These specificities appear to be the ones that can give clear ideas on how to create public legislation and policies that make a modern and globalized communicational structure possible. At the same time they also protect the right to information, of not only the country as a whole, but also of the inhabitants of its local communities. The local communication network that is being used in the case analysis is the state of Jalisco (Mexico), and particularly in the Metropolitan Zone of Guadalajara. 3 This case is relevant because Guadalajara is the second most populated city in Mexico and it has historically been an important center for commercial and industrial development. All together, this metropolis has approximately four and a half million inhabitants (INEGI, 2011); and as will be described in the following pages, also has a
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3

The municipalities that make up the Metropolitan Zone are: Guadalajara, El Salto, Tlajomulco de Ziga, Tlaquepaque, Tonal, Zapopn, Juanacatln en Ixtlahuacn de los Membrillos.

complex communication network where the radio and television structure reflects a high level of concentration and centralization. Concentration of Communication in Mexico The concentration of the Mexican communication network, particularly in the audiovisual sector, has been widely studied throughout the past decades (Alva and Esteinou, 2010; Gmez and Sosa; Larrosa, 2011c), reason for which this matter will not be greatly elaborated on here. In national terms, it should be remembered that the commercial radio industry is made up, in its majority, of ten groups that control the sector. These are: Radiorama, Grupo ACIR, Radiocima, Organizacin Impulsora de Radio (OIR), Sociedad Mexicana de Radio (SOMER), Promosat de Mxico, Radiodifusoras Asociadas (RASA), MVS Radio, Organizacin Radio Frmula, and Multimedios Estrellas de Oro (Sols, 2006). In the television industry, Televisa and Televisin Azteca are affiliates of 92% of the countrys radio spectrum, and added to radio and television audiences, they capture the attention of close to ninety-five percent of the public (Cervantes, 2006). Nevertheless, in the greater part of these analyses it is not often noted what happens in the different states of the Republic. There is a tendency to equate what happens in Mexico City to what happens in the entire country without acknowledging the distinct qualities of each region. To give a general overview, the structure of the media network in the entire state of Jalisco is made up of 15 newspapers, 88 radio stations, 21 television channels, and 5 cable television networks. This data does not include nationally circulated newspapers that are produced in Mexico City or radio stations from other states in the country that can be heard in Jalisco.
Table 1. Structure of the Communication Network in Jalisco (1984 and 2010) Media Radio stations Television channels 1984 61 4 2010 88 22

Digital television channels Cable networks

0 No data

5 5

Source: Compiled with information from Arredondo, 1980 and CIRT (National Chamber of the Radio and Television Industry), 2010.

As evidenced here, the states communication network structure has numerically grown in the last 26 years. In terms of radio stations, these have increased by 27; and the television channels, counting the digital ones, have grown by 22. The increase in the number of television channels that can currently be seen in the state is particularly noteworthy being that it is six times more than those that existed in 1984. In addition, there would be another 178 private television channels added to that currently offer different cable services through the companies of Dish, Megacable, Sky, and Telecable (Plau et. al., 2011). However, this increase in the communicative infrastructure has not implied an increase in the number of companies or entities that offer their audiovisual services. Just as it was more than two decades ago, Televisa continues to widely dominate the television sector in the state of Jalisco (see table 2). Out of the twenty-two television channels that exist in the state, 12 belong to Televisa and its subsidiaries (Televimex, Radiotelevisora de Mxico Norte, Corporacin Tapata de Televisin), representing 54% of the total. Televisin Azteca has four channels, the Government of the State of Jalisco has three, and the rest of the affiliates or agencies each have one channel. This information clearly shows that television channels are concentrated in the hands of few companies. Also, just as is the case in the rest of the country, the communication network is predominantly commercial with only five public or cultural television channels, and the rest (77%), being commercial.
Table 2. Structure of Ownership of the Communication Network in Jalisco Channel Channel 22 Channel 21 Channel 21 Affiliate or Subsidiary Asociacin Cultural Arandina (Arandina Cultural Association) Televimex (Televisa) Radiotelevisora de Mxico Norte (Televisa) Legal Status Subsidiary Affiliate Affiliate Location Arandas Atotonilco Atotonilco

Channel 11 Channel 21 Channel 12 Channel 5 Channel 2 Channel 9 Channel 7 Channel 4 Channel 21 Channel 13 Channel 11 Channel 44 Channel 27 Channel 5 Channel 2 Channel 4 Channel 7 Channel 11 Channel 13

Televimex (Televisa) Radiotelevisora de Mxico Norte (Televisa) Government of the State of Jalisco Corporacin Tapata de Televisin (Televisa) Televimex (Televisa) Televimex (Televisa) Government of the State of Jalisco Televisora de Occidente (Televisa) Radiotelevisora de Mxico Norte (Televisa) Televisin Azteca Televisin Azteca University of Guadalajara Promoting entities of audiovisual media Televimex (Televisa) Televisin Azteca Radiotelevisora de Mxico Norte (Televisa) Televisin Azteca Televimex (Televisa) Government of the State of Jalisco

Affiliate Affiliate Subsidiary Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Subsidiary Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Subsidiary Subsidiary Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Subsidiary

Autln de Navarro Autln de Navarro Ciudad Guzmn Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara La Barca Puerto Vallarta Puerto Vallarta Puerto Vallarta Puerto Vallarta Puerto Vallarta

Source: Compiled by author, with information from COFETEL (Federal Telecommunications Commission).

The radio structure is different, although it also shows some characteristics of concentration. For example, in the Metropolitan Zone of Guadalajara one can tune in to 51 radio stations: 26 on the AM band and 25 on the FM band. Many of these stations belong to groups or parent companies that operate on a national level (see Table 3 and Table 4): Radiorama de Occidente is the group with the most stations. They have nine stations, making up 18% of the total; followed by Televisa Radio with six stations, making up 12% of the total. Of all these radio stations, only four are agencies (University of Guadalajara Radio, Jalisco Radio on AM and FM and Radio Mara). The rest are affiliates, making up a highly commercial network of communication that does not favor cultural, indigenous, community, or general public broadcasting (Larrosa, 2011a).

Table 3. Radio Stations in Guadalajara Belonging to Radiorama (2010) Station La Tapata HK La Voz de Guadalajara Radio Ranchito Ciudad 1480 DK 1250 Frecuencia Deportiva Stereo Nova xtasis Digital Maxima Call Sign XHRX XEHK XEDKT XEZJ XEDK XEPJ XHOJ XHQJ XHGDA Source: Larrosa, 2011a Table 4. Radio Stations in Guadalajara belonging to Televisa (2010) Station W Radio Guadalajara Estadio W Guadalajara La Consentida Radio Gallito Los 40 Principales Ke Buena Call Sign WEWK XEHL XEBA XEZZ XEHL XEBZ Source: Larrosa, 2011a Band AM AM AM AM FM FM Frequency 1190 1010 820 760 102.7 97.1 Band AM AM AM AM AM AM FM FM FM Frequency 103.5 960 1340 14880 1250 1370 106.7 105.9 89.1

With this information, the fundamental characteristics of the radio and television structure of Jalisco can be summarized: it is a communication network that has grown considerably in the last thirty years; however, this growth has not contributed to the diversification of the structures ownership network and the most concentrated network is television with one company owning 54% of the networks. Contrary to this, the radio network shows a greater diversification, even though it also shows a tendency towards concentration. The last characteristic shows that it is a predominantly commercial network: in television there are only two university channels and one from the state government; in radio, there are only four public broadcasting stations.

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The centralization of the Mexican Communication Model As previously explained, regarding the topic of concentration, in both public and academic discussions the debate over the centralization of communication or the centralism of communication production has been pushed to the background. The centralization of communication production is a topic of the utmost importance because it is in part an economic issue (the concentration of resources in a territory), but it also is a focal point for issues such as politics and culture. The issue that is the basis of this discussion is the supremacy of one region over another in terms of cultural production and as such, the imposition on or dismantling of local cultures. If in a global communication network the national networks tend to be eroded, the local networks can end up being eliminated. The characteristics above can be verified in Jaliscos radio and television and particularly in the communication network of the Metropolitan Zone of Guadalajara. In the previous section it was established that in the last twenty years the television structure of Jalisco (number of channels), has increased considerably, going from 4 to 22 (see Table 1). However, this growth has not implied an increase in television offerings in the state. A large percentage of these television channels rebroadcast the programming from the channels in the Metropolitan Zone of Guadalajara (40%) or from Mexico City (60%). All together, Jaliscos television network consists of ten channels with five belonging to Televisa (56%), two to Televisin Azteca (22%), one to the Instituto Politcnico Nacional (IPN or National Polytechnic Institute), one to the Sistema Jalisciense de Radio y Televisin (SJRyT or Radio and Television Network of Jalisco), and one other to the University of Guadalajara (UDG). This information shows a clear tendency of centralization in the communication network as all of the television signals are broadcast out of urban centers: 60% from Mexico City and 40% from Guadalajara. In contrast, there are no television broadcasts from medium-sized

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cities in the state like Ciudad Guzmn or Puerto Vallarta,4 and much less so from small towns.

Table 5. Public Television Channels That Can be Tuned-in to From Jalisco Channel Azteca 13 Azteca 7 Canal de las estrellas Canal 5 Galavisin Estacin 4 Televisin Tapata C7 Once TV Canal 44 Parent Company Televisin Azteca Televisin Azteca Televisa Televisa Televisa Televisa Televisa Sistema Jalisciense de Radio y Televisin Instituto Politcnico Nacional University of Guadalajara Origin Mexico City Mexico City Mexico City Mexico City Mexico City Guadalajara Guadalajara Guadalajara Mexico City Guadalajara Status Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Affiliate Subsidiary Subsidiary Subsidiary Subsidiary

Source: Compiled by author, with information from COFETEL.

The second level of the centralization of communication is regarding the place of where the programming is produced. The television networks that can be watched in Jalisco have already been described as coming from Mexico City or Guadalajara. Now, the issue of where the programming is produced for these television networks will be analyzed. For 25 years the production of television programming that can be seen in Guadalajara has mostly come from the markets of Mexico and the United states, as is shown in the following tables:
Table 6. Origin of Television Programming Broadcasted in Guadalajara in 1984 Origin Mexico United States 1984 63.2% 28.3%

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4

Ciudad Guzmn has a population of 100,534 inhabitants and Puerto Vallarta has 255,681 (INEGI, 2010).

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Other Unspecified

5.1% 3.4%

Source: Snchez Ruiz, 1984: 36 Table 7. Origin of Television Programming Broadcasted in Guadalajara in 2010 Origin Mexico Foreign Unspecified 2010 64% 33% 3%

Source: Plau et. al. 2010.

During most of the second half of the twentieth century, Guadalajaras television market was dominated by Televisa. It wasnt until the last decade of the century that a second commercial option was added (Televisin Azteca). Both companies, Televisa and Televisin Azteca, have offices and production studios in Guadalajara, however these resources and spaces are not often used. Most of their programming is produced in Mexico City or bought from other parts of the world, particularly the United States (as is the case with fictional series and some game shows). For example, Televisin Azteca has two public networks that are broadcast in Jalisco from Monday through Sunday, 24 hours a day, on channels seven and thirteen. Out of all their programming they have only eight programs that are locally produced: three entertainment programs that are a half-hour long and are broadcasted Monday through Thursday (Maaneando, Hit Tv, and Hit banda); four news programs of which only one is an hour long and the rest are under fifteen minutes (Primera Edicin, Info 7 Jalisco, Hechos Meridiano, and Hechos Noche); and one sports program that is sometimes broadcasted from Monday through Thursday (Los protagonistas Jalisco). On channels seven and thirteen, Televisin Azteca broadcasts 336 hours of weekly programming to the population of Jalisco. Of those, only 24 weekly hours are produced locally, equating to 7% of their total scheduling. It

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can be observed that in Guadalajara this network does not produce fictional, educational, or cultural programs.
Table 8. Television Programs Produced in Guadalajara on Televisin Azteca Program Maaneado Hit TV Hit Banda Primera Edicin Info 7 Jalisco Hechos Meridiano Hechos Noche Los protagonistas Jalisco Day of broadcast Monday - Thursday Monday - Thursday Monday - Thursday Monday - Friday Monday - Friday Monday - Friday Monday - Friday Monday - Thursday Weekly hours 2 hours 2 hours 2 hours 5 hours 1 hour 5 hours 5 hours 2 hours
5

Source: Compiled by author, with information from the TV Azteca Jalisco webpage.

The scheduling on these two networks appears to be equal to the programming that C7 offers, a channel of the Sistema Jalisciense de Radio y Televisin; and recently, two university channels have appeared that generally have programming with cultural content and tend to steer away from commercial and entertainment productions. Only recently has it been possible to tune in to these two public television networks. Once TV (Instituto Politcnico Nacional) has been available since June of 2010 and Channel 44 (University of Guadalajara), since February of 2011. Of the three public channels, two are produced in Guadalajara and one in Mexico City. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the channels produced locally have many spending and technical restrictions due to low budgets and the impossibility of soliciting resources because of a legal structure that prohibits it. Some information that can help to see the budget differences between a commercial channel and that of a university or of public broadcasting are as follows: in 2011 the operating budget for the Canal 44 of the University of Guadalajara was 33 million pesos, and the budget
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5

TV Azteca Jalisco (April 29, 2011): www.tvaztecajalisco.com.mx.

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for C7 of the Sistema Jalisciense de Radio y Televisin was 29 million pesos (Mural, 2010). To give an idea of the economic disadvantage these channels have, it is worth noting that the production of one episode of a telenovela (soap opera) that is one hour long, costs around one million pesos (Stock, 2008). So, if the University of Guadalajara and the Sistema Jalisciense de Radio y Televisin combined their annual budgets, they would have enough funds to be able to produce 62 hours of this type of programming. In regards to cable television, in addition to the public access channels that this network offers, there are two local production channels: Channel 8 and Channel 6. So, out of all the paid television options, the programming of these two local channels represents 1.12%. These channels are very irregular in their production, their scheduling varies a lot, and generally speaking, they do not offer professional local programming with a quality that allows them to compete with that of the rest of the cable channels programming. The radio station network in Guadalajara offers more local programming in comparison to the television network, being that 86% of its programming is created in the capital of Jalisco. However, 63% of this programming is music that is broadcasted 24 hours a day and there are few programs that have spoken, university, or cultural content (Larrosa, 2011a). 6 Conclusions and Proposals The objective of this essay is to outline, in a very general way, a map of Jaliscos communication networks, and to show how they have not only developed processes of concentration in their control and ownership structure but also in the centralization of their programming. Jalisco is one of the most important states of Mexico and as
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6

As part of a research agenda, the investigation remains pending concerning the percentage of music that is broadcasted on Guadalajaras radio networks and what percentage of it is produced locally, nationally and internationally.

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such, it promotes political, economic, and cultural development that affects the entire country. Because of this, the hypothesis is proposed that the processes of concentration and centralization in other Mexican cities are even more serious, leading to the last point of this essay. In order to initiate a process of change toward diversity and quality in the Mexican media, it is not enough to disperse the communication networks, decentralizing them is also important. It has already been established in other academic realms that the centralization of communication causes serious harm to democratic societies by creating unequal access to the use and consumption of the media. This reduces the autonomy of the parts of the network that do not have access to power (in this case, the cities or entities that are not part of Mexico City) (Snchez, 1987). Centralization does not allow full democratic participation in a society where diverse voices around the country make up a national public sphere. On the contrary, the current day reality can be observed that the greater part of communication is created in Mexico City or in the capitals of the 33 states of the country; and last but not least, the centralization of communication production provokes a (false) cultural homogeneity as it silences the distinct cultural expressions of a diverse country, as is the case of Mexico. It should be made clear that the argument for decentralization does not coexist with insular or hyperlocalist ideas of communication. On the contrary, it seeks to focus on and understand the diversity of viewpoints, aspects and levels that can be constructed in a democratic society. The proposal is not to eliminate communication flows that originate from global and national levels, but that measures should be taken in an urgent manner that allow for equality in communicative options on global, national, and local levels. The following ideas are a series of proposals, which after being improved upon and discussed, could help to decentralize the media network in Mexico:

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1. The creation of a national network of university radio stations and television networks that have the technical and economic possibilities to create attractive and local programming for Mexican audiences. Calling this a national network refers to the fact that it would be composed of at least one radio station and one television channel per state. This network is currently scarce with only six university channels in existence (Instituto Politcnico Nacional, the Universidad Autnoma de Mxico, Universidad Autnoma Espaa de Durango, Universidad Autnoma de Nuevo Len, Universidad de Sonora and the University of Guadalajara). 2. The creation of a national network of public access radio stations and television networks that can offer quality local programming. This network should not be related to universities or local governments. Its content would have to come from the citizens and would have to ensure high-quality informational spaces. A necessary piece in the formation of critical public opinion depends on spaces for information and opinions that are independent (from the State and the market) and diverse (in content and voices). 3. Establish a legal framework that clearly distinguishes which radio and television stations are part of a national network of local media. These regulations must create equality between national and local media. 4. This framework must also encourage the local media to not be

rebroadcasters of national and international media content. This will require that the legislation establish a minimum quota for local production and public policies that promote the development of audiovisual production clusters. 5. In addition, this legislation should also contain a disposition that forces affiliates to buy at least 30% of their production from a business other than their own. This would allow the development of smaller and medium-sized

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businesses dedicated to the production of radio and television programs of a diverse nature, and most importantly, diversify the voices and points of view in the public space. 6. Establish a legal framework that promotes diversity in the audiovisual industry and balances the predominance of entertainment content with informative, educational, public service, childrens, cultural and scientific discovery content. 7. Create public policies that give incentives to audiovisual production in the different regions of the country. For example: special tax programs for these types of producers; regulation of State assistance for the radio and television; training for employees of this sector; and assisting in the development of small companies dedicated to communication production, among others. 8. Establish a national observatory of cultural industries. This observatory would have to be integrated of parties in the public and private sector and civil society. This type of entity has had very good results in countries like Colombia (Observatorio Nacional de Televisin, ONTEL [National Observatory of Television]) or Chile (Consejo Nacional de Televisin [National Television Council])." They help to define public policies in the audiovisual realm in these Latin American countries. It is of vital importance for an entity like this to have a voice and vote in the granting, endorsement, or withdrawal of concessions in radio and television in Mexico. Only an organization of this nature (that includes the state, private sector initiative and civil society), will be able to stop this historic tendency toward concentration of television in Mexico.

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The Consejo Nacional de Televisin (National Television Council) is an organization that must look after the proper functioning of Chilean television through institutional policies aimed at guiding, stimulating, and regulating the activity of the participants involved in the television phenomenon. This should be done in harmony with technological and socio-cultural changes in a context of growing internationalization. For more information visit the webpage: http://www.cntv.cl.

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This essay has shown, through a case study, the concentration and centralization of a local radio and television system, as well as its scarcity and lack of diversity in terms of programming. Dispersing and decentralizing the Mexican communication system while still maintaining the open global media network is the first step towards forming a public opinion that can develop into a contemporary and democratic public space. The construction of a democratic society also comes about by creating diverse and decentralized communication systems that allow for the creation of an informed public opinion that is willing to debate. It is important that communicative production is able to exist not only in large cities, but also as much as possible in the entire country. Among other things, the right to information does not only struggle to guarantee diversity and pluralism in media content in the consumption phase of a communication process, but also looks to ensure these conditions during the production stages. The goal is for towns to integrate into the global network not only as consumers, but also as producers.

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