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Measuring residents perceptions of defensible space compared to incidence of crime

The goals are to identify the specific physical characteristics that lead residents to perceive hypothetical neighborhoods as defensible or indefensible, measure residents perceptions of crime and fear of crime based on personal experiences and observations of their actual neighborhoods, and determine whether perceptions were consistent with crime prevention scholars definitions of defensible neighborhoods. Defensible space is a by-product of human territoriality and social cooperation among residents when it motivates and leads neighbors to assume responsibility for maintaining a safe and desirable neighborhood. Defensible space increases the likelihood that residents will see and report likely offenders, decreasing the opportunity for crime and fostering positive social interaction among residents. Thus, collective responsibility, and cooperative action among neighbors and with police, deters and reduces crime and improve neighborhood quality of life. Perceived ownership of social capital with the environment may be an effective focus for crime prevention.

Deterioration of the physical condition of the environment gives the impression of less control by the intended users and suggests a tolerance of disorder. Gardner (1995) suggested that landscaping should create the appearance of a well-maintained and guarded place to play an effective role in crime prevention. Perceptions of crime among Americans remain remarkably high despite scholarly evidence that suggests crime has been steadily decreasing since the 1990s. A recent Gallup Poll found that 50 per cent of Americans believed crime had increased in their local areas, and 70 per cent believed that crime had increased nationwide ( Saad, 2007 ). Despite the level of complexity and difficulty in measuring the amount of crime in residential neighborhoods, research suggests three common methods: (1) using victimization data; (2) using crimes reported to the police and other offi cial statistics; and (3) using more subjective data, such as residents self-reported perceptions of crime ( Hipp, 2010 ). Greenberg and Rohe (1984) found that perceptions of crime and fear are related to certain demographic characteristics of neighborhood residents such as levels of education and income, age, race, sense of community and length of time in residence. Women, the elderly, racial minorities and the poor typically report higher levels of fear either because of physical vulnerability or because they are frequently exposed to criminal acts.

When perceptions of crime and fear of crime are high, residents satisfaction with their neighborhoods decreases ( Hipp, 2010 ). Engagement, investment and social cooperation within the neighborhood also decreases ( Skogan, 1990 ). Neighborhood crime or disorder increases the likelihood of resident mobility out of the neighborhood, which may negatively change the racial / ethnic as well Studies have acknowledged the importance of demographic characteristics on perceptions of crime and fear of crime. Income and race variables have not been consistent in predicting crime perceptions. Home ownership had a strong negative relationship to actual crime in neighborhoods, but not to fear of crime and length of time at residences, which were negatively related to actual crime, but not fear of crime in Sweitzer et al s study (1999

Methods The present study measured residents perceptions of defensible space and perceptions of crime and fear of crime. Participants read hypothetical neighborhood scenarios and completed a survey that inquired about physical elements in the scenarios as well as participants previous crime experiences, different dimensions of safety or worry about crime, and general demographic characteristics. The purpose was to determine (a) the physical characteristics in the hypothetical scenarios that led the participants to perceive the neighborhoods as defensible or indefensible and (b) the participants perceptions of crime and fear of crime, based on reflections of personal experiences and observations of their actual neighborhoods. Participants for the present study were located using a neighborhood database maintained by a local government office. At least one neighborhood was randomly chosen per zip code. Forty neighborhood associations were contacted. Of the 40 associations contacted, 10 responded. Three neighborhood associations agreed to participation.

Study design Subjective data were generated utilizing hypothetical scenarios identifying neighborhood environmental characteristics (variables of lighting, maintenance and signs of community investment) and a self-report survey that probed participants perceptions of the fi ctitious neighborhoods strengths and weaknesses in relation to a climate of safety as well as participants experiences with crime and their perceptions of crime and safety within their actual neighborhoods. The instrument s first section utilized hypothetical neighborhood scenarios to measure participants perceptions of defensible space. The second section included survey questions to measure perceptions of crime and safety. For the purpose of this study, maintenance referred to the maintenance of homes and yards.

Once all participants had completed the neighborhood scenario section of the instrument, they responded to survey questions that inquired about day-to-day life in their own neighborhoods and their perceptions of crime and safety. Analiza In general, the data revealed that 9 per cent of respondents held at least a high school degree, while the majority (91 per cent) held college degrees. The majority of the respondents were homeowners (93 per cent) who were predominantly White (88 per cent), married (62 per cent) and female (64 per cent). The average age of respondents was 59 years, and the average length of time in their current residences was 20 years

To summarize, perceptions of defensible space were dependent on education, age and marital status. The signifi cant interaction between maintenance, lighting and education suggested that good maintenance and good lighting mattered most to those with some college education. In terms of age and marital status, younger people viewed neighborhoods as more defensible than older people, whereas married residents viewed neighborhoods as more defensible than the unmarried. Discution Crime prevention literature ( Jeffery, 1971 ; Newman, 1973 ) often focuses primarily on the physical aspects of environments, such as lighting and targethardening measures, and on quantitative measures such as offi cial crime statistics, to understand criminal events. Defensible space research has been criticized for its overly deterministic view of crime prevention, which likely stems from the lack of empirical testing of social concepts (community building and community policing). To propose a crime prevention model that ignores the significance of the physical environment is not a viable solution. Implications Modifications in residential environments can be implemented that are relatively straightforward and cost-effective. For example, residents will report lower levels of fear of crime and greater levels of safety by increasing and improving street lighting and pathways used by pedestrians, landscaping effectively so as not to impede visibility, and promoting symbolic and actual forms of territoriality (signs of community investment and surveillancecues). Defensible space principles require minimal governmental interaction and greater self-reliance of citizens. In this way, communities do not become vulnerable to government withdrawal of support or funding. To enhance social crime prevention in neighborhoods, it is important to identify and acknowledge the perceptions of residents. These respondents consisted of primarily older, married, White homeowners with long tenure in their neighborhoods and who earned between $ 31 000 and $ 60 000 annually. This population may have strong community ties, and as a result be more compelled to actively participate in neighborhood associations. Neighborhood

associations provide opportunities for criminal justice professionals to tap into residents willingness to help keep communities safe. Limitations -This study focused on crime prevention strategies by exploring residents perceptions of established neighborhood environmental factors as described in hypothetical scenarios those connected to territorialism, surveillance and area design. Therefore, geographical juxtaposition is outside the scope of this study and was not examined -Instead of using visual stimuli, the methodology was implemented with oral and written descriptive scenarios to describe neighborhoods and probe participants perceptions. This methodology limited the opportunity to obtain a large sample size, and the data came from people who, at the time of data collection, were involved in neighborhood associations.

Final Comments Results that suggested both physical environmental factors (design elements of residential areas) and social environmental factors (residents demographic characteristics, personal experiences with crime and observations about personal and neighborhood safety) should be considered when planning for the development of new-build residential areas or evaluating existing neighborhoods with crime prevention in mind Further, study results can be used as a baseline for further research on crime prevention efforts and help criminal justice practitioners, city managers and city planners to assist residents in feeling safer in their communities. When residents perceptions are identified, it becomes much easier for police and other government offi cials to be responsive to needs and address issues affecting communities. Such responsiveness, based on an understanding of perceptions about crime and defensible space, can create a sense of community and a partnership between police and citizens, and may increase the quality of life in neighborhoods. Perception is reality.

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