Workers' Mobilization and Political Violence: Conflict in Villa Constitucin, Argentina, 19701975 Author(s): Agustn Santella Source: Latin

American Perspectives, Vol. 35, No. 5, Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation (Sep., 2008), pp. 146-157 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27648125 . Accessed: 06/04/2013 13:15
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Workers' Mobilization

and Political Violence

Conflict inVilla Constituci?n, Argentina, 1970-1975 by

Agust?n Sont ella

The laborand political conflictsthat tookplace in thecityofVilla Constituci?n between 1970 and 1975 show in detail crucial aspects of thenational social and political contention inArgentina thatended in thecoup d'?tat of 1976. Bothworking-class struggles and civil war intensified during thisperiod and conditioned each other in complexways. Keywords: Working class, Political violence,Argentina, Peronism, Political system

The degree of consensus to be the 1970s continues

and the struggles of social actors. Although the political violence in of the left have been discussed detail 1998; (Oilier, insurgent wing dynamics to go to achieve still have a long way solid Pozzi, 2000; Tortti, 2000), we in of these the (Mar?n, 1996; Moyano, 1999), progress analysis relationships and exploration of the interaction between armed radicals and the social movement has received even less attention. The objective of this study is to examine the relationship between working-class and political struggles in an between in themid-1970s. city inArgentina It is difficult to deny that since 1969 popular violence has had no significant of the mood of the time based on interviews with support. Any assessment industrial

that led the guerrilla and the "spiral of violence" in similar ways, equally moving sector to behave away from ana The academic has literature 2006). (CONADEP, democracy thoroughly a view to with this how behavior question corporatist-based explaining lyzed consensus. Despite differences in the assessment of the process, prevented any there is general agreement on the view of the 1960s-1970s period as a crisis of that led to civil war or state terrorism (O'Donnell, 1982; Halperin hegemony studies on the relationships 1994). There are few historical-empirical Donghi, state-terrorism

debate, the predominant culmination of an irrational

with regard to popular violence in Argentina in a In of discussion. topic postdictatorship public idea has been that the 1976-1983 dictatorship was the

in the events will necessarily be incomplete, partial, and diffuse. participants It is probably better to observe the degree towhich acceptance of the idea of the armed resistance was expressed activities with mass associated through is here that The like other social workers, groups, are assumption struggles.

is a researcher at the Instituto de Investigaciones Santella "Gini Germani" of the Agust?n to Pablo Aires. He is grateful of Buenos Ines Izaguirre, Ronaldo Pozzi, Munck, University Francisco Luisa Torregrosa, and the EAP referees for their Nicol?s Zapata, Mar?a I?igo Carrera, comments. funded by the University of Buenos Aires and FLACSO-Gobierno This research was de M?xico. LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, DOT. 10.1177/0094582X08321967 ? 2008 Latin American Perspectives Issue 162,Vol. 35 No. 5, September 2008 146-157

146

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CONFLICT INVILLA CONSTITUCI?N, ARGENTINA Santella /

147

not essentially either peaceful or violent?that all forms of struggle and polit are to the relative in ical participation of power background relationships which action takes place. the historical background of the period in ques This study first discusses it links the results the specific case. In the conclusions, tion and then examines to political and academic discussions of political violence and social protest. information will be limited, since readers can be expected to have Background a basic with the period in question. acquaintance

ARGENTINA
The mass rebellions and

IN THE POST-CORDOBAZO

PERIOD

mobilization

that took place in C?rdoba and Rosario in 1969 led to a that caused the downfall of the military gov ernments of the "Argentine Revolution." The protests had an impact on the to rise the Great National that served as dominant classes, giving Agreement a framework for the elections of 1973. That agreement called for the reinstate ment of the Peronist party as a legitimate force in the political system. The role radicalization

to Peronism was preventing the protests from turning into a revolu assigned tion. Among these protests were the increasing armed actions of revolutionary and forms of popular violence executions, propaganda) groups (kidnappings, associated with street demonstrations, factory takeovers, and other forms of in context All the this took of the ideological radicalization place expression. a fact thatwould of the society as a whole and within the Peronist movement, in the Frente Justicialista de Liberaci?n be reflected in Per?n's position

increasingly violent struggles culminating in the political regime of 1976-1983, the systematic disappearance of social and political activists which organized and militants and exercised military control over the society. Two researchers records of this process. Mar?n have assembled (1996) takes the quantitative 1973-1976 period and compares two competing political-military strategies in terms of their objectives with regard to human and material losses. He concludes thatwhile deaths and

Liberation electoral campaign and in Front?FREJULI) (Justicialist-Peronist lists (see Balve and Balve, 1989; Torre, 1989; of the candidates' the composition 2000; Graham Yool, 1989). Brennan, 1996; Izaguirre and Aristizabal on advanced The course of social confrontations from the Cordobazo through

the regime's actions caused human losses (mainly arrests and, later, was to obtain material results injuries), the popular forces' objective and human losses played a secondary role. These strategies represent different in the development moments of the social forces (with corresponding differences in the relationship between these forces). Whereas the regime was pursuing con a at forces aimed structure. solidation, the popular building political-military Between This 1973 and 1976, the confrontations activists first and then armed militants. framework increased, and the repression hit key

is complemented and enriched by the data provided by time the (1999). Extending span (1969-1979), Moyano Moyano distinguishes the regime's and the people's not only between violent actors but also the actions of armed organizations and collective between that protests involved violence. that violence the 10-year period into three stages, she shows Dividing 1969 and 1973 was mainly between caused by protests and

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148 armed

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES organizations

whereas

(46 and 43 percent of the violent acts, respectively), or actions represented 11 percent. paragovernmental governmental 14 Between 1973 and 1976, mass to violence of the cases percent dropped acts 51 of the violent and 33 percent by percent by the against organizations Between 1976 and forces. the 1979, repressive repressive right-wing forces were for 93 percent of the violent acts. This survey shows that at responsible first protests

involved violence but over time they turned nonviolent. This 1973 from when modified the conditions for on, political change happened armed protest. It also shows that in spite of the cessation of direct violent in action by mass mobilizations, the armed organizations7 actions increased to the repressive forces. direct opposition

SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS VILLA CONSTITUCI?N, 1970

The establishment of and

OF

several metallurgical (Acindar, Metcon, plants their 1970 turned Villa around Marathon, Villber) subsidiary workshops into a predominantly industrial city. Other inhabitants became Constituci?n manual and administrative workers companies. Most workers lived near in the state-owned railway and

textile

Nicol?s, ization

whose characteristics predisposed them to radical Zarate, Campana) and classist and antibureaucratic mobilization (Torre, 1989: 55). was in it Villa Constituci?n that workers' rebellions However, only managed to replace the old union leaders. The situation of labor in Villa Constituci?n a and the strike of 1975. key role in the 1970 strike, the 1974 Villazo, played were fact that their than in other the those of workers wages Despite higher con in 's not had the Acindar workers achieved the area, companies working workers. Uni?n those The ditions Obrera enjoyed by Metal?rgica Union?UOM) (Metalworkers' inspection several times because orthodox local had

the factories, whereas management-level cities. These changes accentuated the city's employees In this 1985; Actis, interview, Jos? (Videla, 1994). profile largely working-class was to certain Villa similar Constituci?n other cities industrial (San respect settled in neighboring

the national was management

with

been placed under its authorities' of the failure of its leadership to align itself Peronism. At the same time, the central union's

to Peronist being challenged by left-wing militants opposed and these groups coordinated local union action at the national unionism, level and formed an alternative union leadership. The high levels of industrial and organization reached in those years were part of the devel mobilization a one that was rather and of social opment force?though political heteroge neous at the working-class level.

LABOR CONFLICT, 1970-1974

an unsuccessful strike at January 1970 there was was It not the in Villa first strike 2000). (Rodriguez, important a was one was unionist it which but has the first that Constituci?n, tradition, an end when came to It the for Metalworkers' Union. the fired important In December 1969 and

Acindar

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CONFLICT INVILLA CONSTITUCI?N, ARGENTINA Santella / the amnesty accepted the of pointment membership leaders offered by the employer. The led to sustained mobilization

149

and leader of the 1970 strike. This Vanguard) themost active of the workers' cadres, many of which became organizations. de Trabajadores The Partido Revolucionario (Workers' Revolutionary party? the Juventud Peronista-Montoneros (Workers' Power), PRT), Poder Obrero

activist group. This group had various names?the the Brown List, the September 7th Movement?and a militant of Vanguardia Sacristani, "Gringo"

Acindar's was initially promoted by Comunista (Communist new union activism produced

resulting disap a by left-wing Workers' Group,

[a guerrilla group]), Vanguardia Youth?JP-Montoneros (Monteneros-Peronist de los Trabajadores the Partido Socialista Comunista, (Workers' Socialist Comunista and the Partido The PC's (Communist party?PC). party?PST), ran the Villa Constituci?n as their with Martin Tito militants Railway Union, a on the creation of the Confederaci?n General head, and had strong influence

in early 1975. The de Trabajadores (Workers' General Confederation?CGT) an intense and to 1975 and led of influenced 1973, 1974, struggles politically for the strikers' capacity for resistance to activism that was partly responsible the repressive forces of the period. In 1973 the scheduling of national elections raised expectations of a return to government. The Metalworkers' Union of the Peronists local was under and investigation, resolved. Besides, Scheme Law (No. return the issues that had caused was in violation the local the 1970 strike had not been of the new Medical/Welfare

be resolved "with two or three now, with Per?n in power, everything would decrees" (Porcu, 1999). was broken almost a year later (March 7, The truce in Villa Constituci?n the national union challenged the local leaders and immediately 1974), when in its favor. This incident gave rise to a lengthy occu the workers mobilized factories of the city and gestures of solidarity by pation of the metallurgical most of the city's inhabitants. All aspects of the occupation were organized by workers a new strike committee based on them. The plant committees and and held managers surrounded the factories with explosives. hostage In the light of the power of the mobilization, the national government inter a 16 memorandum of agreement was vened in favor of theworkers. On March were rehired, the union signed that satisfied their claims: the fired personnel laws were complied with. The strike held free elections, and the social welfare an esca called the Villazo marked and factory takeover and themobilization a moment when at the local and national at lation of workers' levels struggles suc armed and political struggles in Argentina were intensifying. The local cess strengthened the workers' overall mobilization, thus generating new and a new activism that quickly became political and rad labor achievements the union's

benefits for the workers. Per?n's 18.610) that established In Villa to government created a stronger basis for mobilization. this resulted in a workers' protest against the investigation of the Constituci?n the protest with the argument union that local. The union leaders defused

in links with the revolutionary ical and established organizations operating unionist the city. The activists who directed the Villazo political developed In the elections, they formed a front that united groups from the beginning. Brown List, which defeated various the Pink List left-wing tendencies?the Union national Metalworkers' the The leadership. campaign proposed by

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150

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

as "antibureaucratic, platform of the List defined its orientation antiemployer, was movement The ideology of the Villa Constituci?n and anti-imperialist." at that time with not much more radical than that of the general population to national and the class. Also, liberation, anti-imperialism, working regard as well as a rather the strong notion of struggle against the union bureaucracy, in clear oppo discourse heterogeneous placed themovement's anticapitalism, a sition to that of the Peronist union That discourse expressed leadership.1 Peronist the between bases and union their relationship politically organizers, as in the first conflicts. who became they gained experience increasingly leftist in the candidates This is observable proposed by the Brown List, the winner of the elections

of November 25-29,1974, with 60 percent of the votes. Of the Union of the Metalworkers' 4,158 members local, 2,623 voted for the Brown List and 1,473 for the Pink List, with 62 votes being declared void.

THE ANTISUBVERSIVE

OPERATION AND THE MARCH

1975 STRIKE

electoral support and the support of the working Having overwhelming the Peronist class and the representative national industrialists' organizations, carried out the "social pact" and sought a truce in the wage administration and "subversion" conflict. Per?n started to fight radicalization inside and out side the movement. oriented He ments toward the investigation Peronism" "revolutionary ordered

classist, and independent combative, left-wingers, the beginning of selective executions This "Marxist purge" was of rank-and and activists by state-backed file militants and mass groups para-police at arrests. The government and the CGT enacted new aimed legislation more it labor and control organization strengthening by centralizing giving to the central bases. The purpose was to get the workers' and veto power was thus more under The historical Peronist control. nucleus struggles ruling as a combined unions within the result of widely represented repression and more centralized control. state-supported In this context, on March announced the discov 20, 1975, the government

of the provincial govern and trade unions led by or not. Peronist whether

inwhich the new Villa Constituci?n union ery of a "subversive conspiracy" to be aimed involved. This conspiracy was supposed leaders were apparently to a halt." The Ministry at "bringing the country's production of Domestic of the police in an area stretching from the Affairs ordered the deployment

industrial northern part of the Province of Buenos Aires to Rosario, Province and the Paran? River. The oper of Santa Fe, along the Pan-American Highway some 150-200 activists and militants, mainly ations stopped from Villa The brand-new Metalworkers' Union Constituci?n. committee, except for Luis Angel the administrative The secretary, collapsed. Segovia, "security forces" were made up of local, state, and military police, but there was un official participation groups by armed para-union (wearing Peronist Union and nonuniformed Youth armbands) the company para-police. Although saw it as I interviewed for the conflict, the people denied all responsibility in the repression. having participated went on strike, took over the On Thursday, March 20, the metalworkers and there. under Since the union was began holding meetings factory,

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CONFLICT INVILLA CONSTITUCI?N, ARGENTINA Santella /

151

a strike commit the workers government reorganized investigation, through from each factory. A week tee made up of two representatives later, the strike came a move associations in committee and neighborhood together single to vacate ment. The police called on the workers the factories, invoking the a defensive Security Act. As strategy, the strike com recently passed National to leave the factories and reorganize in the neighborhoods. mittee decided left peacefully, Even though the workers there were more arrests. The strike

were the release of the objectives conceived during theweek of the occupation a raise in pay, and the ces detained union leaders, reinstatement of the union, in sation of all forms of repression. As days went by, support was expressed and popular sectors in the city and the different ways by all the working (whose leaders had also been region. Postal and railway employees and small traders went on limited strikes. Small and medium-sized arrested) farmers

repressive forces but also the potential investigation of the provincial govern ment. The Santa Fe Confederaci?n Econ?mica General (Economic General medium-sized industrialists, Confederation?CGE), representing joined the to the and the with executions and attack, repression guerrillas responded same time, the antisubversion was At the backed operation sabotage. by the Union and the CGT. national Metalworkers' extended to the para-police ofworking Repressive measures semioccupation launched armed attacks class neighborhoods. the homes not Para-police against of themovement. only ofmilitants but also of rank-and-file members They vio out as terri and carried selective broke assassinations up public meetings lently a as those of the A Anticommunist Alliance, (the Argentine Triple fying The associations death defended themselves neighborhood squad). right-wing from "the fascists" with a surveillance system, particularly at night. Meetings were concealed behind sports or social events (soccer games, barbecues), which were also disrupted with shootings and terror by para-police groups. After the reorganization of the strike movement allowed

Farm Federation from the Argentine food for the cooperated by providing in fund-raising. Every political students participated strike fund. High-school issued a protest communiqu? party in the province against government not the antidemocratic used by the condemning procedures only repression,

in the neighborhoods, the mass the of One of increasing public sympathy holding meetings. these was held on April 15 in themain square of Villa Constituci?n and drew one held 2,000 workers. A subsequent by the strike committee and the politi on cal parties called for a general city strike and mobilization April 22. From were between 7,000 and 10,000 on that in the square. there early people day The police broke up the demonstration with tear gas and bullets. One worker was killed and dozens were to injured and arrested. The workers withdrew where several groups briefly offered armed resistance, but the situation (La Capital, April 23, 1975). The fol controlled finally were strikes at sev the local general strike continued, and there lowing day, in other places. eral important industrial companies a refusal After a month, repression and facing redoubled by the govern an ment to negotiate, the strike reached The strike committee impasse. on the country's workers and unions to and called appealed public sympathy on May to observe a "National Day ofMovement" 1. That same day, the CGT a mass meeting in Buenos Aires's Plaza de Mayo with speeches organized the neighborhoods, the police

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2 15

LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

had no significant support. Despite to continue because of the strike increasing repression, managed the sustained support of its bases. The strike newsletter continued to be issued and a food provision and distributed, created. system for the strikers was After a time, however, there were signs of weakening. As the sixtieth day of so did the the strike approached, under the law, and possibility of dismissal this was probably the reason for the return to work of those who had sus call for the "National isolation and Day ofMovement" tained performed during the strike week by to those of the metalworkers (including, directly affected, or in those of everyone who participated reached it), themovement supported its peak in the fifth and sixth of its nine weeks. These activities ranged from to the collection of funds, requests or formal complaints meetings, sympathy and armed actions.3 The strikers did not, however, strikes, demonstrations, to the mass of the arrests, the para-police respond with violence occupation in addition the strike up to that time.2 In terms of the collective activities

arrests thatmorning prevented the government. New the coordi supporting activities in Villa Constituci?n. nation of mobilization The strike committee and put pressure on the CGT, but the had intended to go to the Plaza de Mayo

week

city, the eviction of the factory occupiers, and the execution and repression of revo The strike was accompanied demonstrators. by the armed actions of the as we were have struc seen, that, lutionary organizations important for the All in all, it can be said turing of the activists' and union leaders' movements. that theworkers seen, in March answered with

prevented armed confrontation during the strike. As we have 1974 the threat of eviction of the factory occupiers was and the use of explosives the capture of hostages for defense. In 1975 the power of repression, the government's antagonistic policy, and the lack of allies created a different relationship between the political forces the local opposition. While and strikes in the province and strike movement triggered sympathy meetings in other industrial centers, these had very littleweight. At the national level, the isolation of the workers' movement could not be overcome. involved and unfavorable conditions for union

In the last days of the strike, the strikers decided to continue the struggle inside the factories and came to an agreement with the companies that there would be no reprisals. However, the return towork, first after the during days 18 and the dismissed of hundreds workers. This 19, purge of companies May

activists hit the factory union organization hard. A nucleus secret remained a as and organized "strike committee," distributing flyers and demanding the it also granted release of arrested leaders. As the company dismissed workers, increases and soon erased the achievements of the strike. It also retained wage

the intimidating police guard in the plant. The conflict ultimately resulted in a profound demobilization. The immediate to the inter interpretations of the conflict corresponded PRT-ERP the The of Revolucionario preters' framing political process. (Ej?rcito del Pueblo [People's Revolutionary Army]) interpreted the events that had in the struggle for power, a true revo taken place as "the first confrontations on the (Roberto lutionary struggle that begins to draw strength of themasses" in El Combatiente, April 7,1975). Many Santucho strikers may have shared this point of view, although it did not characterize the strike itself. The PST under stood the struggle not as an armed struggle for power but as a union

effort:

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CONFLICT INVILLA CONSTITUCI?N, ARGENTINA Santella /

153

an authentic classist policy to overcome our isolation "Being able to develop and centrist currents, in and distinguish ourselves from non-working-class us in the the forthcoming battles, inwhich particular the guerrillas, will help of Villa will the strike Constituci?n be of pre huge always lasting memory sent" (Avanzada Socialista, May 24, 1975). In this sense, and in the most force an ful manner, the strike became important factor in the general strikes of strike committees of 1975-1976.4 June/July and the unions' as did various members Mariano Grondona interpreted the strike much classes. Itwas difficult, he said, to "distinguish democratic the dominant from subversive dissidents sidents [the new unionists] [the guerrillas]," 15 the events were an expression of "industrial terrorism" (Mercado, May was had conflict the the declared Before over, June 12,1975). government it had evidence that the "subversive 'Workers' Power Revolutionary ror in the most sensitive areas group, had Organization' declared caused illegal, real subversive called of dis and and that the ter

of the country by means of two fundamental ... and It had been a gen terrorism. industrial subversion methods: political and had gradually been taken over by a subversive eral dissident movement 10, 1975). Ricardo Balb?n, the leader of the (La Capital, May organization" "We said at the Civic Uni?n C?vica Radical declared, Union?UCR), (Radical

national convention that in contrast to the obvious guerrilla there is something that can be called the 'factory guerrilla'; therefore, this situation must be exam sometimes behind the basis of ined with good sense and impartiality because a social protest is an evil plan in disguise" 16, 1975). During (La Naci?n, May

sion thatwas meant to unravel a conspiracy to stop production had produced a strike that had left industry without supplies. It further read:
It's

an editorial entitled "Chain of Strikes" the conflict, La Naci?n had published on Villa Constituci?n the of the strike. It referred to 14, 1975) meaning (April to the disconcerting result that the repres the wave of conflicts and pointed

mere

possible are

that

these

there

coincidence, but their repetition arouses

groups . . whose . goals extend

events,

and many

others, beyond

thewell-founded
a union's

too,

are

produced victory

so often

suspicion
to

that

by

chaos in the life of the country. This may not be the case; it is possible that those tools of who are taking part in these demonstrations are just the unconscious
experienced

inducing

examination

cern raised in the responsible sectors by the repetition of acts of this kind and the
of their real causes cannot be avoided.

agitators.

Various

hypotheses

can be

considered;

however,

the con

The CGT also called for the resignation the unions and management. of the government: L?pez Rega, the social welfare of the right-wing members the economy minister and the driving force minister, and Celestino Rodrigo, between of the price increase plan and price and wage controls. Itmade clear, however, was and was the Peronist government as it that it supported simply objecting to part of it. The protest ended with the satisfaction of the demands (Cotarelo

a month had strike in Villa Constituci?n after the metalworkers' Almost a strike with mas ended, and in anticipation of national collective bargaining, in the union sive demonstrations started throughout the country. It originated factories and was taken up by the national unions and locals of the principal two mas the CGT. At the end of June and then on July 7, the CGT organized ratification of the agreements sive general strikes demanding negotiated

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154

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

and Fern?ndez, also intensified

in the government but the unions 1998).5 This strengthened the economic conflict between capitalists and workers. The big firms had also embarked on an economic offensive tomaintain profitability in circumstances that were less favorable not only because of the renewed pres sure on wages but also because of the international situation created by the oil
crisis.

was affected by the workers' mobilization The government's and stability a came union support, and therefore the dominant with up capitalists military solution aimed at ending the cycle of social mobilization. The new government was for a new modality of economic trying to create the political conditions on industrial to the economic former model based growth. Opposed expansion that had

low unemployment and rates, increased brought consumption, new with external substitution the intensi controls, import capitalist strategy fied the productive of the existing forces, increasing both the exploitation workforce and the use of technology and thus creating a surplus of labor. Clear inArgentina results of this can be observed today, among them the conditions that gave rise to the popular rebellion of December 19 and 20, 2001.

CONCLUSIONS
After 1973, Per?n's movements opposing workers' nomic union return became a difficult problem for the revolutionary an class. His leadership satis actively Peronist working and struggles of much of the working class, but new the rebellion of the union the failure

Constitution's

fied the expectations sectors joined demands

metalworkers, created the conditions

in place of the old Peronist management. The workers organization and defended their demands the new through factory occupations imposed leadership aligned with the revolutionary organizations. Acts of collective political violence had been spreading as a form of strug gle since 1969 but had significantly decayed under the Peronist government. the armed events of the disguised civil war increased in number However, after 1973 and in 1975 in particular. This process created a complex political situation for the popular the dynamics of struggles. This study has examined the political violence

In the case of Villa bases. to satisfy the workers' basic eco for a new orientation based on factory

of this period, the forms of repression that preceded the that took power in 1976, and the changes they produced military government on the workers' move inworkers' mobilization. There is a vast bibliography ments, Peronism, and the national politics of those years, on the one hand, and on the civil war and political violence, on the other. However, the links among these topics have not been empirically explored. Union of Villa Constituci?n The struggles of theMetalworkers' constitute a case inwhich these links are apparent. At an early stage, a sector of workers radicalized itsmethods when

of struggle, political-union alignments, and forms of the launched system political repression aiming to "wipe organization; out subversion," the struggles widened but managed to avoid armed confronta inVilla Constituci?n to some degree reflected a nationwide tion.What happened trend. In this case, when conventional repression took the form of acts of civil the radicalized workers in particular and theworkers in general responded

war,

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CONFLICT INVILLA CONSTITUCI?N, ARGENTINA Santella / with conventional

155

forms of protest, pursuing the law. legitimacy within in the and of strike worker June July 1975, virtually every During at to streets and the ratifica which aimed the the took strike, country joined in the cabinet in this and changes tion of improved collective agreements a continuous wave of intense direction. At a crucial political moment, with one in 1969, the workers mounted social struggles initiated by the Cordobazo in focused on changes of the largest protests ever seen, but their demands their government. At the same time, facing police what they still considered avoided direct confrontation. repression, the demonstrators at length in the political and discussed This case illustrates a phenomenon the national has argued that class struggles literature. In the first place, Marxism academic turn into civil wars. is it at all surprising that a society founded on "Indeed, in brutal contradiction, the shock of the opposition of classes should culminate as its final d?nouement?" (Marx, 1955 [1847]: 168). An body against body, this would of should a civil war actually lead, application oversimplified between classes and armed sides. However, occur, to a direct association war as derived from social contradictions although the general concept of civil historical observation of political violence useful, theoretically a more A first demands step toward such complexity was complex analysis. successors. The revolutionary literature understood that van taken by Marx's were essential, but it also pointed from struggles guards emerging proletarian out that revolutionary initiatives can generate armed struggle that has no con remains

nection with proletarian 1998). struggles (Lenin, 1985; Lussu, 1970; Anderson, that political vio Delia Porta (1995: 9) has criticized "Tilly's supposition lence is a protest indicator" and argued that "violent repertoires have dynam ones." Taking as a basis the ics that are different from those of non-violent in 1966-1979 protest cycle Italy, this differentiation may be found in the case in the same period, although it is important to bear inmind Argentine as the results in Italy and such differences (legal repression) important case Italian The the role repression). highlights (genocidal played Argentina in social radicalization and at the same time points by political organizations ment

and interaction with government, it involved the movement's organization in contexts of violence. Thus workers may be seen tactical responses workers' as active elements in the historical succession of events that lead to civil wars.

out that the dynamics of the struggle of such organizations against govern are The Villa Constituci?n armed radicalization. of strike of 1975 typical in to and of social addition the focus since, political radicalization, enlarged

NOTES
1. The most of March and Metcon "classist" and text on capitalist is the Informe de Lucha de Villa Constituci?n exploitation a committee made the of of Acindar, Marathon, up plant committees by in Balech the case, see Andujar (1985: 11-13). On (1995) and reproduced interview see P?rez with P.K. of the strike committee, 1998. On on an this legal important justifi factor

1974, written

(1996). Cangiano 2. Mario Hernandez's cation of dismissals, an end in bringing 3. This assertion 20,1975.

interview (1983). The Hern?ndez to the strike and its outcome (Victorio Paul?n, data collected is supported by quantitative a database The result was consisting of 250

focuses

20 toMay

interview, August 2001). from La Capital (Rosario) March for instances of collective action.

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156

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

Paul?n, interview, 2001. was as "The one case of Acindar, in Villa Constituci?n, is a symbol. strike of confronta

4. Victorio

Its strike of several

weeks'

duration

of the factors Constituci?n

that unleashed the workers

1975" (Gilly,1980: 154).

the general avoided

to these writers, 5. According forces. tions with the repressive

here

in Villa

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