The Politics of Adulation: Cinema and the Production of Politicians in South India Author(s): Sara Dickey Source: The

Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 52, No. 2 (May, 1993), pp. 340-372 Published by: Association for Asian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2059651 Accessed: 26/11/2010 04:48
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The Politics of Adulation: of Cinema and the Production Politiciansin South India
SARA DICKEY
form, entertainment POPULAR SOUTH INDIAN CINEMA is a highlymelodramatic twistsof fateand set in exaggerated locales, filledwith plottedaroundimprobable by the poor, it is typically songs, dances, and fightscenes. Patronizedprimarily of eitherbemusingor indicative dismissedby critics,who findits vast popularity Even moreconfounding manyobservers for degradation. viewers' moraland intellectual has been cinema'scriticalrole in stateand nationalpolitics. in South India. of mutualinvolvement Cinemaand politicshave a long history filmsinto propagandaformsby inserting have converted Partiesand movements have built on their politicalideologies,symbols,and allegories.Cinema personnel While fewovertly movies haveappeared political to becomeelectedleaders. reputations into has continued sincethe late 1960s, the use of cinemaas a politicalspringboard and has been mostsustainedin the stateof Tamil Nadu, wherethe last thepresent cinema have had filmconnections. Despite critics'misgivings, fivechiefministers it well suited to promoting political leaders. Moreover, is, in fact,extraordinarily casesof filmstarssupported the training groundnotonlyforthewell-known provides who attain type:thosefollowers by adoringaudiences,but also forleadersofanother authority by virtueof theiradulationforthe star.' of filmand politicsoftensparkcomments The morevisible mutual influences nexus Yet thefrequent quips about thefilm-politics by bothIndiansand foreigners. columns,and academic studies have that appear in political speeches,newspaper attentionto why this connection persists.The been balanced by little systematic of the problem include Baskaran's(1981) detailed considerations few thoughtful and works and Indiannationalism; (1965a, 1975), Forrester byHardgrave offilm study in cinema connections (1981) addressing (1976), Barnett(1976), and Sivathamby
at Bowdoin College. of Anthropology Sara Dickey is AssistantProfessor and N. Prakash,who introducedme to fan club I wish to thank V. Kirushnasamy to Ted Adams, F. I am grateful accompaniedme duringinterviews. leadersand frequently G. Bailey, E. V. Daniel, Michael H. Fisher,StephenHughes, David Kertzer,Pamela Price, on earlierversionsof this article.Discusand GuentherRoth forreadingand commenting sions with S. TheodoreBaskaran,MattisonMines, PremilaPaul, and R. P. Nair werealso helpful. forthis worktook place in the cityof Madurai, Tamil Nadu 'Most of the fieldresearch 1987 and May-June1990, whenI spokewithmembers state,duringOctober 1985-January during Fieldwork and leadersof fanclubs forseveralactors,as well as withotherfilmgoers. membersin Madras. theseperiodswas also carriedout with politiciansand filmindustry TheJournal ofAsian Studies52, no. 2 (May 1993):340-372. C) 1993 by the AssociationforAsian Studies, Inc. 340

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Dravidianpartypolitics. Most of thesewerewritten before1976, the yearthatthe filmstarM. G. Ramachandran (MGR) came to powerin Tamil Nadu. Morerecently, haveappeared:Elderand Schmitthenner's two studiesof film-star politicians (1985) of N. T. Rama Rao's successin AndhraPradeshand Pandian's(1992) brief analysis provocative essay on MGR's use of the media in Tamil Nadu. Only Hardgrave the political positionof fan clubs in any depth. Together, (1975) has considered of politicaleventsand strategies. theseworksprovideusefulanalysis To understand fullycinema'spowerful abilityto producepoliticalleaders,however, we must look at the places wherecinema and politics overlap,in the ways that more carefully certain film images dovetail with the exigenciesof electoralpolitics, and the inherent in the leader-follower expectations relationship. In this article,I suggest thewayscinemaand theelectoral politicalsystem together are well suitedto creating and examine thepreviously moviestar-politicians, unremarked influence theadulation of such leaders can produce in the lower ranksof political organizations. These becauseappreciation features have a widersignificance, of the factors thatenhance cinema'spotentialleads to a moresubtleunderstanding of the forces ties thatforge in South India, and indicates between politicalleadersand followers waysthatnew traditional leadersmay circumvent restrictions on representative leadership. India. AlthoughNorthIndian filmstend Cinema is highlypopularthroughout to be flashier more graphicviolence than others, technically and to incorporate cinema is similar in formand contentacross the country.Linguistic mainstream meansthatno singleproduction center theentire controls diversity, however, country, tendto be regionally based.The mainproduction and film personnel sitesareBombay, Madras, and Calcutta; of these, Bombay dominatesNorth India and Madras the South, parallelingthe country's major linguisticdivide. Even withinSouth India, official each of the fourstateshas a different language,and filmsare made in each As a result, oftheselanguages. and themultilingual despite frequent dubbingoffilms abilities of some actors,each state or language regionhas producedits own top moviestars.Film starshave begunto enterpoliticsin manyareasofIndia; in North as Vyjayanthimala, India theyinclude such figures Sunil Dutt, ShatruganSinha, and AmitabhBachchan. But filmstarshave appearedin politics most frequently, attainedthe greatest success,and lasted the longestin the southern states. and notorious of these leadershas been MGR, a popular The most successful movie star forforty yearsand Tamil Nadu's chiefministerfrom 1977 until his death in 1987. My focushere is on MGR and Tamil Nadu politics, yet much of to the threeotherSouth Indian statesand to otherpolitical thisanalysisis relevant actorsas well. With the partial exceptionof Kerala, where many commercially called "art"or "parallel"cinema,popular are closerto whatis elsewhere viablefilms and content.A numberof South South India is similarin form cinemathroughout Indian actorshave triedto use filmas a politicalsteppingstone, includingN. T. and PremNazir in Kerala. Rama Rao in AndhraPradesh,Raj Kumar in Karnataka, Raj Kumar'sfanclubs havealso spokenout on politicalissues.While MGR remains successful of film star-politicians, his rise illustrates the most strikingly widely in buildingpoliticalfollowings. applicableprinciples of electoralpoliticsand of leadership that have To examinethe characteristics in effectiveness I focuson two linked cinema's heightened producing politicalleaders, films and thepoliticalactivities the imagecreated offanclubs. phenomena: through is for film star's ofreasons. The image potentially significant a number By broadcasting a problem can overcome facedby manyaspiring an attractive image,films politicians withelectoral countries in developing voter politicalsystems: garnering widespread to voters mass media is where access limited. in India Few voters support through

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watchthe nightly newson television to see politicians and heartheirspeeches,and politicianscannotrelyon newspapers forcontactwithvotersbecauserelatively few people read the paper regularly. Even radio is limitedas a disseminating medium, since mostpeople listenonly to movie songs. Cinema is extremely popularamong and accessibleto the urbanand ruralpoor, who comprise the greatmajority of the the mosteffective electorate, makingit potentially mass mediumavailable;my 1986 in Madurai indicatedthat most residents of lower-class survey neighborhoods saw at least one movie a week. In addition,the image createdby cinema-which can be tightly controlled actors-oftencorresponds by successful withthe types of images that have traditionally been necessary to the South Indian leader who emphasizes withthephysical, and material concern spiritual, ofhis or herconstituents. well-being Finally,the appeal of such imagescan crosscut the competing within constituencies statewide electoralparties. Fan clubs also have proved to be usefulto the actor enteringpolitics. They network of supporters, providea preexisting often highlyorganized,thatcan easily into a politicalcadre. Their activities be transformed frequently operationalize the image of the star. Club leaders themselves may also earn public meritforthese activities, eventually gainingaccess to politicalpositionforthemselves (albeit at a more modestlevel than the star, and with greaterinsecurity than those who rise a regularpartyapparatus).Thus, cinema becomeslinked with politics in through a numberof waysand at a variety of levels. The reasonsfortheselinksalso tell us about the politicalbehaviorof leadersand electorates something moregenerally.

Tamil Cinemaand DravidianPolitics

MGR's successwas precededby a long history of interaction betweenSouth Indian cinema and politics. I reviewthis history to illustrate the extentof their theevents mutualinvolvement, describe thathaveshapedthepresent political context, and introduce some of the majorpoliticalfigures who have emergedfromthe film industry. Cinema reachedIndia in 1896, and the first South Indian feature filmswere produced in 1916. Tamil film became politicized during the Non-cooperation Movement,when the last yearsof silentmoviessaw the occasionalintroduction of themes.The adventof sound in the early 1930s attracted Gandhiansocial reform of theater largenumbers personnel, manyofwhomwerealready activein theIndian nationalist movement (Baskaran1981:87-88, 101-2), accelerating thepoliticization of cinema. Despite frequent strictcensorship by the British, many Tamil films continuedto incorporate some form of nationalist propagandauntil Independence, ofstrong ties between leadingto thecreation SouthIndianintellectuals and cinema. This associationended, however,with India's independencein 1947 (Baskaran 1981:120, 124). Film was not long severedfrompolitics. The connection surfaced even more in the 1950s and 1960s, when leadersof the Dravidianmovement strongly began the driveformass membership. to use cinemato support The Dravidianmovement had grownout of upper-caste non-Brahmans' resentment of Brahmans'increasing social dominanceat the end of the nineteenth This resentment century. burstinto politicsat the beginningof the twentieth fueledby an inability century, to break "the almost exclusivecontrolof government jobs and political life by Brahmans" (Irschick 1969:17), and by the suggestionsof contemporary (mostly European)

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historians thattheAryan conquerors-northern Indians,withwhomBrahmans were identified-had long ago enslavedthe Dravidiansand destroyed theirproud and ancientcivilization (Hardgrave1965b:9-10; Sastri 1966:68-70, 74). In 1916 the South Indian LiberalFederation, commonly knownas theJustice Party, was formed. The party, almostall of whosemembers wereelitenon-Brahmans, contestedelectionsfor the next twentyyearswith varyingsuccess. In the mid1930s, when its fortunes were at theirlowest, the partywas taken over by the radicalactivistE. V. Ramasamy(EVR, oftenknownas "Periyar,""Great One"). EVR and his dramatic anti-Brahman protests put new lifeinto the party.In 1944 EVR reorganized theJusticePartyinto the Dravida Kazhagam(DK), the Dravidian a Tamil "cultural Federation, and launched offensive," including theatrical productions of a reinterpreted Ramayana-a versiontransposing heroand villain, in whichthe " Sri Lankandemonking Ravanabecomes a heroic"Dravidian of 'excellent character,' and theAryan Rama a conniving, prince "despicable character" (Hardgrave 1965a:400). This and laterpoliticaluses of dramacapitalizedon the strong literary focusamong Tamils of all socioeconomic who hold the skillful backgrounds, use of languagein high esteem. Despite such attemptsat mass propaganda, however,the party's membership continuedto be drawnfromthe elite., In 1949 prominent membersof the DK such as C. N. Annaduraiand Mu. Karunanidhi brokewiththe partyto form the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam(DMK), the Dravidian Progressive Federation,for which they sought mass membership. was primarily Membership urban, the partyplatform geared to the "sociallyand frustrated elementsof the urbanpopulation"(Hardgrave 1965b:38). economically The DMK's earlyplatform stressed the creationof a separateand united Dravidian stateand the promotion of a "Dravidian"ideology.In the 1960s, after the Tamillanguage state of Madras (now Tamil Nadu) had been formed and the goal of a moreencompassing Dravidianstatethereby undermined, partyleadersturnedfrom and ethnicseparatist linguistic issuesto moretypical bread-and-butter politicalissues: wages, high prices, and food shortages.Most important, the principalfocuswas now on the "commonpeople" and theirneglectedconcerns.Dramaticincreases in election winnings followed; by theearly1960s theDMK had gainedenoughlegislative seatsto secureits roleas themajoropposition party (Hardgrave1965a:409; Barnett 1976:1 18f). During this periodof policytransformation, one of Annadurai's moreeffective means of attracting the masses was to have movie starsaddresspartyrallies. He also soughtto use filmsas a mediumofpoliticization and mobilization.His timing was ideal. BeforeIndependence, regularcontactwith cinema had been limited to urbanareas;but a ruralelectrification in the late 1940s facilitated program beginning the proliferation of cinemahalls, coincidingfortuitously with the DMK'S initialuse of filmas a politicalmedium(see Sivathamby 1981:25). Annaduraiand Karunanidhi,who had put theirpowersof rhetoric to use for now used filmscriptsto articulateand disseminatetheir the DK as playwrights, criticism of social evils and politicaloppression.The extentand intensity of their criticism in Tamil cinema,and initially appearto have been unprecedented shocked many viewers. Annadurai's Veelaikkaari (Servant Woman, 1948), for example, a trenchant presented critique of both social conditions-particularly the power vestedin landlords,who were traditionally allied with the rulingCongressParty of JawaharlalNehru and Mohandas K. Gandhi-and religious attitudes (see Sivathamby1981:26). Parasakthi (a name of the goddess Parvathi,1952), which Karunanidhi and was written introduced the actorShivaji Ganesan, launcheda by attackon Hinduism. The chasteyoungheroineof the film,who has been scathing

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widowed,impoverished, and sexually assaulted,is arrested after herchild drowning and attempting to drownherself. Chargedwith murdering her child, she accuses the judge, "Wheredid yougo whenmychildand I werelivingin thestreet corner? What did you do whenmychild was suckingmydrybreastin vain?Parvathy . . . did not come to feedmy child" (quoted in David 1983:35). Such "dialogue," as thesesearingmonologues werecalled, becamethe mainstay of much Tamil cinema in the 1950s and 1960s. Dramatic and rousing,theyproved to be popular with tools forpropagating viewers,and successful DMK political ideals. with the DMK began in the early 1950s and strengthened MGR's relationship through the decade. His positionwas solidified by Shivaji Ganesan'sdeparture for the CongressPartyin 1961. MGR, whose film styleemphasizedforceful action overthecritical rhetoric contributed and Karunanidhi, by Annadurai gainedincreasing and withintheparty influence bothoverfilms as thetwoparty leadersbecamemore in electoral heavily involved politicking (see Sivathamby 1981:38). While thedivision betweenlanguage and action can be overdrawn, I would argue that an essential elementof MGR's successwas his complementary use of both in an unprecedented way. His own forteappears to have been fighting skill ratherthan elocutionary elegance,and he verylikelyunderstood the powerand drawof physicalbravadofor viewerswho were not only less learnedin the arts of rhetoric but also oppressed, oftenthroughthe power of words, by those who were so educated. Nonetheless, even in those filmsover which he wielded the greatestcontrol(includingNadodi Mannan,discussedbelow), emotionally and artistically powerful eloquentlanguage an important elementof the films'persuasive remained power, and such speeches and quoted by viewersfordecades after. would be memorized MGR soon becameso popularthathe could wield substantial control overmany aspectsof his films,ensuringthat theyenhancedthe party'simage and his own. As Forrester pointsout, "always,eitherexplicitly or just below the surface, there was a politicalmessagein his films:the DMK iS the partythatdoes in real lifewhat MGR does in the film,the partythat loves and servesthe poor, that does battle with evil, that deliversthe oppressed"(1976:288). This allegoricalmessage was reinforced by the use of partysymbolsand colors in the films. MGR did not, inside or outside the partyto become totallymerged however,allow his identity with thatof the DMK. He built up his image as hero by makingindependent and widelypublicized donationsto charities, and began to suggestthroughhis films that the ideals he espoused"could be achievedonly through a leaderlike MGR." Eventually, "people beganto thinktheleaderwhomtheywantedwas not somebody like MGR but MGR himself"(Sivathamby 1981:46). MGR workedto establishhimself as a herowithinthe partyas well. The DMK had begun contesting electionsin 1957, and MGR subsequently built up a legion of supporters fromthose legislatorswhose campaignshe financedfromhis film In addition,his fanclubs becameinvolved fortune. withparty recruitment and voter mobilization (Forrester 1976:288-89). The combination of thisfinancial, and cinematic electoral, aid assuredthe actor's the to indispensability partyforsome time. After the DMK won the statelegislative in 1967 and becamethe rulingpartyin Tamil Nadu, however, elections manyDMK officials came to feel less dependenton MGR's support(Forrester 1976:288-89). As MGR sensedthe erosionof his influence, his conflicts with Karunanidhi began to grow.ChiefMinister Annadurai's deathin 1969 was followed by the crystalization within theparty, of twomainfactions eachloyalto one ofthetworivals.Karunanidhi was chosenchiefminister by partymembers.

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in victory divisions,the DMK managed an overwhelming Despite its internal party many electorate, over the now their hold about the 1971 elections.Confident of and strength over the popularity began to expressa "growingconcern members party's Given the clubs}." his manrams and M.G.R. Ramachandran M. G. [fan it seemedwise to attemptto "curb what was perceived in the legislature, strength in the handsof filmactorsand their as a growingmenace"of powerconcentrated to weaken MGR's position several made attempts Karunanidhi 1976:294). fans (Barnett of chargesagainst a number lodging in 1972 by MGR the responded party. within to that Karunanidhi such would convince pressure believing evidently the party, Karunanidhi far refused. Instead, had that so been the cabinet him position grant to banishMGR at once by takingtheopportunity leadersresponded party and other 1976:289). fromthe party,accusinghim of "indiscipline"(Forrester announced MGR's responsewas just as swiftand dramatic.He immediately in large structured (ADMK), of his own party,the Annadurai-DMK the formation leftwith MGR, but a high part around his fan clubs. Very few DMK legislators percentageof the rank and file accompaniedhim (Forrester1976:289; Barnett a clash ofpersonalities than rather from 1976:296-97). Because the schismresulted in ideologybetweenthe two parties.The no difference policies,therewas virtually new ADMK, like the partyfromwhich it had split off,appealed to studentsand and to the lowermiddle class and backwardcastes(Barnett1976:303). laborers Any directcontestbetweenthe two partieswas postponedby Prime Minister in June 1975-officially of a nationwideEmergency Indira Gandhi's declaration impositionof President'sRule in Tamil Nadu in denouncedby the DMK-and and legislative branches.MGR, who the state'sexecutive 1976, dissolving January favor since forming the central and stateCongressorganizations' had been courting his personal oftheEmergency (Forrester to Delhi to express traveled approval hisparty, 1976:296; see also Kohli 1990:162).2 after was defeated wereheld shortly Gandhi'sCongress government Stateelections and replacedby theJanataPartyin 1977. This time the ADMK won the majority Though his finalmoviehad appeared of seats,and installedMGR as chiefminister. in 1976, MGR maintainedpersonaland partysupportby emphasizingpopulist his image as heroof the masses.Two of the mostpopular thatbuttressed measures of these were the Nutritious Noon Meals Scheme-a lunch program for to power, she schoolchildren-and the Old-Age Pension. AfterGandhi returned in 1980, includingthe ADMK, and state governments dismissedall non-Congress called fornew elections. Despite an electoralalliance betweenCongressand the (Jagathrakshakan DMK, however,the ADMK once again won a "routing"victory 1984:108). of Tamil filmsbecamesubduedin the 1970s, particularly The politicalcontent screenacting.Today, Karunanidhi is onlyinfrequently from after MGR's departure A fewotherdirectors continueto be associatedwith the involvedin filmmaking. with the ADMK, forexampleparties-T. Rajendarwith the DMK and Bhagyaraj but none of them fills movies with political protestor allegoryas Annadurai, and MGR did. Karunanidhi, Yet while the contentof filmshas become less political, cinema and politics A look at themostsuccessful of theSouthIndian to sharepersonnel. havecontinued therangeofindividuals to enter filmartists politics,otherthanMGR, demonstrates
this time thatMGR changedhis party'sname to Akila IntiyaAnnadurai a ban on regionalparties fearing the All India AnnaduraiDMK (AIADMK), apparently to be referred to more the partycontinues (Pandian 1992:29n). In popularusage, however, is A Ti Mu Ka), and I followthis usage. as the ADMK (the Tamil acronym frequently
21t was also at
DMK,

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and images making this transition. Shivaji Ganesan, who afterleaving the DMK came to be seen through his filmrolesas a respectable "family man," has become moreactivein politicssincethe deathof his old rival. He had maintained generally with the CongressPartyformanyyears,touringthe state in harmonious relations its support elections.The onlynotabletensions duringnumerous thatarosebetween Shivaji and the Congresswere over his fan clubs' role in determining the party's candidates(see, e.g., IndianExpress, electoral February 7 and 17, 1986). A former Madurai municipal official and vice presidentof the Madurai District Congress told me late in 1986 thatShivaji'sfanclubs had helpedtheparty."Only Committee nowand thendo theycauseproblems," he said, "and in theend theyalwayssupport In January theparty." 1988, however, Shivajisplitfrom the Congress and announced theformation ofhis own party, theTamilaga Munnetra Munnani(Tamil Progressive Front).Severalotheractorsand actresses joined him. When thispartyfailedto gain any substantial following, Shivaji agreedin 1990 to becomestateleaderof the new JanataDal party,which at thatpoint held a majority in the nationalParliament. Despite recentillnesses,he continues to be a respected figurein stateand national politics. Jayalalitha, MGR's last mainfilmheroine, is thepresent chief minister ofTamil Nadu. She first in the joined theADMK in an official capacity early1980s, inducted personally by MGR. Popularly believedto be his secretwife-she is referred to by as "anni"(elderbrother's party supporters wife)-Jayalalitha was often MGR's main and motorcades companionin processions until the chiefminister leftformedical treatment in theUnitedStatesin 1984. After his return, he was invariably however, accompaniedby his wifeof forty years,V. N. Janaki,an actresswho had retired after one of her first filmsto marry MGR.3 thena memberof the nationalParliament, Jayalalitha, held the post of party propagandasecretary formuch of the ADMK's rule. Her rise withinthe ADMK was theresentment ofsomeparty unusually rapid,prompting and heropposition stalwarts, in a faction solidified led by R. M. Veerappan,a stateminister who had once been in chargeof all MGR's fan clubs. MGR-who seemedwaryof strongdeputiesplayedthesetwo rivalsagainsteach otherforyears,elevating first one and thenthe and Jayalalitha's otherin the partyhierarchy, fortunes oscillatedaccordingly. Yet, chose to followthe Tamil filmheroine'stypicalrole. publiclyat least,Jayalalitha When her fanclub leadersprotested the favoritism shownto Veerappansupporters in the 1986 local electionsby separating fromthe party,she repudiated the rebels thatshe would workforthe campaignin any way MGR instructed, and announced because MGR was her "god" and his word, her "Bible" (Indian Express, February 14, 1986).
3Thedigressions ofMGR and thesetwowomenfrom themoralcode thatMGR propounded as a majorelementof his politicalimage have been notablywell "managed" overthe years. MGR was marriedtwice beforemarrying Janaki,Janaki had also been married,and the previousspouse was still alive in both cases at the time of MGR's and Janaki'smarriage. See Pandian (1992:119-20) fora revealingdiscussionof the ways in which MGR's later biographers manipulatedthese situationsto make them palatable and even attractive to The validityof Jayalalitha's followers. position as anni was neverquestionedby fan club members.Nor did her own unorthodox conjugal historyreceive more than the briefest attentionduring her recentcampaign as head of her party,notable because undermining herposition as a respectable womanwould havebeen one of the easiestwaysfortheopposition to undermine and the ADMK. The reasonsthisdid not takeplace are beyond bothJayalalitha the scope of this work but would be of significant interest forunderstanding the relation of the press,political interests, and the formation of public opinion.

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lhlt

the showingof an old Illustration1. Posterin Madras advertising by (Photograph 1991. in film,Niirum MGR-Jayalalitha Neruppum, Raja Enok.) MGR died in late December 1987. But insteadof selectingone of the main leaders to replacehim, as was expected,the partychose V. N. Janaki, factional Janakiwas closelyallied withVeerappan, MGR's widow, as the newchiefminister. prompted apparently their followers and thoseofJayalalitha and fights among however, Nadu Tamil on Rule President's impose to decision Gandhi's Rajiv PrimeMinister legislative In the dissolved. was Janaki's ministry of 1988. February at the beginning and Karunanidhibecame chief electionsheld in 1989, the DMK won a majority minister once again. minister and, sinceJune 1991, chief now thehead of theADMK party Jayalalitha, in MGR's footsteps. to following of Tamil Nadu, is the closestof all Tamil artists rise Yet she neversculpteda filmimage comparableto MGR's, and her difficult to Tamil women in partby the longstanding stigmaattached to powerwas hampered male filmactorsfarless and may arts-a stigmathatconstrains in the performing to enter forthe lack of femalecinema artistsattempting be partiallyresponsible and most of her relationship her fame had to come through Off-screen on, politics. herelectioncould be classified in SouthAsian terms withMGR;4 her image before
followed the modelset by all female stateand nationalleaders 4In thisrespect, Jayalalitha years,each of whomgained powervia herrelation in South Asia I know of in the last fifty to a man. This includes Indian Prime MinisterIndira Gandhi, PakistaniPrime Minister had BenazirBhutto,and BangladeshioppositionleaderSheikhHasina Wazed, whosefathers countries;and Sri Lankan Prime MinisterSirimavoBandaranaike, headed theirrespective BangladeshiPrime MinisterBegum Khaleeda Zia, and Tamil Nadu ChiefMinisterV. N. withthestatusofleader's is the first Janaki,all ofwhomreplacedtheirhusbands.Jayalalitha once theyattained Most of thesewomenenjoyedpowerbased on theirown authority consort. positionsof leadership.The factthat, to my knowledge,no womenhave reachedtop levels

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as one of hero's consort.The more active roles taken by many actressestodaysuch as the recenttrendof heroines employing graphicviolenceto crusadeagainst politicalcorruption-werehardly availableto Jayalalitha. As an actress/individual, in contrast, she was regarded as somewhat "modern"withherconvent scandalously educationand Westernclothes. Aside fromher popular recognition, the political made ofcinemawas thusrestricted use thatJayalalitha to drawing on herconnection with MGR and her positionas his supporter. These were sufficient to launch her electoralcareer.Moreover,despite the hindrances and limitations of her on- and has commandeda small but vocal group of her own off-screen images,Jayalalitha orientedfanclubs, and thesehave played some role in her success. She politically has also used her Brahmancaste status to help counteract the actress'sstigma of her caste especiallyamong Brahmanswho controlportions impurity, emphasizing of the press. Her leadershipin the ADMK's recentlandslidevictory-won by the largestmarginin stateelectoralhistory-has gained her new respect among much of factors that may have contributed of the electorate.Despite the variety to the has come intoherown. She now commands victory, manyTamilssay thatJayalalitha a solid powerbase and is widelyviewedas an intelligent leader,even by hercritics. While she still makesliberaluse of MGR's nameand of populistschemesthatecho now derivesfrom his, muchof herauthority herown presence rather thanfrom her with MGR. former relationship It is not yet clear whether Jayalalitha's long-term political success will rival Andhra Pradesh,however,a Telugu film star has that of MGR. In neighboring achieveda positionof similarstanding.N. T. Rama Rao (NTR), who claimsMGR as his modeland "elderbrother" (Elderand Schmitthenner 1985:382), entered politics whenhe formed his homegrown suddenly Telugu Desam (Telugu Nation) Partyin thepowerful and highly 1982 and thentrounced favored Congress Party ninemonths later. Nine yearslater,afterhis partylost the 1991 elections,he became a leader in the national JanataDal coalition.NTR, too, had chosenhis filmrolescarefully, playingonlyheroes,but unlikeMGR had made his reputation playingHindu gods Krishnaand Rama). In the late 1980s, he even began to wear the (mostfrequently a religiousascetic. Here voteridentification robesand turbanof a sanyassin, saffron withhis screen of thepolitician is reported to be evenmorestraightforward personage than in MGR's case (see below), especiallyin ruralareas of Andhra,whereElder and Schmitthenner to have actuallyacquired (1985:383) statethatNTR is thought the virtuesof the gods in the processof portraying them. Althoughhe was not of the poor in most of his films,NTR comes froma as the protector identified caste and took care to emphasizehis own impoverished rituallylow agricultural literature and speeches in his campaign origins (Elderand Schmitthenner 1985:381). continueto be drawnfromthe ranksof the cinema in Thus political figures South India. While filmsmakingsharppoliticalcommentary are now rareoutside of Kerala, and even in Tamil Nadu-aside from free of rousing old MGR showings movies during campaign stumps-films are infrequently utilized for political crossover of personnel fromcinema to politics is a sign propaganda,the recurrent interaction betweenthe two. Clearly,despitecertain of continued parallelsin other this connection has a greater filmindustries, influence on the political scene than in other of India). While theUnitedStates,forexample, countries (or in other regions actorsand entertainers now has severalformer in office, and Hollywood political and testimonial-is becoming support-financial increasingly significant fornational evenlocal candidates and sometimes thatmany (see Brownstein 1990), it is doubtful
withoutsuch connections is one indicator of leadership of how difficult it is forwomen to rise to positionsof widespreadpublic authority in South Asia.

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2. Roadside cutoutof ChiefMinister Illustration Jayalalitha in Madras erectedin 1991. (Photograph by Raja Enok.) have been swayedby a passionforTheKnute voters Rockne Story or evenDirty Harry. that have allowed Tamil Nadu's most powerful The circumstances figures of the cinemapersist,and derivefrom last two decades to rise through a combination of of the South Indian politicalarena. characteristics distinctive

PoliticalSystems and Leadership

To comprehend cinema's role in supporting a politician'scareerrequiresan features of Tamil Nadu and Indian politics. The most of pertinent understanding are the person-centered important aspectsof Indianpoliticalleadership, thepatronage in and the structure of partypoliticsin Tamil Nadu. system prevalent India, The firstsignificant aspect of the political contextis the strikingsuccess in India of person-centered politics, a phenomenonmore popularlyreferred to as in this formulation "personality politics." The political "personality" is someone votesnot becauseof political who inspires standson issues,or evencommunal record, based on personalattractiveness. but because of popularity affiliation, It should be is determined stressed thatthisattractiveness moreby aspectssuch as personal nature and even familybackgroundthan by physicalfeatures, althoughthe lattermay

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certainly help. Such leadershave been able to build a mythology about themselves that servesas a protective voters'trustand repellingattempts coating,attracting to discover underneath theouterimage. Theyare morelikelyto be found something at the stateor nationalrather than the local level (Bailey 1983:85); recentnotable examplesincludeMGR, Rajiv Gandhi, and AmitabhBachchan,who was the most popular movie star in India foryearsand recently became one of the firstHindi filmstarsto enterpolitics(but leftfollowing allegations of involvement with illicit armspayments).5 While thephenomenon ofpolitical successbasedon personal appealis notlimited to India, it is notably and widespread frequent there.Not all electedleaderspossess such appeal by any means, but those who do generallysucceed over candidates whose appeal is limitedto otherfactors, such as a lengthy incumbency or a solid reputation as an efficient administrator. Cinemastarsare one exampleof individuals who achievesuch appeal throughout a wide population;others,past and present, include freedom fighters, orators,caste leaders, heads of religiousorganizations, studentleaders,and gang lords. union organizers, The appeal of "personality" is part of a generalemphasisin Tamil Nadu and much of India on a person-centered probably politics-as opposedto, forexample, the politics of "issues," forwhich North Americans a preference. pronounce This person-centered which has been noted by a numberof observers orientation, (for example, Brass 1965:54-55; Bailey 1983; Price 1989; Mines and Gourishankar 1990), appearsin the emphasisthatpoliticiansplace on developingand spreading an awareness of their"person"in a variety ofways.Anypublic eventoftheslightest a stage from politicalsignificance whichimportant requires will speak, and figures on whichas manylocal politiciansand officials as possible will crowdto promote themselves theirassociation by demonstrating withotherimportant All personages. important buildings witha dedication beginconstruction bya localor higher politician and a cornerstone-laying thepolitican's ceremony-with nameinscribed on the stone. There is a similarobsessionwith photo opportunities. Appearancesin numerous photographs-whichare usuallypublishedwith namesin newspapers or leafletstheperson,provethatshe or he was involved put forth in a certain important event, thatperson's and perhaps preserve or essence, in the same way thatplacing existence, a nameon a buildingcornerstone does. The importance ofdocumenting theperson, and theprestige thatderives from and beingidentified appearing in such documents, are not limited to politics. For example, Caplan notes the importanceof the taken of charitabledonorsat Madras women's organizations' photographs official eventsand the photographs' role in signifying prestige(1985:190). It should be notedthateach of theseis a reciprocal of the politician,or any event;the presence respected person,also bestowshonoron the ceremony or occasion. Cinemabothcreates and preserves the widelypublicized, and attractive dynamic, imagesso valuablein person-centered politics.Successful actorscan selectand shape theirfilm roles in accord with any image theywould like to project. MGR was at manipulating successful his rolesand image: he alwaysplayedthehero, extremely neverthe villain, and demandedto rewrite his lines if theywere unsuitableto his role as defender of the downtrodden. Other actors,such as N. T. Rama Rao of
c

5It should be clear that I am not conflating "personality" with charisma;nor would I identify each of theseindividualsas a charismatic leader. It should also be noted thatwhile my discussionof the "person"may at timesbe relevant to recentdebates on the natureof personhoodin South Asia (e.g., Marriottand Inden 1977, Marriott 1989, Mines and Gourishankar 1990), my use of the termis distinct,and it is not my intention to address that debate directly here.

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Andhra Pradesh, have achieved similar success with theirown carefully molded of cinemaand the glamourattachedto its heroicimages. Because of the popularity stars, any filmstarwho enters politicswill be perceived as a "personality" by viewers voteson thatbasis (although,as discussedbelow, some imagestranslate and attract into greater politicalcapital than others). Regardlessof the image created,the filmstar has an additionaladvantagein of heroes.There is a particular entering politicsbecauseof the culturalimportance ,"6 a depthofdevotion, offollowing, feltforleadersperceived intensity to be "heroes. Not all politicians, of course,are heroicfigures. In fact,"politician"is often a dirty word in India. Tamils thatI knew, of all social classes,portrayed mostpoliticians own welfare. The heroic as concerned solelywiththeir leader,by contrast, is virtuous because of worksdone forthe good of others.Most heroicleadershave achieved theirstatusby fighting or someoneinimicalto theirfollowers, againstsomething or material fortheirsupporters gainingspiritual well-being in the process.Tamils' have includedkings,freedom heroes leaders ofresistance fighters, movements, social and literary reformers, figures. divineattributes, a tendency Heroesalso tendto be ascribed thatis easilyallowed India has ancienttraditions in Hinduism. Polytheistic of god-heroes such as Rama theirdeeds on earthas humans,and of local human heroeswho are who perform deifiedbeforeor afterdeath. Appaduraiand Breckenridge (1976:190, 191) note that South Indian templedeitiesare conceivedof as sovereigns, that is, as persons of highestrank who commandand bestow resources, and Price, explainingthe attitudetowardelevatedleaders,notes that "superior statusand power . . . have in popular Hinduism" (1989:571). Thus thereis no ideological divine attributes heroic leaders thequalitiesofdeities,norevento worshiping to assigning impediment to thinkofa leaderlike MGR simultaneously themas gods. Nor is it a contradiction most as a familymember,since in South India this is preciselythe relationship between and gods in the devotional bhaktitradition, frequently perceived worshipers and imploredas parents,children,and siblings,as wheredivinitiesare worshiped well as loversand friends. Cinema, of course,can encouragedivine associations.MGR, who would later once sang, "If you followme, the poor will play the lead in TheLifeofjesusChrist, FirstChristcame and preached;thenGandhi came and preached;but neversuffer. the people have forgotten. Now I will set thingsright." In anotherfilm, MGR agreed to aid some slum dwellersand was told by them, "Really you are a God" husbandonce told me, "MGR is a god; (quoted in Hardgrave1975:10). A friend's MGR is a king;MGR is myleader."This man,alongwithmanyother fans,believed These perceptions, that MGR would live forever. encouragedby filmsand added to beliefsthat MGR gave enormousaid to the poor and was able to conquer leader. overwhelming odds, made him into nothingless than a superhuman tool in constructing an attractive Thus cinemacan be a powerful image. Cinema is also usefulto actorswho aspire to politics because of the political and cultural
of followers' idolizationof MGR was widelyregardedas fanatical.This The intensity in December 1987, when news of his death led to riotsby was demonstrated most recently frenzied devotees,who smashedstatuesof MGR's rivals,looted shops, and burnedvehicles. to demonstrate the extentof theirgriefand devotion.Two killed themselves Some followers to threemillion people attendedMGR's funeral, wherepolice opened fireto controlthe agitated crowds. Mournerswere said to be angryand disbelievingthat theirhero, always the victorover his cinematicand political enemies,should finallybe vanquishedhimself. Othereventshave sparkedsimilarresponses, theDMK includingMGR's 1972 dismissalfrom (Jagathrakshakan 1984:1-2, 81-82) and thedeathofC. N. Annadurai,the belovedfounder of the DMK party,in 1969.
6

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importance attachedto charity or patronage.One of the main means of gaining political supportin India is doing favors;in Bailey's words,such favors can vary "from the whollylegitimate assistance given to a constituent who is havingtrouble making the bureaucracy give him something which is legally his right,down to the surreptitious and entirely of cash in return illegal offer fora vote" (1983:86). To offer one illustration, ifa community needsa well and the rulingparty will not sanctionthe expenditure, an oppositionpartymay then providethe moneywith the likelyassuranceof gaining a bloc of votes. No matterhow stronga leader's public image, votersupportcan be lost if an opponentprovidesassistancewhile the leader ignoresvoters'needs. This "altruism"is essentialto the leadersMines and Gourishankar refer to as "institutional big-men" (periyar,periyavar), persons whose preeminence depends both on the institutions controlled and on theirown "charisma,"skill, and idiosyncrasies, and who "attractfollowers and enact their rolesas generous leaders the 'charitable' through institutions thattheycontrol" (Mines and Gourishankar 1990:762). Theirsatelliteinstitutions a "galactic" typically form patternwith a "characteristic mandala structure," and are headed by lieutenants who draw power from their association with the generous leader (Mines and Gourishankar 1990:763, 764). This model fitsMGR and his fanclub organization well. In thiscase, generosity is crucialto authority at each levelof theorganization. and gift-giving a deep-seatedculturalsignificance Charity carry that underlies the utility of acquiringvotesthrough favors. While the sum of transactions defines statusesthroughout givers'and receivers' India, the exchangeof material goods for elementof South Indian political relationships. politicalsupportis a longstanding The sovereignty of Tamil kingswas traditionally on theirabilityto give dependent giftsof land, titles,or honorsto certainsubjects,and the acceptanceof such gifts and serviceto the sovereign denotedloyalty (Dirks 1986:311-12, Price 1989:563; see also Mines and Gourishankar1990:764; Shulman 1985:22-23, 368). Stein (1981:134ff.) locates the originof this feature of kingshipin the Pallava dynasty some time duringthe eighthcentury A.D. Lower-level leaderswho pledged their sharedin the king's qualities, which Price contendslent legitimation following to the leaders'"lordship overtheir own, lesserdomains"(1989:563). Thus, she argues, a model forauthority constituted "valuesofkingship thatby theeighteenth century had penetrated the totalpolitydown to the village level," allowingmaintenance of basesformonarchical the "institutional in localities" culture evenafter the destruction of the larger monarchies duringcolonialrule(1989:563-64). Elements of thismodel forauthority leadersare seen as havinga "dutyto care persisttoday.Contemporary forthe materialinterests of [their] followers" (Brass 1990:96). These traditional commitments accompany politicalpatronagerelationships in present-day Madurai, wherepoliticians'acts of beneficence occur in starkcontrast to the corruption and bureaucratic met with by the poor in theirattemptsto acquire unresponsiveness even thosematerial accordedthemby government improvements laws or programs. Cinema playsa role in patronage because it can show a politiciangivingfavors to people who are like members of the audience. This occursoccasionally in films in thenewsreels but morefrequently thatrunbefore moviesand thatoften broadcast the latestpublic eventsat whichwell-known politicianshave aided the poor. Such fordirectgiving and, in the case of newsreels, depictionsboth substitute spread the effects of the single giftor act to othersbeyondthe actual recipients. In this way the cinematicdepictionmakes single acts of charity-even fictional onesmoreefficient by spreadingtheireffects to a vastlywideraudience than the actor and politiciancan reachalone, even if the effect may be slightly morediluted than had the act been carried out in personrather thanon screen.In addition,fanclubs

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out social serviceprojects,includinghighlypublicized make a point of carrying of valuable giftsto the poor, all done in the name of the star. These distributions of the filmstar'slargesse,regardless and acceptedas instances are represented events the star is present. of whether mediahavenot obviated thatcinemaand other to note,however, It is instructive the need for the personalappearanceand the personalfavor.In addition to his the poor, MGR foundit advisableto make to benefit widelypublicizedprograms among the "commonpeople," attendingweddings, public appearances numerous namingchildren,and blessingelderlywomen. While cinema can provideheroes, communications it noranyother thatneither strongly suggested mystays during events makes a candidateif,all otherthingsbeingequal, the opposition mediumcan carry of the propersort.Both gettingone's nameand face appearances personal sufficient knownand gettingthingsdone are crucialto electoralsuccess. ratherthan contradictory, Image and patronagenot only are complementary theattractive between While thedistinction can be mutually dependent. person/ they a longstanding parallels as a meansofgainingpoliticalsupport imageand patronage division in South Asian political studies betweenspiritualand materialbases of support(beginning,perhaps,with Barth's[1959) saint and chief)-which in this and moralcoinageof the media or symbolic case could be statedas the nonmaterial avenues offavor-giving and other fan club activities of material advantage the versus Adulationand together. thereis ample evidencethat theyoftenwork necessarily curious and "a coexist for most followers,in what Brass has called transaction (1990:96). Priceidentifies and materialism" ofdevotion Indiancombination specifically embedded but persistent clearlyin discussinghistorically theircomplementarity models of lordship:"at the core of kinglymodels," she argues, "is the conviction acts of mercy on discrete from distressis dependent thatdaily well-beingor relief fromsuperiorbeings, human or divine." The "beautyand dazzle" and generosity as a whole" of wealthforthe community the potentialities of the king "symbolized that could easily apply to MGR and his fan following. (1989:571), a statement in electoral of wealth,factors Cinema linksthe image of beautyand the prestations the effects of the laudable the personand amplifying success,by both advertising deeds. India. In in politics throughout Patronageand personalappeal are important Tamil Nadu, a thirdfactor-the statepolitical structure-makescinema an even are elected Membersof the legislature moreusefultool thanit mightbe elsewhere. local wards. As in the restof India, the parties'candidatesare usuallychosen from and Kochanek(1986:285) call the "social base of the to what Hardgrave according to drawthevotesofthearea'smostsignificant the candidate's and ability constituency" ties largelymeanj'ati (caste) ties. Tamil "communal" In Nadu, communalgroups. as is to this state; typically, caste not of unique certainly The politicalsignificance a as to contest the ability Brass points out, "power at the local level, including a of existence elections,dependsupon the assembly seriouscandidatein legislative base of caste supportin clustersof villages" (1990:122-23). (See also Robinson groupsare relatively and linguisticminority 1988.) But it is notablethatr.eligious in politicalcampaigns.While recent a factor small in Tamil Nadu, and are rarely of communal Hindu-Muslimclashessuggestthatthismaybe changing,the variety limitedto casteloyalties.Political generally ties foundin India are herenonetheless are morelikelyto be selected Even stateministers partiescourtthesecommunities. to as the partyin powerattempts thanfortheirexpertise, fortheircaste affiliation maximizeits communalrepresentation.

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on a It would be politicallydangerous,however,to choose a chiefminister communalbasis, because in Tamil Nadu no caste or alliance of castes is clearly the state.The chiefminister-who is chosenby the majority throughout dominant communities, and should havean imagethatappealsacross legislators-should party's Unlikemostlegislators, to anysinglecommunity. not be seenas belonging preferably one caste. In fact,mostpeople did not knowhis caste. This MGR did notrepresent is one of the primary was highlyunusual in a societyin which caste membership were"uncertain" It was notthatvoters features peoplewantto knowaboutone another. point is that speculationarose so about his caste, since the most remarkable arosebecausehis filmroles of identity rarely instead,casteas a feature infrequently; a superseding forhim. Whether MGR was working identity established had already is not certain;what is clear is that he was able to his caste identity to obfuscate thatofclass: his filmheroestappedastutely on a different principle, appeal to voters and of social, economic,and political deprivation voters'feelings into lower-class withspeeches thesevoters in theDMK had also targeted His predecessors oppression. classes"(socially and economically determined aimed at the "backward and programs that comprisemost of the population),but MGR visiblyand forcefully categories of Tamil voters.MGR's popularity with the most underprivileged aligned himself no problemsincethe class he appealed did not cut acrossclasses,but thispresented of voters. to still made up by farthe majority it is easy to see whythe state'sparties Given Tamil Nadu's politicalstructure, local benefitfroma leader whose personalappeal transcends would particularly at the top, any partywith "personality" communalloyalties.Without a unifying divisions; along its communaland otherfactional a wide base can easilydisintegrate after MGR's death. In order thisindeedis whathappenedto theADMK immediately communal identities haveplacedon attaining thelimitsthatcasteand other to bypass a different and after in India bothbefore crosscutting Independence, leadership political and thenacceptedby voters.In the case mustbe substituted or overriding identity been replacedby of MGR, the appeal to a caste or religiousgroup has essentially "class" in a broad sense-arguably the clearestcase of this one to a socioeconomic even the appeals made to "backwardclasses" by India, superseding in present-day whichare bothcaste-and class-based. Cinema of the Mandal Commission, supporters meansofcreating and broadcasting to be notonlyone ofthemosteffective has proved such an image in South India; it is also one of the only means. Its effectiveness and from its immense among popularity from cinema'svirtual derives omnipresence, the poor. of the politicalsystem in India, particularly Tamil Each of thesecharacteristics the significance of patronage, of the attractive Nadu-the central person, importance ofa widelyappealing,nonchauvinistic imageat thestateleveland theadvantages to the roleof cinemain producing politicians.In an area in whichmost contributes cinema can solve one of the votershave little access to televisionor newspapers, main problemsassociatedwith nonlocalelectoralcandidacy:it allows the crafting image. Because film stardomcarriesa of a carefully molded, widelyrecognizable of zealous fanclubs, it also solvesanother problem,that of establishing following network of committed a grass-roots politicalsupporters.

MGR's Cinematic and Political Image

such as Shivaji Ganesan,Jayalalitha, and N. T. Despite othernotablefigures the mostsuccessful of all SouthIndianactors in translating Rama Rao, MGR remains

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politicalimage. In the process,he also transformed a movieimage into an effective Yet whilehis success system. offanclubs intoa crucialpoliticalsupport his network The meansby unique nor idiosyncratic. his methodswere neither was remarkable, his image fromone sphereto another,and the role that this whichhe transposed and fanclub members, ofbothaudiences support imageplayedin gainingthepolitical forthe filmstar. of cinema'spoweras a political resource providean illustration romantic an imageas a dashing of filmacting,MGR had developed In forty years cameto acceptas a representation ofthepoor,an imagethatfans heroand theprotector of his own personalnature.Born about 1915 in Sri Lanka, MGR is said to have moved family died. His impoverished leftschool at the age of six when his father joined a boys' drama troupe. to Tamil Nadu, whereMGR and his elder brother film, and his firsthit came out in 1947. He By 1936 MGR had made his first DMK partyseveralyearslater. joined C. N. Annadurai's rose in the 1950s and 1960s, MGR crafted As Tamil political consciousness of SouthIndia," Called the "Douglas Fairbanks his filmand politicalimagecarefully. heroin his earlyfilms.With his growing playedtheswashbuckling MGR had often the populist ideologyof he added manyroles that reflected political involvement, Like other underdog. but victorious playingtheoppressed frequently theDMK party, dialogue, love Tamil movies of the time, MGR's filmswere filledwith flowery fights.I was told (alwaysby men or by womenwho disavowed songs,and dramatic swayedby his love that MGR's femalefanswere greatly themselves) such feelings scenes. It was his acrobaticfight sequences, however,that were most famous. villainswith swords,sticks,and fistsHandsomeMGR foughtthe dark--kinned overevil as MGR saved the day forthe poor and and alwayswon. Good triumphed forthe heroine. The filmNadodiMannan(Vagabond King, or Vagabond and King) was one of and action were his most popular movies. It is a prime example of how rhetoric and of how his filmscreated combinedto build an imageas a heroof theoppressed, a basis forhis subsequentpolitical career.Released in 1958, Nadodi Mannanwas directed,and producedby MGR, and is said to have "assured" MGR's written, withinthe DMK (Sivathamby 1981:39). It made cleveruse of positionof strength the risingsun, symbolof the DMK, and closed with a shot of the party'sblack and ofZenda, MGR plays the double role red flag. In this film,based on The Prisoner first meeting, and aristocratic king. In thetwocharacters' ofvagabondrevolutionary the vagabond triesto convincethe king of the need forpeople's rule. When the thathe is one of the people, MGR the vagabondarguespassionately: king responds to the cup filled as youareto seeing your for you,accustomed How is it possible You ofsewage? thepeoplewholivein themidst brimwithmilk,to understand to wear.The people ofyour twothousand overwhich garments haveto struggle and save nakedness withwhich to hidetheir longto havejustone thingarment understand this?Your courtesans leap to honor-how couldyou possibly their thattear before a silk carpet you. The peoplemustbreakoffthe thorns spread that How is it conceivable onward. youshould as they feet intotheir go, trudging be one of them? Quickly persuadedby such an eloquent argument,the king agrees to join forces and together fightthe evil agents(read CongressParty)in with the revolutionary the land. rhetoric. suchas theseforeshadowed MGR's own political and speeches Characters At the end of the film,when the vagabonddisguisedas the king has rescuedthe and an island princessfromthe adoptivefather real king fromhis evil ministers

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in triumph, have returned her, and the two MGR characters who triedto marry that "could easily pass forthe DMK election the new king issues a proclamation to havesaid that"NadodiMannan 1975:14). MGR is reported manifesto" (Hardgrave has been producedto show that the DMK iS the partywhich is servingthe people (Anna, December 5, 1958, quoted in Pandian 1992:34). Almost of this country" of a Maduraifanclub told me thatNadodi Mannan thirty yearslater,the president movie because "that filmis the fightbetweenthe rulingclass and was his favorite MGR announcedin that court,he does now Everything the workingclass. ... as chiefminister." and replacedthem with his own In his manymovies, MGR smashedtyrants the use of alcohol, and gave food condemned his mother, populistrule, worshiped leaders, pullers and revolutionary and clothingto the poor. He played rickshaw withthe identified strongly sons. His characterizations lovers,and dutiful charming glamourand charm,theyadded up to a lowerclass. Combinedwith a bewitching of the poor. This was an image that votersbelieved in. championship glittering Fans knew that MGR was what theysaw in the movies,and acceptedthe movie votersespeciallysaw MGR as their image as the real person.Poor and uneducated as someonewho not only hero. Unlike most otherfilmstars,MGR was perceived and cared about the problemsof the workingclass, but also possessed understood the necessary powerto attackand solve thoseproblems. of MGR with his screenroles is interesting. The natureof this identification about the film It was not a simple equation of the two. Rather,in conversations star,it becameclearthatpeople believedthatMGR would not have chosento play believedin the values his characters espoused. the roleshe did unlesshe sincerely of how he himself would act in MGR's roleswerean illustration For his followers, Thus the partshe chose to play not onlypresagedhis later circumstances. real-life political image, theyalso createdthe basis of a political following.In his actions with, and speeches in the many films like Nadodi Mannan, MGR sympathized or overcame the obstaclesto socioeconomic security and eitherremoved articulated, and politicalpowerfacedby the poor. Many of the poor feltthat he had a direct in theirlives, and believedthat forthe difficulties of and empathy understanding once in powerhe would workto alleviatethemas he had in his films. MGR was able to maintainhis immensepersonalpopularity Once in office, despite the fact that he had made no movies in the previousten years. When I to Madurai in 1991-92, his old filmsstill played in numeroustheaters returned MGR took care to burnish his filmimage by to packed houses. As chiefminister, and identifiable issues(including himself with easily charged emotionally associating and and to children) food donations clothing subsidized housing, ofalcohol, prohibition his to me sidewould cite welfare voters programs that the result government with as like us." in movies evidence that MGR with his actions "helps people by-side was the followers his closeness that many of measure personal One popularity People talkedabout MGR as if he werea close relative. feltto the chiefminister. I was once of helpingolder brother; followers thought him as a protecting, Many of to a one of the see even many pictures to point girl twelve-year-old surprised to him as "enkal annan"(myelderbrother). tinyhouseand refer MGR in herfamily's and told me that othersfantasized about Some women talked of him as a father, of such relationships, at least the platonic ones, him as a lover. The perception from was a regularly of reciprocal MGR; in fact,there feelings impliestheassumption in each of his followers, as well interested beliefthatMGR was directly expressed as in the poor as a whole. In one popularmyth,it was oftensaid thatthe childless MGR gave all his moneyto the poor, who took the place of his own children.As

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MGR children and say, "See thatschooluniform? people wouldpointto their proof, gave that to us last yearat the harvestfestival."It was also believed that when MGR died, he would leave a littlemoneyto his wifeand bequeaththe restto the poor. When this did not happen, people explainedthat eitherhis wifehad taken MGR's honesty had consumedit. For mostvoters, rivalries the moneyor intraparty that while his ministers were beyondquestion: I heard repeatedly and integrity and greedy,MGR neverwas. mightbe corrupt how MGR's film image propagateda such as these demonstrate Statements to thatimage. Poor people minister thatcorresponded of thechief public perception at believed that the honestMGR, who had nothingbut theirown best interests heart,would defendthem in real life as he had foryearsin his films.Afterall, would he have made such movies if his heartdid not agree with them?For his a reciprocal devotionto the poor through well-publicized part,MGR demonstrated and populist political measures.His image was so strongthat the acts of charity wereultimately detrimental of his economicpolicies, whicharguably actual effects to the rich (see Pandian 1992:21ff.forone discussion), to the poor and beneficial for went unnoticedby most voters.Nor was he held accountableby his followers he had chosen,thuslargely of the ministers avoiding suchas the behavior aberrations theyare at the paradox charitableleaders oftenface in that "the more effective they become, and the more people doubt attracting clients, the more influential 1990:780). Indeed,it was not the ministers their altruism" (Minesand Gourishankar it was MGR whomthey to MGR's party; wouldfollowfollowers who had attracted as was said again and again-to any partyhe chose to grace.

MGR's Fan Clubs and Politics

manyattacksby politicalrivals, imagesurvived generated MGR's cinematically while the strong Nonetheless, and much damningevidenceof his own corruption. like MGR is difficult to combat,by itself it is insufficient, appealofsomeone personal of his fanclubs. as I have argued,to keep a leaderin power. Thus the importance fromtheirrole as a crucialgrass-roots has derivedfirst network Their significance in the ADMK party,and second fromthe propagandavalue of the social services the philanthropic whichoperationalize image. They have also served theyperform, a further purpose, that of adjunct trainingground forADMK politicians. While an has changedsomewhat since his death, it has remained MGR's fanorganization elementwithinthe party. important to other stars' clubs in SouthIndia in manyrespects. MGR's fanclubsare similar since 1985, such clubs In Madurai, whereI have workedwith theseorganizations are popularamong youngmen. Women, forwhom the "rowdy"public natureof is judged inappropriate, belong to fanclubs.7 Most rarely manyfanclub activities
7I heardof one or two MGR Women's Branches(makilaanni), but was told thesewere with none of the otheractivities normally associatedwith fan purelypoliticalorganizations, inductedsix women whose role is clubs. I also learnedin 1991 that one club had recently of social services:womenweresaid residents most deserving thoseneighborhood to identify at this worksince theyfrequently enterneighbors' homesand can more to be moreeffective women'sparticipation in otherclub theirneeds. Even in this case, however, easilyascertain was considered By the time womenreachtheirlate teens,mostare activities inappropriate. formarriage, ofa fanclub are construed and thepublic activities married or preparing either also keeps of cinemaitself for(and by) them. The vaguelylicentiousreputation as improper women away fromfan clubs.

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schooleducation(see are of the lowerclass and have less thana secondary members thecaste based, reflecting also Pandian 1992:19-20). Local clubs are neighborhood area from whichtheydraw. While most makeupof the residential and occupational and publicdisplays filmgoing, meetings, (including are, in fact,recreational activities of dancing skill), the ethos of fan clubs emphasizessocial service(see Dickey, in of and intricacy size, extentof activities, press). Clubs varywidelyin membership The largestgroups are usually highlyorganizedin both urban and organization. structure that devolvesfromthe state/national (or ruralareas, with a bureaucratic and/or city,ward, and local ("branch")levels. even international) apex to district out Most fan clubs are devotedto starswithoutpolitical careersand do not carry (although,as suggestedbelow, some could easilybe transformed politicalactivities in Tamil Nadu, thoseofMGR, Shivaji,and Jayalalitha intopoliticalorganizations); in this regard.MGR's fanclubs are also distinctin that,of have been exceptional his were the most intricately all the clubs that existedduringhis termin office, the most frequently involvedin majorsocial organized,best funded,and therefore serviceactivities. to estimate While fan clubs are verypopular in Madurai, it is quite difficult are district how many thereare. The only individualswith accurateinformation of their star's reputation who tendto believethatit is in theinterest and stateleaders, and often makecontradictory statements. Moreover, to claimas manyclubsas possible, fan clubs, those that have not paid the fees thereis no accountingof unofficial withthe central Rajnikanth president to register body. In 1986 the district necessary were1,300 Rajni clubsin Maduraicityand 2,600 in thedistrictclaimedthatthere are fartoo high. The Kamalhasandistrict numbers that,based on my observation, of 350 clubs in the city. A ward leader a morelikelyfigure club leadersestimated at almost 1,000 MGR clubs in Madurai. of the MGR organization put the figure more than 800 MGR fan clubs in the DMK in 1972, but The Hindu had reported claimed 20,000 when he split fromthe partythatyear(see Barnett MGR himself claimsofbetween 4,000 and 5,000 forall ofSouth reported 1976:312n), Hardgrave citedan unattributed of "about figure India in 1969 (1975:18), and Pandianrecently boasted of more 10,000 branches"in Tamil Nadu (1992:30). Shivaji Productions than 3,000 Shivaji clubs in 1969, but one club leaderestimatedonly 700 in the stateat thattime (Hardgrave1975:18). My own veryroughestimatein 1986 was 300 Rajnikanth 500 or moreMGR clubs in the Madurai area, and approximately Based on the less than definitive evidenceof and Kamalhasanclubs, respectively. and observations of new club signboards, I suspect withfanclub leaders conversations and theothers ofMGR clubshas declined somewhat increased thatthenumber slightly about Shivaji fan clubs to in the subsequentyears. I have too little information theseare the most helpfulstatistics to be estimatetheirnumbers.Unfortunately, data about any aspects found.To my knowledgethereare no reliablequantitative did not providea sizable enoughsample from which of fanclubs, and my contacts to projectsuch data. MGR's Fan Clubs as a Political Cadre in themid-1950s, fanorganizations amongthefirst MGR's clubsbeganorganizing DMK to appear. When MGR leftthe DMK he was accompaniedby fewhigh-level with him, includingmany officials but took much of the party'smass following These groupssoon evolvedintoa tightly of fanclub members. organized, thousands of network politicalsupport. intricate

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in the normalrangeof film-oriented and social service MGR's clubs participate of theirorganizational activities.They are unusual, however,in the elaborateness thatservesthemwell in politicalactivities.Indeed, MGR's fan a feature structure, has had by farthemostsignificant rolein Tamil stateand local politics organization of any fanassociation. While MGR was still alive, his fan clubs were involvedin politics in several the re-release of ways. They providedindirect supportto the partyby advertising him at his movies. Membersworkedat and filmsand cheering MGR's important as a group. Clubs campaigned ADMK party forparty candidates attended gatherings and often who thosecandidates would be. helpeddetermine in important elections, allowed to put up slates Ward head club leadersclaimedthattheyweresometimes of candidatesdrawn fromtheir own ranks. Because memberswere devoted to MGR in all his capacities,theywerezealous canvassers and fundraisers. promoting and reliable No otherpoliticianor party boastedsuch a well-organized, widespread, cadre. In additionto directcampaignassistance,clubs also providedcriticalsupport to MGR with theirsocial serviceprojects.These servicescould include advising of fires,crimes,or electrical outages,cleaningblockeddrainsand dirty authorities streets, providingshelterforfloodvictims,and handingout food and clothingto as well as larger suchas donating expensive toolsto laborers. local residents, projects to Membersfullyexpected that these activitieswould endear their organization residentsand help maintainMGR's reputation.The presidentof neighborhood Madurai's tenthward head club8 said, "This is an MGR club doing these good things. Of coursethe people will know that theyare done with MGR's blessing and will praiseour leaderforthem." of the members' Some of these servicesinvolvedmediationbetweenresidents and local politicalofficials, whenthe officials own neighborhoods belonged especially problem-such as downed power lines or to the ADMK. When a neighborhood the mediation of a local official, waterdelivery-required unreliable the club officers the official and ask forhis or her help, and if necessary would confront bringthe to talk directly withresidents. back to the neighborhood services official Mediational residents takeadvantage of government could also includehelpingcertain "deserving" welfare programs. betweenthe club and residents The supportive is important and relationship occasional The club provides socialservices and localpolitical representation, reciprocal. and electoral and neighbors wereoffered support.Thus, club services give financial as something ofa responsibility in return as actsofpatronage, forthemoney neighbors might donate toward club operatingexpenses, and as a means of gaining and fortheparty.When club members the neighborhood canvassed maintaining support forvotes. One officer said duringcampaigns,theypromisedassistancein return "If thereis a problemherein thisstreet and you approach theywould tell residents, it is you ask." When the club wantedto put on us forhelp, we will do whatever and hiringspeakers,they a public meeting,which requiredbuilding a platform would collectfiverupeesor so apiece fromindividualsin the area. I met, Murugan,a ward head club president, Like many otherclub officials toward to feela moralresponsibility thosein hisareawhoaidedand supported appeared his club, and helped them take advantageof government benefits to which they were entitled. The reciprocal aspect of this aid becomes clear if we look at one exampleof a major serviceprojectfromMurugan'sclub, an eventthat took place
8In the discussionthat followsall club locationsand names of club leaders have been changed.

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event,withpicturesof C. N. Annadurai(left)and MGR decorating the top front. in 1985. 1 learnedof this projectthe following year,and about half the twenty I askedcoulddescribe it in somedetail,providing residents neighborhood descriptions that usuallycorresponded closelywith Murugan'saccount. Club membershad decided to tryand procure"iron boxes" forsome of the and who wereentitled people in theirarea who makea livingby pressing clothing, welfare act to receivesuch tools. Accordingto Murugan, by a government ironboxes,so we wentto thecitycollector Manypeoplewouldask us forthese with official] a petition withforty names. Thenthe [thedistrict's topgovernment makesurethatall theseforty cameto checktocollector needthe peoplereally it wastrue, we seta date[for irons. Whenhe found thepresentation oftheirons], came.Forthatfunction, we gavethepeopleidentification and theminister cards theironboxes. so they couldcollect therewerea greatnumber As alwaysat such functions, of speechespraisingMGR. minister a The social welfare played prominent role, eager to be associatedwith a leader and to credit for Once the speecheshad been gain providing charity. popular came the chosen forward as were theircards, made, called, presented recipients they and receivedtheirnew irons. Afterward, "these Murugan said, forty people each ten and us 'Take these 400 and conduct and do said, gave rupees rupees meetings the In for that we meet our club something poor.' way expenses. I asked Murugan who providedthe money for the irons-the club or the minister? He answered, government

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it. But thesepoorpeople,becauseof their A government plan provides status, cannot go directly to thecollector. Theywillcometo us-people whocango to thecollector and wholivein their samestreet. If we havea publicmeeting, we will go and ask themeach forRs.5 to conduct the meeting. We ourselves ask Thenthey can tellonlyus their for problems. Theywill [them help]frequently. scheme?" Thenwe musttalk say,"Whycan'tyouhelpus withthisgovernment askus for to theminister. We haveto act!Ifpeople things, we haveto givethem, in us and there willstopbelieving will be no club. or they Like newsreel depictionsof MGR's own acts of benevolence, such eventshave ofspreading theirinfluence had theeffect beyondthe immediate recipients to others who come to learn of them. There was little a political rival could say to sway of MGR's givingnature. voters whentheyhad concrete proof Presentation ceremonies suchas thisone allow thefanclubs and thepoliticalofficial (the "servants" ofMGR) and, most importantly, MGR himselfto receivecreditfor the important act of giving-even though the irons actuallycame frompublic government programs and money.Justas lowerlevel leadersreceivemeritin the audience'seyesfortheir with and proximity to all higherofficials, so the higherofficials appearances gain creditfromthe good worksdone by those below them in the name of someone above them. Thus thereis both an evolvingand devolvinghierarchical chain of accruedin both directions. associationthat spreadsthe benefits Such reciprocality is notunique in SouthIndianpolitics;it fitscloselywithPrice'smonarchical culture structures modeland withthegalactic described leadership byMinesand Gourishankar. What is leftunexplained and what remains to be by theseothermodels, however, leadersconvert with seen hereis the means by whichsubordinate theirassociation higherleadersinto personalstanding. MGR (and laterJayalalitha) These fanclubs supported forvotes, by canvassing at party forand appearing preparing rallies,and providing backupworkin elections. thatdemonstrated out projects the candidate's Theyalso carried and party's generosity activities the crucialbacking, to thepoor. Campaignand service the support provided and promotional adjunctto the heroicimage MGR had built through cinema. But as the above analysissuggests,has not been restricted theirusefulness, to the star whose name adorned them. In addition, fan club membershiphas afforded forpolitical involvement to members themselves. opportunities MGR's Fan Clubs as a Route to Personal Political Power Memberswork side by side with regularpartymembersto prepareforlarge and to canvassneighborhoods at electiontimes.While membership party gatherings in an MGR club provides such opportunities fordirectpoliticalinvolvement to any member,for a few it also has opened a route to personalpolitical power and withinthe party.In fact,this is one of the only means of attaining advancement of mostfanclub members. such powerthatis open to people of the social standing to theirdifficulty in attaining Two factors contribute publiclyrecognized forms of personalpower. First, making direct claims to power for oneselfis even more foryoungmen of littlesocial or financial means than it is forothers inappropriate in Tamil society.Second, even if such a personwere to do so, he would almost lack the resources to substantiate his claims through the normal certainly necessary routesof patronage, status. wealth,and ascriptive

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The fanclubs' roleas a politicaltraining groundhas not been widelyrecognized norevenwholeheartedly by outsideobservers, approved by the regular party.While the fanclubs are an integral partof the ADMK, theyare also distinctly separate from the regular partyapparatus,and the pathstakenforpersonalpoliticaladvancement withinthesetwo sectionsof the party. differ and ADMK partyofficials Both fanclub members see the clubs as comingunder the auspicesof the partybut as nonetheless separatefromit. Club members stress the party's, from the separation thattheirworkis different explaining as a division of labor. Both workforthe partyto win, but, theyargue,even local partyofficials time to look after the lowest level of partyor constituent lack sufficient needs, or the fan club work. Most partyleadershave a different perspective; theyview fans and disdainthem,and extendtheirfeelings as unsophisticated to fellow party leaders the fanclubs. Their distasteechoes the commoncriticisms who have risenthrough in general,as well as that feltby manynonsupporters made of movie watchers of of the middle and upper classes) towardthe ADMK the ADMK (especiallymembers themselves. partyofficials Slots on electoralslates and ranking positionswithinthe partycan be secured means in each. The througheitherof these arenas, but are gained by different motivational and instrumental different starting pointsforpoliticalascentthrough versus thefanorganization theparty apparatus could be calleda politicsofpatronage versusone of adulation. The regularpartyworkerinterested in pursuingone of himself or herself thesepositionsmust establishand represent as the patronof a a certain devotion to theparty's groupof voters. (While occasionally founders, leader, it can alwaysbe supplied and, I or ideologymightalso need to be demonstrated, a person would argue, is farless criticalthan vote-delivering abilityin qualifying Thus state ministers are electoral chosen for less forwhat they candidacy.) usually know than forwhom theyrepresent, in resultingin a large numberof ministers to as recentyears,as the chiefminister caste attempted appease many perceived a minister or two each forMuslims,Christians, groupsas possible,plus appointing and women. fanclubs mustalso acquire While thosewho would advanceto powerthrough in orderto maintaintheirpositiononce it has been some patronagerelationships at the beginning of theirclimb appearsto differ from that achieved,the motivation of most otherpoliticians.So do the means theyuse along the way. In the case of a politicsof adulation, fan club members,the politicalclimb is initiatedthrough to promotenot oneselfbut the image of the in which the initialgoal is primarily withinfan clubs is gained by being a good fan club hero. That is, advancement and truesupporter of and believer in MGR-and initially member-a hard-working or whether has nothingto do withwhichclientsone represents, one does so at all. devotionto MGR (or to his memory) The goal of promoting resultsin good deeds in MGR's name,and encourages services and neighborhood to makepersonal members as a symbolof theirown devotion.Eventually, to the smaller contributions projects of theseservices will acquire some thoseclub leaderswho are seen as the initiators Those who gain power within the fan club personalsupportfrombeneficiaries. as representatives also acquirepatronage ofthousands structure offanclub members, who, becauseof the alienationfeltbetweenthemand othertypesof partyleaders, are fiercely loyal to theirown. It is at this point that a club leader may put the a politicalseat or patronagethat has grownout of adulationto use by requesting otherpartyposition. This is not a typicalrouteto politicalpower, in India or elsewhere.Nor does as does ascentthrough it producethe same typeofpoliticians the ADMK party itself.

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and thoseof party members My observations suggestedthatofficials and politicians in fan clubs are generally much less secure in theirpositions with a background While this mayderivein partfromthe antecedent thanare fellowofficials. factors of low socioeconomic status,it is at the veryleast compoundedby the stigmaof forthefilmworldis an indication fanclub association. Anystrong affinity ofmental in Tamil Nadu (see Dickey 1989:27). Accordingly, and moraldegeneration regular were skepticaland suspiciousof those who had risen throughthe partyofficials as suggestedby Barnettabove). A local party clubs (a longstanding sentiment, not connectedwith the clubs, told me that club officials could not be organizer, trustedwith "seriouspartyduties," implyingthat theyhad neitherthe rigorous for this work. MGR himselfseemed to nor the intelligence experience necessary fordifferent of officials; standards varieties have different my impression was that than others.(However, it he replacedthose fromfan clubs much morefrequently all levelsof party mustalso be said thatMGR was unpredictable regarding leadership in his last fewyears.) of theirfeelings forMGR's fanclub members, But no partyleaders,regardless criticalsupportto the party.At the "All-World could denythatthe clubs brought held in Madurai in 1986, MGR called International MGR Fan Club Conference" link betweenthe party the fan clubs the "backboneof the party"and a necessary and the people (The Hindu,July 14, 1986). The relatively sophisticated and wellthatMGR chosemayhave added respectability to his party,but educatedministers awarethatthefanclubs, through theirlocal-level he was highly powerand influence for his movies, werefundamental to hiscontinuing and theenthusiasm they encouraged and success. popularity

Two Club Leaders: Pandian and Murugan I firstbecame aware of the role of MGR fan clubs in raisinga few of their as budding politiciansthroughPandian, a youngbranchclub secretary. members of MGR was immense,and Pandianwas an eloquentdefender His adoration of his hero.In 1985-86 he was stillin thefirst stagesof his climbtoward political position, of his older friend, and was followingin the footsteps Murugan. Murugan, who ward-an areathatincludes leadstheheadclub ofthetenth Pandian's neighborhoodhad by thenrisenas faras he could withinthe fanorganization and seemedon the vergeof attaininga politicalpost. has not been notedpreviously Becausethisrouteto political position in academic or the press, I includea briefbut detailedcase studyof thesetwo men. literature thosewho attemptto workup through these Althoughindividual,theyexemplify ranks,and theirstorieshighlightimportant aspectsof the political climb. Their of how political power can be achievedoutside the accountsprovideillustrations an understanding of how such a routecircumvents usual partyarena,and facilitate normalculturalproscriptions against the acquisitionof public power by men like them. Pandian helped founda branchMGR club in 1985, and when I met him was treasurer of that club. Until his father died thirteen yearsearlierhis familyhad well-off. His mostconsciousmotivation in his fanclub involvement been fairly was of MGR, but considerable and glorification the promotion evidencesuggestedthat he was also motivatedby a desireto regainsomething of his family's former and becauseoftheirhighcasteand previous rightful stature-"rightful" social standing.

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in an MGR fan club, he has been able to reclaim Throughhis positionas officer some social power. Pandian said that he had become a fan fromwatchingMGR movieswhen he became political was a boy. AfterMGR came to power, Pandian and his friends withthegood thingsthe new chiefminister as well. They wereimpressed followers and it did forpoor people, especiallyhis noon meals programforschoolchildren, a club; thuslike mostotherMGR themto start thatprompted was theirenthusiasm fromthe beginning.They also spoke of his clubs, theirshad political overtones club members' kindness,and virility.The latteremphasisdistinguished honesty, weretypical;he claimed, "No thoseof otherfans.Pandian'sremarks from remarks seeingour leader one else has his majesty.Even a cowardwould becomebraveafter [fight]like that in the movies," and when we firstmet he proclaimedthat "for everyyear[MGRJ growshe becomesthat much morevigorous." people, and Pandian and severalotherfansstartedtheirMGR club with forty well educated, he says,becausehe was considered Pandianwas chosento be treasurer, school completion.He was proud of this being just one year shortof secondary he was positionbecause it was the same one thatMGR had in the DMK just before in removedfromthat party.RecentlyPandian moved up to the post of secretary his club, second in commandto the president. ofexperience thatmaycontribute types givesPandianseveral Fan club membership of these are his leadership to a more directrole in politics. The most important in neighborhood service,and his active support withinthe club, his involvement an club as elected leader,Pandian is one of the three candidates.First, of electoral the club's internalaffairs. all decisions for making regarding people responsible Second, and responsibility. authority Withinthe fanclub, he has gainedconsiderable the club. since establishing he has also had a morevisiblerole in his neighborhood and loudspeakers forwhicha platform holds public meetings His club occasionally the other club leaders will to large crowds. Pandian and speak and are erected, the head has become involved with club of his ward Pandian ThroughMurugan, his street. He has better held at on also become is a featured meetings speaker and as and club social services such sweets distributing to through known neighbors to local children. school uniforms has helped him earnpointswithin withelectioncampaigning His involvement thatshould be valuable in the eventof his own and given him experience the party futurecandidacy. For Pandian and his friends,campaigninghas usually meant out the menialtasksrequired forhosting and carrying dignitaries leaflets distributing he became involvedwith the head club, who come to stumpforcandidates.After work forelections.Most he also began to travelto othercities to do preparatory of the legislative as thegroupagentfortheADMK'S MLA (member he worked recently, all fanclub campaignworkin his area. candidateforhis ward,organizing assembly) thathis candidatehad won by such a marginthata DMK minister Pandianreported he had done any workat all in asked the DMK youthleaderwhether living nearby the area. has given residents of poorand low-caste Being a club leaderin a neighborhood Pandian an ideal position fromwhich to supportMGR-now as beforeMGR's death-at the same time as he gains local prominence.People such as Pandian, are generallyconstrained fromacquiring who lack social and financialresources, to gain powerover againstobviousattempts powerby culturalinjunctions personal the fan club hierarchy, however,are not perceived peers. Those who rise through aremotivated themselves by-and satisfactorily as seeking they power;rather, personal MGR, the leaderwho, theiractionsin termsof-the goal of glorifying represent

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knows, considerednot his own needs but only those of the poor. In as everyone to associatethemselves of MGR and attempting as followers themselves identifying with his humble yet illustriousimage, fan club leadershave been able to couch in termsof gainingpowerand gloryforMGR. theirpersonalstatusadvancement despiteMGR's death. The fanswith appearsto have been maintained This strategy presencein his films, whom I spoke in 1990 emphasizedtheirleader'scontinuing theiractive and heartenthese fanswhile encouraging which still play frequently support. Pandian's own political desireshave remainedmuted. He is not in a strong clearly;to do so would make him enough position to state his own aspirations His statements suggestthatpoliticalambitions and presumptuous. appearambitious withhis current job offurthering on his ownpartwouldhavebeentakenas interfering withMGR thegood nameof MGR, and perhapsin his mind as directcompetition as well. Because clearambitionsto personalpowerin the public realmare frowned position,it was crucialthathe be seenas working on fora man ofhis socioeconomic solelyto promoteMGR. He has been most consciousof his goals forMGR, not rather thancynical. are idealistic his efforts as withmostfanclub leaders, forhimself; When I leftMaduraiin early1987, it seemedlikelythatPandianwould achieve His involvement with the head club was a strategic higherpositionsin the future. to promote leveragewithinthe overallfanorganization move; it gave him greater in office Pandianwould Had MGR remained himself. bothhis heroand, eventually, have continuedto speak at the head club's public meetings,and as he grew in age havebecomea mediator between neighborhood wouldalmostcertainly and experience suchthings as inconvenient who control regulations and thepublic officials residents purse strings.Althoughhe was unable to achievesuch or the local government's while his partywas out of power-he simplydid not have access to those stature in control-his workin electoralcampaignsduringthat time helped him to gain of theparty. bothwithintheclub and withinthelocal branches creditand visibility to power,and it by the ADMK's return strengthened His positionhas been further is likely that he will soon put his recordas a followerto work to gain further and his local area. withinthe partyorganization authority of theirward's head club, provides Murugan,Pandian's mentorand president an example of the path Pandian may followand of the later stages of a political Muruganbecame a fan Now in his late forties, the fan organization. rise through of MGR when the actor was in his cinematicheyday.He claimed to have seen times, more than any otherfilm, because "in that Nadodi Mannan ten or fifteen the laws verywell." When MGR was "transferred" out of filmMGR implements leftthatpartyto join the DMK, as Muruganput it, he and a largegroupof friends the new ADMK and began theirown MGR fanclub. They renteda small building in theirneighborhood. themselves Muruganwas chosenas president and established of the club at that time, and has remainedso ever since. Sometimethereafter, and the influence of its leaders,Murugan'sclub was thanksto the club's activities wards fora named as the head club of theirward. Madurai has about sixty-five one million,and Murugan'sjurisdiction extendsovera sizable populationof nearly area. Althoughhe had less to say about MGR's starqualitiesthandid manyyounger MGR greatly.In 1986 he saw members,it was obvious that Muruganrespected (accurately) forthe ADMK to exist withoutMGR, and predicted "no justification" and fallfrom MGR's departure. powerafter thattheADMK wouldsplitintotwoparties He was also proud of his leader'saltruismto the poor, and duringour interviews He also believedthat he and his of MGR's acts of generosity. he spoke frequently

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fellowsprovidedessentialpolitical support,crediting his club's labor in Madurai theADMK'S largest winduring withproviding thelastmunicipal government elections, and noting,as a measureof theirdedication,that some members were jailed after theirpartyfroma rivalparty'sattack.> "defending" to Murugan,all fanclub activities were"completely Moreover, aboutpolitics." He alreadysaw the people in the tenthward as his constituents. their Satisfying demandsand approaching ministers involvedsome real calculations powerful of his in additionto the glorytheseefforts own powerand influence, could bringMGR. Unlike Pandian, Muruganwas explicitabout his politicalambitions.He hoped for a seatin thenextMaduraimunicipal elections (whenever they mightbe), and predicted that he had an 80 percentchance of being chosenas the partycandidate.At the time he told me this, his chanceswere enhancedby a friendship with a powerful fromMadurai. The minister state minister had supposedly assuredhim that "this timewe will allow you to contest."Muruganeventually hoped to havean MLA post, but said he could notyetafford it; to runforMaduraiCorporation Councillor would requireRs. 5,000 of his own fundsfor fees, but foran MLA seat he would need at the time, but much higherin Rs.200,000 (U.S.$400 or $16,000, respectively, spendingequivalents). forMurugan,MGR neverheld municipalelections;but while it Unfortunately what the head club leader'schancesfora seat would to judge precisely is difficult he wouldhavebeen in a strong havebeen,it seemslikely position, beinga longtime, and well-connected of the partyand one ripe forsome sortof effective, supporter reward.And like Pandian,his politicalcareer was hindered by the ADMK'S fallfrom slowed by his wife'sdeath in 1989. Friendsof the power. Muruganwas further he stopped appearingin public forsome familytold me he was so grief-stricken see in I was unable to time. Murugan 1990 or 1991, but Pandian reported that to haveworkcarried out and occasionally Muruganstillgivesorders addresses branch has less enthusiasm thanbefore clubs in his wards,but generally forpoliticalwork. the routesof Pandian and Murugantowardpolitical positions: To summarize both men helped establishan MGR fanclub, and werechosenas one of the main clubs. This gave themidealpositions leaders of their respective from whichto support and prominence withintheirown neighborhoods. MGR, and also led to leadership Pandian's role in party politics was limited to providing help with election campaigning.Since no one has been allowed to join the head club since its early days, I expectedthat he would continueto act as secretary of his own club and of sortsin the head club, wherehe had clearly takeon an adjunctmembership been accepted. Had the ADMK remainedin power, as Pandian grew in experience, he havebecome,like Murugan, a mediator wouldalmostcertainly between neighborhood and public officials. residents In Muruganwe see what Pandiancould be in fiveto fifteen years,someoneless with advancingMGR and thus his own concerned naivelyand morepragmatically his group becomingthe head club position.Murugangained greatadvantagefrom in its ward. Over fifteen years,he had sufficient forpartyservice, opportunities and contacts withpoliticians to be promised a municipal publicvisibility, government seat and, possibly,to be awardedit. Where he would go from therewould depend on how much powerand moneyhe could gain by puttingthatpositionto use, as a majority. well as on how long his partycontrolled It is not likely,however, that or Pandian would rise eitherMurugan much higherthan the districtlevel, given betweenthose who rise throughpartyranksand those who rise the distinction the fanclubs. through

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These two men suggestsome of the differences betweenthosewho risethrough what I have called patronageand adulationpolitics, corresponding here to party ranksversus the fan clubs. Pandian and Murugan both began with the goal of to their leader.Pandianwas just beginning devotion promoting to realizethepersonal that he mightalso gain along the way, while Muruganby thenhad advancement his politicalambitionsand was beginningto make use of the patronage crystalized that he had developed. Neitherone had lost his beliefin MGR, nor did it appear had begunto use others' thateither adulation ofMGR cynically forhis own purposes. We can also see that,once politicalposition is reached, bothadulation and patronage acts ofpatronage are necessary to all party officials: (such as thepresentation of irons of popular support,and the adulationof the by Murugan'sclub) formaintenance forhis representatives) populaceforMGR (and the resulting support to get officials through dryspells when acts of patronage cannotbe easilyaccomplished. The fan clubs have servednot just as an alternateroute to the ADMK party fora fewof thosewho, like Pandianand Murugan, apparatus, but also as an alternate lack the abilityto gain personalpowerthrough anyof the usual routes.MGR's fan that function clubs, and other institutions on the periphery of politics, provide access to limitedpower. The limitations arosein thiscase becauseMGR and other curbed the amount and security high partyofficials of the power that a fan club and political leadercould achievein the traditional arena.Nonetheless, party Pandian and othersuch leadersmaygain substantial local powerthrough fanclub activities, the patronage especially through eventually favors for acquiredby obtainingofficial local people. They have been able to do this not by attempting to win powerfor the supportof MGR. themselves but through The fan clubs have changedsomewhatsince MGR died. First,membershave had to deal with a death that manyclaimed would neveroccur. In fact,as noted after MGR's deathI was told thata number ofmembers above, someyears blatantly stated that MGR was still alive. Others deny it symbolically by saying that his essencelives on, and some denyhis death'ssignificance theirefforts by redoubling to promotedevotionto the "spirit"or "memory" of MGR. Second, the powerof the fanclubs is not what it used to be. When the ADMK lost controlof the state and its human and financialresources, the club organization's access government and the powertheyfoster was substantially to theseresources curtailed-resulting, for example, in a sharp drop in the ability to hold presentation ceremoniesto the party's,leaders', and fan clubs' generosity demonstrate to the poor. Yet the a forcewithinthe ADMK partyand its factions clubs have remained because of the to recall its links with MGR (still the party'sgreatest own necessity party's draw) in orderto maintainpopularsupport. This need to emphasizeclosenessto MGR can also be seen in strugglesfor choice of MGR's wife,V. partyleadership,beginningwith the partylegislators' rather thanan experienced N. Janaki,to succeedhim as chiefminister, politician, and followedby subsequentbattlesthat have focusedon claims of "true follower" have insistedon theirallegianceto MGR rather status. The fan clubs themselves forexample,or anyothercurrent thanJayalalitha, partyhead. Some fanclubs have theirown partydedicatedto MGR's memory considered forming (TheHindu,April 1, 1988). Now that the partyhas returned to power withJayalalitha at its head, the place of MGR's fan clubs remainsto be seen. They have been hamperedby factional splits afterMGR's death, and Jayalalitha, perhapssensingthe suspicion in which manyclub members have held her since her earlystormy days with the theorganization has notembraced as a whole.(A portion ofthefans' party, antagonism was also a responseto Jayalalitha's sometimes less than docile image, both in her

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filmsand later in the press.) Yet theirstatusas dedicatedbelievershas provided aroundwhichto remainorganizedin the yearssincetheir the meansand sentiment leader'sdemise.

The Use of Cinema

While cinema's presencein South Indian politics has oftenbeen noted, the have not been widelyappreciated.The basis of cinema's reasonsforits usefulness utilityis its popularity to the bulk of voters,unrivaled among and accessibility by anyothermass medium.Film allows the successful actorto craft a widelyfamiliar, attractive politically tailoredimageworkswell in a personimage. This individually centered political system that highlights the unusual, attractiveindividual. the actoris at liberty to createan image emphasizing Furthermore, generosity and morality, both of which are traditionally centralto attracting and maintaining a and rhetorical following.In Tamil Nadu, literary prowessinspiresgreat respect. These qualities, as well as otherssuch as bravery and, in male stars'cases, virility, of a "heroic"personathat inspiresa particular can enable the construction depth forall thesereasons, filmimagescan be directed ofdevotion. Finally, at constituencies the narrower thatoverarch or transcend communalconstituencies thatare typically in statewide,broad-based patchedtogether politicalparties.Thus, cinema can be and supporta unifying and widelysupported used to craft leaderdisplaying many desirable in sucha figure ofthequalities but also capableofcircumventing traditionally of the politicalsystem. otherrestrictions fan clubs' service activitiessupport the actor-politician Simultaneously, by the altruistic operationalizing also suppliesa network image. The fanorganization of committedfans eager to support the star and the party throughgrass-roots campaigningand canvassingand other political work. Moreover,cinema unites devotionto the beloved image with calculatedpatronagerelationships-elements to be mutually often perceived contradictory but, as I have argued,not at all somakingthe candidateespeciallystrongthrough this combination of adulationand transaction. make cinemaan ultimatesourceof politicalgain forothers These two elements besidesthestar.Becauseadulationforthe starand thegood worksthatdemonstrate it redoundto the doers' credit,enhancedin part by the evolving/devolving chain of meritgained fromacts of patronage,fan club membership can providea few men with the foundation to developpolitical reputations lower-class of theirown. men are generallyrestricted Lower-class fromthe more usual routes to creating as an attractive power bases; in fewcases does self-promotion individualhave any appropriate place. Instead,theyworkforthe good of another, in this case someone whoseown glittermay rub offthrough association.The structure of similarchains has been notedelsewhere ofassociation (Price 1989; Mines and Gourishankar 1990); here I have also examinedhow the power that travelsthroughthat structure is Fans supportMGR's reputation forselfless generated. generosity by demonstrating it intoactionthrough thatgenerosity, socialservice putting activities. Theirassociation their exhibits ownardent withthese devotion and mayhelpthemestablish good works In thefanclubs,adulation their own reputations. and devotion demonstrated properly supportnot onlythe idolizedstar(and othersin between)but also can lead to local a partypositionforthe club leader. authority, patronageroles, and, potentially, Thus cinemahelpslocal leadersovercome limitations longstanding on entrance into the politicalsystem.

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reviewed herecoincide. Cinemaworksbestas a politicaltool whenall the factors to office havefailed despitebeingpopular aspiring This helpsexplainwhysomeactors In Kerala, forexample,PremNazir was unable to win an election.This performers. with his acting,who pointout thathe had hardly does not surprise people familiar and villains image. In his long career,he played buffoons createdan inspirational but he was not commonly perceivedas a dynamic romancer, and the "evergreen" despitethe politicalties hero.9In Karnataka,Raj Kumar has lost his bids foroffice lies less in his image, which is more suitably of his family.Here the difficulty factors.Karnataka heroicthan Prem Nazir's, than in logisticaland demographic has the smallestnumberof cinema houses per capita of all the southern states;'? has less influence on voters. Karnataka'ssocial presumably and cinema therefore dominantcastesand its politicalsystem is is characterized structure by widespread thanTamil Nadu's, makingcastean important caste-focused criterion morestrictly of a noncommunal image. in choosingcandidatesand lesseningthe advantages the wayscinemaworksin politics,it is important to to comprehend In trying India is a mediumof the lower thatcinemain southern class. This helps remember factors are equal, certainfilmstarsare more explainwhy,even whereall structural in usingfilmstardom forpolitical thanothers gain: it is mostadvantageous successful the who constitute of the bulk both filmwatchers to and theelectorate. poor, to appeal and is also here. To be successful on heroism connected godliness The emphasis a must be heroicone; while the person-centered politically,a movie star's image can enter meansthatmoviestars withgreatadvantages, politics nature ofTamil politics to win an election. alone may be insufficient and namerecognition simplepopularity to Many stars' images so far lack some of the crucial elementsthat contributed successas a heroof the downtrodden, championship including MGR's overwhelming action. Aside fromits of the poor and, in particular,a reputationfor forceful effectiveness thatthelower classlargely oftheforceful lacks,thepopularity implications such as MGR mayalso be due to the abilityof uneducated viewers, of action-heroes againstan unjustworldwithwords mostof whomare unable to defendthemselves with theirmode of physicalforceto accomplishchange. to identify and erudition, and Kamalhasan(popularactorswho, after MGR, have the largest Both Rajnikanth in Tamil Nadu) are portrayed for the by fans as having sympathy fan networks constructive changeon theirbehalf poor, but not as havingthemeansto implement (aside, of course,fromthe fanclubs). While no otherstarhas developedthe close of MGR with the upliftof the poor, thisaspectof the heroicimage can association in outside the cinema context,as N. T. Rama Rao demonstrated be formulated
to the "Western 9Das Gupta, on the otherhand, imputesPrem Nazir's electoralfailure state(1991:41). While I agree thatthe in this "high-literacy" structures" prevalent thought high levels of education characteristics that distinguishKerala withinIndia-its relatively and Marxistpolitical of living, religiousdiversity, forboth womenand men, high standard viewers'responsesto cinema, I would not assume that Kerala is orientation-also affect incapableof producingfilmstar-politicians. (2,431:55,638,318 per personas Karnataka '3Tamil Nadu has 1.6 timesas manytheaters as "touring" vs. 1,253:44,817,398). Since Tamil Nadu has almosttwiceas manypermanent cinemas(1,568:863), whereasin Karnatakathereare similarnumbersof each (640:613), cinemas tend to have substantially more seats than touringtheaters, and since permanent betweenratiosof cinema seats per person,a more indicative it is likelythat the difference would be significantly higher.Kerala has an even highernumberof cinema houses figure, of theseare the smaller per capita thanTamil Nadu, at 1,396:29,011,237, but two-thirds has 2,612 theaters for66,304,854 Andhra and 846 touring) (1,766 permanent cinemas. touring posted in the South Indian Film Chamberof Commerce, residents. [Sources:Theaterfigures fromBose (1991).1 August 14, 1991. Provisional1991 census populationfigures

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Andhra Pradesh, if the political candidate appears to have a sincere real-life emphasize ofthepoor.Someactors whodo notfrequently to theproblems commitment to the poor in theirfilmsdo stressthisin the workof theirfanclubs. commitment theirstar's All the fanclub leaderswithwhomI spokemade a pointofemphasizing concernwith the lives of the lower classes. And while no othermajor overriding scenes star'simage stressed abilityto the same degreeas did MGR's, fight fighting werea popularpart of all actors'movies. Both of these elements-interestin aiding the poor and the abilityto put it into action-are alreadypresentto some degreein actors'filmsand/or fanclubs, availableto be enlargedupon as needed. Any starwho wishesto developan image could immediately do so by emphasizing theseaspects in eitherof thesedirections filmroles. in future of cinemain SouthIndia is bothenhanced and hindered The politicalusefulness withthepoor. Film and its talesaredisdainedby themiddle by cinema'sassociation power. The fanclubs remain and the upperclasses, whose moneyand voices carry and limiting.Though constraining in route to power, stigmatized a second-class forcircumventing some new opportunities theseways, cinema has also introduced extent, ofIndia's representative features politics.To a certain ofthemostentrenched it has indirectly giventhepoora politicalvoice. Beyondthis,cinemahas theability to launch politicianswho can tap into new political identitiesand alliances and of these changesare not observedin ones. If instances more established overcome in highly havenonetheless thesechanges occurred visibleand influential greatnumber, notonlyis comprehensible; it is a noteworthy positions.Cinema'spoliticalinfluence of the shape future changesmay take. indicator

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