The Working Class Subculture: A New View Author(s): S. M.

Miller and Frank Riessman Reviewed work(s): Source: Social Problems, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Summer, 1961), pp. 86-97 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/799424 . Accessed: 09/10/2012 07:17
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then one: often or evenan ambitiously we haveseentheir children, achieving to the thirdand fourth and oriented generation,theyare democratically wonder whatto do whenthesimplicity theyare capableof solidarity and soof the oldergoals has been destroyed cial concern. In factthey are an elite, and their revealed which one its but nature, meaninglessness by mayshow by and bycontemporary social the way forothers. The students experience may criticism. a pattern thatwill flourish, represent Yet, today, we find among the one thatwill breakdowntheboundawho do not riesbetween bestof our students workand leisure without many think of themselves as an ascribed elite getting rid of either.

THE WORKING CLASS SUBCULTURE:

A NEW VIEW

S. M. MILLER Brooklyn University Collegeand Syracuse FRANK RIESSMAN BardCollegeand Columbia University A decadeand a halfago the work- to make major strides in improving Davis their conditions. accombyAllison ingclasswasdepicted Frequently and RobertJ. Havighurst1 as permis- panyingthis view is the belief that towardtheirchil- this lower class is "immoral," sive and indulgent "unstrain civilized," drenand freeof the emotional "promiscuous," "lazy,""obof impulse-inhibition whichcharacter-scene," and "loud.'"4With the "dirty," ized the middle class in the United that it was felt States. 4These adjectives are taken from RodIndeed, bymany and man who then goes on to declare: "Lantz, themiddle classhadmuchto envy Warner et al, Hollingshead,Drake imitatein the workingclass.2 This Centers, and Cayton,West, and David, Gardnerand romantic view of the workingclass Gardner make it clear that this is the way thatthe thelowerclassis viewed has faded.It is now asserted within theUnited the Henriques and Braithwaite workingclass (usually termedthe States, "lower ofdeferring studiesmake it clear thatthis is the way the class") is incapable class is viewed within the West Inunable lower and consequently gratification" dies." Hyman Rodman, "On Understanding
Lower-Class Behaviour," Social and Economics Studies,8 (December, 1959). Other authorsstate: "One of the mostvenerable has been thatapplied by middlestereotypes people. The qual1 Allison Davis and Robert J. Havig- class people to lower-class ities have fromtime to time included lack hurst,'"Social Class and Color Differences of thrift,intellectual inferiority, habitual in Child Rearing," American Sociological and manythathave licentiousness, dirtyness, Review, 11 (December, 1946), pp. 698- derogatory implications."Robert R. Sears, 710. Eleanor E. Maccoby,and Harry Levin, Pat2 Cf. David Riesman in his introduction terns of Child Rearing (Evanston: Row, to Ely Chinoy's American Workers and Petersonand Company,1957), p. 442. We of have isolated five types of stereotypes Their Dreams (New York: Doubleday & workers-anomic, depraved, incapable of Company, 1955). class conscious and deferringgratification, 3 Louis Schneider and Sverre Lysgaard, middle-class oriented;these are discussedin "The Deferred GratificationPattern: A S. M. Miller and Frank Riessman,"Images to the EastPreliminaryStudy," American Sociological of Workers,"a paper presented ern Sociological Society,New York, 1957. Review, 18 (April, 1953), pp. 142-9. Presented at Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association, New York, August 30, 1960.

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Doubleday & Company,1960), ChapterIV. 9 S. M. Miller and Frank Riessman,"Are WorkersMiddle Class?" Dissent,Fall, 1961 (forthcoming). 11 S. M. Miller and Frank Riessman, 10 S. M. Miller and Frank Riessman, "'Working-Class Authoritarianism': A Cri"The Non-Deferred Gratification Pattern: tiqueof Lipset," British Journal ofSocioloA Critique," unpublished. gy,forthcoming.

of livingof theauthoritarian rising plane and standard By thenature view."1 workers has come the argument that of criticism, we havenotbeen able to workers are middleclass in their out- present our view of whatworkers are look and desires;5 in like,forthey the difficulties are notsimply thenegafull middle-class statuslead tiveor opposite of prevailing views. attaining to juveniledelinquency on the part For example, becauseit is demonof thoseyouth who fallback into the strated that workers' behavior is not characterized workingand lower classes6and to consistently by an inauthoritariansm on the part of those abilityto postponegratifications, we who rise into the middleclass.7Re- cannot therefore conclude thata major a further of the working class is cently, vigorousblow has characteristic felledany notionsof desirablechar- having a deferred gratification pattern. of workers: acteristics theireconomic It may verywell be that the whole liberalism is notparalleled does not gratification bypolitical issueof deferred liberalism forworkers relevance are said to be havespecial to workers' lives. moreauthoritarian in outlook thanare The concept stemfrom a sociomight membersof the middle class.8The centric point of view, where the worker is now seen middle-class in a sense, free, observer, spontaneous says, as an aggressive, authoritarian, boots,I yetfet- "If I were in the workers' tered wouldn't postpone gratification; I person. The cyclothymic views of workers would enjoymyself while I could in are morefitting as a topic in the so- the presentand not worryabout a of knowledge which is pretty thanthey are in future ciology vagueandhopethe analysis of what workers This thinking does not actually less anyway." believeandpractice. In other in which we ariseoutof thecontext workwork, have criticized in some detaila num- ers'behavior takesplace,but rather is ber of prevailinginterpretations of imposedupon it. In otherwords, the workers-the of deferred middle-class the entire concept gratification image,9 non-deferred to understanding gratification pattern,10maybe inappropriate theessenceof workers' lives. In thispaper,we can onlypresent of whatwe believeis 5Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology a fewelements pictureof workers. (Glencoe: Free Press, 1959), and in vari- a more realistic ous issues of Fortune magazine. On the This analysisis severely compressed other hand, see his path-breaking article, and truncated in thispresentation and "The Subversionof Collective Bargaining," it might be helpful to inditherefore March, 1960. Commentary, cateat theoutset an important element 6Albert Cohen, Delinquent Boys: The orientation. Our stress Culture of the Gang (Glencoe: Free Press, of our general is muchmoreon cognitive and struc1955). turalfactors than on the more com7Joseph Greenblum and Leonard I. Pearlin, "Vertical Mobility and Prejudice: monly citedaffectual and motivational A Socio-PsychologicalAnalysis," in Reinones.The nature of the conditions of hard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, lives Status working-class and (jobs, Power opportunieds., Class, (Glencoe: Free Press, 1953). affects behavior ties,family structure) 8 SeymourMartin Lipset, Political Man: more than hasbeenfrequently realized; The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City: modesof understanding the similarly,

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can be more important thereluctance environment of many socialscientists thandeep-seated in today factors to use thishistoric theopterm; personality behavioralpatterns. (For example, probrious term "lower class"might be low estimates workers' ofopportunitiesapplied to the irregular alsegment and highexpectations of riskand loss though it wouldprobably be better all in theunwilling- aroundif a less invidious term(permaybe morecrucial nessto undertake certain ac- haps "theunskilled")wereemployed. long-term tionsthanpersonality into makethe distincThe reluctance inadequacies volved in a presumed to defer tion between "workingclass" and inability This is not to argue "lower useful discussions gratification.) class," despite that motivational-psychological-affecnot only is a by Kahl'2 and others, tual variablesare unimportant but topic worthy of independent study, thatthey havebeenoverstressed while but leads to error. For example, Holand structural variables have lingsheadand Redlich in their imcognitive been underemphasized. The recogni- portant havebeen interpreted as study tionof theimportance of theinternal finding that the lower the class,the life of man has sometimes overshad- higher therateof mental illness. Close owed the significance of the more examination of their data reveal, howmanifest aspectsof his existence. ever,thattheworking class,Class IV, to theupperand middle classOur definition of working class is is closer of the non- es, ClassesI, II and III, than to the members simple: regular laborforcein manualoc- lowerclass,Class V. ClassesI through agricultural whileClass V is quite we excludethe"low- IV are similar, Thus, cupations. dissimilar from all the otherclasses, er class,"irregular working people,althe working class.' including the has relevance some though analysis class,we are to thelower classas willbe mentioned Within the working interested in thestable workbelow.One of the greatest of primarily sources subculture. We believethere ing-class in understanding difficulties non-upper is considerable variationwithinthe and non-middle class behavior is that social scientists used workingclass,14 but the differences have frequently arevariations uponthetheme the omnibus of "lowerclass" probably category pattern. to encompass thestable, and frequentlyof the stable working-class in terms of workingmobile, fairlyhigh income skilled While we think and,to someextent, thesemi-skilled work- class subcultures, workers, factory lower-class a keyto undersubcultures, in variedservice er,theworker trades, is likely we believe, to them, worker theunskilled and theirregular standing subculture. worker.This collectionis probably be thestableworking-class more a congeries of fairly disparate with similar groupsthan a category life chancesand circumstances. It is to distinguish the especially important whichhas irregular segment employ- 12 Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class ment (and "voluntary" withdrawalsStructure(New York: Rinehartand Company, 1959), pp. 205 ff. fromthe labor force),unskilled jobs in service (and is largely 13For the original report, see A. B. occupations Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich, Negro and PuertoRican now) from Social Class and Mental Illness (New York: the other whichare larger groupings, and Sons, 1958). The point John and have more of a commonness to above Wiley is taken from S. M. Miller and them. Elliot G. Mishler, "Social Class, Mental Milbank Illness, and AmericanPsychiatry," This latter of workgroup regular Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXXVII (April, men we call "working class" despite 1959), pp. 174-99.

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89

a Bill of Rights little knownto workers.15

Attitudes and Work Institutions," points outimportant in differences workers among industries. Bennett different WorkBerger, of ing Class Suburb(Berkeley: University California Press,1960) believesthereare differences in attitudes of amongworkers "Arkie" and "Okie" backgrounds, and workers of a non-rural A varibackground. showtheimportance of eduetyof studies cationaldifferences a facamongworkers, torwithwhichwe are very concerned. See Frank Riessman,Workers' Attitudes Towards and Leadership, Participation unpublished Ph.D. dissertation in social psyColumbiaUniversity, 1955. chology,

Intolerance, Studyof High School Students,unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 14Robert Blauner, in his thoughtfulDepartment of Social Relations, Harvard 1956, pp. 228, 237, 239. in Work University, Differences paper, "Industrial
16 Evelyn Millis Duvall, "Conceptionsof Parenthood,"AmericanJournalof Sociology, LII (November, 1946), pp. 193-203. Cf. Martha Wolfenstein,"The Emergence of Fun Morality,"Journal of Social Issues, VII, No. 4 (1951), pp. 15-25. 17Hyman Rodman, op. cit.

Anotherillustration of phenotypic Our analysis is aimedat developing was the of Davis and analysis tendency themes in working-class life.Thus,we to denote breast-feedHavighurst long are interpreting the meaning of findin the clusterthey ing as belonging rather than new findings reporting termed child-care. Thismay permissive ings.We have utilizedthe published havebeenaccurate forthemiddle class materialscommonlyemployedplus since is associated long breast-feeding our own interviews and observations there withtheideology of permissiveof working-class people. ness: indulgence, reliance on love, A majorinadequacy in explanations etc. It is not for the child-centered, of theworking-class lifestyle has been class because long breastthefailure to explain in terms working behavior is notrelated to feeding genotypically of genotypes. For example,in atti- the permissive child-rearing ideology tudinal similar pollsin which questions in thatclass.16 are asked of middle-and working- A second in explainmajordifficulty class people,manydifferences are relife is the preoccuing working-class vealed betweenthe two groups.But it with the pation with comparing what is the meaningof the replies? middle class.17The comparisons have For example, ifworkers agreewiththe perhaps a pejorative toneso inevitably "Communists be im- that,for statement, should at one time those example, does it mean thattheyare critical prisoned," ofthemiddle classcouldcharge of civilliberties it with especially unaccepting child care comhaving poor or thatthey arepunitive towards those pared to themore workspontaneous whomtheysee as criminals, and that ers.It thatsomeof thecritics appears an effectiveof thisview have movedto the other theyconsider punishment deterrent and a justreward forwrongextreme andarenowcritical pejorative doing?Theymaybe wrongin all re- of working-class childcare and rather but does theirattitude reflect spects, ofthemiddle-class praising a rejection of Bill of uncritically fundamentally of childcare.18 style or a punitive attitude A Rights thinking then in analyzing the difficulty whichhas as one of its results in a classhas beenthisvalueshift working situation the denial of civil specific liberties? on thephenotype, Emphasis civil liberties, may obscurethe basic in stressing 15Cf. David Joseph Bordua, Authoriof the attitude dynamics tarianism and A

18 Cf. Urie Bronfenbrenner, "Socialization and Social Class through Time and Space," in E. E. Maccoby,T. M. Newcomb and R. L. Hartley,eds., Readings in Social Psychology (New York: Henry Holt, 1958).

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BASIC THEMES orientation towards to a morepositive a more themiddleclassand therefore Before discussinga few of the view of the working class.As critical whichwe thinkare basic in themes theother in approval one classascends a brief life,we present working-class descendsbecause the two classesare of whatwe believeare picture and judgmental overall seenin a contrapuntal of the the essential characteristics relationship. worker stable American today. Another is thatthemiddle difficulty "old fashioned," classhas apparently consider- He is traditional, changed and somewhat religious, patriarchal.20 ablyin various waysso thatcompari- The worker likesdiscipline, structure, the middle class are sons involving defiand directive, order, organization of official norms rather than frequently he nite although (strong) leadership, actual practices, of old normsrather such does see not strong leadership than present norms.For example,it inforto human, warm, is frequently said thatmanyworking- in opposition the mal, qualities.21 Despite personal class children of talent do not go on he is able of his education, to collegebecausethey lacktheability inadequacy but he does so to defergratification, an abilitythe to build abstractions, in a slow,physical He reads fashion.22 middle-class college-bound youthdisin informed is poorly ineffectively, play. Is it reallytrue today in the and often is areas, quite suggestimany middle-class prosperous youthculture enoughhe interestingly of theUnitedStates thatmostmiddle- ble, although of suspicious is frequently "talk"and class youthare deferring gratification ideas." fangled whenthey go to college?More likely, "new mostof his He is family centered; lookupon it in anticipation and many take place around the relationships as in closest their retrospect coming famfairly cooperative totalexperiences to the realization of largeextended, it seems gratifications.19 Frequently, that the workingclass is compared with an inner-directed, economically marginalmiddle class of yore than withan "acting-out," "other-directed," 20The cross-class F-scale studiesuniformmiddleclass of today.The "affluent" in the middleclass,murky shifts as ly show that workersare more likely than middle-class individuals to support the difficultstatement theyare, make it especially that "the most importantthing and dubiousto use it as a yardstick a child should learn is obedience to his forelucidating evalu- parents."Maccoby and Gibbs have pointed (and frequently out that workersstronglydemand respect life. ating) working-class and obedience fromtheirchildren.Eleanor 19 Some of us who have been through the mill of graduate school may feel, as suggestedto us by Harold Wilensky, that we, at least, have deferred gratification! On the other hand, Allison Davis' discussion of "the graduate or medical student who is largely dependent upon his own for earnings.. ." is certainlyout-of-date 21 Frank Riessman, op. cit., passim. at least the medical student.Allison Davis, "Socialization and Adolescent Personality," 22 For a reviewof the relevantliterature, in G. E. Swanson,T. M. Newcomb and E. L. Hartley, eds., Readings in Social Psy- see FrankRiessman,Educationand the CulturallyDeprived Child (New York: Harpchology (New York: Henry Holt, 1952), er and Brothers, 1961), forthcoming. p. 530. E. Maccoby,PatriciaK. Gibbs, et al, "Methods of Child Rearing in Two Social Classes," in William E. Martin and Celia Burns Stendler,eds., Readings in Child Development (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1954), pp. 380-96. Riessman's data indicate that not only parents but older people in general are to be obeyed See FrankRiessman,op- cit., and respected. also Duvall, op. cit.

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and mutualaid are alienatedfrommany institutions in ily.23Cooperation character-our society.27This alienationis examonghis most important

to beistics.24 pressedin a readywillingness of leaders and a good standard of lieve in thecorruptness While desiring toward to themid- a general he is not attracted "big feeling negative living, dle-class styleof life with its accom- shots." in his ways,conHe is stubborn for statusand presconcern panying and ruggedness, cernedwithstrength tige.25 in mechanics, He is not class conscious materialistic, although interested holds an "eye for an While he is superstitious, awareof classdifferences. and is largelyuneconomic eye" psychology, somewhat radicalon certain in politics. on numer- interested he is quite illiberal issues, civil liberties ous matters, particularly STABILITYAND SECURITY and foreign policy.26 The outstanding weaknessof the We suspect that one of the central worker is lack of education. Strongly determinantsin working-classlife is education forhis children, he the striving and security.28 forstability desiring shows concern considerable abouttheir External and internalfactorspromote school work, although he feels instability and insecurity. Chief among andalienated from theteach- the external factorsis unemployment estranged er and theschool, feels and layoff.Prosperityhas of course as he similarly
23 Floyd Dotson, "Patternsof Voluntary depression of the 1930's, but the of some Association Among Urban Working Class dangerof occasionallayoffs Families," American Sociological Review, duration are not remote during the least 15 of the 50 families, leisure time activitiesof the husbands and wives were completelydominatedby the kin group. In another 28 families, regular visiting patternswith relativesconstituted a major, although not exclusive, form of social activity." (p. 691) Also see p. 693. 24 August B. Hollingshead, "Class Difin FamilyStability," ferences in Bendix and Lipset, op. cit., p. 290. A similar point is made by Allison Davis, Burleigh B. Gardner and Mary R. Gardner, Deep South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), p. 111. Also see John Useem, Pierre Tangent, and Ruth Useem, "Stratificationin a Prairie Town," American Sociological Review, 7 (June, 1942), p. 334. 25 The relevantliterature is discussed in

barred the anguish of the prolonged

usually shaky prosperity conditions with episodes of which are interlarded derecession, plant relocation, industry cline and strikes.29 Chief among the internal factors promoting instabilityare family discord, including divorce and desertion, and the deconflict, intergenerational sire for excitement. Coping with the instabilitythreats becomes a dominant activity within the working-classfamily.Many practices, such as mutual aid and cooperaare tion, extended familyperspectives, important as adjustive mechanisms. "Getting by" rather than "getting Millerand Riessman, "Are Workers Mid- ahead" in the middle-classself-realizadle Class?",op. cit.
27 Riessman,Educationand the Culturally Deprived Child, has a discussion of some of the relevantliterature. 28 Hollingshead,op. cit.,pp. 290-1.

16 (October,1951), pp. 687-93. "In at

26The Centers' findings can be interposed to support the firstsentence of the paragraphdespiteCenters'mode of analysis. Richard Centers,The Psychologyof Social Classes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949). Cf. Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), pp. 288-289. On civil libertiesand foreignpolicy, see Lipset, op. cit.

29 Charles H. Hession, S. M. Miller and Curwen Stoddart, The Dynamics of the American Economy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), Chapter 11.

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tion and advancement sense is likely to be dominant.30 For example,the limiteddesireto become foremen is partlya resultof the economicinfrom theloss of job security resulting in case of a layoff.31 seniority Partof theambivalence toward oba collegeeducation the reflects taining same emphasison security. Even a talented is highly youth working-class not surewhathe can do witha coland he mayfearthedislege diploma, of hisfamilial, and ruption community peer group security.32 The poll data indicating the unof workers to take ecowillingness nomicrisksand theirgreater concern for jobs with security, is part of the of a striving forstabilisamepattern

ed families, arevery in workingstrong class families.35 The pattern is patriextended(with manyrelevant archal, and aunts and cousins, grandparents, uncles) anddelineated bysharply separated sexroles. The family is notchildcentered or domi(or child-dominant and connating),but parent-centered trolled. Traditional valuesof automatic obedience are expected to by children be the normeven if not alwaysobserved in practice.36 One probableconsequence of this seem to be moreauis thatworkers thoritarian than they probablyare. For whileon the F-scaletypeof test, a they tend to be "conventional," characteristic of the authoritarian acto Adornoet al., it is doubtcording ful, as we have triedto argue elsety.33 where,37 that this conventionalism TRADITIONALISM means the same in both the middle class. The American class is pri- and working working The worker also has a traditional a not have marily migrant group; only attitude toward whichagain discipline people come from European farms with authoritarianism. and rural to American fac- maybe confused settlements dataindicate that tories but they also have migrated All thechild-rearing utilize as physical punishment fromAmerica's rurallife to the in- workers a basic disciplinetechnique. In the dustrial Traditional practices, scene.34 disonce thought to be infrequent in ur- eyes of the workerpunishment from courages people wrong-doing nuclear-orientbanized,industrialized, whether the punishment is inflicted
35 Recent literature,particularlyWeinstein and Axelrod, have pointed out that traditional practices are more widespread 31 Ely Chinoy, op. cit., and Charles R. Walker, Steeltown (New York: Harper than previously thought in the middle between midand Brothers, 1950), have data showing class. The lack of differences respondentsrethe considerable reluctanceof workers to dle-class and working-class ported in the studies may be due to the become foremen. lack of sensitive instruments. While our 32The initial attractionof many work- analysis is not necessarily based on the is partlydue notion of greatertraditionaland extended ing-classyouthto engineering to the apparently than in middleconcreteand clear nature practicesin working-class of the work and the presumed definiteness class families,we believe that these pracof the education for a particulartype of tices assume a greater importancein the job. Motivatingworking-class youth to go overall activitiesof the former. to college may require an expansion and 36 Duvall, op. cit. children's insharpening of working-class of the job market. terpretation 37Miller and Riessman," 'Working-Class Authoritarianism':A Critique of Lipset," 33 Centers,op. cit.,p. 62. op. cit. Also, our "Social Class, Education a paper presented 34 Lloyd Reynolds,Labor Economics and and Authoritarianism," WashLabor Relations (New York: Prentice-Hall, to the AmericanSociological Society, Inc., 1949), pp. 7-23. ington, 1957.
30

JosephA. Kahl, op. cit.,pp. 205-210.

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to life,39 their who serve symbolic)relation perupon themor upon others Thereis also a "right- son centeredness beas "examples." (to be discussed fora misdeed, low), and theirlack of education. ness"aboutpunishment for punishment is the otherside of PERSON-CENTERED forone's actions. Thus, responsibility of the death for example, acceptance much of workThreadedthrough may not be the resultof a penalty a is life person-centered ing-class character but structure sado-maschistic theme. has an On one level this theme theproduct of a beliefin the efficacy human of cominformal, quality, easy, in deterring from others ofpunishment to where fortable relationship people and in thevalueof attaching misdeeds bite of humoris apto people's actions.A8the affectionate responsibility the The preciated. factory "horse-play," acdo noteasily Workers consequently is part of this alritualistic kidding, individual an is that notion the cept by no meansall of it. It is an forhis crimes because though not responsible of life.40 component of his emotional stateat the timeof expressive another theimportance At is it level, theiroccurrence. of personal more One learns qualities. frompeople than frombooks,it is INTENSITY said.At a political level,thecandidate human is moreimperson We believe that one of the most as a decent, than the portant platform.41 in working-class life themes neglected the situation, to under- In the bureaucratic and one of themostdifficult worker still to think of tends himself and interpret stand is thatof intensity. to people not to rolesand in a num- as relating This intensity is expressed invisible structure. This organizational ber of different ways.It is foundin orientation is an aspectof particularhavebelief theareasin which workers and situato persons While ism,thereaction and emotional involvement. in tions of their terms personal qualiwhich there are numerous areasabout to oneself rather than and lackingin tiesandrelations workers are confused, in of terms some universal characterof opinion (e.g., the highpercentage no answer" and "don't know" on istics of their social position.The or workmate who getsahead areimpor- neighbor publicopinion polls), there "not to put on airs"; he in whichtheyhave defi- is expected tantspheres and indeed, are high- shouldlike the "old gang"and accept niteconvictions, An inhis new position. Their about re- themdespite beliefs stubborn. ly dividualis expectedto transcend his diet, morality, pun- office. ligion, superstition, A foreman is a s.o.b. not betraditional ishment, education, cause he has stresses custom, and demands on are the role of women,intellectuals, which him the force to act forcijob here.Many of these attiillustrative but because of his tudes are relatedto theirtraditional bly and harshly, one personal Contrariwise, qualities. and theyare held unquesorientation of thetop executives is frequently remanin usual traditional the tioningly ner.Theyare notreadily open to reason and they are notflexible opinions. The discussionby Miller and Swanson Other possiblesourcesof this in- on39the "motoric" orientation of workers tensity may be their physical (less is one of the most suggestivein the literature. Daniel R. Miller and Guy E. Swanson, Inner Conflict and Defense (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1960). 40 Ibid. 41 Cf. Lipset, op. cit., pp. 285-6.

38 Cf. Bordua, op. cit.

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On the otherhand,workers often garded as one who would help the if he had the have an exaggerated rank-and-file workers respectfor the A personwith of the learned. chance,because he is a "nice guy"; ability in one fieldis him in the stresses of a new intellectual competence putting to be a "brain" thought positionwould not forcehim to act frequently in all fields; in thatposition thisis as others haveacted.42 withability partly natureof It is theman not the job thatmakes due to the generalabstract If a real obforbehavior; of field. thisattiude is nota class- ideas regardless ex- staclecomesup, they conscious it.Another one,farfrom mayexpect"the is the juvenile brain" to have a readysolutionfor ampleof particularism to who to the it,even if they reacts maynot be willing delinquent positively social worker or therapist who seems adoptit. oriAt first to be interested in him beyondthe glance,the anti-words entation call ofprofessional mayappearto be incompatiduty. ble with the possible appeal of the charismatic. But it is not. For the PRAGMATISM AND charismatic are charismatic because ANTI-INTELLECTUALISM can be emotional and expressive, they With workers, it is the end-resultqualitiesnot usuallyassociatedwith of actionrather thanthe planning of abstract ideas. Also, the charismatic action orthepreoccupation with means leadermaypromise"pie in the sky" An actionthatgoes astray but it is a veryconcrete, thatcounts. set specific is notlikedforitself; it has to achieve of ingredients witha cleardistribution the goal intended to be satisfactory.43 of thepie. It is results thatpay off.While this EXCITEMENT orientation dihas an anti-intellectual reduce the it does somewhat in workers' mension, Another lives component relianceon personality of excitement, of (person-cen- is the appreciation teredtheme) by its emphasis on re- movingout of the humdrum. News, sults. Workers like the specific action, gossip,new gadgets, are consports, theclearaction, result. sequently theunderstood to workers. veryattractive Whatcanbe seenandfelt like- To some extent, is more of the consumership ly to be real and truein the workers' workers-the desire to have new which aretherefore television sets or cars likely goods,whether perspectives, The pragmatic orienta- -is partof this to be limited. excitement dimension. tion of workers does not encourage The excitement in contheme is often themto see abstract ideas as useful. tradiction withthetraditional orientafor what it does for one tion. Education, in terms of opportunities, different that subIt is worth maybe denoting intellectual sirable butabstract class may specula- groupswithinthe working are notrooted in the favorone theme ideaswhich rather thananother. tion, of thepresent, are notuseful, Thus younger realities groups,and especially indeedmaybe harmful. juvenile delinquents,are probably much more attracted to the excitemore alienatedand menttheme, are 42 S. M. Miller, Union Structureand On the otherhand, less traditional. Industrial Relations: A Case Study of a oriwitha moremiddle-class Local Labor Union, unpublished Ph.D. workers entationare probablyless alienated, thesis, Princeton University,1951. and pragmatic. moretraditional 43Melvin L. Kohn, "Social Class and
the Exercise of Parental Authority," American Sociological Review, 24 (June, 1959), pp. 364-5.

we have remarks In the preceding

PARSIMONY AND VARIATION

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has been relatively on a few the stableworker touched onlyveryfleetingly on the "unlife and ig- ignoredin the emphasis themesof working-class "lower nored other important unskilled, class," themes,like derprivileged," and the middle-class worker and a physical orientation,irregular cooperation the worker. While we can sum oriented almost By understanding completely. leadsareprofewde- stableworker, in a relatively important up our analysis other subcen- vided for understanding suchas person adjectives, scriptive variations. tered,traditional, etc.,we cultural pragmatic, The unskilled, have been unableto developa parsi(read "lowirregular lacksthedisciplined, such as a er class") worker moniousconceptualization, of and traditional non-deferred approach gratification p a tte rn structured and stresses the exwhich attempts to explain by this the stableworker theme. He does less to cope or theme a vast citement single formulation In the with and the of behavior. instability. insecurity array Perhaps simplest andcommercial centers if one wishes to use it, largeindustrial shorthand, wouldbe Parsons'; his cri- todaythe lower-class styleof life (as employing from the stableworking-class are distinct teria,we could say thatworkers ratherthan universal- style) is found particularly among particularistic new to industrial rather than neutral, peoples relatively istic, affective ascriptiverather than achievement-and urban life: Negroes, Puerto whites. Southern in definition of role Ricans,transplanted minded,diffuse rather But thissummary Theyhavenotbeenable so fartomake thanspecific. that stable the kind of adjustment morethanit reveals. mayobscure have. Frequently, a num- workers ouranalysis contains Indeed, theyhave not onlyof discrimiwhichmay,in part,be specialproblems ber of themes menial (service) in opposition to each other.For ex- nationbut of fairly and alienation jobs at low pay,extremely poor housample, traditionalism havecertain as do ing and considerable overcrowding. features, conflicting do of stable workers Some children and personcenteredness, pragmatism and asand theresulting and adjustive not developthestablepattern strains A fewchilare important to analyze. sumethelower-class mechanisms style. Let us make just two pointsto in- dren of middle-class parentsbecome valueof theorienta- lowerclass: theyhave unskilled dicatethegeneral jobs of life. tion thatwe have onlysketchily style pre- and adoptthelower-class withthe sentedhere: (1) It may be possible But the bulk of individuals comefrom thosewho to understand other and lower-class style working-class of unskilled and workers lower-class for sources are children styles bylooking thus including of variation from the stableworking- of farmers, many of classpattern. of the ethnic (2) The development people of whomwe spoke the stableworking-class styleamong earlier.44 and working-class lower-class youth Anotherdeviant group from the are those and main working-class pattern mightbe the goal of educational who are very muchconcerned and remedialforces workers othersocializing of successforchilrather thaninstilling the middle-class withachievement drenand forthesymbols of success in valuestructure. In many casesthefamiconsumership.
VARIATIONS OF WORKING-CLASS CULTURE

that the we aredescribing By stating are we imply stableworker thatthere We feelthat worker other subcultures.

44The data to supportthis assertioncan be computedfromthe two Americanstudies detailed in the appendix to S. M. Miller, "Comparative Social Mobility," Current Sociology, 1961.

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lies are secureand stable and have children orienmiddle-class developed been able to makea workable accom- tations. in thestable It is notintrinsic modation of their to thestresses lives. pattern thata middle-class orientation But thisis notenough forthemiddle- emerge butthestable stagewouldseem in manycases there to be a necessary class orientation; step in most cases and motiva- forthe development is a vague opportunity of a middle-class tionalfactor orientation. present. Those of working-class who Other in thesubculture variations of origins do moveintothemiddle classand into workers exist.Religious, eduethnic, themiddle-class of lifeare likely cational, and regionalfactors are imstyle in portant to havea middle-class in producing from deviations cross-pressure thattheymorefrequently thanother thepattern we have described. childrenhave relatives working-class who were or are middleclass.Their THE STABLE STYLE AS GOAL grandparents may have been middle as wellas implicitly, in working- Explicitly many class;their though parents and otherinstiare more likelyto agentsof educational class occupations have more educationthan is typical tutionsthat deal with working-class in theworking classand to haveother and lower-classyouth attempt to them. When any efIf we "middle-classize" of middle-class attributes life.45 extended fort toward the juvenile is in a Sons example, maygive literary withthisoriit is usually and Lovers, thehero, brought up in a delinquent, Such endeavors a are largely had a working- entation. miningcommunity, outwas a teach- failurebecause the middle-class classfather buthismother com- look is alien to the experiences, a middle-class er and came from prosPoswhose pectsand valuesof theseyouth. thehero, Undoubtedly, munity. chanceof emlife followsthatof D. H. Lawrence, siblythereis a better values;forexmotivation from herto move phasizing received working-class and probably ample cooperation-as happens in into literary activities thanvocational direct also someearly help in reading grouptherapy-rather in middle-class terms. We recfactor success and school. The motivational but it is likelylinkedto ognize thatit is not easy to develop is important values but fac- some of the working-class and experiential the background mucheasierto deand paternal tor of grandparental ac- theyare probably ones. In tivities. velop than the middle-class on the former thesetwo styles addition, We have discussed emphasis may on attitude in different The lower-class style developa morefavorable ways. to boththe into the partof theyouth to be the inability is considered and its agentsthandoes the of cop- stitution developan adequatemeasure on the middle-class values. insistence some with environment so that the ing A basic value questionis involved and stability ensues. of security degree to make the The originof the middle-class style here: Do we attempt from wouldseemto emerge thestable middle-class stylea model for all to would follow?Or do we adopt a rigidculA working-class family pattern. thatthelower a stableperiod turalrelativity position go through likelyfirst to its wayof liferebefore it or the classhas a right of accommodation Or do of the social effects? gardless we attempt to developwhatappearto 45Cf. the remarksof Kaare Svalastoga be themost from the elements, positive in "Report of the Fifth Working Conand the inof view of society and Social point ferenceon Social Stratification of the stylesof Mobility," International Sociological As- dividualsinvolved, life closestto them?While we have sociation,1960.

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an attempt some doubts about the answer,the without the at analyzing of and ofworkingthe contexts thegenotypes stable possibility working-class andattitude, as thegoal addsa newdimension classbehavior thedescripstyle to a deep problem thatdeserves more tion (and there is faulty description) thanit hasreceived. and interpretation life of working-class forthright scrutiny Our attempts at interpreting work- willremain a reflex of socialscientists' life will undoubtedly attitudes towardthe middle ing-class prove changing inadequate.But we are certainthat class.