Hot Movements, Cold Cognition: Thinking about Social Movements in Gendered Frames Author(s): Myra Marx Ferree and

David A. Merrill Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (May, 2000), pp. 454-462 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2653932 . Accessed: 09/12/2013 10:52
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454 Symposia
Suzanne. 1991. The Pro-Choice edited byAldonMorris and CarolMueller. New Staggenborg, Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Movement: Organization and Activism in the Paris, Peter J. 1985. TheSocialTeaching oftheBlack Abortion Conflict. New York:Oxford University Churches. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Press. Pattillo-McCoy, Mary.1998. "Church Culture as a TarrowSidney.1994. Powerin Movement: Social Strategy of Action in the Black Community." Movements,CollectiveAction and Politics. American Sociological Review 63: 767-84. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Payne, Charles.1994.I've Got the Light ofFreedom. Taylor, Verta.1995."Watching forVibes:Bringing Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press. Emotions into the Study of Feminist Rasler, Karen.1996. "Concessions, Repression, and Organizations." Pp. 223-33 in Feminist Political Protestin the Iranian Revolution." Organizations: Harvestof the New Women's American Sociological Review 61: 132-52. Movement, edited by Myra Marx Ferreeand Robnett,Belinda. 1997. How Long?How Long? PatriciaYanceyMartin.Philadelphia: Temple African-American Women in theStruggle forCivil University Press. Rights. NewYork: Oxford University Press. . 1999. "Gender and Social Movements: Rupp, Leila,andTaylor, Verta.1987.TheSurvival in Gender Processes in Women's Self-Help the Doldrums American Women's Rights Movement, Movements." Gender & Society 13:8-33. 1945to1960.NewYork: Oxford University Press. Tilly, Charles. 1978.From Mobilization toRevolution. Snow, David and RobertBenford. 1992. "Master Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Frames and Cyclesof Protest." Pp. 133-55 in Turner, Ralph and Lewis Killian. 1957. Collective Frontiers in SocialMovement Theory, editedby Behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice-Hall. AldonMorris andCarolM. Mueller. NewHaven, Walker, Rev. Wyatt Tee. 1978. Interview. September CT: YaleUniversity Press. 29. NewYork. Stow,David, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden, and RobertBenford. 1986. "FrameAlignment Zald, Mayer and Roberta Ash. 1966. "Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay, and Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Change." Social Forces 44: 327-41. Participation." American Sociological Review 51: Zald, Mayerand JohnMcCarthy.1980. "Social 464-81. Movement Industries: Competition and Snow, David, Louis Zurcher, Jr., andSheldon EklandCooperation amongMovement Organizations." Olson. 1980. "Social Networksand Social Pp. 1-20 in Research inSocial Movements: Conflict Movements: A Microstructural Approach to Vol. 3, editedby Louis Kriesberg. Differential Recruitment." America7z Sociological and Change, Greenwich, CT: JAIPress. Review 45: 787-801.

Hot Movements, Cold Cognition: Thinking about Social Movements in Gendered Framese
University of Connecticut

MYRAMARXFERREE DAVIDA. MERRILL

Framing theories begin from the assumption that political thought atmultiple levels of analysis, as theprocess offraming research language matters politically. Analyses ofgender wellas biasing about socialmovements. We argue havesuggested that language often carries mas- questions that uncovering the gender dimension inpoliticulinist assumptions andnormative judgments cal discourse would not only to bring women that passas neutral concepts. In this paper, we more fully into the picture but also correct parconnect these two perspectives. Inparticular, we tial and politically biasedunderstandings of suggest thatgender-conventional conceptions"political man." The questions we raise here obscure important elements of understanding about thefuture offraming thus arise from our feminist concerns about the discipline ofsociol8 The authors especially wantto thank Marita ogy as a whole. McComisky for her emphasis over the years onthe Our specific objective inthis essay is touse passionate sideofprotest, as wellas William A. ideas about gender toaddress theliteraGamson, Davita Silfen Glasberg, Carol McClurg critical onframing insocial movements. ByinvesMueller, andthe editors ofContemporary Sociology ture tigating the often-unexamined assumptions for their helpful comments onearlier drafts.

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Symposia 455 about people and thinking that come together in ful tothink ofthese concepts as interrelated in thisliterature, we hopeto clarify bothwhat both content andspecificity. framing analyses have tooffer researchers inter- Using theimage ofan inverted pyramid for ested ingender andsocial change andwhat gen- illustration, we place discourses at the top. deranalyses haveto offer students ofpolitical Discourses arebroad systems ofcommunication ideas. We contend thatgender studies could that link concepts together ina web ofrelationbenefit from the conceptual work thathas ships through anunderlying logic (e.g., medical already been done onframes and framing ingen- discourse is a wayto communicate about the eral,whilewe can enrich socialmovementconditions of the body that focuses onspecifying research byrecognizing whenand howtheir "diseases" and"cures" aspart ofits fundamental models may slipgendered concepts in throughlogic).Discourses also are inherently riddled thebackdoor. We particularly want to fore- with conflict, controversy, andnegotiation over ground concerns that wesee as being meaning of specific "framedthe words andideas, because out" ofthe standard approaches tosocial include a variety move- they ofspeakers with different ments. Consequently, weseekto placegender interests andorientations who arecommunicatandgender politics ina central eachother position inour ingwith (Gamson 1992; Steinberg thinking about social 1999).Discourses movements andframing, may alsohavea gender loginstead ofadding ona concern is,they with can be organized women and ic that around and women's movements and "stirring" their focus these onspecifying bits through andexplaining into the male-defined the "whole." relationship between men andwomen, masFraming isa central concept incurrent and femininity. social culinity Genderdiscourses movements research. The l990shavebeen debates about equality the include andpower, rights decade ofbringing ideas backinto sameness thestudy anddifference. of andprivileges, Gender socialmovements. are As Oliverand Johnstondiscourses thus inherently political discourses, (1999)argue, recent research onmovements theyinclude fre- not onlybecause conflict and quently hastaken theconcept standpoints (all discourses offraming as a diverse do) but central they point ofdeparture, debate what eventhough Harold Lasswell what because once framing as thecorequestions means andwhat a frame ofpolitics: analysis canbe defined "who used for what, when andhow?" analytically are still very (1958). much points of gets debate. are at the next lowerlevel. Wedonotattempt toreview theentire Ideologies literature on framing, areconsiderably a taskalready more coherent accom- Ideologies than plished because well they both are by Oliver organized and around Johnston sys( 1999) discourses andbyBenford ideas andnormative (1997).Instead, claims. wetake Oliver upcer- tematic and tain define points ideology raised as "anysystem intheir excellent of reviews and Johnston thatcouples relate them to an expanded assertions and theories model ofpolitical meaning thenature ofsocial thinking. We suggest life with thatthismodel values and could about relevant to promoting enrich ourcapacity to analyze or resisting gender politics norms change" (1999: and alsochallenge 7).They stress how some framing gendered lanlimitations fails toacknowledge the imbedded intheconcepts political interests ofdiscourses, ideolo- guage connected to belief gies, andframes. systems or theextensive thinking andlearning that go intoideologies, Framing a ModelofFraming turning movement ideational work into someRecentreviews of the framing literature thing that more resembles selling viasound bite express concern overresearchers' tendency to than the rich anddeep processes of building ideuseframing asanall-encompassing concept and ologicalcommitments that carryactivists toproduce long lists ofideas atvarying levels of through theirentire lives.We particularly generality that areall called "frames" (Benfordemphasize another oftheir ideas: that thecon1997). Oliver andJohnston (1999)further sug- cept ofideology acknowledges notonly a cognigest that an important distinction exists among tivebutalsoa normative orvalue dimension. frames, framing, and ideology. We agree with Adherents of an ideology understand social Oliver andJohnston on theusefulness ofsepa- events inlight oftheir general theory ofsociety rating these concepts, but alsoadda fourth ana- andact, feel, andthink as a result ofthe values lytic category that is alsooften collapsed into they link tothese understandings. There are, of the concept ofa frame: discourse. Wefind ituse- course, multiple gender ideologies available,

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ranging from the Taliban's restrictive codes use,andchange their frames, discourses, and through Oprah Winfrey's warm and fuzzy about picture ideologies gender issorely lacking (but see ofsexroles todeconstructionist 1999 for a sketch ofwhat feminist such a nonlintheory. Pratto ofcognition The important might pointhereis thatideologiesearmodel looklikeapplied about race). always include values as well as ideas, andcon- tothinking Attention tothe differences among discourssequently imply feelings andactions, notonly es,ideologies, andframes canhelp sharpen our abstract thinking. ofhow culture, politics, andsocial psyAtthe bottom ofthe pyramid are frames. For analysis arelinked intheproduction ofgender, us,a frame is a cognitive ordering that relates chology above examples indicate. But considering events tooneanother: Itisa way oftalking and as the gender biases in eachofthese conthinking about things that links ideaelements thecovert cepts can do even more to clarify the analysis of into packages. Any oneparticular frame canbe matter in social movements andin seized upon by multiple ideologies, but, asOliver howideas more generally. Below, weconsider how and Johnston argue, redescription ofideology in politics bias operates ateach ofthese three levels framing language obscures howandwhy framesgender as intheframing process that connects areused. An important distinction Oliver and as well Johnston highlight between frames andideolo- them. gies isthe value component inthe latter: Frames Gender Challenges to Social Movement specify how tothink about things, but they don't Frames point towhy itmatters. Frames, unlike ideoloBeginning atthe bottom ofthis pyramid, the gies, donotground thinking inwhat isnorma- concept ofa "frame" itself suffers from gendered tively goodorbadabout thesituation, nordo limitations in thewaythatsocialmovement they imply goals andobjectives. Frames merely theorizing hasdeveloped. Framing analysis has provide a certain cognitive focus andthus put developed from socialpsychological traditions certain elements orideas "inthe picture" ornot. thatmodelcognition as "cold,"usingthe As cognitive social psychologists haveshown, detached anddispassionate observer asthe stansome such selective attention is always needed dard actor (seecritiques in Fiske 1981; Lawler tomake sense of what William James called oth- and Thye 1999). Contemporary social psycholoerwise "a blooming, buzzing confusion" of senso- gistshave challenged this"cold cognition ry input. Whether gender isframed asbiological approach" totry tobetter incorporate values and sexdifferences or as social roles, for example, emotions into their models, andresearchers in doesnotanswer thequestion ofwhether this this tradition haveresponded (Schwarz 1998). framing is being usedto support a feminist or Social psychologists, especially those concerned antifeminist ideology. with studying race andgender oppression, have We alsodistinguish frames from the framingbegun to "warm up"their cognitive models to process, or theongoing cognitive activity of include the role ofemotions inshaping perceppicking ideasfrom discourses and the social tion for both dominant andsubordinate groups negotiations involved inwriting, speaking, and (e.g., Sidanius andPratto 1999). composing communications that relate events, Concern with integrating emotion andevalideas, andactions to eachother. The framinguation into analysis of perception hasbeen espeprocess is themechanism bywhich discourses, cially eloquent when coupled with discussions ideologies, and frames are all connected. about the separation of "reason" from emotion as Framing is thus both strategic andsocial. The expressing an androcentric political bias, which outcome ofall themultiple activities ofpeople takes a certain historically specific image of andgroups engaged inframing processes is the "man" as thedefinition of whatis "normal" production ofa discourse. While framing ascon- human behavior. Eventhough actual menare tinual process is important, we concur with far more varied intheir cognitive andemotionOliver andJohnston that often itis the"snap- al life,the qualities associated withmen shot" ofthe frames atany specific point intime (unemotional, calculating, individually selfthatis most amenable to study. However, in interested, dominant, hierarchical) haveoften regard to gender framing, suchsnapshots are beenframed uncritically as "rationality" and rarely more than inventories of gender beliefs or thenpreferred ideologically. As philosopher normative values intheform ofattitude scales. Alison Jaggar ( 1989) pointed out, defining ratioA more complex model ofhow people organize,nality as theopposite ofemotionality sets upa

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Symposia 457 gendered dichotomy that canbeused inan almost totransfer manipulative fashion. In contrast, toemotions thelower status ofwhat is seenas studies, such asGamson's Talking Poliiics ( 1992), feminine. This low status disallows the acknowl- that focus on ordinary people's thinking show edgment of values and feelings in both clearly notjust "cold" cognitions but hotemoresearchers and movement participants (but tions at work inpolitical judgments, especially doesnoteliminate their actual significance for inforging links among experiences, perceptions, both). Men, of course, have values and emotions andactions atthe grassroots. and bring them into their political work, but the At itscore, theproblem that framing langender biasattached totheconcept ofemotion guage presents is that it"cools" theanalysis of tends to see it as lowering thequality ofdis- movement thinking byseparating it from the course andinterfering with theidealpolitical deeply felt passions and value commitments that process. Jaggar argues thatemotion can also motivate action. Socialmovement actors are enrich perception, facilitate thediscovery of actually "hot," orpassionate about their causes; values, andsecure interpersonal communication andstudying movement ideas asif they could be through its expression astrust. isolated from therefining heatofengagement The emphasis in recent socialmovementleads social movement researchers toneglect the theories onframes, the purely cognitive element effects that participation in protest events has in political discourse, implicitly excludes the onconsciousness, aswell astounderestimate the "hotter" concepts ofemotion andvalues from importance offinding outwhere andhowpasanalysis, even when studies ofthe active process sion arises. Verta Taylor (1995)hasbeen among offraming make clear that passionate feelingsthemost active andeloquent in calling for a are often involved in talking aboutinjustice more serious study ofemotion in social move(Gamson 1992). Thevery ideaofsocial move- ments, but her appeals often havebeen seen as ment activists as emotional human beings has applying only to thewomen's movement or to been quitecontroversial. Social movementwomen insocial movements because emotion is researchers from thecollective behavior school conceptually gendered as female (but see also of the 1950sand the resource mobilization Jasper, andPolletta, forthcoming). school ofthe1970s agreed that goodpolitical Goodwin, Emotion is universally part ofbeing human, behavior should be"rational," andthey evaluatand it is not necessarily a flaw or obstruction to edmovements onthat basis. Theformer tended reasoned action. It may indeed be quite the todiscredit movements for what they perceived As Jaggar (1989)demonstrates, emoastheir lack of rationality, and the latter tocred- opposite. tions and values are closely intertwined. The it them with purely rational behavior. A. O. emotions of social actors are aroused precisely Hirschman's underappreciated book The their understanding ofevents connects Passions andthe Interests (1977)explores the his- because with particular values they possess, and values torical process of developing capitalism that are formed in a process of experiencing emoallowed "self-interest" tobereframed from being tional reactions such as attraction, revulsion, a socially dangerous passionto beingthe anger, andfear. Emotions areintimately bedrock ofallvirtues andthevery definition of love, connected with boththevalues and ideasof what itmeans toactrationally. actors. Thus, the separation of cogniImported into social movement research, the movement tion and emotion is related to the separation of model of"coldcognition" combines with the objectivity and values, itself part of an ideology androcentric valueon self-interest (a nonpasof"value-neutrality" inscience. Theseparation sionate andthus preferred form ofmotivation) andemotion becomes part ofthe to produce many studies offraming that treat ofcognition wayof presenting sociology as science that social movement ideas as merely dispassionate would allow it to evade fundamental questions thought. Thisapproach thus leaves untouched whose perspectives andneeds shapeits the whole problem ofconnecting ideas tomoti- about particular relevances (cf.Smith 1999).Part of vations for action. Without such a connection, up"ourideas about cognition the inthe actors involved insocial movements areless "warming of social movements, acting than therefore, acted may upon. also Thus wefind itunsur- context that wetake prising thatso much some ofthe of thecoldly antiemotional cognitivedemand analysis offraming from how weassociologists takes a top-down viewof chill think about the ideas being presented toactors byorganizations science wedo.

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them. It wasnotan accident thatthesocial movement theories prominent inthe1950s and As Oliver andJohnston distinguish them, 1960s reflected a fear ofNaziandcommunist ideologies unlike frames-are explicitly about totalitarianism. Framed in the aftermath of values. Ideologies connect movements andpeo- World WarII andinthecontext oftheemerpleonthe basis oftheir shared commitments to gent ColdWar, thequestions asked tended to certain values.However, valueshave been denigrate theadherents ofmovements as irraabsent from orportrayed as irrelevant to most tional andseetheir responses to their political social movement research. One importantandeconomic situation as"short-circuiting" the insight from feminist critiques of"objectivity" is deliberative processes of liberal democracy. thatconcepts, organizations, and institutions, Similarly, itwashardly a coincidence that the notjustindividual people, carry gender mean- students stirred toaction bythemovements of ings. Notonly is it important to consider the the1960s and1970s would reject these theories values ofmovement actors, but feminist think- andseekto build alternative approaches that ing alsoindicates the need toconsider values in would accord better with their experiences of the researcher her/himself. The assumptions political learning, networking, andorganization among social movement researchers often reflect building. Norshould it be surprising that the hidden values. Boththe American resource movement theories ofthe1970s and1980s that mobilization model of individual self-interest resulted showed an initially sharpdivision andcapitalist-like enterprises andthe European between the European-based analyses that newsocialmovement approach that privilegestressed autonomous subcultures of dissident class-based movements are operating from youth alienated from the"old" class politics of premises that aredeeply embedded inanandro- their socialist parties (NewSocialMovement centric and Western worldview. As Craig andtheAmerican-based models that Calhoun( 1994) demonstrates, the tension theories) emphasized the construction of organizations between theindividual andthecollective good resources that could beused inthe interest is not experienced among Chinesestudent with group system of representation that characterizes rebels in the ways thateither European or politics. Amelican social movement theory predicts. American In recent years, therapprochement between Calhoun (1995) also argues thatthevery the American and European strands of theoriznotion of"new" social movements, with a dising has accelerated. We see this convergence as tinctive nonbureaucratic form anda stress on due in no small part to the increasing actual collective identity andgroup solidarity, is an of bothacademia and of social ahistorical version ofnewness. Thisideaofthe globalization movements, even though bringing in theories "new" emergence of identity issues erases the grounded in the experience of social movements construction ofa masculine working-class idenWorld hasstill been more limited tity inthe nineteenth century, through process- intheThird 1999). Both es ofnetworking and self-assertion similar to (but see Ray and Korteweg andEuropean researchers areincreasthose seentoday among differently disadvan- American ingly part of the same global field in which a taged groups. Thisallows the"identity politics" specifically transnational form ofsocial moveoftoday toappear uniquely andproblematically is becoming evermore prominent. The emotional incontrast tothe"rational" interestsment beingaskedin social movement of class-based mobilization. Calhoun argues that questions todayreflect the problems facing economic "rationality" asa value held by move- research inthese networks noless than the probment groups ispart ofa historical shift ofcon- activists and theories developed in the centration ofworking-class organizations tothe lemstackled and1970s did, andfor the same reasonshop-floor organization ofmen atthe expense of 1950s heldin common among activists and community-based mobilization. Indeed, femi- values nism andsocialism hada conflicted andcom- researchers. (1998)demonstrate, plexrelation from themid-nineteenth century As KeckandSikkink rise ofthe transnational issue advocacy netonward that is made invisible when class issues the in contemporary politics involves both aredefined as "old" and"rational" andgender work scholars andactivists heldtogether bya compolitics as "new" and"identity-based." to common values for social change. Because they are aboutvalues, ideologies mitment connect movements with thepeople who study Such networks of activists and researchers invesValues, Ideology, and Self-reflexive Science

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Symposia 459 tigating human rights, environmental degrada- tions and conceptions have also obscured importion, gender equality, andother issues ona glob- tant elements ofsocial reality. A narrow definial scale begin to blur the conventionaltion ofwhat constitutes public life orpolitics is distinctions among academic studies, protest onesuch gendered way ofseeing. Sucha view politics "out onthestreets," andformal politics allows only the arenas inwhich men have taken conducted within institutions. International leadership roles tobeseen asbeing public, andit nongovernmental organizations useinformation obscures cultural changes that canbejust asfargenerated through funded research to support reaching, such as shifts infeminist orenvironlocalactivists and bring pressure on national mental consciousness andchanges in work or governments. Thevalue commitments shared by consumption practices withinhouseholds. theparticipants in suchnetworks bindthem Institutional discourses that are deeply gendered together despite differences inframes that may often render movement challenges invisible, beemployed. Indeed, Keck andSikkink provide because they operate outside therealm defined a compelling casestudy of how the development aspolitical. Political change that happens inand ofhuman rights frames for incidents ofviolence through households and families is especially against womenfrom clitoridectomy to dowry hard tosee, because the relationships of the famdeaths gave local activists a rhetoric that ily(gendered female) areseparated from the allowed them tochallenge theframing ofsuch relationships of politics (gendered male). Infact, violence as "localcustom" in conflict with considering the recent riseof the Religious "Western norms." Right, thepolitical ideology ofsuchorganizaUnderstanding framing as a toolthat canbe tions as thePromise Keepers, andthe centrality used to advancecertain values,we argue, ofthe"family values" debate andabortion polidemands more conscious scrutiny ofideologies ticsto electoral campaigns, wefind ithard to assuch. There arevalues andgoals atstake, not consider household composition and family relaonly for activists but also for the researchers who tions asinany sense "outside" politics ineven its study them andwhomay be part ofthesame narrowest, most institutional sense. transnational issue networks. Reframing social Even when movements become visible, genmovement research toallow more direct consid- dered assumptions may block their vision of poseration ofthenormative elements in ideology,sible change. Movement actors andinstitutional without implying that having values is disrep- actors often participate in thesame discourse, utable anddiscrediting, would bea step forward. framing specific ideasdifferently, butwithout To take that step, wesuggest, social move- being ableto examine andcritique thedeeper ment researchers willneedto borrow a page assumptions that they share. Institutional disfrom feminist theories ofscience andbe more courses carry important assumptions that affect honest andself-reflective about their ownval- what eventhechallengers' discursive logicis ues.Sucha consciously self-reflexive theory of able to "see."Forexample, many researchers socialmovements would connect motivation "rights" frames. This type of with values, emotions, and frames as wellas have discussed framing is rooted in a liberal-legal discourse. acknowledge theties between activists andacaas Critical LegalStudies, Critical demics in all ofthese dimensions. A vision of However, Race Studies, and feminist legal scholars have science that demands that researchers not admit shown, these legal discourses are not objective to having values (seeKeller 1985for a classic they aredeeply raced, gendiscussion of gender and epistemology) isunnec- and"free-floating" dered, and sexualized. Rights to self-determinaessarily limiting, as well asgendered. It isalsoa a fundamental constitutional principle, for distortion of theactual history ofhowsocial tion, example, were initially defined to allow slavery movement research hasdeveloped, anda simple allbut white men from the vote. As regard for a truthful understanding ofourown andexclude legal discourse was extended, through strugworkshouldbring activists and academics this to carry some ofitsoriginal together toconsider what wehavelearned and gle,it continued assumptions for example, that women areless canlearn from eachother. capable ofrational decision making than men, oras notindependent because supported bya Discourses, Meaning,and husband. Consequently, byadopting a legal disUnderstanding At thethird level ofdiscourses as whole course, a movement isconstrained byits discursystems ofcommunication gendered assump- sivelogic, even when itstruggles against it.In

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practice, this leads feminist movements into try- asCharles Tilly's work hasdone, recognize how discourse itself tends toprivilege the ing toprove that women areas rational as men sociological as themodel of thepast.Butsocial in male-defined terms, ormaking social value present theories alsoneedto askhowtheir andcitizen rights contingent oneconomic self- movement discourse isrelated tomodes ofaction and support. Gordon andFraser (1994), for example, own that flow from thesocial organiprovide a compelling history ofthe shifts inthe understanding of gender, race, nation, age, andsexuality meaning of "dependence" inAmerican discoursezation given place orperiod. Theseparation of that shape thearguments made byall partici- inany from private, the relation offormal orgapants, regardless oftheir specific ideologies, in public nizations tohouseholds andgrassroots mobilizawelfare reform debates. thenewawareness ofcultural change as Thesehistorical constraints on a discoursetions, well as policy making in theories of social movecan often be usedagainst themovement by reflect underlying connections between institutional actors, since thelatter remain the ments and power relations. Making these more powerful actors in theoverall field. An discourses explicit rather than an invisible backanalysis ofentire discourses, rather than merely questions for social movement studies isthechalseparate frames, could help usmove beyond the ground lenge that gender theory presents to political relative separation ofinstitutional politics and analysis. social movements astwo entirely different fields discourse ofstudy. Thisseparation hasproduced a further biasinwhich institutional politics is thearena Bringingthe Pieces Together Thisbrings ustoa discussion ofhow frames, for the study ofeffects (social policies andtheir ideologies, anddiscourses arerelated, andthus outcomes) andsocial movements arestudied in to ourfourth analytic dimension, theframing terms oftheir origins andorganizations. Associ- process asa whole. This framing process isabout ologists havelong recognized, both institutions action, notjustthought. Actors useframes to and social movements areimportant for explain- elicit an emotional response from adherents of ingsocialchange. However, theactual work particular value positions, andthus stir motivabeing donein andbysocial movements often tions toact.Theframing ofan issue will have does notresemble the work practices ofinstitu-profoundly different impacts ontwo people with tional politics, andthe actors involved may also oppositional ideologies: Framing the fetus as an differ. Inparticular, women are much more like- innocent human baby for example, exerts a powly to be grassroots political activists, and the erful emotional pullon those with a "pro-life" work that they doinvolves skills ofnetworking, ideological commitments, but canenrage ordisbridging, andorganizing people that tend tobe gustan activist who valuesabortion rights. overlooked bya framework inwhich politics is Frames areconnected totheemotions through defined asa typically male activity. Thegender- theideological beliefs andnormative commiting of the political asmale makes authority more ments oftheactors, andtheprocess ofmaking visible than influence andvalues speech making these connections itself deserves attention. more than organizational bridge-building Whenframing workis understood as a (Robnett 1997). process, itisalsomore easily recognized aswork, While discourses about social movements are andthus as something that real people haveto often invisibly gendered, attention to gender do.Much ofthescholarship oncare work Idenwould beonly the beginning of a set of questions tifies theways that caring isframed as an emoaboutthe political discourse in which both tional activity thatbecomes "invisible work" activists and academics participate. Whether (Daniels 1987;Glenn2000).Managing emoone is essentially sympathetic to thecapitalist tions in social movements is also work. form ordeeply critical ofit, the overall discourseConstructing coalitions and learning toseecomabout social movements revolves around ques- mon interests (as well as recognizing divergent tionsthatflow from socialrelations it has identities) isbuilt onthe emotion work done as already profoundly shaped. A discourse embed- part offraming in"old" as well as "new" social dedincapitalist social relations islikely tocon- movements. "This bridge called myback" struct individuals as autonomous, relationships describes notonly theeffort to forge connecas commodltles, andorganlzatlons as persons. tionsbetween race and gender politics by Theories about movements that probe the limits women ofcolor (towhich the phrase originally oftheir own generalizability across time periods, was applied), but alsothe demanding but invisi.. . . . .

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Symposia 461 blelabor that underlies thestreet-level "frame-agenda (asDeborah Stone [1997] does very well) institutional needdefinition work bridging" work that isdone, often by women, to is howsuch intersects with thesocialchange work being make coalitions happen. outside formal politics, andhow both are, Doing framing work is alsoabout producingdone suggests, deeply gendered. fundamental social change. Framing asa process asFraser at framing as a process challenges, even as itisconstrained by, discur- In sum,looking ittobe gendered work. It iswork often sive logics. Movements confront meanings that reveals invisible inthe movements that aredoing are embedded in institutional discourses, but made within thepolicy process in the alsouseinnovative framing tactics tochallenge itandhidden of institutional discourses. Making such and change them. Such "new words" may lead to form work more visible could begin tounder"new worlds." Successful reframing then con- framing mine thediscursive distinction between public strains the options of other actors by introducing that actsideologically to exclude a newdiscursive logic.Forexample, in the andprivate from "politics" andmake gender oppresUnited States, thesuccessful expansion ofthe women sion appear to be private, domestic, and individ"right toprivacy" towomen's bodies challenges than part ofa political culture that the relationship between the state andabortion,ual rather canbechallenged andchanged. butitdoesnothing tochange theprivatization ofchild carework within individual families. Conversely, the expansion ofthe "state's obliga- WhatNow? Weseethe move tobring ideas into a central tion toprotect life" tothe fetus inGerman disposition in studying social movements as a very courseoffers a framework forfeminists to important and promising stepforthe field's demand better state support for children and future. Butapproaching all such ideas only in child rearing, but closes oS theoption tospeak therubric of"frames" strips them oftheemoof abortion as a private choice(see Ferree, tional color, valuecommitments, and instituGamson, Gerhards, and Rucht, forthcoming). tional anchors that make them sosignificant in American antifeminist activists have successfulbothindividual andcollective action. Frames lyreframed theissues ofgender politics from are"cooled" outofthepassionate action and "patriarchy" to "traditional family values" and commitment of"hot"socialmovements, and made thewomen's movement seem no longer academic studies ofsocial movements aremade relevant to"what the debate isabout" today. to appear more separate from themovements' Whileradical reframing is rare, political ownactivities thanthey are in practice. By institutions themselves engage inframing work being attentive tothe gendered framing ofemoon an ongoing basis.Feminist philosophertion andvalues as feminine andtherefore susNancy Fraser (1989)proposes studying welfare pect, and being attentive to theinstitutional state policies as notmerely about redistribution discourses that frame women as apolitical and (ormeeting various needs through state action) gender asprivate, the analysis ofideas could not but alsoas about need definition that is,what only addtosocial movement studies but fundacounts as being a need atall.Fraser argues that mentally transform them. rival needinterpretations aretransformed into Howwould itdo that? Obviously, wethink "rival programmatic conceptions" andspecific that making gender an explicit part ofthedispolicy proposals that aremore directly contestedcourse of political sociology asmen practice itis inthepolitical arena. Thenthepolicies imple- an important part ofthe answer. Ifonly women mented "provide more than material aid.They scholars oronly studies offeminist movements also provide clients, andthe public atlarge, with orofwomen inother social movements actually a tacit but powerful interpretive map ofnorma- payattention to gender, a large pieceofthe tive, differently valued gender roles and gen- actual gendering of socialmovements theory dered needs" (1989:170).Needdefinition in andresearch remains untouched. Wehave tried Fraser's terms comes intriguingly closeto what toshow how theideological masculinity inscipolitical scientists havelong studied as "agenda entific rhetoric andsociological discourse isvulsetting" when itcomes tolegislative process, and nerable to an analysis thattakes discourses, to the"key nondecisions" thatBachrach and ideologies, frames, andframing work seriously. Baratz (1962)long agoidentified. Thequestion But wehave alsotried todemonstrate that genthat thepolicy studies literature skips in dis- der deeply permeates thediscourses, ideologies, cussing the framing ofquestions for the political andframes that social movement studies have

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462 Symposia
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Peter and Morton S. Baratz. 1962. "The BachrachX Two Faces of Power.' AmericanPoliticalScience 56: 947-52. Review Robert. 1997. "An Insider'sCritique of the BenfordX Movement Framing Perspective." Social 67: 409-30. Inquiry Sociological Calhoun, Craig. 1994. NeitherGods nor Emperors: in China. forDemocracy and theStruggle Students ofCaliforniaPress. University Berkeley: . 1995. "'New Social Movements'of the Early NineteenthCentury."Pp. 173-216 in Repertoires Action, edited by Mark and Cycles of Collective Press. Traugott.Durham,NC: Duke University Daniels, Arlene Kaplan. 1987. "Invisible Work." 34: 403-15. SocialProblems Ferree, Myra Marx, William A. Gamson, Jurgen Shaping and DieterRucht.Forthcoming. Gerhards, and Media Movements Discourse:Parties, Abortion X 1970-1994. in Germanyand the United States Press. CambridgeUniversity Cambridge: Pp. Fiske,Susan 1981. "Social Cognitionand Affect." Social Behavior and the 227-64 in CognitionX editedbyJohnHarvey.Hillsdale,N]: EnvironmentX LawrenceErlbaumAssociates. Fraser, Nancy 1989. Unruly Practices: PowerX Social DiscourseXand Gender in Contemporary Theory. Minneapolis: Universityof Minnesota Press. Fraser, Nancy and Linda Gordon 1994. "The Tracing a Keywordof Genealogy of Dependency: the US WelfareState." Signs19: 309-36. Gamson, William A. 1992. Talking Politics. Press. CambridgeUniversity Cambridge: Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. 2000. "Creating a Caring 29: 84-94. Sociology Society."Contemporary and Francesca Polletta. JamesJasper, Goodwin, Jeff, Politics. Passionate Forthcoming. Hirschmann, A. O. 1977. The Passions and the Its before forCapitalism Arguments Political Interests: Triumph. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Alison. 1989. "Love and Knowledge:Emotion Jaggar, 32: 161-76. Inquiry Epistemology." in Feminist

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