Excerpts from

The Great Church in Captivity

A study of the Patriarcate of Constantinople from Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of ndependence
!y "teven #unciman

Contents: Excerpts from The Great Church in Captivity A study of the Patriarcate of Constantinople from Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of Independence By teven !unciman Book I. The Church on the Eve of the Turkish Conquest. "# The Back$round# 2. The Structure of the Church. The %ierarchy# The &onasteries# . Church an! State. ". The Church an! the Churches. The East# The West# #. The Church an! the $hi%osophers. &. The Theo%o'y of (ysticism. ). The En! of the Empire. Book II. The Church *n!er the +ttoman. ,. The -e. $attern. 2. The Church an! the Infi!e% State. . The Church an! E!ucation. ". The Church an! the Churches. Constantinople and !ome# The 'utheran Approach# The Calvinist Patriarch# The An$lican E(periment# /. Constantinop%e an! (osco.. 0. The 1efinition of 1octrine. ,2. The $hanariots. ,,. The Church an! the Greek $eop%e. ,2. Epi%o'ue.

!ook $
The Church on the Eve of the Turkish Conquest$
%$ The !ack&round$ )f all the roads that a historian may tread none passes throu$h more difficult country than that of reli$ious history# To a *eliever reli$ious truths are eternal# The doctrine that he preaches and accepts $ives e(pression to their everlastin$ validity# To him the historian +ho seeks to discover and e(plain +hy the doctrine should have appeared at a particular moment of time seems $uilty of un+arranted determinism# But !evealed !eli$ion cannot escape from the *ounds of time, for the !evelation must have occurred at a particular moment# The Christian reli$ion. a*ove all others. is concerned +ith the relations of time and eternity# Its central doctrine. the Incarnation. is not only an eternal truth *ut an event in history, it is a *rid$e *et+een the temporal and the eternal# The institutions of Christianity. ho+ever divine their inspiration. have *een ordered and $overned *y men and are affected *y the temporal processes to +hich man is su*/ect# The articles of faith. +hatever their transcendental validity. have *een spread around the +orld *y the a$ency of man. and their transmission has *een affected *y chan$es in +orldly circumstances and outlook# It may *e that man is continually refreshed *y messa$es from on hi$h# It may *e that there is a divine orderin$ of history# But the historian himself is mortal. restricted *y the limitations of temporality, and he must have the modesty to kno+ his limitations# %is *usiness is to tell the story and to make it. as *est he can. intelli$i*le to humanity# 0evertheless. if the story is to *e intelli$i*le. more is needed than a presentation of mundane facts# &any $reat and +ise men have told us that history is a science and no more# It is true that in the collection of historical evidence accuracy and o*/ectivity are required. especially +hen the su*/ect concerns reli$ion. a sphere in +hich /ud$ment is too often influenced *y personal conviction and pre/udice# But the historian1s methods cannot *e entirely empirical# %uman *ehaviour defies scientific la+s, human nature has not yet *een tidily analy2ed, human *eliefs disre$ard lo$ic and reason# The historian must attempt to add to his o*/ective study the qualities of intuitive sympathy and ima$inative perception +ithout +hich he cannot hope to comprehend the fears and aspirations and convictions that have moved past $enerations# These qualities are. may*e. $ifts of the spirit. $ifts +hich can *e e(perienced and felt *ut not e(plained in human terms# 3or the study of the )rthodo( 3aith of Eastern Christendom some such intuitive $ift is needed# It is a 3aith +hich has al+ays *een suspicious of attempts to reduce reli$ion to a nearphilosophical system and +hich has al+ays preferred to clin$ to esoteric and un+ritten tradition# Its $enius is apophatic. d+ellin$ on the i$norance of man face to face +ith the 4ivine, all that +e can kno+ a*out God is that +e kno+ nothin$, for %is attri*utes must from their nature *e outside the realm of +orldly kno+led$e# Its theolo$y and its practices are characteri2ed *y antinomies that are not easily resolved *y a lo$ical o*server# It may +ell *e that no one +ho has not *een nurtured in the atmosphere of the )rthodo( Church is in a position to understand it fully. still less to descri*e it# The o*/ective student *efore he *e$ins his study must char$e himself +ith sympathy and must for$et the taste for dialectical precision that is apt to characteri2e Western theolo$y# The effort is the $reater *ecause most Western students have *een reared on stories of the passionate de*ates that ra$ed amon$st the Eastern 3athers of the Early Church over minutiae of doctrine# The Eastern Church is not tolerant of demonstra*le error. that is to say. any doctrine 5

that seems to impair the essential messa$e of Christianity# Truths revealed *y the %oly criptures and e(plained and defined *y the action of the %oly pirit at the )ecumenical Councils of the Church. e(e$esis *y 3athers of the Church +hose divine inspiration cannot *e called into question. and tradition handed do+n from the apostolic a$e are all sacred and to *e accepted, and it may *e that the %oly pirit may still dei$n to $ive us further enli$htenment# But *eyond that point the Church has *een shy of do$matic definitions. preferrin$ to rely on traditions that +ere not +ritten do+n until a need arose# The pronouncements of the )ecumenical Councils +ere made to counter doctrines that seemed to dama$e the true meanin$ of the Trinity or of the Incarnation# 0early all the +orks of the Greek 3athers +ere +ritten to ans+er specific questions from an an(ious inquirer or from a challen$in$ controversialist# The ancient taste of the Greeks for speculative philosophy +as not e(tin$uished# It +as. rather. encoura$ed so lon$ as it kept itself apart from do$ma# 0one of the philosophers ventured to +ork out a complete compendium of theolo$y# The Greek Church did not and could not produce a Thomas Aquinas# It still has no Summa Fidei#" This apophatic attitude had its stren$th and its +eakness# It permitted a certain tolerance and elasticity# There is a +ord +hich +e meet continually in Greek Church history. the +ord oikovohioc. 6economy1# The +ord means literally the administration of the house# Greek theolo$ians use it sometimes to denote the method of operation, the 6economy of the %oly pirit1 is the method in +hich the %oly pirit operates on the Church# Economy is. ho+ever. more frequently used to mean a +ise handlin$ of the oecumene. the inha*ited +orld, and in this sense it *ecame rou$hly equivalent to the 6 dispensation1 of Western theolo$ians# In the interests of harmony and $ood +ill the Church 7 that is to say. the )rthodo( Church 7 can overlook or condone minor errors in *elief or litur$ical practice and minor *reaches in canonical correctitude, they can *e covered *y the $race of the %oly pirit for the $reater $ood of Christendom# 8nlike dispensation in the West. the term. is deli*erately imprecise and un$overned *y fi(ed rules# Western theolo$ians. approachin$ the question +ith the le$alism that is their inheritance from cholasticism. have sou$ht in vain for an e(act definition# Even )rthodo( theolo$ians have descri*ed it in varyin$ and often contradictory terms# ometimes it seems to critics to *e over-elastic: as +hen Basil declares that. +hile it +as morally +ron$ for 9aco* to deceive his *lind father and steal the inheritance from his *rother Esau. +e must sho+ economy to+ards his sin *ecause it +as for the ultimate *enefit of mankind# But in $eneral economy +as admira*le. and all the more so *ecause it +as not hed$ed *y rules and restrictions#5 The difference *et+een the Eastern and the Western attitudes +as due lar$ely to historical developments# When the !oman Empire collapsed in the West. the !oman Church +as left as the repository not only of !oman traditions and !oman la+. as opposed to the customs introduced *y the ne+ *ar*arian rulers. *ut also of learnin$ and education# In the chaos of the invasions. +ith the former lay $overnors fleein$ or dispossessed. ecclesiastical officers +ere often called upon to take over the administration of cities and +hole districts# &oreover. +hen orderly $overnment +as restored. there +ere for many centuries fe+ literate men outside of ecclesiastical ranks# Churchmen provided the la+yers and clerks on +hom the lay rulers depended# This all tended to $ive the !oman Church a le$al outlook# The Papal chancery +as o*li$ed to fill itself +ith trained la+yers. +hose tastes *e$an to dominate theolo$y# !oman theolo$ians liked clear"

3or a $eneral account of the )rthodo( Churches and their attitude to theolo$y see # Bul$akov. The Orthodox Church, 0# :ernov. Eastern Christendom, P# Evdokimov LOrthodoxie, and t+o e(cellent short summaries. 9# &eyendorff. LEglise Orthodoxe. and T# Ware. The Orthodox Church. The only summa theologiae fully accepted *y all the )rthodo( is 9ohn of 4amascus1s ;<=< >?@AB@C Doften kno+n as De Fide OrthodoxaE. +hich leaves many theolo$ical issues untouched# 3or statements of doctrine +hich are considered as *ein$ perfectly )rthodo( *ut need not *e accepted in all details see *elo+. p# FGH. n# 5# 5 The *est concise interpretation of economy is $iven in !# '# 'an$ford-9ames. A Dictionary of the Eastern Orthdox Church. pp# GH-I#

cut definitions# The apophatic tradition. of +hich Au$ustine had *een so eminent an advocate. tended to $ive +ay to cholastic tastes. to the desire to turn theolo$y into a systemati2ed philosophy# In the East !oman Empire lay life +as never interrupted until the Turkish conquest# It survived in e(ile even durin$ the half-century of the 'atin occupation of Constantinople# In Constantinople the la+yers remained laymen, and there +as al+ays a hi$hly educated laity +hich provided most of the philosophers and many even of the theolo$ians# The scope of canon la+ +as small, the Church never acquired a le$alistic outlook# 0or did the ecclesiastical esta*lishment acquire an overridin$ authority# In the West 6the Church1 came in ordinary parlance to mean the hierarchy and the priesthood# In the East the Church al+ays meant the +hole *ody of Christians. past. present and future. includin$ the an$els in heaven# The priesthood +as not a class apart# Communion in *oth kinds continued to *e administered to the laity# F There +as thus never any serious conflict in the East *et+een the lay and ecclesiastical authorities# The Patriarch +as a $reat persona$e, he +as. so to speak. the keeper of the Empire1s conscience# But the Emperor +as the unquestioned head of the )ecumene. God1s livin$ viceroy on earth# The +hole Eastern Church vie+ed +ith disapproval the desire felt *y the Western Church in the middle a$es to su*ordinate all lay po+ers to the authority of the supreme Pontiff# But the accusation of Caesaropapism often levelled a$ainst the By2antine Church is not /ust. ho+ever applica*le it mi$ht *ecome to the Church in Tsarist !ussia# The )rthodo( *elieved in makin$ the distinction *et+een the thin$s +hich are Caesar1s and the thin$s +hich are God1s. thou$h they mi$ht dispute a*out the e(act place +here the line should *e dra+n# This attitude had its +eakness# The reluctance to make of theolo$y a complete philosophical system led to a reluctance to make of reli$ion a complete $uide for the conduct of life# It +as for the ministers of the Church to uphold morality and to denounce sin, *ut the daily orderin$ of e(istence should *e left to the lay authorities# As a result the hierarchy in the East could never e(ercise the same moral influence as the hierarchy in the West, and the attitude $oes far to e(plain the curious dichotomy in the By2antine character. +ith its intense and $enuine piety and conviction that life in this +orld +as *ut the prelude to the true life to come. and its practical. self-seekin$. cynical and often unscrupulous handlin$ of mundane affairs# The +eakness +as enhanced *y the structure of the Eastern hierarchy# In the Western Empire !ome had al+ays *een the one $reat metropolis# )nly the African cities could rival her, and the African *ishoprics never fully recovered from the 4onatist schism# The impact of the *ar*arian invasions made it all the more necessary for the !oman *ishopric to insist on her preeminence# he +as left as the heir of the !oman Empire. sittin$ cro+ned on the ruins thereof. not a $host. as %o**es ima$ined. *ut a livin$ vi$orous force. the $uardian not only of the 3aith *ut of the traditions of !oman civili2ation# Amid the political disruption of the West it +as inevita*le that men should lon$ for unity and should see in the !oman Pontiff the one po+er that +as in a position to maintain unity# In the East there had *een many $reat cities# Each had its church. none of +hich +as ready to su*mit to the dominance of a rival# The historian 4ion Cassius truly remarked that there is no equivalent in Greek to the 'atin +ord auctoritas,G and this dislike of authority characteri2ed the churches in the Greek +orld# It is possi*le that. *ut for the destruction of the city in a#d# HJ. the Church of 9erusalem under the vi$orous leadership of 9ames. the son of 9oseph. and his successors. mi$ht have esta*lished a he$emony. thou$h the Gentile Churches +ould dou*tless have soon re*elled a$ainst its /udaistic tendencies# K As it +as. each Church in the East +as held to *e of equal rank# The %oly pirit had descended equally to all the Apostles at Pentecost, and their successors. the *ishops. thus en/oyed charismatic equality#
F G

ee Bul$akov. op. cit. pp# I-"H# 4ion Cassius. istoria !omana Ded# 8# P# BoissevainE. n. p# GK5# K ee # Brandon. The Fall of "erusalem# passim#

0one could dictate to any other on matters of faith or doctrine# If such decisions +ere needed. then all *ishops. representin$ all the churches. should come to$ether. and the %oly pirit +ould descend a$ain as at Pentecost# But in time administrative needs led to the creation of an ordered hierarchy# Bishops +ere $rouped to$ether under metropolitans, and the *ishops of the t+o $reatest cities of the East. Ale(andria and Antioch. each acquired certain disciplinary ri$hts over a vast province, and each eventually +as $iven the title of Patriarch# But there +as a lack of uni formity# Certain Churches. such as that of Cyprus. the Church of t Barna*as. +ere reco$ni2ed as *ein$ disciplinarily autonomous. /ust as certain arch*ishops +ere free of metropolitan control# In the West it +as difficult to maintain in practice that all *ishops +ere equal +hen the !oman Pontiff so o*viously overtopped them all# Even the Easterners admitted him. as *ishop of the Imperial City. to *e the senior hierarch in Christendom. +hose vie+s and rulin$s +ere entitled to special respect# The position +as complicated *y the foundation of a ne+ Imperial capital at Constantinople. +hose *ishop had. reasona*ly. to *e raised to Patriarchal rank and $iven disciplinary authority over a $reat province# But the Patriarch of Constantinople. +ith his po+er restricted on the one side *y the presence and the overridin$ ma/esty of the Emperor and on the other *y the democracy of the Church and the e$alitarian claims of the *ishops. could never attain the status en/oyed *y the Pope in the West# These restrictions. com*ined +ith the looser attitude of the )rthodo( to+ards theolo$y and their definite dislike of a monolithic structure. +eakened the administrative cohesion and efficacy of the Church or$ani2ation# The stren$th and the +eakness of the By2antine )rthodo( ecclesiastical or$ani2ation and reli$ious outlook +ere to *e revealed +hen the Church had to under$o the cruellest fate that can *efall a community: sudden su*/ection to an alien and infidel domination# It is the aim of this study to e(amine the effects of the )ttoman conquest upon Greek ecclesiastical history and reli$ious life# But it is necessary first to $ive a picture of the By2antine Church as it +as durin$ the last centuries of its independence. in order to assess the consequences of the conquest and of the lon$ years of servitude# The history of the Church of Constantinople can *e rou$hly divided into four epochs up to the Turkish conquest# The first lasts from the foundation of the ne+ capital to the Ara* invasions of yria and E$ypt# Christendom +as still undivided and nominally conterminous +ith the old !oman Empire. +hose official reli$ion it had recently *ecome# But already diver$ences +ere appearin$# &any centers. in particular the three $reat reli$ious metropoles of !ome. Ale(andria and Antioch. +ere developin$ their o+n characteristic theolo$ical outlook, and the differences +ere enhanced and complicated *y $reat Christolo$ical controversies# Arianism had spread throu$h Christendom +ithout a definite core and therefore died out. e(cept amon$st the *ar*arians settled in the West. +here the challen$e of Arianism# $uided theolo$ical developments# 0estorianism. the product of the Antiochene school. failed +ithin the Empire# The 0estorians +ent off to *uild up their remarka*le missionary church under alien domination# &onophysitism. the product of the Ale(andrian school. +as more successful# %elped *y political dissatisfaction. it resulted in the esta*lishment of heretic churches in yria and E$ypt +hich dre+ off most of the con$re$ations there# But its successes +ere local, neither it nor 0estorianism found adherents in the Western +orld. +hich +as little touched *y the pro*lems that they raised# In the official Church the !oman vie+ in $eneral prevailed 7 lar$ely. so cynical orientals thou$ht. *ecause the crudity of the 'atin lan$ua$e prevented !oman theolo$ians from appreciatin$ the nicer points at issue and ena*led them thus to provide comprehensive formulae# 4urin$ these controversies the Church of Constantinople played a not very impressive part# It +as somethin$ of a parvenu church. and it +as seated at the seat of the secular $overnment# Its hierarchs +ere too often required to e(press the vie+s of the Emperor of the moment, and there +as as yet no stron$ local tradition to counter Imperial influence# The $reat Cappadocian 3athers of the fourth century and 9ohn Chrysostom a $eneration later +ere *e$innin$ to *uild up a characteristic school of thou$ht# K

But it +as not till +e come to &a(imus the Confessor at the end of the period that +e *e$in to see a definite Constantinopolitan theolo$y#L The second period lasts from the Ara* invasions of the seventh century to the Turkish invasions of the eleventh# Ale(andria and Antioch have no+ passed under infidel rule and +ill never a$ain play a leadin$ part in Church history# !ome has her o+n trou*les and is only fitfully concerned +ith the East# Constantinople is no+ the unquestioned capital of Christian civili2ation# The *ounds of its Patriarchate are rou$hly those of the Empire. makin$ of it a national church. the church of the Empire. the oecumene. as the By2antines no+. +ith philolo$ical inaccuracy. called the dominions su*/ect to the Emperor# The pro(imity of the Imperial $overnment +as still an occasional cause of em*arrassment to the Church authorities# The lon$ and *itter quarrels over Iconoclasm. +hen a succession of Emperors tried to force a controversial doctrine on a mainly un+illin$ people. had to *e resolved *efore Church and tate could settle do+n to$ether in a relationship that remained undefined *ut. apart from minor distur*ances. +as $enerally accepted and understood#H With the close of the controversy By2antine theolo$y can *e said to have taken on its lastin$ characteristics# The 'itur$y and the practices of the Church +ere esta*lished in forms that have scarcely *een altered since that day# There +ere no fundamental theolo$ical disputes for some centuries# The Church shared in the prosperity of the Empire and +orked to$ether +ith the tate on $reat missionary enterprises# Amon$ the most splendid achievements of the period +ere the conversion of the Balkan lavs to )rthodo( Christianity in the ninth century and the conversion of the !ussians at the end of the tenth# The period that follo+ed +as one of decadence and transition# The Turkish invasions. thou$h they +ere stemmed. resulted in the loss to the Empire of most of Anatolia. its chief $ranary and source of manpo+er# The Church suffered alon$ +ith the tate# The Christian life of Anatolia came almost to a halt# &any Christians fled to the coastlands or to $reater safety *eyond the sea# )thers allo+ed themselves to *e converted to the conquerin$ faith of Islam# The rest remained as Christian enclaves in parti$us infidelium. impoverished and half-isolated# At the same time the Empire had to face 0orman invasions from the West and the loss of By2antine Italy. and the claims of the reformed %ilde*randine Papacy# All these factors led to the movement +hich +e call the Crusades, from +hich at first By2antium $ained certain material advanta$es. *ut +hich led to +orsenin$ relations *et+een Eastern and Western Christendom# Early in the period there had *een a *itter quarrel *et+een the Churches of Constantinople and !ome, and *efore the period +as over political misunderstandin$s com*ined +ith reli$ious rivalry to produce enmity and open schism. till the clima( +as reached of the 3ourth Crusade#M The 'atin conquest. temporary thou$h it proved to *e. ushered in the final period of By2antine political and ecclesiastical history# The reli$ious life of By2antium and its +hole moral and intellectual atmosphere durin$ the last t+o centuries *efore the fall of Constantinople +ere fundamentally affected *y the disruption and shock of the 'atin conquest. *y the coura$eous revival of the Greeks and *y the disinte$ration and decay that follo+ed ironically soon after their recovery of Constantinople# It is necessary to remem*er this political *ack$round# The Crusaders failed in their attempt to anne( the +hole Empire# They. /ointly +ith the Nenetians. held Constantinople for half a century# 3rankish lordships in Greece itself and in the islands lasted for some t+o centuries, and the Nenetians acquired some islands and ports of strate$ic and

3or the Christolo$ical controversies and the quarrels *et+een the Patriarchates see the chapters *y A# Bardy in A# 3liche and N# &artin. istoire de lEglise. rv. pp# "LFff#. and *y A# Gardner in Cam*rid$e %edie&al istory. ". pp# GMHF#O, also :ernov. op. cit. pp# FI-MJ# H ee *elo+. pp# "FG. "K5# 3or the vast literature on Iconoclasm see the *i*lio$raphy in Cam$ridge %edie&al is' tory. rv. " Dne+ editionE. pp# MGJ-M# M 3or a full *i*lio$raphy of the schism. i$id# pp# IG5-K5#

commercial value# But By2antium lasted on in e(ile. *ased round the ancient city of 0icaea# The 0icaean Empire provides one of the most admira*le episodes in By2antine history# It +as a*ly ruled. first *y Theodore 'ascaris. son-in-la+ of one of the last Emperors. and then *y his son-in-la+ 9ohn Natat2es. an even more remarka*le man# Thou$h there had *een other Greek succession states. the 4espotate of the An$eli in Epirus and the Empire of the Grand Comnenus at Tre*i2ond. the 0icaean Empire +as soon reco$ni2ed *y most Greeks as the le$itimate Empire# The 4espotate of Epirus faded out a*out the end of the thirteenth century, and. thou$h the Empire of Tre*i2ond +as to outlive the Empire of Constantinople and remained a commercial and intellectual center of some importance. it played only a minor part in international history# It +as +ith the efficient Empire of the 0icaeans that the future seemed to lie# 9ohn Natat2es1s son. Theodore II. +as a man of hi$h intellectual tastes *ut no politician# )n his death in "5KM the throne +as sei2ed *y an am*itious no*le. &ichael Palaeolo$us. founder of the last By2antine dynasty# %e not only *e$an the reconquest of the Greek peninsula. *ut in "5L" his troops entered Constantinople. and e(tin$uished the 'atin Empire#I 3or By2antium. reli$iously as +ell as politically. the recovery of the capital +as a moral triumph and a triumph of presti$e# But it created ne+ difficulties# To reha*ilitate Constantinople +as costly# An alliance had *een made +ith the Genoese. in order to counter the Nenetians, and the Genoese had to *e paid +ith concessions that virtually $ave them control of the Empire1s commerce# The West *urned for reven$e, and &ichael could only protect himself *y an e(pensive forei$n policy and *y promises of union +ith !ome +hich offended most of his ecclesiastics. +ho +ere already hostile to him o+in$ to the unscrupulous circumstances of his usurpation# The treasure accumulated *y the thrifty 0icaean Emperors +as spent# 8n+ise economies +ere made over the defense of the eastern frontier# There seemed to *e no immediate dan$er there, +hereas in the Balkans the Bul$arian Empire of the Asen dynasty had *een a potential threat. and no+ the er*ian Empire of the 8rPs dynasty +as $ro+in$ ominously po+erful# &ichael1s European policy +as effective# There +as no apparent challen$e from the West durin$ the rei$n of his son. Andronicus II. +ho +as therefore a*le to make peace +ith his Church *y /ettisonin$ his father1s ecclesiastical schemes# But er*ian po+er +as increasin$, and the +eakened eastern frontier +as threatened *y a vi$orous Turkish emir called )sman. +hose people. kno+n from his name as the )smanlis or )ttomans. *e$an to encroach into the Empire# The Emperor +as short of soldiers and rashly hired a mercenary *and of Catalans# The Catalan company turned a$ainst its employer. *lockaded Constantinople for t+o years. rava$ed all the provinces and introduced the Turks into Europe. *efore retirin$ to esta*lish itself at Athens# Andronicus II1s rei$n ended in revolt, he +as dethroned *y his $randson. Andronicus III. in "F5M# 4ecay continued under the ne+ Emperor# The er*s +ere at their 2enith under the $reat kin$ tephen 4usan. and seemed for a time likely to a*sor* the +hole of By2antium# The )ttoman advance continued# Brusa had fallen in "F5L# 0icaea fell in "F5I and 0icomedia in "FFH, and soon almost the +hole of By2antine Asia +as lost# When Andronicus III died in "FG" his son. 9ohn N. +as a child# %e +as to rei$n for fifty years. durin$ +hich he +as driven from po+er first *y his father-in-la+. 9ohn NI Cantacu2enus. from "FGH to "FKK. then. from "FHL to "FHI. *y his son Andronicus IN. and lastly. for a +hile in "FIJ. *y his $randson 9ohn NII# The civil +ar +ith 9ohn Cantacu2enus +as particularly *itter and harmful# !eli$ious as +ell as political issues +ere involved# In the midst of it there +as a disastrous visitation of the Black 4eath. in +hich a*out a third of the Empire1s population seems to have perished# Both sides called in )ttoman aid. +ith the result that the )ttoman ultan +as a*le to esta*lish himself irremova*ly in Europe# By the time of 9ohn N1s death in "FI" the )ttoman Empire had anne(ed Bul$aria and most of er*ia and stretched to the 4anu*e. +ith its capital at Adrianople. in Thrace# The Emperor1s doI

ee 4# &# 0icol. 6The 3ourth Crusade and the Greek and 'atin Empires.1 i$id# pp# 5HI-FFJ#

minions +ere restricted to the cities and environs of Constantinople and Thessalonica Dthou$h that +as temporarily in Turkish handsE. to a fe+ coastal cities in Thrace. and to most of the Peloponnese. +here a cadet of the Imperial house +as 4espot# 9ohn N1s ultimate successor. his youn$er son &anuel II. +as una*le to stem the decay# It seemed clear that the Empire +as doomed to fall into the hands of the Turks unless help came, and only the po+ers of Western Europe +ere in a position to provide help# But their price +as reli$ious union. a price +hich most By2antines +ere not prepared to pay# 9ohn N had $one to Italy to seek for allies and had personally su*mitted to the Pope at !ome# But he could not carry his people +ith him. and he ended his Italian tour detained for de*t at Nenice# &anuel II traveled as far as Paris and 'ondon in his search for aid. *ut avoided committin$ himself to Church union# )ne Western army came to fi$ht the Turks *ut +as crushed *y them at 0icopolis in "FIL# There +as a respite ne(t year +hen the Turks. +ho had /ust *e$un to lay sie$e to Constantinople. +ere forced to +ithdra+ to face the armies of Timur the Tartar# Their defeat *y Timur led to civil +ars. in +hich &anuel mana$ed to recover a little territory# But they soon recovered# In "G55 they +ere a$ain *efore Constantinople. only retirin$ *ecause of plots +ithin the )ttoman dynasty# In "G5F the $overnor of Thessalonica. despairin$ of the future. sold his city to the Nenetians, *ut the )ttoman ultan took it from them seven years later#"J &anuel II died in "G5K# %is eldest son. 9ohn NIII. less prudent and more desperate than his father. /ourneyed to Italy and pled$ed his Empire to union +ith !ome at the Council of 3lorence in QGFI- The union +as *itterly opposed at Constantinople# %ad it resulted in effective aid. the opposition mi$ht have *een silenced, *ut the one ensuin$ Western e(pedition +as annihilated *y the Turks at Narna in "GGG# 9ohn died at the end of "GGM. in an atmosphere of *itter ness and $loom# %is successor. his *rother Constantine QI. +as a *rave and capa*le man, *ut there +as nothin$ that he could do# In "GK" the )ttoman throne passed to a youn$ man of hi$h *rilliance and ruthless am*ition. &ehmet II. +ho +as to *e surnamed the Conqueror# Early in April. "GKF. he laid sie$e to Constantinople# After a heroic defense lastin$ for si( +eeks it fell to him on 5I &ay "GKF# In "GLJ his troops overran the Peloponnese# In "GL" they e(tin$uished the Empire of Tre*i2ond# Greek independence +as ended#"" It +as in this atmosphere of $atherin$ $loom that the By2antines lived durin$ the last t+o centuries of their Empire# The disillusion +as all the more *itter *ecause the period of the 0icaean Emperors had *een one of re$eneration and hope. and the recovery of Constantinople had seemed to open a ne+ era of $lory# There +as al+ays an element of pessimism in By2antium# Even in its most splendid days men had +hispered of prophecies foretellin$ that the Empire +ould perish# )n stones in the city and in the *ooks of such $reat seers and ma$icians as Apollonius of Tyana and the Emperor 'eo the Wise the lists of all the Emperors had *een $iven. and the names +ere dra+in$ to an end# It +as natural that in the deepenin$ darkness many of the By2antines should seek refu$e in mysticism and should emphasi2e the other-+orldly side of their faith# Ret. parado(ically. the cultural life of By2antium +as never so *rilliant as in the t+o centuries *efore its fall# The art of the period +as perhaps the most *eautiful and certainly the most human that By2antium ever produced, and it +as produced so lon$ as there +as money to pay for it# The intellectual *rilliance lasted on to the end. led *y scholars +hose vi$our and ori$inality +ere as fine as any of their forefathers1 and +hose reno+n spread to forei$n lands# &any of these scholars hoped that re$eneration mi$ht still *e achieved. even thou$h it mi$ht involve inte$ration +ith the West and an a*andonment of ancient traditions# But others *elieved that there could *e no escape from the comin$ political doom and that the only task to *e performed +as to see that the 3aith and all that it meant did not perish in the holocaust# This conflict. complicated
"J ""

ee G# )stro$orsky. 6The Palaeolo$i.1 i$id# pp# FF"-MM# "K ee # !unciman. The Fall of Constantinople# passim#

*y crosscurrents. $ave a *itter intensity to the reli$ious life of the dyin$ Empire. addin$ to the pro*lems that faced the harassed Church#"5 These pro*lems can *e rou$hly $rouped under five headin$s# 3irst. there +as the pro*lem of the or$ani2ation of the Church, ho+ could the machine *e kept adapta*le enou$h to meet the needs of the chan$in$ political +orldS econdly. there +as the pro*lem of the relations *et+een Church and tate. +hich needed ad/ustment. no+ that the Emperor ruled effectively over a small and d+indlin$ proportion of the )rthodo( con$re$ations# Thirdly. +hat +as the relationship of the By2antine Church to *e +ith other Churches. in particular the $reat Church of the West. no+ that Western Europe +as. materially and culturally. takin$ the lead in ChristendomS 3ourthly. +hat +ere the duties of the Church to+ards education. especially no+ that the secular tate +as collapsin$S 3ifthly. ne+ controversies over theolo$y had arisen. touchin$ especially on the deep and delicate question of mysticism, and their repercussions had not *een stilled# All these pro*lems +ere intert+ined, and they had not *een resolved +hen the infidel conquerors came. *rin$in$ in their train pro*lems for +hich it +ould *e even harder to find a solution#

"5

ee 9# Gill. The Council of Florence# passim, 4# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# MG-"""#

'$ The "tructure of the Church$

The (ierarchy$ To the By2antines. as to the )rthodo( Christians of today. the distinction *et+een the Church and the Churches +as clear and emphatic# The Church is the Body of Christ. /oined to %im in a unity that yet preserves the reality of their difference# As the Body of Christ it is the do main in +hich the %oly pirit +orks, it is the life of the %oly pirit in humanity# But it is not limited to humanity alone# The +hole company of an$els is part of it# It unites the livin$ and the dead. the heavenly host and all creation# It *e$an *efore the *e$innin$ of the created +orld and is the eternal end of creation# As such it is invisi*le# But it also *elon$s visi*ly to history# It reached the fullness of its e(istence +ith the Incarnation. and it +as reali2ed +ith the descent of the %oly pirit at Pentecost# In this earthly sense it has its limits in time and space# )n earth it must operate as a society. and as a society it must have its earthly structure# There must therefore *e some or$ani2ation of the Church on earth, there must *e the Churches. and there must *e persons qualified to act as their officials and their ministers# As Paul +rote to the Corinthians. 6And God hath set some in the Church. first apostles. secondarily prophets. thirdly teachers. after that miracles. then $ifts of healin$s. helps. $overnments. diversities of ton$ues1# That is to say. there must *e some sort of a hierarchy# This should not impair the fundamental equality *efore God of all mem*ers of the Church# Earlier in the same passa$e Paul says: 6 0o+ there are diversities of $ifts. *ut the same pirit# And there are differences of administrations. *ut the same 'ord# And there are diversities of operations. *ut it is the same God +hich +orketh all in all1 DI Corinthians "5:G-L. 5M#E# Accordin$ to )rthodo( *elief. Christ %imself laid the foundations of the hierarchy *y callin$ the t+elve Apostles *y name# They +ere the +itnesses of the Word# To them +as entrusted the po+er to confer the $ifts of the %oly pirit upon the ne+ly *apti2ed and to ordain others to perform priestly functions# They +ere. to use a favourite +ord of Greek theolo$ians. TUVWAXUYWZ[W. men of Grace. +ho *oth administered the acraments and prophesied and tau$ht# A little *elo+ them +ere the seventy disciples mentioned in the Gospels and the apostles mentioned in the Acts and the Epistles. +ith Paul at their head. and all those that sa+ the risen 'ord# But even Paul does not quite rank +ith the t+elve +hom the Incarnate God %imself had chosen# It +as the t+elve +ho at the *e$innin$ *esto+ed on *elievers the $race of the pirit *y the layin$-on of hands, *ut it +as soon decided that this po+er could *e handed do+n *y the hierarchy +hich +as thus instituted and +hich derived and still derives its authority do+n the a$es from a direct and uninterrupted succession from the Apostles# The Apostolic uccession is thus of essential importance to the )rthodo(#"F It is uncertain +hen the three hierarchical orders of *ishop. priest and deacon +ere evolved# By the third century the pattern +as in $eneral use# Thou$h every priest is charismatic *y ordination. the *ishop alone is fully charismatic# %e +as no+ the charismatic unit# In theory all *ishops +ere equal# Each represented his local church, each +as elected into his seat *y the +ill of the cler$y and con$re$ations of the *ishopric and +as empo+ered to e(ercise his functions +hen he had received the $race conferred *y consecration at the hands of an already consecrated *ishop. in the Apostolic uccession# But already. +ith the $ro+in$ num*er of Christian churches and con$re$ations. a closer or$ani2ation +as required# It +as inevita*le that the *ishops of the $reater cities should take the lead and even acquire some sort of authority over their poorer *rothers# There +as /ustification in the Gospels for this# Thou$h the t+elve Apostles had *een equal in authority yet )ur 'ord had from time to time picked out certain of them. nota*ly Peter. 9ames and 9ohn. for special distinction# There +as thus a precedent for later allottin$ to certain of
"F

3or the Apostolic uccession of the priesthood see P# Evdokimov. LOrthodoxie. pp# "L"-G#

the *ishops special honours and duties# This allotment +as often com*ined +ith the theory that the holders of sees +hose founder had *een an Apostle +ere entitled to particular reverence and even particular authority# In the West this second theory came to overshado+ the *elief in the equality of *ishops# The Bishop of !ome. as the heir of Peter. +as considered to have an overridin$ authority. thou$h in practice one may +onder +hether this authority +as not *ased ori$inally1 on the fact that !ome +as the Imperial capital# In the East the theory that an apostolic ori$in conferred special ri$hts upon a see +as never fully or lo$ically developed. thou$h it +as not +ithout its influence# The Easterners +ere al+ays ready to $ive the see of !ome a primacy of honour. *ut more *ecause of the $reatness of the city than *ecause of any prero$ative inherent in the heirs of Peter# The Bishop of Ale(andria. +hich +as the $reatest city in the East. +as held almost from the outset to rank a*ove his *rother of Antioch. a city that +as not quite so $reat, and yet the see of Antioch had *een founded *y Peter and that of Ale(andria *y &ark. +ho +as not one of the Apostles# The see of Ephesus. founded *y 9ohn the 4ivine. ranked some +ay *elo+ them# It is true that the *ishops of Constantinople found it useful at a later date to claim that their see had *een founded *y Andre+, *ut that some+hat unhistorical claim +as never pushed very far as an ar$ument for $ivin$ the see authority# In fact. the emer$ence of certain sees into a position of practical authority +as an administrative necessity, and of necessity it +as to the *ishops of the $reater cities that authority +as entrusted#"G The ecclesiastical or$ani2ation +as imperfectly formed until the fourth century# But +hen the Empire had *ecome Christian the Emperors +ished for a Church +hose or$ani2ation +ould *e rou$hly parallel to that of the lay $overnment# The *ishops +ere $rouped to$ether under the *ishop of the metropolis of the province, and these metropolitans +ere $rouped to$ether a$ain accordin$ to the $reat lay dioceses that 4iocletian had instituted. under the presidency of the *ishop of the capital of the diocese# When a ne+ Imperial capital +as founded at By2antium. administrative convenience demanded that its *ishop. hitherto under the &etropolitan of %eraclea in Thrace. should *e raised to the first rank of *ishops# %e +as $iven authority over the diocese hitherto dominated *y Ephesus. to$ether +ith some of the Bishop of Antioch1s diocese, and he +as soon raised. a$ainst !oman protests. to rank ne(t under the Bishop of !ome. *ecause the ne+ capital +as officially 0e+ !ome# A*out the same time. thou$h more for reasons of sentiment than of administration. the Bishop of 9erusalem. +ho had hitherto *een under the &etropolitan of Caesarea. +as raised to *e head of a diocese comprisin$ all Palestine and the lands across the 9ordan. districts that had formed part of the diocese of Antioch# The Bishops of Constantinople and 9erusalem. to$ether +ith those of Ale(andria and Antioch. +ere each $iven the additional title of Patriarch, and they +ere arran$ed in honorary rank. first Constantinople. then Ale(andria. then Antioch and finally 9erusalem. +ith the Bishop of )ld !ome rankin$ a*ove them all# The elevation of Constantinople to the second place amon$ the five had not *een achieved +ithout protests from *oth !ome and Ale(andria#"K The rivalries of the Patriarchates durin$ the $reat Christolo$ical controversies of the fourth. fifth and si(th centuries do not concern us here# But it is important to remem*er that the )rthodo( +orld never lost its *elief in the charismatic equality of *ishops# Each *ishop +as a $uardian of the 3aith, each had an equal ri$ht to pronounce on a doctrinal issue# But he +as not infalli*le# If a point of doctrine had to *e defined. then all the *ishops in Christendom. as heirs of the Apostles. should meet to$ether in a Council that the %oly pirit +ould inspire# Each *ishop +as free to air his vie+s. even thou$h they mi$ht *e opposed to those of the Patriarch# In practice
"G

The +hole question of the apostolicity of the $reat sees has *een treated at len$th *y 3# 4vornik. The +dea of Apostolicity in (y)antium# "K 3or the emer$ence of the Patriarchates and their order and their disputes see A# Bardy in A# 3liche and N# &artin. istoire de +Eglise# passim, 4vornik. op. cit. passim, 0# %# Baynes. 6Ale(andria and Constantinople: a study in Ecclesiastical 4iplomacy.1 (y)antine Studies. pp# IH-""K#

""

this put the Eastern *ishops at a disadvanta$e +hen ar$uin$ +ith Western *ishops. +ho +ere more strictly disciplined and tended more and more only to e(press vie+s laid do+n *y their superior. the Pope# A *ishop attended such an )ecumenical Council not only in his charismatic quality *ut also as representative of his con$re$ation# Every *apti2ed Christian had the ri$ht to attend, for a Council should e(press the opinion of the +hole Church on earth# In fact it +as seldom that mem*ers of the laity +ere present, it +as usually left to the *ishop to speak for the people. and only he had the ri$ht to vote on an issue# When the Empire *ecame Christian. it +as for the Em peror. as chief ma$istrate under God. to summon the Council. on *ehalf of the Christian common+ealth# It +as $enerally held that his presence. or that of his personal representatives. sufficiently e(pressed the participation of the laity# The decisions of the Council +ere officially unanimous# In fact. unanimity +as invaria*ly reached *y the drastic device of anathemati2in$ *ishops +ho voted +ith the minority. deprivin$ them thus of episcopal rank and the ri$ht to vote# The pronouncements of the Council +ere issued *y the senior hierarch# In the case of an )ecumenical Council this +as. until the schism +ith the West. the Bishop of !ome# They +ere then promul$ated throu$hout the )ecumene. the Christian +orld. *y the Emperor and thus received the force of la+#"L )nly the decisions of an )ecumenical Council +ere *indin$ on the +hole of Christendom# The )rthodo( Eastern Churches reco$ni2ed the traditional seven. from the 3irst Council of 0icaea in F5K to the econd Council of 0icaea in HMH# Their findin$s ranked ne(t to the %oly criptures as *ein$ essential articles of faith# There +ere also local Councils. held +ithin one Patriarchal area. to deal +ith local heresies or schisms# The findin$s of some of these Councils +ere accepted *y other churches and attained a do$matic value ne(t to those of the )ecumenical Councils# The decrees of the Council of Cartha$e. held in G5L. are considered to apply universally# The Councils of Constantinople. held in the fourteenth century to consider Palamite doctrines. +ere rated *y the other Eastern Patriarchates to have oecumenical value. and their decrees *ecame articles of faith amon$ the )rthodo(# Councils of this type that concerned the +hole Patriarchate of Constantinople +ere summoned *y the Emperor# There +ere also purely local Councils. kno+n as B?\<X[]AUW. summoned *y the Patriarch and attended *y nei$h*ourin$ metropolitans and *ishops. to deal +ith matters of ecclesiastical le$islation#"H Accordin$ to By2antine theory the Church +as administered. *oth as re$ards its daily needs and its lar$er political issues. *y a vast or$ani2ation at +hose head +as the pentarchy of Patriarchs# 9ust as the !oman Empire in its later days had often reco$ni2ed at the same time more than one Emperor. each supreme in his sphere. and yet the Empire remained one and undivided. so the Church remained one. thou$h it +as $overned *y five independent Patriarchs. +hose position and rank had *een authori2ed *y the )ecumenical Councils# The theory of the pentarchy +as not fully promul$ated till a*out the ei$hth century, *ut it had *een the *asis for Church $overnment in the East since the end of the fourth century# The schism +ith the !oman Church did not in theory reduce the pentarchy to a tetrarchy# The place of !ome thencefor+ard +as and still is vacant. until such time as her Bishop a*andons the errors of his predecessors# Then she +ill return to her position as the senior of the five Patriarchates. prima inter pares# In the meantime the Patriarch of Constantinople en/oys the actin$ primacy# 3rom the time of the Ara* conquests in the seventh century and the some+hat ar*itrary redistri*ution of ecclesiastical provinces *y the Iconoclastic Emperors in the ei$hth. the territory effectively $overned *y the Emperors lay +ithin the sphere of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate# )nly such lands as the Empire possessed +est of the Adriatic and such lands as it recon"L

3# 4vornik. 6Emperors. Popes and General Councils.1 Dum$arton Oa,s -apers. vi D"IK"E. pp# "-5F, # Bul$akov. The Orthodox Church. pp# IJ-5# Evdokimov. op. cit. pp# "KI-L"# "H ee Evdokimov. op. tit. pp# "KI-L"#

"5

quered temporarily in yria lay outside# These e(traneous territories had finally *een lost durin$ the eleventh century# But the Patriarch1s authority e(tended over a num*er of autonomous Churches# )f those that still ackno+led$ed it in the later By2antine period the oldest +as the Caucasian Church. at +hose head +as the Arch*ishop of I*eria Dor Geor$iaE# %e seems to have *een appointed locally. nominally *y his Church and actually *y the ^in$ of Geor$ia. and to have *een al+ays a native Geor$ian. as +ere his *ishops# %e +as autonomous, *ut his appointment +as confirmed *y the Patriarch. unless it +as impossi*le to communicate +ith Constantinople# In $eneral the Caucasian )rthodo(. thou$h they used their o+n lan$ua$e and litur$y. +ere as loyal to Constantinople as circumstances permitted#"M The Balkan Churches +ere in a different position# oon after the conversion of the lavs they had *een allo+ed to use their o+n lan$ua$e to$ether +ith the litur$y that Cyril and &ethodius had composed in lavonic# 8nder the 3irst Bul$arian Empire the Bul$ar Tsar had insisted on appointin$ his o+n local Patriarch, *ut after the By2antine reconquest the Balkan Churches. +hile retainin$ their native litur$y and priesthood. +ere placed under a Greek arch*ishop. the Arch*ishop of Bul$aria. +ho +as stationed at )chrid# In the thirteenth century the rulers of the revived Bul$arian and er*ian Empires proclaimed the autonomy of their Churches. and appointed their o+n Patriarchs# But the title +as not considered fully canonical and +as only accorded fitfully and $rud$in$ly *y Constantinople# Both Patriarchates faded out +ith the Turkish conquest of the Balkans in the fourteenth century, *ut each Church remained autocephalous. under the nominal su2erainty of Constantinople# The later Churches of Wallachia and &oldavia. thou$h for some centuries to come they used the lavonic litur$y. +ere more directly under Constantinople#"I The !ussian Church sho+ed even $reater differences# It employed the lavonic litur$y, and most of its cler$y had at first come from Bul$aria# But from the early eleventh century to the early fourteenth the head of the Church. the &etropolitan of ^iev and All !ussia. +as a Greek. appointed *y the Patriarch of Constantinople# 3rom the fourteenth century on+ards a !ussian +as often appointed. usually alternately +ith a Greek# The latter +ould still *e nominated *y the Patriarch. the former *y the chief !ussian prince of the time and confirmed *y Constantinople# The Church +as autocephalous *ut +as thus kept in close contact +ith Constantinople, and the connection +as made closer *y the many !ussian pil$rims +ho visited the city and the many !ussian monks +ho settled on &ount Athos#5J The )rthodo( Church of Cyprus. under its arch*ishop. en/oyed a historic claim to autonomy and independence from any Patriarchate# But in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the attempts *y the 'usi$nan $overnment of the island to su*ordinate it to the 'atin Church induced the )rthodo( in the island to ti$hten their links +ith the Patriarch of Constantinople. +ho thus o*tained a va$ue and unofficial authority over it# The &etropolitan of Tre*i2ond. appointed *y his Emperor. the Grand Comnenus. so lon$ as that Empire lasted. +as in fact autonomous. thou$h his appointment +as supposed to *e confirmed *y the Patriarch of Constantinople. +hom *y the terms of a concordat. dated "5LJ. he reco$ni2ed as his superior#5" These international ri$hts and privile$es added to the presti$e of the Patriarch. +ho +as at the pinnacle of the By2antine Church or$ani2ation# But *asically. at least in principle. the
"M

ee P# Peeters. 6'es de*uts du Christianisme en Geor$ie.1 Analecta (ollandiana. KJ D"IF5E. pp# L-KM. and 6%istoires monastiques $eor$iennes.1 i*id# FL-H D"I"H-"ME. pp# nLff# The Geor$ian Church +as officially under the Patriarchate of Antioch until the eleventh century# ec also !# 9anin. 6Geor$ie.1 in Dictionnaire de theologie catholi.ue. vi. coll# "5K"-LJ# "I 4# )*olensky. 6The Empire and its 0orthern 0ei$h*ours.1 Cam$ridge %edie&al istory. rv. " Dne+ editionE. pp# GHF-K"M, &# 4inic. 6The Balkans. "J"M-%II.1 i*id# pp# K"I-LL. *oth +ith *i*lio$raphies# ee *elo+. pp# FHI-MJ# 5J 4# )*olensky. 6By2antium. ^iev and &osco+.1 Dum$arton Oa,s -apers. (i D:IKHE. pp# 5"-HM, W# ^# &edlin. %osco/ and East !ome. pp# FM-GK. L5-L# 5" ee *elo+. p# LK#

"F

Church +as democratic# The parish priest +as appointed *y the local *ishop. officially on the request of the con$re$ation, and the priests of the *ishopric officially elected the *ishop# By an old tradition le$ali2ed *y 9ustinian I. +hen a vacancy in a *ishopric occurred. the priests. aided on special invitation *y the leadin$ laymen of the *ishopric. met and su*mitted three names to the *ishop +hose duty it +as to perform the consecration. that is to say. the metropolitan of the province. and he made his choice from amon$ them# )ccasionally. ho+ever. the Patriarch himself intervened directly to choose the candidate and perform the consecration# In the case of a metropolitan the same procedure +as ordained. as he +as elected as a simple *ishop. thou$h. as he +as re$ularly consecrated *y the Patriarch. the Patriarch chose *et+een the candidates# In fact *y the ninth century the metropolitan +as chosen from three names su*mitted to the Patriarch *y the synod of the province. that is to say. its suffra$an *ishops. the lo+er cler$y no lon$er playin$ any direct part in the election# In all cases the election +as ratified *y the Patriarch. +ho *esto+ed the @X[_[VW[?. or pallium. and *y the civil po+er. the Emperor or his local representative# The Patriarch. as Bishop of Constantinople. should have *een elected *y the same process as any other *ishop# But *y the ei$hth century it +as the metropolitans of the Patriarchate. to$ether +ith the hi$h officials of the Patriarchal Court. sittin$ to$ether as the ynod of the Great Church. +ho selected the three candidates, and it +as the Emperor +ho made the final choice. even su*stitutin$ a candidate of his o+n if none of the three pleased him# All metropolitans +ere e(pected to attend the meetin$s at +hich the candidates +ere chosen unless they +ere specially e(cused from comin$ to Constantinople#55 By the concordat of "5LJ the &etropolitan of Tre*i2ond +as permanently e(cused. officially *ecause his /ourney mi$ht *e lon$ and dan$erous *ut actually in reco$nition of his semi-autonomy# Accordin$ to the official formula the Patriarch +as elected *y the decree of the %oly ynod and the promotion of the Emperor# %is investiture took place in the Imperial Palace in the presence of the hi$h di$nitaries of Church and tate# 8ntil "5JG the scene +as the Palace of &a$naura. +here the Emperior in person announced the election +ith the formula: 6The 4ivine $race. and )ur &a/esty +hich derives from it. raises the most pious ` namea to *e Patriarch of Constantinople#1 After "5L" the investiture +as held in the triclinium of the Palace of Blachernae, and a*out the same time the formula +as chan$ed# The Emperor no+ said: 6The %oly Trinity. throu$h the po+er that It has $iven 8s. raises you to *e Bishop of Constantinople. 0e+ !ome. and )ecumenical Patriarch#1 By the *e$innin$ of the fifteenth century the formula and the settin$ had chan$ed once more# The investiture no+ took place in a church in the presence of the Emperor, *ut it +as a hi$h lay official +ho pronounced the +ords: 6)ur $reat and holy overei$n and the acred ynod call Rour %oliness to the supreme throne of Patriarch of Constantinople#1 The theolo$ian ymeon of Thessalonica. +ritin$ in a*out "G5K. re$retted the chan$e of +ords as there +as no mention of God. thou$h he liked the reco$nition $iven to the %oly ynod# When the election had thus *een proclaimed the Emperor $ave to the Patriarch the cross. the purple soutane and the pectoral reliquary cross +hich sym*oli2ed his office# After this investiture the ne+ Patriarch rode in procession throu$h the streets of Constantinople to the church of aint ophia. +here he +as consecrated *y the &etropolitan of %eraclea. in memory of the days +hen By2antium had *een a suffra$an see under %eraclea# As the latest formula sho+ed. the electoral ri$hts of the %oly ynod +ere reco$ni2ed throu$hout the history of the Empire# It +as for the ynod. too. to depose the Patriarch should that *e thou$ht necessary# The Emperor could le$ally do no more than convoke the ynod to discuss the question of deposition# Nery occasionally the ynod deposed a Patriarch +ithout consultin$ the Emperor. as in the case of Athanasius I. +ho +as e/ected in "5IF *ecause he +as too strict, *ut he +as so stron$ly supported *y the lo+er cler$y and the people that the Emperor +as
55

'# Brehier. Le %onde (y)antin# ++# +nstitutions de lEmpire (y)anti n. pp# KJH-"F, Constantine Porphyro$enitus. De Ceremoniis DC# #%#B# editionE. I. pp# KLG-L: Pseudo-Codinus. De Officiis. &#P#G#. clvt. coll# "HL-H#

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a*le to enforce his re-election eleven years later# trictly speakin$ the only $round for deposition +as that the ori$inal election had *een someho+ uncanonical, *ut this could *e interpreted very loosely# A candidate for the Patriarchate. like a candidate for any *ishopric. had to *e over thirtyfive years of a$e 7 a rule that Emperors had sometimes ne$lected +hen forcin$ a pet candidate upon the ynod# %e must not *e a civil servant or a ta(-collector. unless there +ere a special dis pensation for him# %e mi$ht *e a married man or a +ido+er. so lon$ as he had only *een married once and his +ife had not *een previously married# If she +ere livin$ she +ould have to consent to retire into a convent# %e mi$ht *e a layman, and monks +ho had not taken priestly orders counted as laymen# If a layman. he +ould *e hurried throu$h the ecclesiastical orders, *ut three months should elapse *efore he could *e invested# If this interval +ere omitted. as in the case of the $reat Patriarch Photius. there +ere $rounds for questionin$ the le$ality of the appointment# By the canons of the fourth-century Councils no *ishop mi$ht *e transferred from one see to another, and this rule remained officially in force till the eve of the fifteenth century# As time +ent on *ishops +ere dra+n more and more from the monasteries# 4urin$ the last 5KJ years of the Empire. +ith very fe+ e(ceptions. the Patriarchs +ere former monks. most of +hom had already taken priestly vo+s# )nly one complete layman +as appointed. a professor called Geor$e of Cyprus. elected in "5MF#5F The Patriarch en/oyed hi$h presti$e, *ut. quite apart from limitations imposed upon him *y the Emperor. his po+er +as also limited *y the %oly ynod# %e +as held responsi*le for the proper cele*ration of services and for reli$ious discipline throu$hout the Empire. *ut he could only le$islate on such matters throu$h the ynod# &a/or reli$ious le$islation +as initiated *y the Emperor. as *ein$ the source of la+# %e did so in the form of a communication to the Patriarch. +hose *usiness it +as then to inform the Church and to see that the ne+ la+s +ere o*eyed# In the event of a scandal +ithin the Church the Patriarch could take direct action# %e could suspend a metropolitan +ho mis*ehaved, and. if a metropolitan permitted a*uses +ithin his province. he could intervene to suspend the $uilty cler$y# But no *ishop could *e deposed +ithout the authori2ation of the %oly ynod#5G In the $reat days of the Empire the Patriarch en/oyed an enormous revenue# This came partly from an annual $rant from the Imperial e(chequer. partly from landed property in all parts of the Empire. includin$ valua*le estates in Constantinople itself. and partly from rents paid *y monasteries that had *een founded *y a Patriarch# Each source of revenue +as earmarked for a special o*/ect# 3orei$n invasions and the 'atin conquest had disor$ani2ed the +hole system, *ut the 0icaean Emperors seem to have re-endo+ed the Patriarchate +ith country estates. and after the reconquest of Constantinople a third of the city1s revenues +ere set aside for it# In addition. a proportion of the fees paid for licences *y professional fishermen and huntsmen livin$ in or near the capital +as handed to the Patriarch to defray the cost of the candles and oil needed to li$ht the $reat cathedral of aint ophia# The Turkish advance lost to the Patriarch more and more of has country property, *ut he continued to receive rents from such Patriarchal monasteries as survived in the Turkish dominions# By the end of the fourteenth century his income had fallen so $reatly that he could no lon$er fully maintain the Patriarchal palace#5K This palace ad/oined aint ophia. to +hich it +as connected *y covered passa$es# It included administrative offices and reception halls. amon$ the latter the Great ecretum and the mall ecretum. in +hich ynods met. accordin$ to their si2e. as +ell as several oratories and a ma$nificent li*rary. +hich seems to have survived almost intact till "GKF# 4urin$ the 'atin occu5F

Brehier. op# cit# "". pp# GHH-ML# Constantine Porphyro$enitus. De Ceremoniis DC# #%#B# editionE. ". *e# cit#, ymeon of Thessalonica. De Sacris Ordinationi$us. &#P#G#. clv. col# GGJ# 5G Brehier. op cit +I. pp# GG5-L. GMI-IJ# 5K +$id# pp K"M-5F#

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pation the Nenetians had controlled it and kept it undama$ed# The Patriarch1s o+n livin$-quarters +ere suita*ly modest, *ut he o+ned su*ur*an villas to +hich he could retire, and he often preferred to reside in some near*y monastery# In the old days. his chief official had *een the yncellus. +ho had *een his political adviser and acted as liaison *et+een the Imperial and Patriarchal courts# But this office seems to have faded out durin$ the thirteenth century. perhaps *ecause the intimate arran$ements of the small court at 0icaea made it superfluous# The Archdeacon. +ho had *een the Patriarch1s deputy in all litur$ical matters. disappeared a*out the same time# But five $reat offices remained throu$hout the By2antine period# They +ere headed *y the Grand Economus. +ho +as in char$e of all properties and sources of revenue and +ho administered the Patriarchate durin$ an interre$num, *y the Grand acellarius. +ho. in spite of his title. had nothin$ to do +ith the Purse *ut +as in char$e of all the Patriarchal monasteries. assisted *y his o+n court and a deputy kno+n as the Archon of the &onasteries, *y the Grand kevophyla(. in char$e of all litur$ical matters. as +ell as of the holy treasures and relics *elon$in$ to the Patriarchate, *y the Grand Chartophyla(. ori$inally the keeper of the li*rary *ut. after the disappearance of the yncellus and the Archdeacon. the Patriarch1s ecretary of tate and director of personnel, and finally *y the Prefect of the acellion. keeper of the Patriarchal prison and in char$e of the punishment of ecclesiastical offenders# These five officials +ere mem*ers of the %oly ynod and ranked a*ove all metropolitans# Till "JKH they +ere appointed *y the Emperor, *ut the $reat Patriarch &ichael Cerullarius had +on the ri$ht to make his o+n appointments. thou$h later Emperors tried to +ithdra+ this ri$ht from the Patriarchs# 'o+er in rank. *elo+ the metropolitans and not mem*ers of the ynod. +ere such officials as the !eferendarius. +ho carried the Patriarch1s messa$es to the Emperor, the &andaton. +ho arran$ed the daily-litur$ies, a 'o$othete. or chief accountant, a Protonotary. +ho received and presented petitions, a %ieromnemon. +ho or$ani2ed meetin$s of the ynod and counted the votes at them, a %ypomimnescon. +ho +as the chief private secretary. as +ell as assistant secretaries and the professors attached to the Patriarchal chool# There +as also a &aster of Ceremonies. and a num*er of priests appointed to assist the Patriarch in his litur$ical duties# The many cler$y servin$ in aint ophia counted as formin$ part of the Patriarchal esta*lishment#5L The metropolitans maintained similar or$ani2ations. on a smaller scale# Each had his Economus. his kevophyla(. his acellarius and his Chartophyla(. performin$ equivalent functions +ithin the metropolitan see# The *ishops maintained simpler *ut still similar courts. thou$h there +ere small local diver$ences# Bishops1 revenues came from estates in the diocese and from rents paid *y monasteries that +ere neither Imperial nor Patriarchal foundations# The *ishop also received the kavovikov. a ta( levied on priests at the moment of their ordination# This +as a ta( that the civil authorities disliked and al+ays tried to discoura$e the priests from payin$# In "5IK the Emperor Andronicus II decreed its a*olition, *ut in practice it +as still paid. as it +as difficult to punish priests +ho refused to ordain priests unless they received the money# The *ishop could also char$e a fee for re$isterin$ a *etrothal# The *ride$room paid one $old piece and the *ride provided t+elve ells of cloth#5H Every *ishop held a court of /ustice at +hich suits involvin$ clerics +ere heard and from +hich appeals could *e made to the Patriarchal court# The canons of the early Councils for*ade cler$y to appear *efore secular courts, and the *an +as on the +hole respected# The *ishop +as supposed to +ork in +ith the civil authorities, and if he had a stron$ personality he +ould domi nate the local $overnor# %e +as. ho+ever. for*idden to touch anythin$ that concerned military affairs# When Andronicus III reformed the system of civil /ustice *y introducin$ itinerant /ud$es to tour the provinces. the *ishop +as put in char$e of the local tri*unal +hich the /ud$e from
5L 5H

Brahier. op# cit II. pp GMI-KJL# I*id# pp# K"H-"M#

"L

time to time visited# This +as convenient as enemy invasions often no+ made it impossi*le for a civil officer to visit the frontier districts. +hereas the *ishop +as supposed to remain at his post. even under an enemy occupation# The conquerin$ Turks made fe+ difficulties a*out this# But many *ishops in fact deserted their sees# 4urin$ the last decades of the Empire the Patriarch had continually to order *ishops to return to their posts# In to+ns anne(ed *y the Turks the *ishop came to *e reco$ni2ed *y the ne+ masters as the ma$istrate in char$e of the Christian population#5M To supervise the rural parts of his diocese the *ishop had in earlier days appointed a chorepiscopus. a 6country *ishop1. to assist him# 'ater he employed an e(arch. or visitor# We kno+ little a*out the or$ani2ation of the parishes# The parish priest +as a local man. recommended *y the headman of the villa$e and appointed *y the *ishop# %e mi$ht *e a married man. so lon$ as the marria$e had taken place *efore he reached the rank of su*-deacon. and so lon$ as neither he nor his +ife had *een previously married# By the late By2antine period he +as almost invaria*ly a married man. *achelors *ein$ considered to *e less respecta*le, thou$h occasionally a local monk +ho had taken priestly orders mi$ht *e put in as a stop-$ap# %e lived and maintained his church off the tithes paid *y the parishioners and off the patrimony of the church. usually a small $le*e +hich he farmed himself# %e +as usually a man of hum*le *irth and simple education, *ut his ordination *y the *ishop $ave him sufficient $race to perform the mysteries# The parish +as closely supervised *y the *ishop1s e(arch#5I )n the +hole the By2antine ecclesiastical or$ani2ation ran smoothly# 4urin$ the later By2antine period there +ere comparatively fe+ ma/or Church scandals# The Emperors no lon$er. as in earlier years. tried to make cynical and +orldly appointments# Patriarchal letters continued to fulminate a$ainst a*sentee *ishops and *ishops +ho sold /ustice, *ut steps +ere al+ays taken to end the a*uses# There +as al+ays some nepotism# Bishops +ere permitted to provide for needy relatives out of their revenues, and they interpreted this permission rather too +idely# The main pro*lem +as caused *y the shrinkin$ of the Empire and the increasin$ num*er of *ishoprics passin$ under alien and often infidel control# In the list of *ishoprics suffra$an to Constantinople attri*uted to Epiphanius and actually datin$ from the early seventh century. that is to say. *efore the province of Illyricum +as anne(ed to the Patriarchate. K5G are mentioned. of +hich FH" +ere seated in Asia# In the list kno+n as the Taxis. pu*lished *y the Patriarchate a*out the year IJ". the total num*er is KJK. of +hich GJK are Asiatic# The *ulk of the Balkan peninsula +as at that time in the hands of lavs and Bul$ars. only ne+ly converted to Christianity, and their fe+ Churches +ere not yet or$ani2ed# )f the KJK *ishops. KG +ere metropolitans. each +ith a $roup of *ishops under his /urisdiction, *ut there +ere KJ autocephalous arch*ishops. +ho depended directly on the Patriarch and had no suffra$ans# These autocephalous *ishoprics $radually faded out# The metropolitanates +ere arran$ed in an order of precedence# The senior +as the see of Caesarea-&a2acha# 0e(t came Ephesus. then %eraclea in Thrace. then Ancyra# Thessalonica only appears as si(teenth in the Taxis list, and the other European sees +ere lo+er still#FJ The invasions of the Turks and their $radual conquest of Asia &inor altered the picture# Constantinople +ould not admit at first that the loss of so many Asiatic *ishoprics +as final# But *y the end of the t+elfth century it +as clear that the Turks had come to stay# &any of the *ishops from the occupied territories fled to Constantinople. intendin$ to return +hen circumstances allo+ed# ome of the cities +ere destroyed durin$ the +ars, and there could *e no returnin$ to them# But several *ishops +ere a*le to $o *ack. even thou$h the sees +ere not li*erated, +hile a fe+ others stayed at their posts and mana$ed to carry out their duties# But. under a re$ime that
5M 5I

ee *elo+. pp# HI-MJ# Brehier. op# at# n. pp# GLL-H. GHK-L# FJ %# Gel2er. Texte der 0otitiae Episcopatum. pp# F-"J#

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+as not $iven to ur*an life. a num*er of cities declined fairly rapidly. +hile others +ere deserted *y their Christian population# )f the Christians +ho did not mi$rate many +ithin t+o or three $enerations had passed over to the reli$ion of their ne+ masters# But a num*er of Christians remained in Turkish territory. mostly in the lar$er to+ns *ut a fe+ in isolated mountain villa$es# In $eneral they +ere allo+ed to practise their reli$ion +ithout hindrance. and their *ishops +ere permitted to stay +ith them and. e(cept in times of +ar. to keep in touch +ith Constantinople# But the former ecclesiastical divisions +ere *ecomin$ meanin$less# The By2antines could not *ear to a*andon the historic titles of their sees# It +as not al+ays necessary# Cities such as Caesarea and Ankyra retained their importance and much of their Christian population# But the Patriarchal lists sho+ a steady diminution in the num*er *oth of metropolitan and of suffra$an sees# Naryin$ forms of read/ustment +ere used# If the metropolitan city had d+indled a+ay the see mi$ht *e allotted to a suffra$an *ishop# 3or e(ample. the title of &etropolitan of ardis. a see that had ranked si(th in precedence in the old. lists. +as $iven in the thirteenth century. +hen ardis +as no more than a villa$e. to its former chief suffra$an. the Bishop of Philadelphia. +hose city remained free and important until the end of the fourteenth century# imilarly. the Bishop of %eraclea in Pontus acquired the title of &etropolitan of Claudiopolis# ometimes a metropolitan see that had lost its flock or +as too poor no+ to maintain its o+n or$ani2ation +as $iven. as it +ere. on loan to some still active nei$h*ourin$ metropolitan# The phrase used +as ZUYb c[=[] BdW\[AB[C. 6temporary in principle1, and the temporary incum*ent +as called the Proedrus of the see# ometimes. +hen the see had clearly *een lost for ever. the title +as preserved *y $ivin$ it as an additional honour to a *ishop +ho mi$ht live far a+ay from the ori$inal see# %yacinthus Crito*ulus. &etropolitan of )u$$ro-Nalachia. north of the 4anu*e. in the late fourteenth century. held also the title of &etropolitan of &elitene. a city situated near the *anks of the Euphrates# Eventually metropolitan titles in parti$us infidelium +ere $iven to hi$h cler$y at the Patriarchal court. to raise them to episcopal rank and authority. a device that +as to *e follo+ed later at !ome# The 'atin occupation of various European provinces did not have quite the same effect. as the Greek con$re$ations there remained virtually undiminished# ometimes the Greek *ishop had *een removed and replaced *y a 'atin# %e +ould then retire to the By2antine court. +aitin$ till he could *e reinstated# If he died there. a titular *ishop +ould *e appointed to succeed him# ometimes the Greek *ishop remained. side *y side +ith a 'atin *ishop, and sometimes. more rarely. he +as left undistur*ed# In *oth those cases he +as under pressure to ackno+led$e !oman authority and to defer to the upper 'atin hierarchy# But he could often keep in touch +ith Constantinople. and there +as no real interruption of tenure# &any of the sees +ere recovered *y the By2antines, and the *ishops reverted easily and $ladly to the old alle$iance, or. if the *ishop had *een e/ected. he or his successor returned from e(ile# The return of the Empire to Constantinople in "5L" had *een follo+ed almost at once *y the loss of most of its Asiatic provinces# In consequence the sees situated in Europe rose in importance# The historic sees of Asia kept their precedence# Caesarea and Ephesus. thou$h the cities +ere in alien hands. continued to rank first and second in order# But Thessalonica rose from si(teenth to t+elfth place early in the fourteenth century. and. a fe+ years later. to fourth. /ust *ehind %eraclea in Thrace# 'ists made in the latter years of the Empire sho+ diminishin$ num*ers as +ell as the chan$ed order# The Ecthesis of Andronicus II. dra+n up in I5II. $ives ""5 metropolitans. +hich +as t+ice as many as had e(isted a century *efore, *ut. e(cept in Europe. hardly any of them had more than one or at most t+o suffra$ans. +hile those of them that had passed +holly into alien hands. +ith the e(ception of a fe+ in the first rank. +ere listed in an appendi( and credited +ith no suffra$ans# A taxis pu*lished in the early years of the fifteenth century $ives seventy-ei$ht metropolitan sees. callin$ them Eparchies. of +hich forty have titles +hich su$$est that they +ere still active# The final position is sho+n in a memorandum issued in "M

"GFH for the *enefit of the Council of Basle# It $ives si(ty-seven metropolitans. many of +hom have no suffra$ans# Ei$ht +ere in the territory around Constantinople and seven in Greece# Thirty-si( +ere in Turkish territory and si(teen in independent Christian lands. Wallachia. &oldavia. !ussia. the Caucasus and Tre*i2ond#F" With the decline in num*ers came an increase in titles# The metropolitans of the leadin$ sees *ecame e(archs. +ith the epithet of utteptiuos. 6most honoura*le1# A*out the end of the fourteenth century the &etropolitan of Caesarea *ecame E(arch of the East. the &etropolitan of Ephesus E(arch of Asia. the &etropolitan of %eraclea E(arch of Thrace and &acedonia. the &etropolitan of Philippopolis E(arch of Europe# oon after+ards e(archates +ere allotted to nearly all the survivin$ metropolitans. the &etropolitan of Thessalonica. for e(ample. *ecomin$ E(arch of Thessaly and the &etropolitan of 0icomedia E(arch of Bithynia# This +as not. as some historians have thou$ht. an attempt to compensate for lost $randeur *y a pathetic use of empty titles# The e(archate represented somethin$ definite# In the civil +orld the e(arch had *een the $overnor of a province so far removed from the capital that he had to *e $iven special vicere$al po+ers# Bishops had had their e(archs to represent them in country districts +hich they had no time personally to supervise# The *esto+al of the office on metropolitans in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries +as a reco$nition *y the Patriarch that he could no lon$er administer areas under forei$n control# As e(arch the local metropolitan +as empo+ered to act as his deputy#F5 A further complication +as caused *y the $ro+in$ disparity in si2e *et+een the Patriarchal territory and that of the dyin$ Empire# The Emperor +as still the acred Emperor. the head of the Christian common+ealth. +hose duty it +as to $ive the Church the *ackin$ of the tate# %e could no lon$er $ive such support# As the list of "GFH sho+ed. more than three-quarters of the metropolitans had their sees in territories ruled *y forei$n potentates. some of +hom +ere Christians. *ut not necessarily on cordial terms +ith Constantinople. *ut *y far the most important of +hom +as an infidel ultan# The Patriarch +as thus involved in forei$n politics. and his interests there +ere *y no means identical +ith the Emperor1s# In Turkish lands his *ishops had increasin$ly to *e prepared to take char$e of the secular as +ell as the reli$ious administration of their flocks# The Church +as faced *y ne+ preoccupations and ne+ pro*lems of +hich its 3athers had never dreamed# By "GKF its position +as so a+k+ard and anomalous that some reor$ani2ation +as lon$ overdue# The Turkish conquest may not have provided the happiest solution, *ut at least it provided a solution# The )onasteries$ It +as typical of the attitude of the By2antines to+ards reli$ion that. hi$hly as they respected the Patriarch and the hierarchy. they +ere personally far more deeply influenced *y individual monks and holy men# They resented any attack on the hierarchy *y the lay authorities. unless the particular hierarch had made himself unpopular# But. if there +ere a conflict *et+een the hierarchy and the monasteries. it +as the monks +ho could count on the stron$er popular support# By2antine monasticism differed $reatly from that of the West# There +as no fi(ed !ule, there +ere no monastic )rders# Each monastery had its o+n constitution. usually laid do+n +hen it +as founded# These constitutions fell into t+o main types# )ne +as derived strai$ht from the early monasticism of E$ypt. from the traditions of the 3athers of the 4esert. those ascetes
F"

Taxeis of the early fourteenth and early fifteenth century are $iven in &#P#G# cvn. coll# FML-IG. FIH-GJG# 3or the list of "GFH. 6Terre %odierne Graecorum1 Ded# # 'am*rosE. 0eos el,nomnemon. vii D"I"JE. pp# FLoff# 3or the sees under Turkish domination see A# Waechter. Der 1erfall des 2riechentums in 3leinasien im 4+1ten "ahrhundert . pp# L"-K# F5 Brehier. op# cit# n. pp# GH5-F#

"I

+ho had retired from the +orld into the +ilderness to lead lives of holy and hum*le contemplation. in solitude at first. *ut as time +ent on $atherin$ to$ether into small $roups. so as to $ive each other a little mutual protection and to perform mutual services and acts of charity# The $roup formed +hat came to *e called a 'avra# The second type is derived from the reforms that Basil the Great introduced. in an attempt to make monastic life more orderly and more complete# %e *elieved that the monks. the X[?UT[W. or 6solitary men1. should al+ays *e com*ined into communities. in +hich they should live lives of perfect communism under the rule of an elected head +ho should command perfect o*edience. and that they should +ork as +ell as pray# It +as from his recommendations that Benedict derived his !ule and the +hole of Western monasticism $re+ up#FF 8nder 9ustinian I la+s +ere passed to make every monastic esta*lishment follo+ the Basilian pattern# All monks +ere to lead a communal life and every monastery must have a communal refectory and dormitory# 0o separate cells +ere to *e permitted. e(cept for penal confinement. inside or outside of the monastic *uildin$# The monk +as to have no personal property# Before takin$ his final vo+s he could dispose of his +orldly $oods as he +ished. thou$h. if he +ere married. his +ife and children +ere entitled to the proportion of his estate that they +ould have received on his death# %is +ife must consent to his retirement, and it +as usual that she should enter monastic life at the same time# %e could inherit property after enterin$ the monastery. *ut only if he had already made arran$ements for the disposal of any such inheritance# Thou$h early Councils had for*idden it. a monk +as allo+ed to *ecome the $uardian of a minor and a trustee for his property# Any man or +oman could take monastic vo+s +henever he or she pleased. +ith the e(ception of runa+ay slaves and of $overnment officials +hose term of office had not e(pired# The noviciate lasted for three years, and durin$ those years the novice could. if he +ished or if he +ere considered unsuited for the life. return into the +orld# When his noviciate +as completed he made his profession *efore the a**ot and took the vo+s of chastity. poverty and o*edience# The a**ot then tonsured him and $ave him his ro*e. the 6an$elic ha*it1. and the kiss of peace# Accordin$ to 9ustinian1s le$islation the monastery +as under the a*solute control of the a**ot. called either the higumene. the 6leader1. or the archimandrite. the 6head of the flock1# %e +as elected *y a ma/ority vote of the monks. *ut he could not take office until he +as *lessed *y the *ishop of the diocese. +ho $ave him his pastoral staff# The *ishop also controlled the foundation of monasteries# At this time nearly all +ere founded *y laymen, *ut *uildin$ could not *e$in until the *ishop had inspected and *lessed the site. plantin$ a cross there. and had approved the foundation deeds# Till 9ustinian1s time there had *een a num*er of institutions +here *oth se(es lived in common# This +as no+ strictly for*idden# Women1s monasteries +ere or$ani2ed alon$ the same lines as the men1s. the a**ess *ein$ elected and havin$ the same a*solute po+er as an a**ot# 8nder the a**ot +as the economus. in char$e of the +orldly possessions of the monastery. the chartophylax. or re$istrar. and the $i$liophylax. or li*rarian# A monk +as not necessarily a priest. thou$h a priest could *ecome a monk, *ut there +ere al+ays a fe+ ordained monks in each esta*lishment. in order that the church services could *e performed, and if the elected a**ot +ere not a priest it +as customary for him to *e ordained# 3or female esta*lishments the *ishop provided chaplains# Imperial le$islation did not interfere in the internal runnin$ of the monastery# Its constitution +as laid do+n in t+o foundation-deeds. the $re&ion. +hich listed the endo+ments and $ave the founder1s +ishes +ith re$ard to litur$ical duties. and the typicon. +hich re$ulated the ri$hts and duties of the monks# u*/ect to these requirements the a**ot had complete control over disciFF

3or monastic ori$ins see # chi+iet2. Das %orgenlandische %onchtum# +# passim. esp# pp# GM-IJ. "GM-55K#

5J

pline# &onks +ho diso*eyed the rules or other+ise mis*ehaved +ere punished *y enforced fasts and other austerities and in more serious cases *y *ein$ e(cluded from the litur$y and from receivin$ *lessin$s. and. at the +orst. *y solitary confinement# 'ater Patriarchs issued codes for the punishment of monks, *ut the a**ot could al+ays use his discretion# %e also decided upon the num*er and duration of church services. alon$ the lines laid do+n in the $re&ion# The services usually consisted of psalmody throu$hout the even Canonical %ours. an hour or more of prayer *efore da+n. follo+ed *y the sunrise mass. the [VeV[C. +ith all ni$ht services on the eve of the $reater saints1 days and of the ma/or feasts of the Church and such other days as the founder mi$ht have ordained#FG 9ustinian1s le$islation +as repeated and confirmed in LI5 *y the fuinise(tine Council. the Council +n Trullo. +hich added la+s for*iddin$ the disaffection of monasteries and the seculari2ation of monastic property# It also fi(ed the minimum a$e for novices at ten and it added a year to the noviciate. at least for voluntary candidates# It +as already customary for offenders a$ainst the tate to *e rele$ated to monasteries and to *e tonsured at once# An enforced entry into monastic life remained throu$hout the By2antine period the usual fate for fallen politicians and officials. from Emperors do+n+ards#FK In spite of 9ustinian and the fuinise(tine Council it proved impossi*le to a*olish the la&ras. +ith their loose pre-Basilian or$ani2ation# Where such communities e(isted and seemed to *e competently run. they +ere left alone# They had *een particularly numerous in yria and Palestine, and +hen those countries +ere overrun *y the Ara*s some of them moved to Asia &inor and re-esta*lished themselves there# The Iconoclastic Emperors of the ei$hth century found the monks to *e their fiercest opponents and tried to curtail if not to a*olish the monasteries# But their la+s +ere repealed *efore the end of the century and the records destroyed# The effect of their rule had *een to loosen episcopal control, and many a*uses had reappeared. includin$ monasteries of mi(ed se(es# The econd Council of 0icaea in HMH reaffirmed earlier le$islation. thou$h mi(ed monasteries +ere permitted so lon$ as the se(es occupied completely separate *uildin$s# A la+ issued a fe+ years later for*ade monks to act as $uardians of minors. thou$h they mi$ht still *e trustees of property# &ore effective reforms +ere instituted at this time *y Theodore the tudite. +ho reintroduced the strict Basilian rule for a $roup of monasteries +hich he dominated# %e seems to have envisa$ed a sort of informal )rder. not unlike that later founded in the West *y the Cluniacs# But only a fe+ esta*lishments follo+ed him#FL The period that follo+ed. up to the 'atin conquest of Constantinople. +as the $reat a$e of By2antine monastic prosperity# There +as very little uniformity# 0e+ monasteries +ere continually *ein$ founded. some *y holy men +ho $athered disciples around them. some *y rich laymen and lay+omen. some *y *ishops. some *y Patriarchs and some *y Emperors# Patriarchal foundations. +herever they mi$ht *e. +ere controlled from the Patriarchal court. *y the acellarius# Imperial foundations +ere directed *y the Emperor1s officials. +ithout any ecclesiastical intermediary# A fe+ $reat monasteries +ere proclaimed *y special Imperial decree to *e autodespotae. +ithdra+n from all /urisdiction. civil or ecclesiastical# The local *ishop retained certain ri$hts over the foundation of a ne+ esta*lishment# %e still had to approve and *less the site. and he opened the *uildin$ +hen completed. +ith a procession and a readin$ of the foundation-deeds# It

FG

9ustinian. 0o&ellae Ded# ^# E# :achariae von 'in$enthalE. ". pp# "FF. KFK. KFM. KFI. KKG, A# ^necht. System des"ustinianischen 3irchen&ermogensrechtes# pp# KH-LJ# FK C# 9# %efele. istoire des Concils. revised and translated *y %#'eclercq D%efele-'edercqE. nr. ". pp# /LorE. esp# pp# KLM-I# FL ee A# Gardner. Theodore of Studium. esp# pp# LL ff#

5"

+as ordered no+ that the founder must arran$e for at least three monks to occupy the site as soon as the *ishop had planted a cross on it. and that the *uildin$ must *e ready +ithin three years#FH The foundation of so many ne+ monasteries. each endo+ed +ith properties that +ere sometimes hu$e. to$ether +ith endo+ments $iven *y the pious to already e(istin$ esta*lishments. *e$an to create pro*lems# The Imperial authorities +ere alarmed to see vast tracts of land passin$ inaliena*ly into monastic hands# But tenth-century le$islation aimed at limitin$ the endo+ments proved ineffectual and had to *e a*andoned# 4ifficulties arose for the monks also, for many of their properties +ere no+ far apart# te+ards. kno+n as BdWYV[d[W. had to *e appointed, and it +as not easy for the Economus to supervise them# ometimes the Imperial or ecclesiastical authorities +ould put a foundation under a lay protector +ho administered its property. allo+in$ the monastery an income adequate for its needs and keepin$ for himself any additional profits that he could make# uch a monastery +as called a charisticum. and its protector the charisticar' ius# The authorities liked the system as it meant that the estates +ere efficiently mana$ed, *ut it +as lia*le to *e a*used# &any founders stipulated that their foundation should never *ecome a charisticum#FM 0early all the monasteries +ere no+ Basilian and coeno*itic. that is to say. follo+in$ a communal life# In rural monasteries the monks mainly la*oured in the fields. thou$h each had a li*rary. some of +hich +ere +ell kept up and mi$ht contain monks +ho copied manuscripts# The monks +ere also supposed to tend the local poor and sick# In ur*an monasteries. thou$h the monks usually had $ardens and orchards to maintain. there +as more intellectual activity. and the social activities +ere +ider# The monasteries provided confessors for nei$h*ourin$ families and tutors for their children# They ran hostels for pil$rims. sick-+ards and dispensaries. many of the esta*lishments havin$ social duties assi$ned to them *y the typica $iven them *y their founders# 0uns as +ell as monks did useful social +ork. carin$ for destitute children and nursin$ the sick. some of them havin$ a $ood medical trainin$# The influence en/oyed *y the monks and nuns +as principally due to their social activities# They moved amon$st the people and understood their needs# The monasteries +ere further useful in providin$ places of refu$e for the a$ed# In them you +ould find elderly folk +ho +ould other+ise have *een a *urden on their families. to$ether +ith lar$e num*ers of quite +ell-to-do retired officials or +ido+ed house+ives. +ho +ished to end their days in an atmosphere of sanctity# They contained manumitted slaves and penitent sinners and even a certain num*er of criminals hidin$ from /ustice# There +as no class-consciousness in them, the retired no*leman +ould +ork and pray side *y side +ith the retired peasant. and. in theory if not al+ays in practice. no one mi$ht en/oy special privile$es# 3or an am*itious *oy of hum*le *irth a monastic career provided the easiest ladder to clim*. as the hierarchy recruited its staff more and more from the a*ler and *etter-trained monks# 0ot all the monasteries +ere estima*le# ome +ere little more than comforta*le residential clu*s, others +ere filled *y la2y men and +omen +ho lived *y *e$$in$ and +ho thou$ht nothin$ of smu$$lin$ out and sellin$ *ooks and other treasures from the li*raries, others. a$ain. +ere animated *y a narro+ antiintellectualism or *y political passions and pre/udices#FI There +ere monasteries all over the Empire# Their num*er is impossi*le to estimate# The t+elfth-century traveller Ben/amin of Tudela said that there +ere as many monasteries in Constantinople alone as there +ere days in the year# In fact. at that time there +ere pro*a*ly in the city and su*ur*s as many as "HK esta*lishments. some. like the $reat monastery of tudium. containin$ several hundred monks. others not more than ten#GJ A lar$e provincial city such as ThesFH FM

'# Brehier. Le %onde (y)antin. II. +nstitutions de +Empire (y)antin. pp# KGK-L# Brehier. op# cit# n. pp# KKJ-I# FI I*id# pp# KLG-K# GJ Ben/amin of Tudela. +tinerary Dtrans# &# 0# AdlerE. pp# ""-"G#

55

salonica pro*a*ly housed at least t+enty esta*lishments#G" In addition there +ere monasteries for either se( all over the countryside. many of them *ein$ in $roups# In the middle By2antine period the most famous $roup +as situated on Bithynian )lympus# It +as there that Theodore the tudite started his career and planned his reforms# G5 There +as another $roup settled. mainly in caves. in the Cappadocian hills. $iven more to contemplation and less to learnin$ and social +orks than the )lympian $roup# When the Turks overran Cappadocia many of these monks fled and esta*lished themselves on &ount 'atmos. on the Ae$ean coast. south of myrna# The communities there +ere famed in the t+elfth century for their austerities# GF The most famous of all $roups +as settled on the peninsula of &ount Athos# The %oly &ountain had *een settled *y hermits from early in the middle a$es. and a fe+ small lavras +ere soon esta*lished there# They had already or$ani2ed themselves into a community under a protos# or headman. +hen in ILF a monk from Tre*i2ond called Athanasius. +ho en/oyed the friendship of the Emperor 0icephorus Phocas. founded a $reat monastery there kno+n as the Grand 'avra# In spite of its name it +as not a lavra *ut follo+ed the tudite coeno*itic rule# By the end of the century five more monasteries had *een founded on the &ountain. and the $roup had *een $iven a constitution *y the Emperor# A monastery reserved for Geor$ians +as founded in a*out IHI. a monastery for !ussians in ""LI and one for er*ians in ""IH# In the eleventh century the Amalfitans had an esta*lishment there +hich follo+ed the 'atin rite, and a eld/uk prince converted to Christianity founded a monastery early in the t+elfth century# The constitution of the &ountain ordained that there should *e a council or synod consistin$ of the heads of all the esta*lishments. +hich should elect the protos and act as his advisory *ody# %e. +ith its advice. /ud$ed disputes *et+een the monasteries and confirmed the election of a**ots# The constitution +as revised in "JK5. +hen many of the smaller and older lavras had disappeared# By then the Grand 'avra contained HJJ monks. and the +hole population of the peninsula approached "J.JJJ# There +ere no esta*lishments for +omen# Indeed. no female creature +as officially allo+ed on the mountain. thou$h the *an could not *e e(tended to *irds of the air and in time hens +ere $rud$in$ly admitted. and. later still. female cats. as mice and snakes +ould not o*ey the rules and +ere *reedin$ too plentifully# The *an in theory +as not made to ensure chastity *ut to sho+ respect to the Patroness of the &ountain. the %oly Nir$in. +ho should have no rivals# Great austerity +as demanded of the monks, *ut already *y the end of the eleventh century they had *e$un to import lay *rothers to help them +ith their flocks and $ardens. and *oys to +ait on their persons, and some scandals ensued. especially +hen the shepherds tried to smu$$le in their +omenfolk# Each monastery kept *oats for fishin$. for o*tainin$ supplies for the mainland and for marketin$ its tim*er, and most of them acquired estates on the mainland. +ith +hich they had to keep in touch# te+ards had to *e appointed for those distant properties, and the Grand 'avra kept a ste+ard at Constantinople. to act as a diplomatic and financial a$ent there# By the end of the t+elfth century the monasteries on )lympus +ere in decay, they had never fully recovered from the Turkish invasions of the previous century, and &ount 'atmos +as dan$erously close to the frontier# Athos emer$ed as *y far the most important monastic settlement# The history of later Greek monasticism is lar$ely a history of &ount Athos#GG By that time the lavra type of monastery had virtually disappeared# But the disadvanta$e of coeno*itic life of the Basilian or tudite type +as that the a*sence of solitude made holy contemplation difficult, it +as not easy to *e a mystic in such an esta*lishment# In earlier days a +ould-*e contemplative +ould set himself up as a hermit in some remote cave or on top of a pil G" G5

)# Tafrali. Thessaloni.ue au 4+1e siecle. pp# II-"JH# ee a*ove. p# G"# GF 3# &iklosich and 9# &uller. Acta et Diplomata 2raeca %edii Ae&i. iv. pp# 5IM-FJ", T# Wie$and. Der Latmos# passim. GG 3or &ount Athos see P# &eyer. Die auptur,unden fur die Ceschichte der Athos'3loster# passim #

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lar. +here he +ould mortify his flesh# If his retreat +ere sufficiently remote he mi$ht *e left in peace# But. if it +ere accessi*le. the fame of his holiness +ould spread. and a stream of pil$rims of all sorts +ould come to him for advice. political as +ell as spiritual# A saint such as ymeon tylites +as a real po+er in the tate# But in the course of the middle By2antine period these individualistic holy men $re+ rarer# The last recorded tylite. called 'uke. lived in the tenth century#GK %is sli$htly youn$er contemporary. also called 'uke. +as one of the last solitary hermits to +ield a political influence# Provincial $overnors in Greece +ould come to his hermita$e in tyris to consult him, and his fame reached the Imperial court o+in$ to his successful prophecy a*out the By2antine reconquest of Crete from the aracens# When he died. his d+ellin$-place +as turned *y Imperial decree into a monastery# GL But *y the end of the tenth century a hermit +ould usually retire to some spot like &ount Athos +here he +ould *e out of reach of the +orld *ut yet have spiritual comforts at hand# This +as due to an ever-increasin$ devotion to the 'itur$y amon$ the By2antines# Even a holy man could not *ear to deprive himself of takin$ part in the &ysteries# To accommodate solitaries and mystics +ho yet +ished to *e part of a monastic $roup there +ere re$ulations permittin$ a monk to o*tain his a**ot1s permission to leave his monastery for an esta*lishment that allo+ed $reater solitude. or even for a hermit1s cell# But it +as more usual for such a monk to *e $iven a separate cell +ithin the monastery or close *y and a dispensation from certain la*ours# As a rule a monastery +as allo+ed to have only five of these solitaries. or ,elliots# The Church authorities inclined to *elieve that mystics should keep to the coeno*itic life until they +ere sure of their vocation# ymeon the 0e+ Theolo$ian. the eleventhcentury founder of later By2antine mysticism. spent most of his career in an active coeno*itic monastery in Constantinople and only retired to the country +hen he +as e(iled as the result of a monastic intri$ue, and even in the country he directed a small monastic community# GH The 'atin conquest interrupted By2antine monastic life# In the territories conquered *y the 'atins many monasteries +ere pilla$ed and ruined. particularly durin$ the sack of Constantinople in "5JG# )thers +ere occupied *y 'atin )rders. such as 4aphne. near Athens. +hich for t+o centuries housed Cistercian monks# Those that +ere left to the Greeks +ere deprived of endo+ments# The Athonite esta*lishments lost most of their mainland estates. thou$h they soon recovered them +hen the 0icaean Emperors acquired control of &acedonia# The 0icaean court +as too thrifty to found monasteries# The only important foundation of the period +as one at Ephesus. aint Gre$ory the Thaumatur$e. the creation of the scholar 0icephorus Blemmydas. +ho attached an e(cellent school to it# A fe+ monasteries +ere founded *y the 4espots of Epirus, and in the Empire of Tre*i2ond monastic life +as uninterrupted# The $reat monastery of umela. founded in the fifth century and continually re-endo+ed *y the Grand Comnenus. +as in the later middle a$es the richest monastic esta*lishment in the East#GM When &ichael NIII recaptured Constantinople he found its monasteries impoverished and decayin$# ome had disappeared, others had lost their endo+ments# With the approval of the Church authorities he ordered the amal$amation of smaller and poorer houses into +orka*le units# 0either he nor his successors made ne+ foundations. preferrin$ to repair and re-endo+ older foundations# &ichael himself re*uilt and renamed the &onastery of aint 4emetrius# %is dau$hter &aria. +ido+ of the &on$ol 8khan A*a$a. repaired the monastery later kno+n as
GK GL

E# 4elehaye. Les Saints Stylites# passim# 1ita S# Lucae "unioris. &#P#G#. c(i. coll# GG"-MJ. passim# GH ee 0icetas tethatus. 1ie de Symeon le 0ou&eau Theologien. ed# I# %aussher and G# %orn. +ith introduction. in Orientalia Christiana. QII# GM 3or 0icaean foundations. see 0icephorus Blemmydas. Curriculum 1itae# et Carmina Ded# A# %eisen*er$E. p# FI# 3or Tre*i2ond. &$r Chrysanthos. 566789:; <=> ?@;ABC=>D<=E. pp# GH"-M, &iklosich and &uller. op# cit# v. pp# 5HLM"#

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&ary of the &on$ols# The no*le Theodore &etochites restored the &onastery of the Chora and +as responsi*le for commissionin$ its mosaics and frescoes. +hich are today perhaps the loveliest survivin$ +orks of By2antine art# GI It +as only in the provinces that there +ere ne+ foundations. at &istra. the capital of the 4espotate of the &orea. at &e$aspileon in the Peloponnese or in to+ns farther north such as Castoria# KJ The stran$e rocks of &eteora in Thessaly. lon$ a resort of hermits. acquired a num*er of monasteries early in the fourteenth century. chiefly o+in$ to the pious $enerosity of er*ian kin$s# They formed a monastic repu*lic. on the lines of that of &ount Athos#K" 4urin$ the last period of By2antine history the monasteries +ere. thus. fe+er and poorer than *efore. thou$h. +ith the $eneral decline in population and +ealth. the proportion of monks to laity and their proportionate +ealth +as pro*a*ly much the same# To some e(tent their tri*ulations had *een salutary# ince the Iconoclastic period the monasteries had not played a $reat part in intellectual or even in spiritual life# With rare e(ceptions. such as Theodore tudites and ymeon the 0e+ Theolo$ian. the important reli$ious thinkers had *elon$ed to the hierarchy or even to the laity# 3rom "5L" on+ards the monasteries took a livelier part in reli$ious thou$ht# &ount Athos in particular *ecame a center for theolo$ical discussion# But there +ere certain disadvanta$es in havin$ the main center of monastic thou$ht on an isolated mountain. a+ay from the intellectual circles of Constantinople# The monks +ere not necessarily anti-intellectual. thou$h many of them came from poor homes and never received more than a rudimentary education# In the $reater Athonite houses the li*raries +ere full. +ell tended and +ell used. +ith copyists *usyin$ themselves over secular as +ell as reli$ious manuscripts# But there +as an inevita*le tendency to+ards suspicion of secular learnin$# The &ountain +as not +ithout its scandals# In "5I5 the Emperor Andronicus II placed its houses. +hich had *een under a loose Imperial control. directly under the Patriarch Athanasius I. a stern disciplinarian. so as to ensure stricter discipline# T+enty years later he issued a Bull further ti$htenin$ the constitution of the &ountain# K5 In "GJ5 &anuel II +as shocked to find ho+ la( the monasteries had *ecome a$ain and le$islated to enforce the old rules# KF Part of the trou*le +as that a ne+ type of monastery had $ro+n up on the &ountain# This +as the idiorrhythmic. in +hich each monk had his o+n private cell and kept some of his private property. comin$ to$ether +ith his fello+s only for church services and for dinners on the $reater feast-days# )ther+ise he could keep to himself or in a small $roup# These $roups. or 6families1. +ould elect a superior +ho +as responsi*le for discipline, *ut there +as no a**ot# A superior. +hose term of office +as limited. +ould act as president and represent the monastery on the %oly ynod of the &ountain# The idiorrhythmic monk did not disdain +ork of all sorts, *ut there +as no one +ho could o*li$e him to +ork# 4iscipline inevita*ly slackened, and. thou$h the system mi$ht *e useful for contemplatives +ho +ished to *e left alone. it +as far too convenient for men +ho +ished to com*ine holiness +ith indolence# &anuel II +ould have liked to a*olish the idiorrhythmic rule, *ut it +as too late#KG The period also sa+ the monks playin$ a lar$er part in Church politics# They had al+ays formed a potential political force. +hich had come to the fore in Iconoclastic days as the chief opponent of Imperial policy, *ut it had not *een $reatly felt in the follo+in$ centuries# But from the thirteenth century on+ards there +as a party in the Church. supported in $eneral *y the
GI

!# 9anin. La 2eographie ecc,siasti.ue de lEmpire (y)antin. pt# I. III. Les Eglises et les monasteres. pp# IK. 555F# 3or the Church of the Chora. P# A# 8nder+ood. The 3ariye DFami. I. pp# F"L# &ichael NIII1s one foundation +as on the small isle of )(ya# KJ &iklosich and &iiller. op# cit# v. pp# "I"-F# K" ee 4. &# 0icol. %eteora# the !oc, %onasteries of Thessaly. pp# HJ ff# K5 &eyer. op# cit# pp# KG. "IJ-G# KF I*id# pp# 5JF-"J# KG I*id# pp# KH ff#

5K

monasteries. +hich +as in fairly constant opposition to the Imperial court and the upper hierarchy# The dividin$ line *et+een the parties +as never clear cut and the issues varied# )n the +hole the monastic party +as *oth conservative and democratic# It supported tradition in reli$ious affairs. therefore *itterly opposin$ any concessions to *e made to achieve union +ith the West, and it +as suspicious of philosophers +ho sou$ht to pry into theolo$y in defiance of its apophatic inheritance# At the same time it opposed the autocracy of the Emperor and disapproved of the lu(ury of the Court and the upper hierarchy. thou$h it +as +illin$ to ally itself +ith the landed no*ility. +hose economic interests +ere often similar to those of the $reater monastic esta*lishments# As +e shall see. this party +arfare played an important role in all the questions that trou*led the later By2antine Church# The +hole lay population of By2antium +as involved in these ecclesiastical stru$$les# In Eastern Christendom the laity +as far more important than in the West# In early Christian times the laity played an important role in the Church or$ani2ation, and that tradition +as never lost in the East. +here laymen never ceased to receive communion in *oth kinds# The cler$y. despite the respect $iven to them for the charismatic succession that ena*led them to perform the &ysteries. could not in Eastern theory complete the sacrament alone +ithout a con$re$ation# To that e(tent the laity took part in the ministry# The laity +ere not devoid of charisma, *aptism made them 6a people of God. a royal priesthood1# If need *e. any *apti2ed man or +oman could perform the rite of *aptism# 0or +as theolo$y the monopoly of the priesthood# Any layman mi$ht *e equally inspired *y the %oly pirit#KK This +as reasona*le in vie+ of the hi$h standard of lay education in By2antium# In the West the *ar*arian invasions had left the Church in sole char$e of education# In the East lay education had never *een interrupted# It is true that monks +ere usually employed to tutor youn$ children. and many of the monasteries ran schools. +hile the Patriarchal Academy. +hich is the oldest school to survive to this day. provided an e(cellent education# But education +as essentially a secular affair# The 8niversity. thou$h its life +as often interrupted. +as a department of the tate. not of the Church#KL Even clerics +ho entered the Church early in life had usually passed throu$h some lay schoolin$, and many of the leadin$ theolo$ians only entered the Church late in life or remained laymen till their deaths# At the Council of 3lorence in "GFI the Emperor complained that his lay advisers +ere much more learned than his *ishops# KH This lon$ tradition of lay learnin$ made it difficult for the Church to dominate reli$ious and philosophical thou$ht# In By2antine ecclesiastical party conflicts there +as a natural tendency for the lay intellectuals to *e allied +ith the court and the upper hierarchy. much of it lay-educated. a$ainst the monks and the mem*ers of the hierarchy educated at Church schools# But a controversy such as the Palamite. +here a fundamental *ut intricate point of theolo$y +as concerned. cut across the usual dividin$ line# &oreover. the lay intellectuals. +ith their o+n vie+s a*out theolo$y. did not al+ays follo+ the recommendations of the hierarchy or of the court# Therein the monks +ere stron$er, for the $eneral populace +as under their influence# 0ot only did their charita*le social +ork keep them in touch +ith the people and +in them its affection, *ut the fact that they provided tutors and. still more. confessors and spiritual advisers. +idened their moral control# It +as rare for a mem*er of the hierarchy to act as a spiritual adviser. thou$h +e have a case of a &etropolitan of Chalcedon +ho in a*out "GJJ acted as spiritual adviser and confessor to a no*le lady called Eudocia. and +hose letters to her have survived and are admira*le for their calm common sense# In $eneral even the richest families employed monks. and could not fail to *e affected to some e(tent *y their vie+s#KM
KK KL

3or the position of the laity see 4#9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est. pp# HI-MJ# 3or education see *elo+. pp# ""5 ff# KH 9# Gill. The Council of Florence. pp# 55M-I#

5L

The influence of the Church +as enormous *ut uneven# The By2antine had deep reli$ious feelin$s. particularly in t+o respects# %e had a profound admiration for +hat he conceived as holiness, and he +as passionately attached to his litur$y# The act of +orship +as the *asic e(pression of his faith# When he attended a service in his church *uildin$ he kne+ himself to *e part of the Church of Christ, he +as in touch +ith the 4ivine# The +orst of punishments +as to *e deprived of this privile$e# But services required priests, and a priest could +ithhold communion# E(communication +as a very rare sentence. *ut all the more formida*le *ecause it +as seldom imposed# &oreover. +ithout an ordained priest there could not *e a cele*ration of the &ysteries# Even in the most *ack+ard villa$e. +here the priest +as a peasant like his flock and shared most of its daily life. he +as nevertheless the priest. the ma$ician. so to speak. +hose operations +ere necessary for the +ell-*ein$ of the community# %e tried. as *est he could. to carry out the instructions of his superiors# But they +ere distant. and the *ishop1s e(arch mi$ht not *e a*le to pay him re$ular visits, and in that case he +ould take his trou*les to the a**ot of the nearest monastery# ometimes. as in Greece under the 3ranks. the hierarchs mi$ht *e 'atins or 'atini2ers# In that case he sou$ht to carry on undefiled the traditions of his forefathers, he *ecame the little local champion of Greek )rthodo(y. a role +hich $re+ durin$ the centuries of Turkish domination# In the cities the faithful could $o to some $reat cathedral +hose ceremonies. conducted *y *ishops. +ere more splendid and more ma$ical# To the last the services in aint ophia kept a special presti$e# But in the later By2antine period there +as a tendency for smaller and smaller churches to *e *uilt, they +ere liked *ecause of the more intimate atmosphere that they provided# The By2antine revered the $reat tradition that +as represented *y the Emperor and the Patriarch# The $lorious ritual of the Imperial Palace and the Great Church +ere part of his herita$e that he +ould support passionately a$ainst e(ternal attack# But holiness impressed him still more deeply, and he sa+ holiness in terms of visi*le other-+orldliness. in poverty and simplicity and self-denial# In older days he +ould listen to the stylite and the hermit rather than to the *ishop# 'ater it +as the hum*le parish priest and the +elfare-+orkin$ monk +hom he sa+ in his daily life +ho had the $reatest hold over him# uch men understood the populace, they shared its sentiments and $uided its vie+s# The court. the hierarchy and the intellectuals mi$ht quarrel, the Emperor mi$ht depose officials and even Patriarchs# But in every Eastern. city ultimate po+er has al+ays lain +ith the mo*. that is to say. +ith the dema$o$ues +ho dominate the mo*# In By2antium. these dema$o$ues 7 and the +ord need not *e understood in a# pe/orative sense 7 +ere the poorer priests and monks. men most of +hom respected authority and education *ut +ho +ere s+ayed *y an emotional and uncomplicated faith in the %oly Tradition that they had inherited# In spite of all the respect paid to the Emperor and the Patriarch. neither could count on the support of the people if he offended a$ainst their instinctive sense of ri$ht and +ron$# If there seemed to *e unri$hteousness on hi$h. the people +ould listen to the spiritual advisers +hom they kne+, and the discipline of the Church +as not stron$ enou$h nor +ell enou$h or$ani2ed to stifle opposition# The early Christian *elief in reli$ious democracy kept *reakin$ throu$h# This elasticity in the or$ani2ation +as not alto$ether harmful to the Church# It mi$ht at times produce chaos and it mi$ht *e in/urious to the tate# But it is si$nificant that there +as never in By2antium a popular anticlerical movement, there +as nothin$ to compare +ith the Waldensian or 'ollard movements in the West or +ith Protestantism# The hierarchs mi$ht *e attacked. *ut as persons# The lesser cler$y. for all their insu*ordination. remained loyal to the idea of the Church# It is true that the :ealot movement in fourteenth-century Thessalonica appears at first si$ht to *e anticlerical, for the :ealots hastened to confiscate episcopal and monastic propKM

3or spiritual advisers in the late By2antine period see # alaville. 68ne lettre et un discours inedite de Theolepte de Philadelphie.1 !e&ue des etudes $y)antines. v D"IGHE. Pp- "J"-"K. and N#'aurent. 6'a direction spirituelle des $randes dames de By2ance.1 i*id. NIII D"IKJE. pp# LG-MG#

5H

erty# But they claimed to *e actin$ in the interests of the underpaid lesser cler$y, they had no animosity a$ainst the Church *ut only a$ainst the disparity of its endo+ments# They +ished to reform its details. not its structure# And their movement failed less from e(ternal pressure than from. the loss of support from the priests and monks +hom they professed to *enefit#KI When +e contrast Church and tate in By2antium +e must not think solely in terms of the Imperial $overnment and the hierarchy# There +as a third party in all the disputes. the people# And. if it is true that the Noice of the People is the Noice of God. in By2antium the Noice of God +as heard throu$h the mouths of the hum*ler servants of %is Church#

KI

ee *elo+. pp# LI-HJ#

5M

*$ Church and "tate$

The chief practical pro*lem that faces any or$ani2ed Church lies in its relation to the

tate# It may *e that the only complete ans+er is found in a !ule of the aints. a theocracy. +hether it *e a $overnment such as that of the Ana*aptists at &unster or the -lenitudo -otestatis claimed *y the later medieval Papacy# But a Christian Church must al+ays *ear in mind the +ords of Christ distin$uishin$ *et+een the thin$s +hich are God1s and the thin$s +hich are Caesar1s# To the early Christian. *efore the days of Constantine. the position +as fairly clear# It +as his *usiness to *e a $ood citi2en# Peter *ade him: 6 u*mit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the 'ord1s sake, +hether it *e to the kin$. as supreme, or unto $overnorsg1 and a$ain: 63ear God# %onour the ^in$1 DI Peter 5:"F. "HE# The early Christian communities did their *est to *e la+a*idin$# 4ifficulty only arose +hen Caesar claimed to *e God and demanded a token sacrifice to his divinity# That the Christian could not condone, and persecution mi$ht follo+# The Triumph of the Cross ended such persecution, *ut it created other pro*lems# 3or Ceasar claimed no+ not to *e God %imself *ut God1s representative on earth. a claim that +as harder to refute# In theory at least. the *asic la+ of the !oman Empire +as the lex de imperio. *y +hich the people transferred their share of the soverei$nty to the Emperor# By the days of Constantine the other partner in the soverei$nty. the enate. had for practical purposes lost its position# LJ As representative of the people the Emperor +as Pontife( &a(imus, it +as his duty to conduct the sacrifices to the $ods in the name of the people# When the people *ecame the Christian )ecumene he +as still their representative and Pontife( &a(imus# %e +as also the source of la+# If the la+ had to *e amended to include Christian principles no one else *ut he could do it# But the Church no+ possessed its o+n hierarchy. qualified to administer to its needs and preserve its discipline, and it +as for a Council representin$ all the con$re$ations of the )ecumene to assem*le to receive divine inspiration on matters of 3aith# %o+ did a Christian Emperor fit into thisS %is soul +as no more precious than other Christian souls# %e +as not a *ishop nor even a priest, yet he +as the trustee of the )ecumene *efore God and its %i$h Priest and its la+-$iver# %e could not *e denied authority# L" Constantine the Great. lon$ *efore he had *een *apti2ed. considered it his duty to intervene in the Church to settle the 4onatist question. +hich +as more a matter of schism than of heresy. and the Arian question. +here a fundamental do$ma +as concerned# %is attempt to deal +ith 4onatism throu$h a commission failed, he +as o*li$ed to summon a Council of *ishops to Aries to solve the pro*lem# Warned *y that e(perience. he summoned a Council of *ishops from all over the )ecumene to deal +ith Arianism# 3or such a Council to *e summoned *y the head of tate +as a novelty, and Constantine copied the procedure from the old procedure of the enate# %e. or his deputy. acted as princeps or consul. takin$ the chair and ar*itratin$. +hile the Bishop of !ome as senior *ishop. or his deputy. had the ri$ht. held *y the prin' ceps senatus. of votin$ first# But the Emperor as chairman +as not required to *e neutral# %e could intervene in the de*ates and make his vie+s kno+n# At this first )ecumenical Council. the Council of 0icaea. it +as Constantine +ho proposed the compromise +ord [X[[eAW[? and forced it upon the unenthusiastic *ishops# Then. as head of the tate. he made it his *usiness to see that the decisions of the Council +ere implemented and o*eyed#L5
LJ L"

ee 9# B# Bury. 6The Constitution of the 'ater !oman Empire.1 in Selected Essays. pp# II-"5K# '# Brehier. Le %onde (y)antin. a. pp# KG-L5. for a $ood summary# ee also '# Brehier and P# Battifol. Les Sur&i&ances du culte imperial romain. p# FL# L5 Euse*ius. 1ita Constantini. &#P#G#. ((. coE# ioLoff# ee 3# 4vornik. Early Christian and (y)antine -olitical -hilosophy. n. pp# LGJ ff#

The pattern set *y Constantine at 0icaea +as follo+ed in the East until the fall of By2antium# Whenever there +as disa$reement +ithin the Church over a fundamental question of do$ma. it +as the Emperor1s duty to convoke and preside over a Council to settle the pro*lem and to $ive its decisions the force of la+# It +as a reasona*le system. in theory and in practice# 0o *ishop had $reater charismatic authority than his fello+s and none +as therefore qualified to *e chairman# The o*vious chairman +as the Emperor as representin$ the +hole )ecumene# &oreover. as he +as the source of la+. the Council1s canons could not *e implemented +ithout his help# Indeed. if the Church +as to *e a *ody united in doctrine and if its doctrine +as to *e $uaranteed *y the tate. it +as lo$ical and practical that the head of the tate should *e head of the Church# Whether Constantine himself reali2ed this consciously or +hether he +as merely takin$ the most efficient course for restorin$ unity. he esta*lished a precedent that +as to last for eleven centuries# ome si(ty years *efore the fall of Constantinople to the Turks. +hen the Emperor1s po+er +as d+indlin$ into nothin$. the Patriarch Antony IN +rote these +ords: 6The holy Emperor has a $reat position in the Church### and this is *ecause the emperors from the outset esta*lished and confirmed the true faith in all the )ecumene# They convoked the )ecumenical Councils, they confirmed the pronouncements of the divine and sacred canons concernin$ true doctrine and the $overnment of Christians. and they ordered them to *e accepted#1 LF The Patriarch Antony does not. ho+ever. specify +hat the 6$reat position1 +as# Could the Emperor pronounce on theolo$y e(cept *efore a CouncilS Both :eno and %eraclius had tried to do so. from the hi$hest motives and +ith the Patriarch1s consent# But *oth failed# 9# B# Bury. A %istory of the 'ater !oman Empire D"I5FE. I. pp# GJ5-G# LG 'ater Emperors +ent no further than to tell a Council +hat its pronouncements ou$ht to *e# The Emperor certainly commanded supreme respect as the head of the tate# In the West Imperial authority collapsed, and Au$ustine could therefore contrast the decadent earthly Empire +ith the ^in$dom of God# But in the East men follo+ed Euse*ius in *elievin$ that Christianity had purified and sanctified the Empire# It +as the %oly Empire# The Emperor must therefore *e tin$ed +ith holiness# When 4iocletian instituted a coronation ceremony it +as performed *y the senior lay minister, and the first Christian Emperors continued the practice# Theodosius II. for e(ample. +as cro+ned *y the Prefect of the City of Constantinople# But at his successor &arcian1s coronation the Patriarch +as present, and &arcian1s successor 'eo I +as certainly cro+ned *y the Patriarch# " The Patriarch +as *y no+ the official +ith the hi$hest precedence after the Emperor, *ut his intervention turned the coronation into a reli$ious ceremony# In the course of it the Emperor under+ent a sort of ordination, he received charismatic po+ers# %encefor+ard the Imperial Palace +as kno+n as the acred Palace# Its ceremonies +ere litur$icaLK ceremonies. in +hich he played the dou*le role of God1s representative on earth and representative of the People *efore God. a sym*ol *oth of God and of the 4ivine Incarnation# The acclamations to +hich he +as entitled stressed his position# )n Christmas Eve he +as addressed in a prayer +hich *e$$ed that Christ +ould 6move all nations throu$hout the universe to offer tri*ute to Rour &a/esty. as the &a$i offered presents to Christ1# The Whitsun hymns declare that the %oly Ghost descends in fiery ton$ues on to the Imperial head#LL At the same time the Emperor paid homa$e to God in the name of the Christian common+ealth# In the +ords of the Emperor Constantine Porphyro$enitus it +as throu$h the Palace ceremonies that 6the Imperial po+er can *e e(ercised +ith due rhythm and order and the Empire can thus represent the harmony and movement of the universe as it stems from the Creator1#LH The By2antines fervently *elieved in this interpretation of the Emperor1s position# It did
LF LG

3# &iklosich and I# &uller. Acta et Diplomata 2raeca %edii Ae&i. n. pp# "MM-I5# 9# B# Bury. A istory of the Later !oman Empire D"I5FE. I. pp# GJ5-G# LK Bury. op# cit# I. p# 5FL# LL Constantine Porphyro$enitus. De Ceremoniis DC# #%#B# editionE. ". pp# KI. "F"# LH I*id# pp# F-K#

not prevent them from seekin$ to depose an Emperor +hom they thou$ht un+orthy or un$odly# %is sanctity then mi$ht not preserve him from. a violent death# It +as the sym*ol. not necessarily the person. that they revered# There +as nevertheless a feelin$ that the Emperor1s po+er over the Church +as limited. thou$h the e(tent of the limitation +as uncertain# It +as a$reed that he had the final +ord in appointin$ the Patriarch# But could he therefore control the ChurchS 9ustinian I stated that 6the acerdotium and the Imperium1. placin$ them in that order. 6 are the $reatest $ifts that man has received from God### The acerdotium is concerned +ith divine matters. the Imperium presides over mortalsg But *oth proceed from the same Principle#1 %e adds. thou$h his actions *elied his +ords. that the Emperor. althou$h he is autocrat. cannot e(ercise a despotism over the acerdotium#LM %is friend A$apetus +rote to him that 6the Emperor is lord of all *ut is. like everyone else. the servant of God1. addin$ that it is for the Church to interpret God1s +ishes# LI 9ohn Chrysostom. most deeply venerated of all the By2antine 3athers. said clearly that 6the domain of royal po+er is one thin$ and the domain of priestly po+er another, and the latter prevails over the former#1HJ When the Iconoclastic Emperor 'eo III opened the introduction of his a*rid$ed la+-code. the Ecloga. +ith the +ords:1 ince God in %is $ood pleasure has handed over to 8s the Imperial authority## #and has commanded 8s. as %e commanded aint Peter. head and chief of the Apostles. to feed %is faithful flock###1. H" and +hen he *e$an his Iconoclastic decree *y declarin$ himself to *e a priest. 9ohn of 4amascus. +ritin$ from the safety of the Caliph1s dominions. replied in protest that 6it is not the Emperor1s function to make la+s for the Church1 and that 6I cannot *e persuaded that the Church is $overned *y Imperial decrees 6# H5 Theodore the tudite maintained that issues concernin$ doctrine +ere properly entrusted only to those to +hom God had $iven the po+er to *ind and loose. that is. to the Apostles and their successors. +ho are the Bishop of !ome and the four Patriarchs# 6This1. says Theodore. 6is the pentarchical authority of the Church# These are they +ho form the court of /ud$ment on matters of holy doctrine# The *usiness of kin$s and rulers is merely to lend aid in a /oint attestation of the 3aith and to reconcile differences over secular affairs#1 6Rou are concerned +ith politics and +ar1. he cried to 'eo N# 6'eave the affairs of the Church to prelates and monks#1 HF The Epanagoge. the la+code issued *y 'eo NI. says: 6the tate. like man. is formed of mem*ers. and the most important are the Emperor and the Patriarch# The peace and happiness of the Empire depends on their accord#1 It then $oes so far as to say that. +hile the Emperor is the le$al authority +ho must enforce and maintain true doctrine as laid do+n *y the criptures and the even Councils. the Patriarch is 6the livin$ and animate ima$e of Christ. typifyin$ the truth *y deeds and +ords### and alone is to interpret the canons passed1# The code also for*ids the Emperor to $ive secular duties to the cler$ymen of old and the decrees enacted *y the %oly Councils# But it must *e remem*ered that the Epanagoge +as drafted not *y the Emperor *ut *y the $reat Patriarch Photius. and that it +as never implemented. *ut +as the preface to a code +hich +as never pu*lished#HG The vie+s of these eminent churchmen seem only to have *een accepted *y pu*lic opinion +hen. as in Iconoclastic times. an Emperor1s reli$ious policy +as rousin$ hot opposition# The *ishops assem*led at the Council in Trullo had all loyally declared: 6We are the servants of the Emperor#1F Indeed. had Theodore of tudium1s theory of the Pentarchy *een lo$ically pursued. the +hole *asis of the )ecumenical Councils +ould have *een invalidated# By the thirLM LI

9ustinian. preface to 0o&ella NI Ded# ^# E# :achariae von 'in$enthalE. i. pp# GG-K# A$apetus. Pope. Epistolae. &#P#'#. l(vi. coll# FM-GJ# HJ 9ohn Chrysostom. +n %atthaeum. &#P#G#. ivn. coll# Miff# H" Ecloga Leonis. in :achariae von 'in$enthal. Collectio Li$rorum "uris 2reco'!omani +neditorum. pp# "J-ri# H5 9ohn of 4amascus. Opera. &#P#G#. (crv. coll# "5IK-H. "FJ5# HF Theodore tudites. Opera. &#P#G#. (ci(. col# 5MJ D1ita TheodoriE. and coll# HG Epanagoge. ed# :achariae von 'in$enthal. "us 2raeco'!omanum. IN. pp# "M"-G# F 9# 4# &ansi. Sacrorum Consiliorum no&a et amplissima Collectio. (i. col# IFJ#

teenth century +hen for some centuries there had *een no $reat doctrinal issue +ithin the Church. the $eneral attitude +as that of the late t+elfth-century canonist. Theodore Balsamon# %e says. +hen comparin$ the Emperor +ith the Patriarch. that:1 the service of the Emperors includes the enli$htenin$ and stren$thenin$ of *oth *ody and soul# The di$nity of the Patriarchs is limited to the *enefit of souls. and that alone#1 %e adds that. thou$h the cler$y ou$ht not to perform secular duties. the Emperor can *y his Economy dispense +ith this *an. and can also. if need *e. intervene in the elections not only of Patriarchs *ut of *ishops as +ell#HK 'eo III +as +ron$ in claimin$ to *e a priest# A century earlier &a(imus the Confessor had sho+n at len$th that the Emperor +as not one# HL The coronation ceremony $ave him certain priestly privile$es# %e could enter the sanctuary# %e received communion in *oth kinds not *y intinction. like the laity. *ut as priests do# )n certain feasts he preached the sermon in aint ophia# %e +as acclaimed as pontifex or sacerdos or WBVB]C. titles +hich even the Pope +ould $ive him if he considered him to *e orthodo(# But he +as not in the full charismatic succession of the priesthood# In fact. he and the Patriarch +ere interdependent# %e appointed the Patriarch, and the formula of appointment admitted his role as divine a$ent#1 I kno+ here on earth t+o po+ers.1 said 9ohn T2imisces. +hen appointin$ Basil the Anchorite to *e Patriarch in IHJ. 6the po+er of the priesthood and the po+er of the kin$ship. the one entrusted *y the Creator +ith the cure of souls. the other +ith the $overnment of *odies. so that neither part *e lame or halt *ut *oth *e preserved sound and +hole#1 But. havin$ paid that tri*ute to the priesthood. he continued: 6As there is a vacancy on the Patriarchal throne I am placin$ there a man +hom I kno+ to *e suita*le#1 The ynod had merely to endorse the Emperor1s choice#HH But the Emperor +as cro+ned *y the Patriarch, and it +as $enerally held. thou$h never le$ally stated. that it +as the act of coronation that made him Emperor# The Patriarch received his declaration of orthodo(y and could refuse to perform the ceremony unless he amended his faith or his morals#HM At the last resort the Patriarch could e(communicate the Emperor. thou$h on the rare occasions +hen he did so pu*lic opinion seems to have *een uncomforta*le# HI )n the other hand the Emperor could and did sometimes o*tain the displacement of the Patriarch# The method +as either to o*li$e the Patriarch to a*dicate of his o+n volition. +hich could usually *e forced on him if there +ere a stron$ party in the Church opposed to him. or to depose him *y a vote of the %oly ynod. on the $round that he had *een appointed or had acted uncanonically, and. a$ain. if he +ere unpopular +ithin the Church it +as easy for the Emperor to pack the ynod# But a deposition needed delicate handlin$# It often led to a schism +ithin the Church. increasin$ rather than solvin$ the Emperor1s pro*lem#MJ The division *et+een tate la+ and Church la+ +as similarly unclear# The Emperor. thou$h he +as under the la+. +as also the only source of la+# %e could and did le$islate on all su*/ects. includin$ ecclesiastical# %e alone could $ive the decisions of Church Councils the force of la+, and. thou$h the Church could make its o+n rules. these +ere not le$ally *indin$ unless he endorsed them# Canonists such as Balsamon and his youn$er contemporary. 4emetrius Chomatianus. +ere positive a*out this# Chomatianus indeed held that only the Emperor could innovate ecclesiastical le$islation#M" As +e have seen. the Emperor issued such la+s in the form of a communication to the Patriarch. +ho circulated the contents round the Church# In practice Patriarchs occasionally le$islated on their o+n authority# A difficult point concerned marria$e# By
HK HL

Theodore Balsamon. Opera. &#P#G#. c(((viii. coll# IF. "J"H-"M# Acta %aximi. &#P#G#. (c. coll# IJ. ""H-"M# HH 'eo 4iaconus. istoria DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "J"-5# HM Bury. A istory of the Later !oman Empire. I. p# GF": 'eo 4iaconus. op# cit# p# HM# HI ee *elo+. p# LH# MJ ee *elo+. p# LM# M" 3or Balsamon. see 4#9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# KM-I, 4emetrius Chomatianus. !esponsiones# &#P#G#. c(i(. coll# IGM-I#

!oman la+ marria$e +as a civil contract. *ut to Christians it +as also a reli$ious union. a sacrament# Thou$h the Emperor issued marria$e la+s. the Church performed marria$es and could e(communicate those +ho contracted unions contrary to its la+s# Imperial la+s laid do+n the $rounds for divorce, *ut suits for divorce +ere heard in ecclesiastical courts# The clima( occurred in the rei$n of 'eo NI# The Church had al+ays disliked second marria$es and positively for*ade third marria$es, and the Emperor had le$ally endorsed the *an# %e then himself made not only a third *ut also a fourth marria$e# This resulted in an e(communication of the Emperor. a dethronement of the Patriarch. a schism and eventually a compromise# The Patriarch +as reinstated. fourth marria$es +ere condemned. third marria$es to *e permitted only under special dispensation. *ut the Emperor1s child *y his fourth marria$e. Constantine Porphyro$enitus. +as le$itimi2ed and succeeded to the Empire# Thencefor+ard Patriarchs issued their o+n rules a*out marria$es and $rounds for divorce, and the Emperors did not intervene#M5 9ust as the By2antines disliked hard and fast doctrinal pronouncements unless a need arose or a tradition +as challen$ed. so they avoided a precise rulin$ on the relations *et+een Church and tate# These +ere decided *y a mi(ture of tradition. of popular sentiment and the personalities of the prota$onists# There +as a limit +hich neither side ou$ht to overstep# The Patriarch ou$ht not to interfere in politics# 0either 0icholas &ysticus. hot from his triumph over fourth marria$es. nor &ichael Cerularius. hot from his triumph in *lockin$ the Emperor1s pro!oman policy. could sustain an attempt to run the $overnment# The former +as displaced +hen he tried to act as !e$ent, the latter. after makin$ and unmakin$ Emperors. +as dethroned +hen he attempted to dictate purely secular policy# MF The Emperor could not $o far a$ainst the kno+n +ishes of the Church# %e +as supposed to take an interest in theolo$y# It +as his duty to com*at heterodo(y and to see to the punishment of incorri$i*le and antisocial heretics# %is theolo$ical vie+s +ere to *e respected# When a lay courtier attempted to ar$ue on doctrine +ith &anuel Comnenus. the Emperor1s *io$rapher. 9ohn Cinnamus. +as shocked# )nly doctors of the Church and the Emperor should discuss theolo$y. he thou$ht# But &anuel1s other *io$rapher. 0icetas Choniates. +as inclined to mock at his am*ition to *e the ne+ olomon, and his *ishops +ere kept *usy tryin$ tactfully to restrain his some+hat /e/une contri*utions to doctrinal disputes# MG The final ar*iter *et+een Church and tate +as pu*lic opinion. +hich tended to *e s+ayed *y the monks and lo+er cler$y# The Iconoclastic Emperors succeeded for a +hile in forcin$ their controversial doctrine upon the Church *y +orkin$ throu$h su*servient Patriarchs and for a time controllin$ the +hole upper hierarchy# They failed in the end *ecause the people +ould not follo+ their vie+s# 'ater Emperors +ere to face similar difficulties +hen they tried to enforce union +ith !ome# After the 3ourth Crusade the relations *et+een Church and tate *e$an to chan$e# There +as an immediate constitutional pro*lem. as on the fall of the city the Patriarch. 9ohn Camaterus. retired *e+ildered to Bul$aria. +here after some hesitation he a*dicated. $ivin$ no hint of his vie+s a*out the succession# Theodore 'ascaris. +ho had esta*lished himself as leader of the e(iled By2antines at 0icaea. then summoned a quorum of *ishops to his capital# )n his nomination they elected &ichael Autorianus as Patriarch and the ne+ Patriarch cro+ned Theodore Emperor# But could Theodore nominate a Patriarch *efore he +as cro+ned EmperorS And could the Patriarch of Constantinople reside at 0icaeaSMK The other Greek succession states +ere dou*tful# The Grand Comnenus of Tre*i2ond refused to ackno+led$e either Emperor or Patriarch# %e took the Imperial title himself and +as cro+ned *y his local metropolitan. +hom he declared to *e autonM5 MF

Brehier. op# cit# n. pp# GI5-F. for a $ood summary of the marria$e la+s# 3or a summary of the careers and aims of 0icholas &ysticus and Cerularius see !#9enkins. (y)antiumG The +mperial Centuries# pp# 5"5-GF MG 9ohn Cinnamus. istoria DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# 5K"-K, 0icetas Choniates Chronicon DC# #%#B# edit#E. pp# 5HG-M# MK 4# &# 0icol. The Despotate of Epiros# pp# HL ff#, A# Gardner. The Lascarids of 0icaea. pp# IH-I#

omous# It +as only in "5LJ. on the eve of the recovery of Constantinople. that the authority of the 0icaean Patriarch +as admitted *y the &etropolitan of Tre*i2ond. +ho remained in practice autonomous and +ho continued to perform the Imperial coronation of the Grand Comnenus# ML The 4espots of Epirus of the An$elus dynasty +ere equally un+illin$ to co-operate# There +as nearly a schism +hen one of the family captured Thessalonica and there had himself cro+ned Emperor *y the &etropolitan of )chrid. the canon-la+yer Chomatianus. +ho tried to enhance his see *y du*ious historical claims and +ho no+ announced the theory that his ne+ly cro+ned Emperor could dispose of the Patriarchate as he pleased# MH But the Greeks in $eneral *e$an to accept the 0icaean Patriarchate. especially +hen the po+er of the 0icaean Emperor spread into Greece# After "5F5 Epirote Church appointments +ere made from 0icaea, and in "5FM the Patriarch visited Epirus and +as received +ith full honours there# MM 8p till the recovery of Constantinople he $overned the churches in Epirus and the Greek peninsula throu$h an e(arch. usually the titular &etropolitan of Ancyra. +ho durin$ this period seldom +as a*le to visit his Turk ish-held see#MI This meant that already the Patriarch1s authority +as reco$ni2ed over a +ider area than the Emperor1s# %e +as head of the hierarchy that survived in Turkish territory and of the hierarchy in )rthodo( states +hich did not accept the Emperor1s su2erainty# %e. rather than the Emperor. +as *e$innin$ to *ecome the sym*ol of )rthodo( unity# The practical effect of this could *e seen +hen the 0icaean Emperors opened ne$otiations +ith the 'atin Church# The Patriarchs feared that any compromise +ith !ome +ould lose for them the faithful that lived outside 0icaean territory# %o+ever much they officially co-operated +ith the Emperor. they sa+ to it that no settlement +as reached# The interests of Church and tate +ere *e$innin$ to diver$e# The 0icaean Emperors +ere a+are of the dan$er# They appointed +orthy *ut un+orldly men to the Patriarchal throne# When the dyin$ Patriarch Germanus II recommended as his successor the learned *ut am*itious 0icephorus Blemmydes. the Emperor 9ohn Natat2es offered the scholar the headmastership of the Imperial school# Blemmydes. +ho ea$erly +ished to *e Patriarch. an$rily refused the lesser post. sayin$ that he only cared hh for a quiet life# This taste for quietude did not prevent him from tryin$ a$ain +hen his former pupil Theodore II had succeeded to the Empire# Accordin$ to his o+n story he +as *e$$ed to accept the di$nity *y Theodore. +ho offered him more po+er and $lory than any Patriarch had ever possessed *efore# But he +as suspicious *ecause the youn$ Emperor had already pu*lished a treatise maintainin$ that matters of faith and doctrine could only *e decided *y a General Council summoned *y the Emperor and attended also *y mem*ers of the laity# o he said that he +ould accept the Patriarchate only if he could put first the $lory of God# 60ever mind a*out the $lory of God1. the Emperor replied crossly# Blemmydes. so he says. +as so deeply shocked that he refused the post# It is possi*le that Theodore did discuss theappoint-ment +ith his ill-tempered and irritatin$ old tutor, *ut in fact he hastened to appoint an erudite and ascetic monk. Arsenius Autorianus of Apollonia. +ho +as Patriarch +hen &ichael NIII Palaeolo$us recaptured Constantinople#IJ The recovery of the capital in the lon$ run *enefited the Patriarch more than the Emperor. re-esta*lishin$ him as unquestioned head of a hierarchy +hose sees stretched from the Adriatic to !ussia and the Caucasus. +hile soon the Imperial territory *e$an to shrink# The $ro+in$ impoverishment of the Empire dama$ed the Emperor more than the Patriarch# 3or reasons of economy the Palace ceremonies +ere curtailed and simplified# The Emperor *e$an to lose his aura of mystery and splendour# The Turks. follo+in$ the old tradition of the Persians and the Ara*s. mi$ht still re$ard him as soverei$n of the )rthodo(. includin$ the )rthodo( communities +ithin
ML MH

&$r Chrysanthos. 6i jZZc<AWU Y<C kVUdBl[e?Y[C. pp# "HH-M# 0icol. The Despotate of Epiros. pp# Moff# MM ee diplomata in &iklosich and &iiller. op# cit# m. pp# KI-LF# MI +$id# p# LK# IJ 0icephorus Blemmydes. Curriculum 1itae et Carmina Ded# A# %eisen*er$E. pp# FM-I#

their dominions, *ut *efore the fourteenth century +as out he had *ecome the ultan1s vassal and his authority had *een used to enforce his o+n free citi2ens of Philadelphia to su*mit themselves to the ultan#I" Politically he +as *ecomin$ impotent, and his d+indlin$ presti$e could only *e maintained *y the loyal support of the Church# The relationship *et+een Emperor and Church had ho+ever suffered some severe shocks# The Emperor +ho reconquered Constantinople. &ichael Palaeolo$us. +as a usurper +ho had made himself in turn Grand 4uke and re$ent for the child Emperor 9ohn IN. then co-Emperor and finally senior Emperor# The Patriarch Arsenius had $rud$in$ly condoned each step. only +hen &ichael s+ore to respect the *oy-Emperor1s ri$hts# %e +as so suspicious of &ichael1s intentions that in "5LJ he a*dicated, *ut. +hen his successor died a fe+ months later. &ichael persuaded him to return. a$ain promisin$ not to harm 9ohn IN# But his triumphant recapture of the capital convinced &ichael that he +as divinely protected# %e pushed the *oy further and further into the *ack$round. and in "5L5 he deposed and *linded him# Arsenius. +ho had *een lookin$ on +ith $ro+in$ horror. thereupon e(communicated &ichael# The e(communication of an Emperor disquieted many even of the *ishops# It had not occurred since the e(communication of 'eo NI for his fourth marria$e in IJL# &ichael1s protests +ere in vain, *ut in "5LK he took his reven$e# 4urin$ the previous year he had interfered in Church affairs *y tryin$ to arrest some Patriarchal officials +ho had suspended a Palace chaplain for diso*eyin$ re$ulations a*out the re$istration of a marria$e# Arsenius had $iven his officials refu$e. denouncin$ the Emperor more stron$ly than ever# 0o+ even these officials turned a$ainst him. shocked *y his intransi$ence and handsomely compensated *y the Emperor# &ichael felt stron$ enou$h to summon a ynod. attended also *y the Patriarchs of Ale(andria and Antioch. +ho +ere visitin$ him in search of financial aid# Arsenius +as accused of omittin$ the Emperor1s name from the services of the Church and of havin$ permitted an e(iled Turkish emir and his family to communicate althou$h they +ere not Christians# The emir offered to $ive evidence of his conversion. even promisin$ to eat a +hole ham in front of the Emperor. to sho+ that he +as no lon$er a &uslim# %is /ocularity offended the Emperor, he +as not called as a +itness# Arsenius. +ho had indeed omitted the Emperor1s name as the lo$ical outcome of his e(communication. considered the ynod ille$al and refused to appear *efore it# )n that he +as condemned. only the Patriarch of Ale(andria and a small minority of *ishops votin$ in his favour# %e +as deposed and sent as a prisoner to an island monastery. +here he died seven years later# %is successor as Patriarch. Germanus III. &etropolitan of Adrianople. +as a +orldly cleric +hose only merit +as to persuade the Emperor to found and endo+ schools for the li*eral arts# As Patriarch he +as so incompetent and soon so unpopular that the ynod insisted on his deposition t+o years later. on the e(cuse that he had *een transferred from one see to another, +hich. thou$h such transferences frequently occurred. +as still a$ainst canon la+# %e +as succeeded *y the Grand Almoner of the Palace. 9oseph of Galesia. a man of hi$h am*ition *ut a devoted servant of the Church# %e a$reed to a*solve &ichael on his o+n terms# &ichael first si$ned a la+ $ivin$ Patriarchal decrees the same validity as Imperial decrees# %e had to sho+ that he +as truly penitent of his treatment of 9ohn IN. to +hom he $ave a lar$e pension, and. at a ceremony at +hich he appeared in penitential $ar*. confessin$ his crimes *are-headed on his knees *efore the Patriarch. he received a*solution# The Church had triumphed# But the Emperor1s humiliation did not satisfy Arsenius1s adherents# The ascetic element in the Church. *ased mainly on the monasteries. al+ays suspicious of the court and the upper hierarchy. *elievin$ them to *e sinfully lu(urious and over-interested in secular learnin$. sa+ in Arsenius a saintly martyr +ho had dared to oppose the Emperor on a *asic moral issue, and their party +as /oined *y many even in the hierarchy +ho maintained the old tudite tradition that opI"

ee P# Charanis. 6The trife amon$ the Palaeolo$i and the )ttoman Turks. "FHJ-"GJ5.1 (y)antion. (vi D"IG5mFE. pp# FJG off#

posed Imperial control of the Church# The Arsenites. as they *e$an to *e called. +ould not accept 9oseph1s compromise# They continued to re$ard the Emperor as e(communicate. his hierarchy as ille$itimate and his officials as the servants of a usurper# They +ere never very numerous, *ut their monkish connections $ave them influence over the people# The hierarchy tried to rid the monasteries of such dissidents. *ut only drove them under$round# 4ismissed monks. poorly clad. and often called the saccophoroi. the +earers of sackcloth. +ould $o a*out the people preachin$ resistance# It is difficult to assess their po+er# They seem to have *een suppressed in Constantinople *ut to have flourished in the provinces# T+o leadin$ churchmen +rote treatises a$ainst them# 9ohn Cheilas. &etropolitan of Ephesus. concerned himself +ith denouncin$ those +ho diso*eyed the Councils of the Church, +hile the monk &ethodius provided an interestin$ disquisition on the use of Economy *y the Church. to e(plain +hen the rules may *e modified in the interest of the +hole community# I5 The Emperor &ichael1s task in suppressin$ the Arsenites +ould have *een easier if he had not divided the Church soon after+ards *y his policy of union +ith !ome# The full story *e lon$s to a later chapter, *ut it may *e noted here that he could only find a small party of undistin$uished clerics. led *y the discredited e(-Patriarch Germanus. to represent him at the 8nionist Council of 'yons# %e su*scri*ed to the 8nion of 'yons and used the full po+er of the tate to enforce it. deposin$ Patriarchs and imprisonin$ and maltreatin$ priests. monks and laymen +ho opposed him# Ret he +as po+erless to make his people accept union. ho+ever much he mi$ht emphasi2e its political necessity# IF As soon as he +as dead his +hole policy +as reversed. in an atmosphere of popular enthusiasm# %is successor. Andronicus II. thou$h a poor administrator. +as a man of hi$h culture. a theolo$ian and a peacemaker# %e de$raded the advocates of union. *ut sho+ed far less harshness to his opponents than his father &ichael had done# The Arsenites had *een in the van$uard of the enemies of union# With &ichael1s death and the a*andonment of unionism they *e$an to fade a+ay and to *e reconciled +ith the hierarchy# But they left a party +ithin the Church. kno+n usually as the :ealots. +ho preached asceticism and contemplation and disliked the Imperial court and the intellectuals. lay and clerical. +ho frequented it# Their opponents. kno+n as the Politicals. *elieved in co-operation +ith the tate and the use. if need *e. of Economy#IG These parties +ere inevita*ly involved in the civil +ars of the mid-fourteenth century and in the simultaneous controversy over mysticism# !ou$hly speakin$. the usurper 9ohn Cantacu2enus had the support of the landed aristocracy. the Church :ealots. the monks and the villa$es. +hile the le$itimate dynasty. the Palaeolo$i. +ere *acked *y the upper hierarchy. *y most. *ut not all. of the intellectuals and *y the people of Constantinople# The people of Thessalonica +ent their o+n +ay. formin$ a party kno+n as the Political :ealots. +ho advocated a democratic city-state and +ho disliked Cantacu2enus rather more than the Palaeolo$i#IK The Palaeolo$i +on in the end, *ut it +as a limited victory# The Emperor 9ohn N Palaeolo$us had learnt his lesson# Thou$h he advocated union +ith !ome and himself su*mitted to the Papacy +hen in Italy in "FLI. he +as careful not to involve his Church in his conversion# %is tact +as re+arded# To+ards the end of his rei$n. pro*a*ly in "FMJ or soon after+ards. in circumstances that are unkno+n to us. he +as a*le to make a concordat +ith the Patriarchate +hich clarified and restored much of the Imperial control over the Church# It contained nine points# The Emperor +as to nominate metropolitans from three candidates +hose names +ere su*mitted to
I5

ee'#Petit.1Arsene Antoninus et Arsenites.1 in Dictionnaire de theologie catholi.ue. *y '# Petit. I. ii. coll# "II"-G, G# )stro$orsky. istory of the (y)antine State Dtrans# 9# &# %usseyE. pp# G"". GFF# IF ee 4# 9# Geanakoplos. Emperor %ichael -alaeologus and the *est# pp# 5HK-IG# IG ee )stro$orsky. op# cit# pp# GF5-F# IK )stro$orsky. op# cit# pp# GKI-L", )# Tafrali. Thessaloni.ue au .uatrieme siecle . pp# 5F-G# ee also I# evcenko. 60icolas Ca*asilas1s nAnti-:ealotO 4iscourse: A !einterpretation.1 Dum$arton Oa,s -apers# (i D"IKHE. pp# M" ff#

him# %e alone could transfer and promote *ishops# %e had to sanction appointments to hi$h Church offices# %e alone could redistri*ute sees# 0either he nor his senior officials nor mem*ers of the enate. +hich +as his advisory council. could *e e(communicated e(cept +ith his permission. 6*ecause the Emperor is defender of the Church and the canons1# Bishops +ere to come to Constantinople and to leave it +henever he ordered# Every *ishop must take an oath of alle$iance to him# on appointment# Every *ishop must put his si$nature to acts passed *y a ynod or Council# Every *ishop must implement such acts and refuse support to any cleric or candidate for ecclesiastical office +ho opposed Imperial policy# IL As an Emperor 9ohn N +as incompetent and almost impotent# The Turks +ere overrunnin$ all his territory and e(actin$ tri*ute from him# %e himself in a rei$n of fifty years +as three times driven into e(ile. *y his father-in-la+. *y his son and *y his $randson# Ret. as the concordat sho+s. he still retained presti$e enou$h to reaffirm his theoretical control over a Church. many of +hose dioceses lay far outside of his political control# It +as soon after his death that the Patriarch Antony IN +rote the letter in +hich he talked of the $reat position of the Emperor# It +as addressed to the Grand Prince of &oscovy. Nassily I. +ho had some+hat scornfully pointed out the actual +eakness of the Emperor. hintin$ that some more po+erful )rthodo( ruler ou$ht to lead the )ecumene# 6The Emperor1. Antony +rote. 6is still the %oly Emperor. the heir of the Emperors of old and the consecrated head of the )ecumene# %e. and he alone. is the ^in$ +hom aint Peter *ade the faithful to honour#1IH The Patriarch1s loyalty +as $reater than his realism# But the Emperor still had some po+er# A*out t+enty years later. in "G"G or "G"K. &anuel II. +ho +as $enerally liked *y his ecclesiastics. +hen in Thessalonica appointed a &acedonian *ishop to the see of &oldavia and sent him to Constantinople for consecration *y the Patriarch. Euthymius II# Euthymius refused to perform the service. on the out-of-date $round that a *ishop could not *e transferred# The case undou*tedly had deeper implications. of +hich +e can only $uess# It must *e remem*ered the Emperor +as actually nominatin$ a *ishop for a Christian country over +hich he had no control, and the Patriarch may have feared that his o+n $ood relations +ith the soverei$n Prince of &oldavia mi$ht *e endan$ered# %e insisted that the transference *e approved *y the %oly ynod# But the Emperor referred him to the concordat# %e had to yield#IM The e(istence of the concordat e(plains +hy 9ohn NIII +as a*le to carry throu$h the 8nion of 3lorence +ith $reater success than &ichael NIII had had +ith the 8nion of 'yons# 9ohn +as a*le to appoint metropolitans +ho +ould *e useful to him and to make all his dele$ation. +hatever their vie+s. su*scri*e +ith the ma/ority to the document issued *y the Council proclaimin$ union# The &etropolitan of Ephesus. +ho alone refused. +as threatened +ith deposition and the loss of his see# 9ohn +as helped *y the fact that the Patriarch. 9oseph II. +as an old. +eak and sick man. +ho died *efore the Council +as ended# The Emperor could thus dominate his team at 3lorence unchallen$ed e(cept *y the conscience of the &etropolitan of Ephesus#II At the end of the By2antine Empire the Church +as thus under the close control of the Emperor# But the control +as more theoretical than real# The Emperor could not put pressure on *ishops livin$ in Turkish territory and still less on those +ho lived in the fe+ still independent )rthodo( countries, and. the $reater his control over the Patriarch. the less could the Patriarch control the Church outside of the narro+ *ounds of the dyin$ Empire# And. in spite of his domination over the hierarchy. the Emperor could not control pu*lic opinion or the monks and lesser
IL

N#'aurent. 6'es 4roits de l1Empereur en matiere ecclesiastique.1 !e&ue des Etudes $y)antines. (iii D"IKKE. pp# "-5J# IH ee a*ove. p# KH# IM N# 'aurent. !e&ue des etudes $y)antines. (iii, ilvester yropoulos. &emoirs Dtrans. and ed# !# Crey$htonE. pp# "-5# II ee *elo+. p# "JI#

cler$y that +ere its mouthpiece# 9ohn could not make a reality of the 8nion of 3lorence# In spite of his support. unionist *ishops found it +ise to leave Constantinople, even the 8nionist Patriarch +hom he appointed found it prudent to retire to Italy# 9ohn1s *rother and successor. Constantine QI. the last Emperor. a man +hom everyone personally respected. insisted that the 8nion should *e formally proclaimed in aint ophia# But fe+ clerics +ould serve at its altars# At the time of the fall of Constantinople the Patriarch and the *ishops +ho supported him +ere in voluntary e(ile. and other sees stood empty *ecause the Emperor could not find candidates +ho +ould accept his policy, +hile in *ishoprics outside of his political control the union +as flatly repudiated#"JJ The )rthodo( Church has often *een accused of Caesaro-papism. of complete su*servience to the secular ruler# With re$ard to the !ussian Church the accusation is not unfounded# There the period of &on$ol rule had $iven the prince an e(ample of complete a*solutism and had eliminated the old no*ility. +hile the populace +as i$norant and usually inarticulate# But even in !ussia there +ere times +hen the Church dominated the Tsar# "J" In By2antium. thou$h the Emperor. particularly durin$ these later years. had theoretical control of the hierarchy. his po+er +as limited. partly *y tradition and still more *y pu*lic opinion# By2antium +as fundamentally a democracy# 0ot even the Emperor. thou$h he +as the le$al and accepted representative of the people *efore God and Pontife( &a(imus. could enforce a reli$ious policy of +hich the people disapproved# Every By2antine felt passionately a*out reli$ion# If he +ere +ell educated he considered himself entitled to have his o+n vie+s. +hatever the Emperor or the hierarchy mi$ht say# If he +ere simple he depended upon his spiritual adviser, and the spiritual advisers of the hum*ler folk +ere the monks. over +hom neither Emperor nor Patriarch could al+ays e(ercise control# The Emperor +as an au$ust fi$ure +hose sacred ri$hts +ere respected and +ho in a stru$$le +ith the Patriarch +ould usually have his +ay# But neither he nor the Patriarch. for all their splendour. could live securely in his hi$h office if he lost the sympathy of the Christian people of By2antium#

"JJ "J"

ee *elo+. pp# "JI-"J# ee *elo+. p# FFF#

+$ The Church and the Churches$

The East$ It +as in the sphere of forei$n politics that the interests of Church and tate in By2antium +ere *e$innin$ to drift apart# The Emperor1s chief concern +as +ith the preservation of his totterin$ Empire. the Patriarch1s +ith the unity and +ell-*ein$ of the )rthodo( +orld# Where the fe+ remainin$ independent )rthodo( states of the East +ere concerned. the Patriarch +as prepared to +ork in harmony +ith the Emperor# The past had sho+n that independent )rthodo( rulers had *een far too ea$er to proclaim the autonomy of their Churches and to appoint. ho+ever uncanonically. their o+n Patriarchs# That had *een the policy of the ^in$s of Bul$aria and er*ia +hen their kin$doms had *een po+erful# But *y the end of the fourteenth century Bul$aria had *een entirely overrun *y the Turks, and all that +as left of the er*ian kin$dom +as a small principality. vassal to the Turks and in no position to indul$e ecclesiastical am*itions# The t+o upstart Patriarchates had disappeared. and their con$re$ations +ere $lad to keep in touch +ith Constantinople# Across the 4anu*e the Princes of Wallachia and &oldavia +ere similarly placed and similarly unlikely to pursue an independent ecclesiastical policy# 3urther to the East the &etropolitan of Tre*i2ond. so lon$ as he en/oyed autonomy in practice. +as ready to admit the Patriarch as his superior# The Christians of the Caucasus. encircled *y infidels. clun$ ea$erly to their connection +ith the Empire. even thou$h it +as o*viously dyin$# " Indeed in "GKF. +hen the ne+s reached him that the Turks +ere massin$ to *esie$e the Imperial capital. the ^in$ of Geor$ia +as preparin$ to dispatch his dau$hter. enriched +ith a handsome do+ry. to *e the *ride of the Emperor Constantine# "J5 The )rthodo( Church of Cyprus. despite its historic claim to autonomy. an(iously sou$ht help from Emperor and Patriarch alike in its stru$$le a$ainst the 'atin rulers of the island#"JF Amon$ the )rthodo( a challen$e to Patriarchal authority came only from !ussia# The Grand Prince of &oscovy. havin$ asserted his rule over his rival !ussian princes and havin$ virtually freed himself from Tatar su2erainty. sho+ed a natural *ut inconvenient desire to run his Church himself# To cur* this am*ition the Patriarchate had recourse to the mystical presti$e of the Empire# As the Patriarch Antony reminded the Grand Prince Nassily. the Emperor +as still the %oly Emperor, he +as still God1s viceroy on earth# Nassily accepted the re*uke# To the !ussians Constantinople +as still a sacred city. a place of pil$rima$e for the pious and the fountain of their faith and their culture# But it +as dou*tful ho+ much lon$er the !ussian Church and the !ussian ruler +ould *e content to have their chief hierarch nominated from Constantinople# In the old days there had *een advanta$es in havin$ a Greek arch*ishop# %e could stand a*ove the quarrels and intri$ues of the rival !ussian princes as no !ussian could have done, and in the dark days of Tatar domination he could maintain a connection +ith the free )rthodo( +orld and its $reat traditions# But such advanta$es +ere no+ out of date# Already the !ussian ruler had insisted on appointin$ at least every alternate arch*ishop# The Patriarch had need to rely upon the ancient mystique of the %oly Empire to check further impertinence#"JG This support +ould. ho+ever. *e useless unless the Emperor himself sho+ed tact# The quarrel *et+een the Patriarch Euthymius and &anuel II over the Emperor1s transference of a &acedonian *ishop to the see of &oldavia. thou$h the nominal issue +as canonical. +as almost
"J5 "JF

Geor$ius Phrant2es. Chronicon Ded# I# Bekker. C# #%#B# editionE. pp# 5JK ff# G# %ill. A istory of Cyprus. iii. pp# "JG" ff# "JG 4# )*olensky. 6By2antium. ^iev and &osco+: a study in ecclesiastical relations.1 Dum$arton Oa,s -apers# (i D"IKHE. pp# 5"-HM# ee a*ove. pp# H"-5#

certainly due to the Patriarch1s fear of offendin$ the &oldavians# "JK A +orse instance occurred +hen the Emperor 9ohn NIII. in his desire to have $ood intellectual support in his ne$otiations for union +ith the West. appointed the Greek Isidore as head of the !ussian Church# Isidore1s adherence to the union +as an$rily repudiated *y the !ussians. +ho insisted on his deposition as a heretic#"JL Therein lay the main pro*lem# If the Emperor used his control of the By2antine Church to enforce on it a policy +hich the )rthodo( in $eneral and in particular the )rthodo( outside of his dominions detested. could the unity of the Patriarchate and its authority *e maintainedS As +e shall see. opposition to union +ith !ome came not only from fanatical monks *ut from many thou$htful By2antines +ho reali2ed that it +ould mean the secession of the !ussians and other independent )rthodo( con$re$ations# If +e accept the fi$ures $iven in "GFH. union +ould mean that si(teen out of the si(ty-seven metropolitan sees of the Patriarchate +ould almost certainly $o at once into schism#"JH There +as a similar dan$er over the thirty-si( metropolitan sees in Turkish territory# Even if their con$re$ations +ere to favour union. it +as unlikely that the Turkish authorities +ould approve of such a stren$thenin$ of ties +ith Western Europe# It +ould *e risky for any Patriarch of Constantinople +ho +ished to maintain his reli$ious hold over the ultan1s Christian su*/ects to follo+ the Emperor on a policy +hich fe+ of those Christians desired and +hich the ultan +ould certainly oppose# %itherto those Christians had not fared too *adly. in comparison +ith their )rthodo( *rethren in Cyprus or in 'atin Greece. +here their masters tirelessly tried to dra$ them into the 'atin net# They suffered from civil disa*ilities, *ut at least they +ere allo+ed to retain their o+n form of reli$ion# In the East it +as traditional to $roup peoples not accordin$ to their nationality in any modern sense of the +ord. *ut accordin$ to their reli$ion, and mem*ers of a $roup +ith a distinctive reli$ion differin$ from that of the paramount po+er +ere treated as an autonomous community under its reli$ious head# The Persians had thus treated the 9e+s in Achaemenid days, and the assanids e(tended the system to include Christian communities# The Persian +ord 6melet1 or 6milet1. meanin$ a nation. +as used to descri*e such a $roup# The &uslim Ara*s adopted the practice. alon$ +ith the +ord milet. +hen they overran lands +here older reli$ions +ere esta*lished# Each milet. so lon$ as it +as formed of 6people of the Book1. that is to say. Christians and 9e+s. +hose faiths the Prophet had emended *ut did not condemn. and. *y courtesy. the :oroastrians. +as treated as a unit and $overned itself accordin$ to its o+n la+s. in all matters in +hich a &uslim +as not concerned# The reli$ious head of the $roup +as responsi*le for its $ood *ehaviour# o lon$ as its mem*ers paid their ta(es and did not cause riots or indul$e in treasona*le activity. they +ere. at least in theory. left in peace# This +orked +ell enou$h for such communities as +ere situated entirely or mainly +ithin the Ara* Caliph1s dominions. such as the &onophysite Churches. the Copts and the 9aco*ites. or the 0estorian Church. or the ephardic 9e+s# They mi$ht occasionally *e oppressed *y some fanatical local $overnor or have their homes sacked *y a /ealous &uslim ra**le# But in $eneral the &uslim rulers. thou$h they ta(ed them hi$hly and often ar*itrarily. *ehaved /ustly and +ithout rancour to+ards them# The )rthodo( Christians +ere in a different position# The three Patriarchs +hose sees +ere in the Caliph1s territory. of Ale(andria. Antioch and 9erusalem. mi$ht ans+er for them administratively. *ut to them the head of their community +as God1s viceroy on earth. the Emperor at Constantinople# They +ere thus potential traitors and had to +alk +arily# But the Emperor felt responsi*ility for them, it +as his duty to intervene in their favour +ere they persecuted# The Caliph accepted this. so lon$ as the )rthodo( avoided open treason# If they +ere maltreated +ithout due cause. the Em"JK "JL

ee a*ove. p# H5# # 9# Pierlin$. La !ussie et le Saint'Siege. ". pp# KL-I, %# chaeder. %os,au das dritte !om. p# 55: )*olensky. loc# cit# "JH ee a*ove. p# FL#

peror1s protests +ere le$itimate# When the 3atimid Caliph %akim *urnt do+n the Church of the %oly epulchre. his successor apolo$i2ed to the Emperor, +ho +as allo+ed to re*uild the shrine and to keep his o+n officials there# Earlier on. +e find 9ohn of 4amascus. +ho had *een a civil servant in the )mmayad Caliph1s administration. +ritin$ to the Emperor as thou$h he +ere a citi2en of the Empire 7 *ut one +ho +as fortunately out of reach of the Emperor1s fiercely iconoclastic arm#"JM The Turks inherited the milet system# It seemed to them natural that the )rthodo( in their dominions should continue to re$ard the Emperor as their ultimate soverei$n, and they did not o*/ect to it. so lon$ as the )rthodo( milet did not take up arms a$ainst them in support of the Emperor# The Christians +ere more heavily ta(ed than the &uslims. on the $round that they +ere not required to /oin the ultan1s armed forces, thou$h on an avera$e they +ere less heavily ta(ed than their free *rothers in the Emperor1s territory# There +ere certain restrictions on their acquisition of landed property# If they +ere involved in a la+suit a$ainst a &uslim it +as unlikely that they +ould o*tain /ustice# Their +orst hardship +as that. from the later fourteenth century on+ards. their sons mi$ht *e taken from them and forci*ly converted to Islam. to *e enrolled in the ultan1s corps of 9anissaries, and if their dau$hters +ere coveted *y a local &uslim ma$nate it mi$ht *e difficult to preserve them from his sera$lio# Inevita*ly a num*er of Christians passed over to the faith of their rulers. in order to enter the rulin$ classes, and these rene $ades +ere apt to *e. as is the +ay of converts. fanatical and intolerant# But the Christian com munities lasted on# Prudence tau$ht them to *e self-effacin$, and *y the end of the fourteenth century fe+ of them had any hope left of re$ainin$ full freedom# Constantinople. ho+ever. remained to them the capital of their polity and of their Church#"JI The Emperor +as conscious of his duty to+ards them# If at times he appeared to *e unnecessarily su*servient to the ultan. it +as often *ecause the interests of these Christians +ere at stake# Indeed. +hen he su*mitted himself as vassal to the ultan. it some+hat eased his position +ith re$ard to them# The ultan +as readier to let him intervene on their *ehalf# To the Church they presented a special pro*lem# As the Turks advanced the re$ular pattern had *een for the Imperial civil administration to +ithdra+ from each doomed city. leavin$ the *ishop to make terms +ith the invaders# &uslim la+ held that. if a city surrendered to the &uslims. its Christian inha*itants mi$ht retain their churches and +orship in them freely# If it +ere taken *y storm. the Christians lost their ri$hts# It +as sometimes difficult to dra+ a distinction, and. if there +ere any $reat church *uildin$ that the Turks especially desired. it +as usually possi*le to find an e(cuse to /ustify its anne(ation# But in most cases the church *uildin$s and the church or$ani2ation +ere unharmed *y the conquest. althou$h. as +e have seen. the consequences of the conquest involved movements of population and ecclesiastical reor$ani2ation# The Turks did not prevent the *ishops of the conquered territories from keepin$ in touch +ith Constantinople# They +ere seldom for*idden to make the /ourney thither if they +ere summoned *y the Emperor or the Patriarch to attend a Council. or if the *usiness of their sees demanded their presence# But the *usiness of their sees +as chan$in$ its nature# In the a*sence of Christian civil officials they +ere left to administer the Christian communities# They had to enlar$e their ecclesiastical courts to deal +ith all the liti$ation that concerned their con$re$ations, they had to ne$otiate as administrators +ith their Turkish overlords# It +as all hapha2ard and chaotic. and +e have scant evidence to sho+ ho+ it +orked# To many of such Christians. +ith their hope of li*erty vanished. it seemed that the only chance of *etterin$ their lives +ould *e if the ultan +ere to take over Constantinople and the Patriarchate#""J
"JM "JI

ee # !unciman. 6The By2antine nProtectorateO in the %oly 'and.1 (y)antion. (vm D"IGME. pp# 5JH-"K# Brehier. op# cit# n. pp# GH5-F, A# Waechter. Der 1erfall des 2riec,entums in 3leinasien im 4l1'ten "ahrhundert . pp# I-KI. $ivin$ details of various sees# ""J Waechter. op# cit# pp# KJ-K#

The Patriarch did his *est to keep in touch# Bishops +ere summoned to Constantinople to report to him, *ut if they tried to avoid returnin$ to their sees they +ere reprimanded. and the Emperor +ould *e called in to put pressure on them# But. if the sees +ere to survive. the Patriarch had to maintain relations +ith the ultan1s court, and this mi$ht *e difficult if the Emperor1s forei$n policy took a turn that the ultan disliked. in particular if it veered to+ards union +ith the West# There +ere also the )rthodo( in other &uslim lands to consider# %itherto the Patriarchs of Ale(andria. Antioch and 9erusalem had not *een entirely cut off from Constantinople# They had seldom *een prevented from sendin$ representatives to Church councils there, and each of them had occasionally *een a*le himself to pay a visit to the Emperor# But +ould they continue to *e allo+ed such facilities *y their overlords if the Emperor tried to inte$rate himself +ith the militant Christian WestS It +as the question of the union of the Church +ith !ome +hich presented the vital pro*lem# The West$ Every pious Christian must hope that the day +ill come at last +hen the Church of Christ +ill *e united and +hole and *e in truth the %oly Catholic Church +hose e(istence is an article of faith# The hope has so far *een vain# Almost from the outset there has *een schism and even heresy# As the Church on earth $re+ in si2e. so it $re+ in divisions# The /ealous rivalries of hierarchs. the interference and resentment of the laity and the love of theolo$ians to e(pose the damna*le errors made *y others of their craft have com*ined +ith differences in historical development and in spiritual temperament to *reak it into separate units, and even +here cracks have *een mended the line of the former *reaka$e has al+ays remained e(posed# The most serious division in the medieval Church +as that +hich came to separate its t+o most important *ranches. the $reat Church of )ld !ome and the $reat Church of 0e+ !ome +hich is Constantinople and of her sister Patriarchates# There had *een differences in outlook from. the earliest times# The Christolo$ical controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries had increased a spirit of rivalry *et+een the Patriarchates. lastin$ until the Ara* conquest of yria and E$ypt left Constantinople the one free Patriarchate of the East and the spokesman for Eastern )rthodo(y# &ean+hile the collapse of the !oman Empire in the West had made the !oman Church the survivin$ representative of unity and order# Western Christendom +ith its numerous rival lay rulers *e$an to look on the !oman Pope as the head of the Christian common+ealth. +hereas in the East the Emperor remained the Niceroy of God# There had al+ays *een a difference in lan$ua$e *et+een the t+o halves of the old Empire, and lan$ua$e tends to influence thou$ht# Greek. +ith its rich voca*ulary. its su*tlety and its fle(i*ility. induced a different philosophical outlook from that induced *y 'atin. +ith its le$alistic precision, and. as time +ent on. it *ecame rare for anyone to speak or understand *oth ton$ues# Inadequate translations increased misunderstandin$# Political needs and pro*lems differed# fuarrels. even schisms. occurred from time to time throu$hout the 4ark A$es, and. if none of them +as final. it +as *ecause neither side +ished for a definite *reach and *ecause contact *et+een East and West +as not too close. and diver$encies could *e tactfully i$nored#""" It needed a series of political accidents to set off the sparks that flared into the final schism# The development of the %ilde*randine conception of the Papacy as the supreme po+er in Christendom coincided +ith the period of the 0orman conquest of By2antine Italy. +ith the e(pansion of Italian trade in the East and +ith the +hole lon$. unhappy episode of the Crusades#
"""

3or the rivalry *et+een !ome and the Eastern Patriarchs see a*ove. p# 5". n# "# 3or the later disputes *et+een !ome and Constantinople see # !unciman. The Eastern Schism. pp# "-5H#

The closer contact not only sho+ed that the political interests of Eastern and Western Christendom +ere *y no means the same and. indeed. +ere often so far opposed as to lead to +ar, it also emphasi2ed the differences that had $ro+n up not only in ritual and ecclesiastical practice *ut also even in doctrine *et+een the t+o $reat Churches# Even after the notorious quarrel *et+een the Patriarch &ichael Cerularius and Cardinal %um*ert +hich led to their e(communication of each other in "JKG. the rulin$ authorities on *oth sides +ere an(ious to avoid schism# ""5 Pope 8r*an II launched the 3irst Crusade in a desire to *rin$ help to the Eastern Christians# )n the East ern side the Emperors in particular +ere an(ious to preserve $ood relations# After the 0orman invasions and the launchin$ of the Crusades they reali2ed ho+ dan$erous a hostile West could *e to them# &ost leadin$ By2antine ecclesiastics. +hile un+illin$ to admit that they +ere +ron$ in their doctrine and their practices. *elieved that a /udicious use of Economy mi$ht smooth over the difficulties# 8ntil +ell into the t+elfth century the ordinary By2antine *elieved the ordinary Westerner to *e a $enuine fello+-Christian. ho+ever deplora*le his ha*its mi$ht *e#""F 8nfortunately. the more that Eastern and Western Christendom. sa+ of each other. the more. in $eneral. they disliked +hat they sa+# The simple Westerner. +ho had e(pected to find the Eastern Christians to *e like himself. found instead a people +ith a stran$e lan$ua$e. stran$e customs and stran$e reli$ious services. a people. moreover. +hich did not share his *urnin$ desire to $o out and fi$ht the infidel# The By2antines on their side. thou$h they +ere accustomed to variations in litur$ical +ays and lan$ua$e. +ith the lavonic Churches near*y. found the Westerners to *e crude. la+less and disrespectful. +ith a *ellicosity that +as ill timed and undiplomatic, and they +ere deeply shocked *y the fi$htin$ priests in the Crusader armies# 4islike and distrust increased. to the $enuine distress of the authorities# But conferences and de*ates only +orsened matters. emphasi2in$ the differences not only in political outlook and interests *ut also in reli$ious practice and in theolo$y# The failure to come to$ether led to the 3ourth Crusade. the sack of Constantinople and the esta*lishment of 'atin states in the Christian East# This +as a disaster from +hich By2antium never properly recovered and +hich it never for$ave# o. thou$h almost every Emperor. *oth +hile the Empire +as in e(ile at 0icaea and after the recapture of Constantinople in "5L". tried to keep the door open for reunion. the vast ma/ority of his su*/ects +ould no+ never countenance any compromise +ith the West# The opposition +as stron$est amon$ the lesser cler$y, for +herever the 'atins had esta*lished themselves they had installed a 'atin upper hierarchy +hich tried to force 'atin practices and 'atin doctrines upon the )rthodo( con$re$ations# upport for the union +as limited# But there +ere By2antines +ho shared +ith most of the Emperors the vie+ that the Empire could not afford politically to risk the enmity of Western Europe. particularly +hen the Turkish menace loomed lar$er and lar$er, and there +ere others +ho felt that By2antium. *y cuttin$ itself off from the West reli$iously. +as cuttin$ itself off also from its intellectual life and +as *ein$ left in cultural isolation# It +as a difficult choice for a By2antine# %ad the )rthodo( states of Eastern Europe ever *een a*le to *rin$ themselves to$ether in a real alliance. they mi$ht have *een a*le to hold out a$ainst the West and the Turks alike# But civil +ars and the latent dislike of the Balkan lavs for the Greeks prevented any such alliance# If the Turks +ere to *e driven *ack it could only *e +ith Western help# But ho+ much help could the West provideS The Crusadin$ movement +as dissolvin$ in disillusion# The %oly War had *een preached too often a$ainst the personal and politi cal enemies of the Papacy. re$ardless of their faith. to retain its spiritual appeal# If union +ere achieved the Pope mi$ht preach a Crusade to save By2antium# But +ho +ould ans+er the callS The Nenetians and the Genoese. +ith their $reat navies and their commitments in the East. +ould *e far more useful allies# But they had al+ays *een sin$ularly unresponsive to Papal e(""5 ""F

I*id# pp# GI-K"# I*id# pp# "5G-GG#

hortations, and. *esides. they +ould never co-operate +ith each other# &any By2antine statesmen +ondered +hether the practical advanta$es of union +ould *e lar$e enou$h to out+ei$h the disadvanta$es# The theolo$ians of By2antium. ho+ever. +ere unconcerned +ith pra$matical issues# They sa+ the question su$ specie aeternitatis, and it +as they +ho conducted the de*ates# Every attempt at union +as accompanied *y a num*er of theolo$ical de*ates and supported or opposed *y a num*er of tracts and sermons# The de*ates make sterile readin$, for they never $ot do+n to the fundamental issue# The real *ar to union +as that Eastern and Western Christendom felt differently a*out reli$ion, and it is difficult to de*ate a*out feelin$s# &oreover. +hat +as the ultimate authority +hich *oth sides +ould acceptS It +as admitted that this should *e the %oly criptures. the findin$s of such Councils as *oth parties reco$ni2ed as havin$ *een )ecumenical. and the +ritin$s of such 3athers of the Church as +ere $enerally admitted to have *een orthodo( and inspired# The de*aters therefore spent their time in hurlin$ te(ts at each other# The te(ts +ere often misquoted or mistranslated and +ere seldom conclusive# The criptures and the canons of the Councils sometimes had nothin$ relevant to say a*out the questions actually at issue, and. thou$h the 3athers of the Church may have *een divinely inspired. inspiration did not al+ays produce consistency# They often disa$reed +ith each other and occasionally even contradicted themselves# ome of the tracts and sermons are more profound# But they. too. +ere deli*erately political# It is only *y studyin$ the +ritin$s intended. rather. for consumption +ithin the Churches that +e can appreciate the true differences *et+een them# The +hole question of mysticism and mystical theory. +hich +as of fundamental importance to the By2antines and on +hich the West held other opinions. +as kept out of the de*ates. deli*erately. it seems. in the case of the 8nion Council of 3lorence. *ecause the issue could not *e resolved *y the methods used in the de*ates# The de*ates +ere also sterili2ed *y the avoidance of a direct discussion of the essential practical issue. +hich +as the Pope1s claim to supremacy over the +hole Church# It *arely needed discussion. *ecause everyone kne+ that union meant in fact the su*mission of the )rthodo( Church to the authority of !ome# Even the most e(treme 'atin apolo$ists did not e(pect the Greeks to admit this authority +ithout the opportunity of discussin$ theolo$ical and ritual differences at a Council# But the e(act relations of the Pope +ith a Council. thou$h it $reatly e(ercised the Western theolo$ians at the Council of Basle. +as left untouched at these 8nion councils, nor +as there discussion a*out the relations of the Emperor +ith the Pope# Ret the discussion of differences in doctrine and in practice +as some+hat pointless +hen one side +as determined to secure the total su*mission of the other# If the avera$e By2antine had no confidence in the value of a 8nion council. it +as *ecause he sa+ that its intention +as to force his reli$ious life under the control of a forei$n potentate +hose claims he thou$ht to *e uncanonical and +hose doctrines faulty. and +hose follo+ers in the past had sho+n themselves to *e hostile and intolerant# The most for +hich he could hope from such a council +as to *e $raciously permitted to retain certain of his ritual usa$es#""G )utside the council-cham*er the Pope1s claim to supremacy +as hotly discussed# To the 'atins and the 8nionists it +as *ased on te(ts# They sou$ht to sho+ that the 3athers of the Greek Church as +ell as of the 'atin had do+n the a$es held that the Bishop of !ome +as the le$itimate heir of Peter. +ith the po+er to *ind and to loose: that is to say. that he had supreme authority in the universal Church on matters of faith and of discipline# There +ere many te(ts to support them. even if some +ere used a little disin$enuously# But here a$ain the 3athers +ere not al+ays consistent# The !oman see had in the past received special reverence# The Bishop of !ome. or his representative. acted as princeps senatus. as tenant of the top-rankin$ see in Christendom# E(cept in minor details his vie+s had prevailed at them# 0o one +ho desired the unity of Chris""G

ee 9# Gill. The Council of Florence. pp# "5-"K, 4#9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# MG-H, # !unciman. The Fall of Constantinople. pp# L-I. "L-5"#

tendom +ished rashly to *reak off relations +ith its senior hierarch# )n the contrary. to *e in communion +ith him had *een. in many eyes. the out+ard si$n of mem*ership of the undivided Church# Clerics +ho disa$reed +ith their local hierarchs +ere $lad to appeal to him on matters of discipline and doctrine# But could he. in such cases. do more than admonish. and adviseS Could he interfere le$ally in the internal affairs of another PatriarchateS The Council of ardica in FGF had apparently $iven him this ri$ht# But it +as not an )ecumenical Council, and the econd )ecumenical Council implicitly denied it. at least as re$ards Constantinople# A$ain. +ere his pronouncements on faith a*solutely *indin$S %e could *e consulted as the hi$hest individual mortal authority, and his opinion +ould carry immense +ei$ht# When 9ohn of 4amascus and Theodore of tudium each in turn found himself in opposition to an Iconoclastic Emperor +ho had the Patriarch of Constantinople under his control. each demanded an appeal to !ome. protestin$ that Iconoclasm could not *e introduced +ithout the consent of its Bishop# But. at the same time. 9ohn considered that it +as ultimately for an )ecumenical Council to settle the matter. +hile Theodore *elieved that !ome must act +ith the co-operation of the four other Patriarchs, no one put for+ard the theory of the Pentarchy of Patriarchs more clearly than he# ""K &oreover. +hile Theodore +as still livin$. the Pope himself. in By2antine eyes. *roke the unity of Christendom *y cro+nin$ a rival Emperor in the West. thus interferin$. as it +ere. +ith the apostolic succession of Emperors# The By2antine court saved its face *y soon reco$ni2in$ Charlema$ne as a coEmperor. thus *rin$in$ him into line# But the harm +as done#""L Consequently. +hen it appeared a little later that !ome had countenanced an addition to the Creed +ithout the permission or endorsement of an )ecumenical Council. faith in the unity of Christendom +as not stron$ enou$h to prevent an an$ry reaction at Constantinople# The Patriarch of Constantinople may have *een spurred on in his protest *y /ealousy and am*ition. as !ome liked to claim# It naturally riled the *ishop of the capital city of Christendom. +ho had already. despite !ome1s protests. assumed the title of )ecumenical to emphasi2e his position as such. to find himself considered as a /unior and su*servient partner to the *ishop of a revered *ut decayin$ city in Italy# %e dou*tless relished the triumph of catchin$ his senior partner out in uncanonicity and heresy# But his indi$nation and that of his Church +as perfectly $enuine# !ome held that the addition to the Creed +as le$itimate in that it elucidated an accepted point of doctrine# To the By2antines the acts and decisions of an )ecumenical Council +ere inspired *y the %oly pirit# To alter them for the purpose of elucidation could only *e effected *y another )ecumenical Council# &oreover. this addition seemed in the eyes of By2antine theolo$ians to alter the +hole sense of the doctrine# 3or the !oman Church to make the chan$e unilaterally +as an insult to the )ecumenical Councils and to the %oly pirit. the more so as the addition concerned the %oly pirit# It +as the +ord Filio.ue. placed after the +ords e( -atre in descri*in$ the procession of the %oly pirit# The West mi$ht think the addition trivial# To Gi**on. as to many other historians. 6the reason. even of divines. mi$ht allo+ that the difference is inevita*le and harmless1# But the Greek divines reasoned other+ise# The difference +as in fact the e(pression of t+o opposin$ attitudes in reli$ious thou$ht#""H In the meantime the $ro+in$ atmosphere of hostility led people to notice and complain of diver$encies in ritual. to +hich hitherto no importance had *een $iven# The Greeks accused the 'atins of 9udaistic tendencies *ecause they fasted on aturdays. especially at fuadra$esima# They remarked on the 'atin omission to cele*rate the 'itur$y of Presanctified Gifts on fast days
""K

9ohn of 4amascus. Orationes. &#P#G#. (civ. coll# "5IL ff#, Theodore tudites. Epistolae. ". 5M. &#P#G#. (ci(. col# "JJ"# The doctrine of the Pentarchy had *een put for+ard in the early seventh century *y &a(imus the Confessor. Disputatio cum -yrrho. &#P#G#. (ci. col# FK5# ""L ee !#9enkins. (y)antiumG The +mperial Centuries. pp# "JK ff# ""H E# Gi**on. Decline and Fall of the !oman Empire Ded# 9# B# BuryE. vi. p# FLM# 3or the dispute over ths/ilioque clause in Photius1s time see 3# 4vornik. The -hotian Schism# pp# ""H ff#. "IL ff# Dtendin$ to play do+n the differencesE, 3# Gavin. Some Aspects of Contemporary 2ree, Orthodox Thought# pp# "5I ff#

in 'ent# They professed to *e shocked that 'atin priests shaved off their *eards. thou$h that +as a complaint that *etter-educated Greek theolo$ians dismissed as ridiculous# There +as the question of the marria$e of cler$y. +hich the 'atins no+ *anned *ut +hich the Greeks allo+ed and even advocated in the case of priests +ho had not taken monastic vo+s# There +as the question of divorce. +hich the 'atins for*ade *ut +hich the Greeks. to +hom marria$e +as a civil contract as +ell as a sacrament. permitted on certain $rounds# There +as the doctrinal point of Pur$atory. +hich seemed to the Greeks to *e too precise# It +as arro$ant. they thou$ht. to profess to kno+ +hat God in his +isdom mi$ht choose to do +ith the souls of the departed, thou$h they +ere prepared to *elieve that souls not actually condemned to %ell mi$ht yet *e considered un+orthy to *e admitted at once into the presence of God. and that prayer mi$ht aid such souls on their up+ard path# The 'atins on their side questioned t+o Greek practices in the cele*ration of the Eucharist. first. the use of the )eon. the +arm +ater mi(ed into the chalice. and secondly. and more severely. the Epiklesis. the appeal to the %oly pirit. +ithout +hich. so the Greeks held. the chan$e in the elements could not *e completed# &ost of these differences +ere unimportant, and serious theolo$ians +ere prepared to condone them# But there +as one difference in ritual practice +hich +as hotly contested# This +as +hether the *read used in the acrament should *e leavened or unleavened# It seems that the use of unleavened *read only *ecame $eneral in the West in the ninth century. and. like the contemporary addition to the Creed. *oth +ere adopted first as a re$ular practice north of the Alps. thou$h *oth had ori$inated else+here# The ar$ument in favour of unleavened *read +as that Christ %imself had undou*tedly used it at the 'ast upper# The Greeks admitted this, *ut they maintained that the )ld Testament dispensation came to an end +ith Christ1s death upon the Cross and the descent of the %oly pirit at Pentecost# The leaven sym*oli2ed the presence of the %oly pirit# The 'atin usa$e seemed to them. as did the 'atin refusal to admit the Epiklesis. an insult to the %oly pirit# In the course of the controversy other ar$uments +ere adduced. some of them sli$htly a*surd. as +hen some Greeks declared that not only did the +ord UVY[C mean leavened *read *ut connected it. +ith the type of punnin$ false etymolo$y dear to the medieval mind. +ith UVYW[C. 6perfected1# The 'atins could retort that UVY[C +as used in the Gospel for the *read +hich Christ *roke, *ut their plea that leaven +as for*idden *ecause Christ *ade %is disciples to 6*e+are of the leaven of the Pharisees and the adducees1 +as hardly convincin$# In fact neither side +as ready to a*andon a cherished tradition# The Greeks felt so stron$ly on this issue that their popular pe/orative name for the 'atins +as the A2ymites. the unleavened. +ith the implication that they +ere untouched *y the %oly pirit#""M These ritual points. even that a*out the *read. need not have formed a *ar to union# Tolerance. Economy and a +illin$ness to admit that alternative practices mi$ht *e permissi*le +ould have overcome the difficulty# Economy. the *elief that a special $race or dispensation mi$ht *e $ranted to condone minor error in the interest of the smooth runnin$ of the %ouse of God. +as a doctrine +hich the Greeks found sympathetic# But they could not *rin$ themselves to apply it either to the Papal claim for complete supremacy or to the theolo$ical crime of the addition to the Creed# To many pious persons. in the East as +ell as in the West. it has seemed stran$e that the unity of Christendom should have *een split *y a preposition# It should *e equally possi*le to lead a holy life in the $race of God +hether one *elieves that the %oly Ghost proceeds from the 3ather and from the on or from the 3ather throu$h the on# The theolo$ians of the West could not see that the difference +as of importance# But to an Eastern theolo$ian a vital principle is in volved, the 'atin addition upsets his notion of the Godhead# The ina*ility of the 'atins to appre""M

3or a summary of the differences in usa$e. see P# Evdokimov. LOrthodoxie. pp# 5GI-K5, Gill. op# cit# pp# 5LL. 5HH. 5MJ-"#

ciate the full implications of the addition that they made to the Creed sho+ed ho+ far the *asic conceptions of Trinitarian theolo$y in East and West had drifted apart# The criptural te(t on +hich the Eastern vie+ of the Procession of the %oly pirit is *ased is t# 9ohn "K:5L: 6But +hen the Comforter is come. +hom I +ill send unto you from the 3ather. even the pirit of truth. +hich proceedeth from the 3ather. he shall testify of me#1 The verses in the ne(t chapter D"F to "KE +hich say of the pirit: 6he shall receive of mine1. and later: 6all thin$s that the 3ather hath are mine1. did not. to the Easterners. affect the previous te(t. thou$h Photius and his opponents +ere to spend much ener$y in discussin$ the +ord 6mine1. BZ Y[] BX[]. in the Greek. +hich Photius declared that the 'atins interpreted as thou$h it +ere YU BX[], nor +ere Paul1s rather va$ue references to 6the pirit of Christ1 relevant# The 3athers of the econd )ecumenical Council. +hen they had the duty of completin$ the 0icene Creed. +ere satisfied to pronounce that the %oly pirit proceeds from the 3ather. +ithout makin$ mention of the on# But the panish 3athers of the si(th century. *usy com*atin$ the Arianism of the Nisi$oths. felt that $reater precision +as needed and added the +ord 63ilioque1# 3rom pain the addition moved north+ard. to Charlema$ne1s court. perhaps throu$h the a$ency of the learned paniard Theodulphus. Bishop of )rleans, and *y the middle of the ninth century it +as in $eneral use in Germany. and German missionaries +orkin$ in lav lands *rou$ht it to the notice of the Patriarch Photius# Pope 'eo III had omitted the +ord +hen he had caused the Creed to *e +ritten out round the +alls of t Peter1s at !ome# %is successors had ho+ever resented Photius1s attack on the German Church. and *y the early years of the eleventh century German-*orn Western Emperors had imposed its usa$e on !ome#""I It is difficult to decide ho+ far the difference in theolo$ical approach that developed +as a matter of differin$ temperament and ho+ far it +as affected *y historical circumstances# Certainly. +hile Eastern )rthodo( churchmen from the fourth to the seventh centuries +ere occupied in fi$htin$ Christolo$ical heresies and concentrated therefore on emphasi2in$ the hypostases in the Trinity. their contemporaries in the West +ere fi$htin$ the Arianism of the Goths and the polytheism of other Germanic peoples and concentrated therefore on the essential unity of God# Whatever the cause. the contrast in outlook has *een summari2ed *y the remark that Western thou$ht tended to take as its startin$-point the one nature and then passed to the consideration of the three Persons. *ut Greek thou$ht follo+ed the reverse course. from the three Persons to the one nature# Basil preferred the latter method# %e considered that the Western approach too often led to a*ellianism, it +as safer to start from the more concrete formula of 3ather. on and %oly Ghost# There +as nothin$ ille$itimate in either approach# Ideally the Three and the )ne should *e accepted simultaneously# 60o sooner do I conceive of the )ne1. says Gre$ory of 0a2ian2us.1 than I am illumined *y the splendour of the Three# 0o sooner do I distin$uish them than I am carried *ack to the )ne#1 But fe+ theolo$ians d+elt on so hi$h a plane#"5J The likin$ of the Greeks for the concrete approach +as enhanced *y their likin$ for apophatic theolo$y. ne$ative theolo$y. *ased on +hat +e cannot kno+# The three %ypostases of God are. so to speak. the relatively kno+a*le parts of God# %is essence is simple. unkno+a*le and incommunica*le# Any comprehension of the 4ivine is and can only *e relative, and it is only *y reco$ni2in$ the reality of the unconfused distinctions *et+een the three %ypostases in the Trinity that +e can *e$in to understand ho+ God +ith his unkno+a*le essence can create. sustain and save the kno+a*le +orld# The 'atins did not re/ect apophatic theolo$y, indeed. it has no finer e(ponent than Au$ustine# But they tended to re$ard the essence of God in a more ontolo$ical li$ht and to su*ordinate the Persons of the Trinity to it# 'in$uistic pro*lems added to the dif""I

3or the early history of the filio.ue see A# Palmieri. 63ilioque.1 in Dictionnaire de theologie catholi.ue. v. ii. coll# 5FJI-"H# "5J Basil. De Spiritu Sancto. &#P#G#. (((n. col# "FL: Gre$ory 0a2ian2ene. Sanctum (aptisma. &#P#G#. (((vi. col# G"H#

ference in thou$ht# While essentia is the only possi*le translation for []AWU. the t+o +ords +ere not al+ays understood in quite the same sense# -ersona is not a perfectly e(act translation for ]d[AYUAWC, yet if ]d[AYUAWC is translated as su$stantia. +hich is more accurate. and persona as dV[A@d[?. further confusion arises# To call the Persons of the Trinity Su$stances seemed to the West to savour of tritheism. +hile dV[A@d[? in Greek su$$ests the e(terior rather than the personality# Translation constantly added to misunderstandin$# 'atins and Greeks honestly interpreted the same te(t in different +ays *ecause the +ords did not have the same connotation to them# The same +ords of 9ohn of 4amascus. for instance. are quoted *y each side as de*atin$ points. *ecause each side read a different sense into the te(t#"5" The )rthodo(. +ith their apophatic tastes. preferred to avoid do$matic definitions until the dan$er of heresy made them necessary# They +ould have *een prepared to leave the question of the %oly Ghost unformulated# 6Rou ask1. says Gre$ory of 0a2ian2us. 6+hat is the procession of the %oly pirit# Tell me first +hat is the un*e$ottenness of the 3ather. and I shall then e(plain to you the physiolo$y of the $eneration of the on and the procession of the pirit, and +e shall *oth of us *e stricken +ith madness for pryin$ into the mystery of God#1 "55 %is +as the By2antine attitude# The 'atins. ho+ever. +ith their le$alistic minds. insisted on pryin$ into the mystery and on e(plainin$ the procession of the pirit, and the e(planation that satisfied them involved the addition to the sacred and accepted Creed# It +as not mere factiousness on the part of the Patriarch Photius. thou$h he set a*out the task +ith undou*ted relish. +hen he took it upon himself to point out to the Pope that the Western Church +as condonin$ a heresy# To him as a Greek the 4ual Procession +as heresy, *ut he +as in consequence o*li$ed to formulate the doctrine of the )rthodo(# Given its premise. each side had an unans+era*le case# Both start from the *asic do$ma. e(pressed *y 9ohn of 4amascus. that: 6The 3ather. the on and the %oly pirit are one in all respects save those of *ein$ un*e$otten. of filiation and of procession#1 "5F But thereafter the approach is different# A learned Catholic divine has said: 6'atin philosophy first considers the nature in itself and proceeds to the a$ent, Greek philosophy first considers the a$ent and after+ards passes throu$h it to find the nature#1 "5G The 'atin +orld +as movin$ to+ards the idea of the sum' mum ens. It identified God1s essence +ith %is *ein$, God is a*solute. perfect and simple Bein$# The Trinity has therefore one essence. one nature and one po+er# The hypostatic characteristics of the Three are a*sor*ed in the essence of the )ne, and this essence. differentiated *y relationships thou$h it is. remains the principle of unity# The relationships *ecome the hypostases instead of *ein$ their characteristics# The essence and the hypostatic po+ers of the 3ather cannot *e distin$uished# %ence %e *e$ets the on essentially. and the on is an essential hypostasis# As the cause and principle of Bein$ in the Trinity is the essence. these t+o essential hypostases. havin$ no distinction *et+een them. to$ether. accordin$ to their common nature. pro/ect the pirit# The unity of God +ould *e *roken if +e attri*uted to the 3ather alone the po+er to pro/ect the pirit# The Greek interpretation of []AWU. for +hich +ord unfortunately 6essence1 is the only translation. differs from the 'atin interpretation of essentia# To the Greeks essence is entirely simple and unkno+a*le, it is neither Bein$ itself nor the cause of Bein$ in others# It cannot enter into any form of relationship +ithin itself or +ith anythin$ else# The cause and principle of Bein$
"5"

A $ood summary of the )rthodo( attitude is $iven in P# henard. The 2ree, East and the Latin *est# pp# L"-H5# The difficulty of translatin$ terms +as noted *y Theophylact of Bul$aria. De iis in .ui$us Latini Accusantur . &#P#G#. c((vi. coll# 55M 7 I. e(cusin$ 'atin errors *ecause of the poverty of philosophical terms in 'atin# The pro*lem recurred at the Council of 3lorence# ee Gill. op# cit# pp# "I"-F# "55 Gre$ory 0a2ian2ene. Theologica .uintaG De spiritu sancto. &#P#G#. (((vi. col# "G"# "5F 9ohn of 4amascus. De Fide Orthodoxa. &#P#G#. (crv. coll# MF5-F. MGI# "5G T# de !e$non. Etudes de theologie positi&e sur la Sainte TrinitH. I. pp# GFF. quoted in N# 'ossky. The %ystical Theology of the Eastern Church. p# LG#

and of unity in the Trinity is therefore the hypostasis of the 3ather# The distinctions of the hypostases +ithin the 4ivinity are not accordin$ to essence, there is an indivisi*le division *et+een the essence and the po+ers# There is one God *ecause there is one 3ather Who throu$h %is hypostatic po+ers causes the on *y $eneration and the pirit *y procession# %e is the d<=UWU eB[Y<C. the source of all divinity +ithin the Trinity, %e *rin$s forth the on and the pirit *y conferrin$ on them %is nature. +hich remains one and indivisi*le. identical in all three hypostases# The hypostases si$nify at the same time the diversity and the unity in reference to the 3ather. Who is principle as +ell as recapitulation 7 A]=ZB_UcUW@AWC 7 of the Trinity# In the +ords of 4ionysius of Ale(andria: 6We e(tend the monad indivisi*ly into the triad and +e recapitulate the triad +ithout diminution into the monad#1 To quote Gre$ory of 0a2ian2us once more: 6In my opinion +e safe$uard the one only God in referrin$ the on and the pirit to a sin$le Principle. neither commi(in$ nor confoundin$ them1. and: 6The Three have one nature. God, and the union 7 B?@AWC 7 is the 3ather#1 Irenaeus $oes even further +hen he calls the on and the %oly pirit the t+o arms of God, *ut the idea is the same# ome centuries later Theophylact. Arch*ishop of Bul$aria. $ives the traditional By2antine vie+ +hen he compares the 3ather to the sun. the on to the rays of the sun and the pirit to the li$ht or heat $iven *y the sun# We can talk of the li$ht of the rays. *ut the sun remains the principle#"5K %oldin$ such an interpretation of the Trinity the Greeks could not accept the 'atin addition# Their Economy. thou$h it mi$ht ena*le them to overook differences in ritual. could not *e stretched far enou$h to include an alteration in the ym*ol of 3aith as it had *een laid do+n *y the 3athers at an )ecumenical Council inspired *y the %oly pirit. and one +hich contradicted their conception of the Trinity# The 'atins on their side could claim that the addition stemmed lo$ically from the doctrine of the Trinity as they interpreted it. and had moreover *een endorsed *y the supreme doctrinal authority of the Papacy# 0either side +ould yield to the other1s ar$uments. *ecause the dispute +as not so much a*out the addition itself as a*out +hether any addition could *e made to the Creed and. more fundamentally. the +hole nature of the Trinity# It +as futile for the 'atins to think that they had scored a point +hen they quoted Greek 3athers from Paul on+ards +ho used the phrase 6the spirit of Christ1# The phrase did not mean the same to the Greeks# 9ohn of 4amascus indeed used the phrase. as the 'atins $leefully pointed out, *ut +hat he said +as: 6It should *e understood that +e do not speak of the 3ather as *ein$ derived from anyone, +e speak of %im as the 3ather of the on# We speak of the on neither as cause nor 3a ther, +e speak of %im *oth as from the 3ather and on of the 3ather# We speak like+ise of the %oly pirit as from the 3ather and call %im the pirit of the 3ather# We do not speak of the pirit as from the on. yet +e call %im the pirit of the on#1 %is attitude is some+hat apophatic and full of the Greek love for parado(# It +as not so easy to support as +as the clearer-cut attitude of the 'atins#"5L There +ere Greeks +ho +ere +on over to the 'atin vie+# ome of them +ere not theolo$ians, they felt that the niceties of do$ma should not out+ei$h the practical. cultural and moral advanta$es of union# But others +ere sincerely convinced *y the 'atin do$ma. and amon$ them +ere men +ith the finest philosophical *rains in By2antine history# But it +as *ecause they +ere philosophers that they found the rationalism of the 'atins more sympathetic than the Greek apophatic tradition# The Greek 3athers had al+ays allo+ed that the %oly pirit proceeded throu$h the on# It +as the comin$ of the Word that ena*led the pirit to penetrate throu$hout the +orld# 3or e(ample. Theophylact of Bul$aria says that +e must *elieve that the pirit proceeds from the 3ather
"5K

Irenaeus. Contra aereses. &#P#G#. vn. col# IHK, Athanasius. De Sententia Dionysii# &#P#G#. ((v. col# KJK. quotin$ 4ionysius of Ale(andria, Gre$ory 0a2ian2ene. Oratio QQ. &#P#G#. (((v. col# "JHF. and Supremum 1ale. &#P#G#. (((vi. col# GHL, Theophylact of Bul$aria. 1ita Clementis. &#P#G#. c((vi. col# "5JI# "5L 9ohn of 4amascus. *e# cit#

*ut is $iven to the created +orld throu$h the on#"5H The 'atins ar$ued +ith some reason that the phrase su$$ested that the connection *et+een the on and the pirit +as limited *y time. *e$innin$ only at the historic moment of the Incarnation# ome Greeks hoped that. if a formula could *e found +hich cleared up that difficulty. the 'atins mi$ht *e induced to drop the hated addition# 0icephorus Blemmydes the philosopher su$$ested. rather as Au$ustine had done. that the %oly pirit proceeded from the 3ather and the on as from one principle. *ut ori$inally or principally from the 3ather alone# The compromise pleased no*ody# But it su$$ested a possi*le line for compromise#"5M Blemmydes1s su$$estion +as made at a time +hen the 0icaean I Emperors +ere holdin$ out hopes of union to the Pope in order I to dissuade him from tryin$ to prop up the dyin$ 'atin Empire " of Constantinople# Their sincerity +as du*ious, and in any case their Church +as determined that they should not $o too far# But after the recapture of Constantinople &ichael NIII Palaeolo$us +as seriously alarmed *y the preparations made *y the Papal prote$e. Charles of An/ou. ^in$ of icily. to restore the 'atin Emperor# To counter Charles he opened ne$otations on union +ith the Papacy# In "5HF. despite the protests of the Patriarch I 9oseph. he *ro+*eat a synod into admittin$ the full primacy of I the !oman see. the ri$ht of every churchman to appeal to it and / the need for the Pope1s name to *e mentioned in the 'itur$y# 0e(t year he sent a dele$ation to announce his su*mission to the Council that Pope Gre$ory Q +as holdin$ at 'yons# It +as not an impressive dele$ation. particularly after one of the ships. carryin$ t+o hi$h court officials. a num*er of clerks and secretaries and all the Imperial $ifts to the Pope. +as +recked +ith heavy loss of life off Cape &alea on the +ay to Italy# The most impressive mem*er +as the lay philosopher. Geor$e Acropolita. +ho attended as the Emperor1s personal representative# )f the t+o ecclesiastical representatives. one +as the discredited e(-Patriarch Germanus. the other Theophanes. &etropolitan of 0icaea. a man of no distinction# 0o *ishop of quality +ould $o on the Emperor1s mission# There +as no theolo$ical de*ate# The dele$ation merely handed to the Pope letters from the Emperor. his son and a fe+ Greek clerics. acceptin$ his authority# 3ive days later a reli$ious service +as held. attended *y all the Council and partly sun$ in Greek. at +hich the Creed +as recited +ith the addition# It +as remarked that at the crucial moment the &etropolitan of 0icaea firmly closed his lips#"5I &ichael himself remained loyal to the 8nion of 'yons. even thou$h he could not force it upon his Church and even thou$h it +as useless in stoppin$ Charles1s activities. +hich +ere only th+arted *y the lon$ and e(pensive diplomatic intri$ue endin$ in the massacre of the icilian Nespers# %is secretary Acropolita +as a $enuine convert to the !oman Church# But the tract e(plainin$ his conversion has not survived, it +as destroyed *y order of the Emperor Andronicus II# %e had apparently *een +on over *y a 3ranciscan monk of Greek ori$in. 9ohn Parastron. +hose $entle charm made him +ell liked at Constantinople# Parastron +as pro*a*ly also responsi*le for the conversion of a man of finer intellect. 9ohn Neccus. +ho +as to *e the first pro8nionist Patriarch of Constantinople# Neccus +rote several tracts to prove that the Greek 3athers. includin$ Athanasius. Chrysostom and the Cappadocians. +hen they said: 6throu$h the on1 really meant: 6from the on1# %is ar$uments +ere a*ly put, *ut chose to interpret []AWU as *ein$ the e(act equivalent of the 'atin essentia. and he *landly i$nored the many te(ts. particularly in the Cappadocians1 +orks. +hich +ere clearly opposed to his thesis#"FJ
"5H "5M

Theophylact of Bul$aria. Enarratio in +oannis E&angelium. &#P#G#. c((m. col# "55G# ee &# 9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium . ". pp# G"H"M# "5I C# 9# %efele. istoire des Conciles Dtrans# %# 'eclercqE. vi. I. pp# "KF ff#, 4# Geanakoplos. Emperor %ichael -alaeologus and the *est# pp# 5LF ff# "FJ 9u$ie. op# cit# ". pp# G"M-5", ^# &# etton. 6The By2antine *ack$round to the Italian !enaissance.1 -roceedings of the American -hilosophical Society# C. " D"IKLE. PP- FLK-H#

Amon$st his opponents +as a professor. Geor$e of Cyprus. +ho *ecame Patriarch in "5MF as Gre$ory II# Gre$ory. thou$h he disliked the 8nion of 'yons. $enuinely sou$ht for a formula +hich mi$ht satisfy 'atin o*/ections to the Greek doctrine *y stressin$ the eternal relationship *et+een the on and the %oly pirit# %is attempts pleased no one# They +ere denounced *y the Arsenites and their patron. Athanasius. Patriarch of Ale(andria. *y 9ohn Cheilas. +ho +as *oth anti-Arsenite and anti-'atin. and *y 9ohn Neccus. +ho pointed out that it depended on a senseless distinction *et+een 6e(istin$1 and 6havin$ e(istence1# Gre$ory1s more e(treme vie+s +ere put for+ard in a *ook +ritten *y one of his disciples. a monk called &ark# The *ook is no+ lost. and Gre$ory himself repudiated it later# But the Council of "5MK. held to a*ro$ate the 8nion of 'yons and considered *y later Greeks as *ein$ of almost )ecumenical authority. endorsed a tomus drafted *y Gre$ory. +hich spoke of an 6eternal manifestation1 of the pirit *y the on, and +ent on to repeat Theophylact of Bul$aria1s comparison of the Trinity to the sun. its rays and its li$ht. +hich also su$$ests an eternal relationship#"F" Neccus1s pro-'atin vie+s +ere supported *y his friends. Constantine of &elitene and Geor$e &etochites. *oth of +hom +rote tracts echoin$ his interpretation of the Greek 3athers# The historian Geor$e Pachymer. +ho disapproved of the 8nion of 'yons. tried to sho+ in a treatise that the formula 6from the 3ather throu$h the on1 did not e(clude the on from havin$ some not clearly defined part in the procession# 'ike Gre$ory II. he +as attacked from *oth sides for his pains#"F5 In the course of the fourteenth century the +hole ar$ument moved to a different plane# The political advanta$es of union +ere enhanced *y the $ro+in$ Turkish menace# The memories of the 'atin Empire +ere losin$ some of their *itterness +ith the passa$e of the years, and &ichael NIII1s persecution of his opponents +as $radually for$otten e(cept in monastic circles# The presence of increasin$ num*ers of Italian merchants in the Empire. thou$h it aroused /ealousy and resentment. at the same time created closer intellectual contacts# The discovery of Greek philosophy *y the West. thou$h it +as mainly due to Ara* intermediaries. led Italians +ho had some personal kno+led$e of By2antium to reali2e +hat stores of ancient learnin$ By2antium contained and to take an interest in the cultural life of the Greeks amon$ +hom they lived# The By2antines on their side *e$an to discover that the Italians +ere no lon$er *ar*arians# &any Italians learnt to read Greek and *e$an to visit and to correspond +ith Greek scholars# A fe+ By2antines *e$an to study 'atin literature# A turnin$-point +as reached +hen a youn$ scholar. 4emetrius Cydones. learnt 'atin from a panish 4ominican friar livin$ at Pera. the Genoese colony /ust across the Golden %orn. and then set himself the task of renderin$ into Greek the +orks of Thomas Aquinas# %is translations +ere circulated amon$ By2antine intellectuals, and many of them +ere attracted *y so complete a philosophical interpretation of Christian doctrine# Thomism is *ased on the 'atin vie+ of the Trinity# It emphasi2es the unity of the u*stance at the e(pense of the separatedness of the Persons# &any Greeks hesitated to a*andon the traditional Eastern outlook, and the translation of terms still caused pro*lems# But intellectual circles in Constantinople +ere readier no+ to try to understand the 'atin attitude#"FF )n the other hand this coincided +ith a movement +ithin the Greek Church +hich developed and $ave precision to the Greek attitude# Gre$ory Palamas1s doctrine of the 4ivine Ener$ies not only provided the do$matic *asis to the Greek vie+ of mysticism# "FG It +as also a restatement of the traditional interpretation of the Greek 3athers1 theory of God1s relation to man# It came to *e accepted *y a series of fourteenth-century Councils as the official doctrine of the Greek Church# To Western theolo$ians it seemed to *e clear heresy# It could not *e reconciled
"F" "F5

9u$ie. op# cit# ". pp# G5I-F"# 9u$ie. op# cit# ". pp# G5"-F# "FF etton. op# tt# pp# KF-K# "FG 3or Palamism. see *elo+. pp# "GK-KG#

+ith Thomism. +hich many Greeks +ere *e$innin$ to re$ard +ith sympathy# This led many of the anti-Palamite intellectuals in By2antium to come out openly in favour of union +ith !ome# ome of them. such as &anuel Chrysoloras. retired to Italy to make their careers there as lecturers. +hile 4emetrius Cydones himself. after deeply involvin$ himself in anti-Palamite controversy. ended his life as a mem*er of the !oman Church in a monastery in the Nenetian colony of Crete# )ther unionists remained to fi$ht for their cause at Constantinople#"FK The By2antines in favour of union al+ays insisted that it could only *e achieved if the doctrinal issues +ere discussed at a Council that could rank as )ecumenical# They also hoped that such a Council could *e held in By2antine territory. as other+ise the Easterners +ould certainly *e outnum*ered and su*/ected to political pressure# The failure of the union accepted at 'yons +as held to *e due to the inadequacy of the Greek dele$ation and the fact that they +ere operatin$ so far from home# The Cala*rian Greek Barlaam. +hom +e shall meet over the Palamite controversy. sent a +ell-thou$ht-out memorandum alon$ those lines to Pope Benedict QII in "FFI# The Emperor 9ohn Cantacu2enus +rote a similar su$$estion to !ome in "FKJ# But the Papacy +as dou*tful# In !oman eyes the Council of 'yons had *een an )ecumenical Council. +hose decisions should *e *indin$# It +ould *e +ron$. in theory and in practice. to reopen the question# &oreover a Council held in By2antine territory +ould in its turn put the Western dele$ation at a disadvanta$e# They mi$ht *e outnum*ered and *e faced +ith ma/ority decisions that they could not accept#"FL The Emperor 9ohn N Palaeolo$us. son of a 'atin mother and himself sympathetic to the West. in the first flush of his triumph over the usurpin$ Cantacu2eni. opened direct ne$otiations +ith the Papacy# In "FKK he +rote to Innocent NI to say that. if the Pope +ould send him five $alleys. ".JJJ foot-soldiers and KJJ horsemen. he +ould $uarantee to convert all his su*/ects +ithin si( months# %e offered to send his second son. &anuel. to *e educated at the Papal Court. and offered to promise to a*dicate in &anuel1s favour should he not achieve union# "FH But the Pope had no troops to send# The dispatch of his *lessin$ and a Papal le$ate +as not the same thin$# 9ohn N +rote a$ain to say that under the circumstances he could not overcome the opposition to union amon$ his people# But a fe+ years later. in "FLI. he himself /ourneyed to !ome. encoura$ed *y his cousin Amadeus of avoy. the 6Green ^ni$ht1. to *elieve that his o+n conversion +ould produce military help# At !ome he pu*licly su*mitted himself to the Pope# But not one of his clerics +ould accompany him on the /ourney. and none of his officials follo+ed his e(ample, and he refused to put pressure on them# %e seems to have e(pected. in vain. that the Pope +ould at least no+ a$ree to a Council at Constantinople# &ean+hile his Patriarch. Philotheus Coccinus. +rote an(ious letters to the )rthodo( throu$hout the East. +arnin$ them of the dan$ers of union#"FM The Papacy +as soon to *e in no position to or$ani2e military help or even to ne$otiate on union# The Great chism of the West *e$an in "FHM# But the chism had the result that the Western Church itself *e$an to feel the need for an )ecumenical Council and to revie+ the Pope1s relationship to such a Council, for if a Council +as to end the chism its authority must *e superior to that of any of the rival Popes# If a Council +ere to *e summoned. then the Greeks could and should take part in it# The Greeks +ere +ooed. and +ere ready to *e +ooed if the supremacy of a Council +as to *e admitted# The Emperor &anuel. +ho succeeded to 9ohn N in "FIJ. +as. ho+ever. cautious# %e +as himself a trained theolo$ian +ho personally disa$reed +ith 'atin theolo$y# %is advice. $iven in old a$e to his son 9ohn NIII. +as not to *reak off ne$o "FK

etton. op# cit# p# KH, G# &ercati. 0oti)ie di -rocoro e Demetrio Cidone# %anuele Caleca e Teodoro %eliteniota . pp# GG"-KJ# "FL etton. op# cit# pp# 5M ff#, Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est# pp# IJ-5# "FH 3# 4ol$er. !egesten der 3aiserur,unden des ostromischen !eiches. v. pp# G5-F# "FM )# %alocki. In Empereur de (y)ance a !ome. pp# FFK ff#

tiations over union *ut not to commit himself to it, 'atin pride and Greek o*stinacy +ould prevent it from ever *ein$ $enuine. he thou$ht#"FI %e +as not anti-Western# %e encoura$ed the study of Western culture at Constantinople. and himself spent several years in the West. seekin$ for allies amon$ its lay potentates. and. incidentally. de*atin$ on theolo$y +ith the professors at the or*onne. for +hose *enefit he +rote a treatise refutin$ the 'atin doctrine on the %oly pirit# %e +as invited to send representatives to the Councils of Pisa and Constance# %is unionist friend. &anuel Chrysoloras. +ith t+o no*lemen from the Peloponnese. attended the latter Council as o*servers on his *ehalf# Chrysoloras. +ho made such a $ood impression on the assem*led 3athers that they considered him a possi*le candidate for the Papacy. unfortunately died /ust as the sessions +ere *e$innin$# But a By2antine em*assy. composed of diplomats. arrived at the Council of Constance and there intervie+ed the ne+ly elected Pope. &artin N# We do not kno+ +hat proposals they *rou$ht +ith them, *ut they +ere friendly enou$h for the Pope to name a dele$ation to $o to Constantinople to arran$e for +hat +as called in the West the 6reduction of the Greeks1#5 0e$otiations dra$$ed on. held up partly *y the Pope1s difficulties +ith the leaders of the Conciliar movement and partly *y the uneasy situation in the East# At one moment it seemed that a Council mi$ht take place at Constantinople, *ut the Turkish sie$e of the city in "G55 made it clear that it +as no place for an international con$ress# &anuel II retired from active politics in "G5F and died t+o years later# %is son. 9ohn NIII. +as convinced that the salvation of the Empire depended upon union and tried to press for a Council, *ut he +as un+illin$ at first to allo+ it to take place in Italy, +hile the Papacy still had pro*lems to settle in the West# 4elays continued# It +as not till the *e$innin$ of "GFM that plans +ere completed and the Emperor arrived +ith his dele$ation at a Council recently opened at 3errara and transferred to 3lorence in 9anuary "GFI#"GJ We are fortunate in havin$ full records of the de*ates at 3lorence, *ut their readin$ leaves one +ith a curious sense of unreality# The 'atin dele$ates to the Council +ere a formida*le team. all of them trained philosophers +ell read in the +orks of the 3athers# There +ere three learned 4ominicans. the Greek-*orn Andre+ Chryso*er$es. Arch*ishop of !hodes. 9ohn of &ontenero. Provincial of 'om*ardy. and the formida*le 9ohn Torquemada# They +ere led *y Cardinal Cesarini, and in the *ack$round +as the Pope himself. Eu$enius IN. to see that their efforts +ere co-ordinated# It +as less easy for the Emperor 9ohn to produce a first-class dele$ation to accompany him to Italy# &any of his *ishops refused to attend. and those that came inherited the Eastern vie+. dear to the individualistic nature of the Greeks. that all *ishops had an equal ri$ht to air their vie+s# There +as little team-spirit a*out them, and the Emperor remarked more than once that his *est theolo$ians +ere laymen# In fact the three most active dele$ates had *een monks. consecrated as *ishops only on the eve of the Council# These +ere Bessarion of Tre*i2ond. &etropolitan of 0icaea. &ark Eu$enicus. &etropolitan of Ephesus. and Isidore. &etropolitan of ^iev and All !ussia# They +ere accompanied *y the Patriarch 9oseph II. a $entle. frail old man +ith no $reat mental po+ers. the ille$itimate son of a Bul$arian Tsar and a Greek lady# The remainin$ Greek prelates +ho attended +ere even more mediocre# )f the lay dele$ates. *esides the Emperor himself and his *rother 4emetrius. the most distin$uished +ere four philosophers. all called Geor$e: Geor$e cholarius. Geor$e Amirout2es. Geor$e of Tre*i2ond and the a$ed and eccentric neo-Platonist. Geor$e Gemistus Plethon# )n the Emperor1s insistence the Patriarchs of Ale(andria. Antioch and 9erusalem nominated dele$ates to represent them from amon$st the attendin$ clerics, *ut they made it clear that they +ould not necessarily *e *ound *y +hat those representatives mi$ht decide# The Geor$ian Church sent a *ishop and a layman# Geor$e cholarius. +ho at the time favoured union. thou$h he chan$ed his mind later. freely admitted that his compatriots +ere no match for the 'atins in erudition and dialectic skill#
"FI "GJ

G# Phrant2es. Chronicon Ded# I# Bekker. C# #%#B# editionE. p# "HM# F Gill. op# cit# pp# "H-FJ. GLff# Gill. op# tit# pp# MK ff# "JG

&oreover. they disa$reed +ith each other, and their task +as not made easier *y the Emperor# 4espite his an(iety not to dama$e the di$nity of his Imperial ma/esty or his Church. he +as determined to achieve union# %e +as a shre+d enou$h theolo$ian to see that there +ere issues on +hich a$reement +ould *e impossi*le# These +ere fundamental issues. the +hole theory of the hypostases of the Trinity. and the particular doctrine of the Ener$ies of God. approved *y the +hole Eastern Church and denounced as heresy *y the West# %e for*ade his dele$ation to touch on them# When to+ards the end of the Council the 'atins raised the question of the Ener$ies. the Greeks had to reply +ith em*arrassment that they +ere una*le to discuss it# It is hard to see ho+ a Council +hich shirked the main matters of discord could hope to achieve concord# The issues that +ere allo+ed to *e discussed +ere four: the procession of the %oly Ghost. the *read in the acrament and other litur$ical differences. the doctrine of Pur$atory and the position of the Pope# &atters such as the marria$e of cler$y and divorce +ere left to *e settled later# It +as a$reed that the *asis of discussion should *e reference to the %oly criptures. the canons of the )ecumenical Councils and the +orks of those of the 3athers +ho +ere reco$ni2ed as saints *y the 8niversal Church# After some pressure the Greeks +ere induced to accept that the 'atin 3athers +ere of equal standin$ +ith the Greek# This at once put them at a disadvanta$e. as they +ere very little acquainted +ith the 'atin 3athers# To an o*/ective o*server the *andyin$ of te(ts. ho+ever holy. hardly seems to *e a satisfactory means for arrivin$ at eternal truths# &oreover the teachin$s of the 3athers +ere often inconsistent and the canons of the Councils often deli*erately va$ue and their Greek and 'atin versions often completely different# The +hole question of translation added difficulties# )f the issues discussed that of Pur$atory caused the least trou*le# The Greek Church held no definite do$ma a*out Pur$atory. and thou$h &ark Eu$enicus prepared a statement +hich opposed the 'atin do$ma he admitted that his vie+s +ere purely personal# The Greeks in $eneral held that the souls of the dead did not reach their final destination until the 'ast 9ud$ment. *ut that it +as not for us to kno+ +hat happened to them *et+een death and the 9ud$ment# They had no specific o*/ection to the 'atin doctrine and +ere prepared to allo+ it. thou$h they thou$ht it oversure and they disliked the phrase in the 'atin formula that 6the *lessed see God1. as it missed the distinction *et+een %is su*stance and %is ener$ies, *ut they did not press the point# The ritual points. after some ar$ument. +ere settled *y compromise# The 'atins a$reed that the Greek use of the )eon +as permissi*le# It +as decided that the *read at the Eucharist mi$ht *e leavened or unleavened. neither practice *ein$ +ron$# The Greeks could continue to employ the Epiklesis. *ut they +ere required to admit that it +as unnecessary. as it +as the 4ominical +ords that chan$ed the elements# &any of the Greeks felt that they had *een tricked. as the Emperor presented them +ith this decision as a fait accompli# They anyho+ felt that over this. as over the permission to use unleavened *read. the %oly pirit +as *ein$ insulted# It +as the procession of the %oly pirit that caused most trou*le# 4iscussions on it took up more time than anythin$ else at the Council, and its definition took up more space than anythin$ else in the final Act of 8nion# Innumera*le te(ts +ere *rou$ht up and disputed# %ere the pro*lem of translation +as particularly acute# The Greeks at first ri$htly +ould not accept that ]d[AYUAWC and dV[A@d[? should *oth *e rendered as persona# Their yieldin$ on this point +eakened their ar$uments# The 'atins later a$reed to translate ]d[AYUAWC as su$sistentia, *ut that made little difference# The crucial +ord UWYWU +as translated *y the 'atins as causa. -rincipium# +hich +ould have *een closer in meanin$. +as equated +ith UVT<# These renderin$s led to $enuine misunderstandin$# The 'atin ar$ument +as that the addition to the Creed +as purely e(planatory# They pointed out that the econd )ecumenical Council had made /ust such an addition to the Creed a$reed at 0icaea# They then sho+ed that not only the 'atin 3athers *ut a num*er of Greek 3athers upheld the doctrine, and the saints must a$ree amon$ themselves# The official Greek doctrine of the procession 6throu$h the on1 must therefore mean the same as 6from

the on1# The te(ts +hich they quoted from Gre$ory of 0yssa. Athanasius. 9ohn Chrysostom and ymeon &etaphrastes seemed to support the 'atin contention. *ut only *ecause the 'atins did not admit the distinction made *y the Greeks *et+een the []AWU and the ]d[AYUABWC in the Trinity, and they i$nored te(ts from Basil and Gre$ory of 0a2ian2us and others +hich mi$ht have sho+n that. re$retta*ly. the saints have not al+ays a$reed# They did ho+ever quote t+o te(ts. one from Epiphanius and one from Basil. +hich seemed definitely and fully to support the 4ual Procession# Indeed. Epiphanius1s +ords admit of no other interpretation. thou$h Basil1s +ere va$uer and. if compared +ith other of his statements. can *e interpreted differently# &ark Eu$enicus. supportin$ the e(treme Greek vie+. claimed that the te(ts had *een falsified. *ut he could not prove his case# 3urther. havin$ accepted the sanctity of the 'atin 3athers. he +as o*li$ed to su$$est that their +orks too had *een tampered +ith# Indeed. the very inconsistency of the 3athers could *e used to support the 'atin vie+, it su$$ested that they did not dra+ a nice distinction *et+een 6throu$h1 and 6from1# Indeed. in the ar$uments the 'atins had the *est of it# Bessarion. +ho +as the most learned of the Greek prelates. allo+ed himself to *e convinced *y them. quite sincerely. thou$h his desire for union +as mainly from a desire to inte$rate By2antine +ith Western culture# Isidore of ^iev follo+ed his lead. as did the lay philosophers. +ith the e(ception of Plethon +ho had attended very fe+ of the meetin$s. preferrin$ to spend his time in 3lorence $ivin$ lectures on Plato to enthusiastic audiences# The old Patriarch 9oseph +ished for union and +as prepared to admit that 6throu$h1 and 6from1 meant the same thin$# But he died *efore the Council +as ended# Geor$e cholarius scornfully remarked after+ards that after muddlin$ his prepositions there +as nothin$ left for the old man to do *ut die, *ut cholarius himself at the time +as ready to accept the 'atin ar$ument that. as the Persons of the Trinity +ere of the same su*stance. it did not matter +hether one said 6throu$h1 or 6from1 the on. so lon$ as it +as clear that only one principle +as involved# )nly &ark of Ephesus continued to hold out# But. hampered *y restrictions imposed *y the Emperor. *y difficulties of translation and i$norance of 'atin and *y his deep respect for the apophatic traditions of his Church. he proved an ineffectual de*ater# The fundamental question of the Pope1s supremacy +as passed over rather quickly# If the Pope1s claim to *e the supreme doctrinal as +ell as disciplinary authority +ere admitted. then his vie+s on doctrine should prevail +ithout further ar$ument# But even the 'atins +ere shy of $oin$ so far. as it +ould lo$ically have made the summonin$ of a Council superfluous, and the Conciliar movement +as still stron$ in the West# &oreover they +ished to prove *y ar$ument that their theolo$y +as correct# The Greeks +ere for*idden to *rin$ up the question +hether the Pope had any ri$ht to add to the Creed# The 'atins demanded that the Pope should have full disciplinary po+ers over the +hole Church and that as re$ards doctrine he should have the ri$ht on his sole authority to summon a Council to deal +ith doctrine and to *ind the +hole Church to its findin$s# The Emperor found this point hard to accept. as it +as traditionally for an Emperor to summon an )ecumenical Council# %e fou$ht so hard for his ri$ht that in the end the question of the summonin$ of a Council +as left va$ue# The Greeks tried in vain to have some mention made of the ri$hts and privile$es of the Eastern Patriarchates# The ultimate formula left much unsaid# It attri*uted to the Bishop of !ome full po+er to rule and $overn the +hole Church and all Christians. 6as the acts of the )ecumenical Councils and the %oly Canons have laid do+n1# The Greeks protested at the +ord 6all1 *ut had in the end to accept it# The +ord translated here as 6as1 +as a little equivocal# There is reason to *elieve that the ori$inal 'atin te(t used the +ords .ue' madmodum et. 6as far as1. *ut they +ere later chan$ed to .uemadmodum etiam. 6/ust as1# The Greek te(t says ZUe1 [? YV[d[?. 6accordin$ to the manner that1. +hich can *e re$arded as a limitative clause or not. as the reader chooses#"G"
"G"

3or the fullest account of the Council see Gill. op# at# pp# %Kff# ee also Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est# pp# MM-"JI, G# :onas. ;BVW Y<? pc@AW? Y<C q@?AYU?YW?[ed[cB@C. pp# I-HJ#

In the end. +eary of it all. lon$in$ to $et home and. it +as said. deli*erately kept short of food and comforts. the +hole Greek dele$ation. under orders from the Emperor and in o*edience to the concordat of their Church +ith 9ohn N. si$ned the decree of union. +ith the e(ception of &ark Eu$enicus. and. it seems. of Plethon. +ho disliked the 'atin Church rather more than he disliked the Greek# &ark +as threatened +ith deposition, and. after retirin$ for a +hile to his see of Ephesus. in Turkish territory. he su*mitted to pressure and a*dicated#"G5 %e +as treated as a martyr *y almost the +hole *ody of the Greek Church# The Emperor soon found that it +as easier to si$n the union than to implement it# %e remained personally loyal to it. *ut. influenced *y his a$ed mother. he refrained from tryin$ to force it on his people# %e found it hard to persuade anyone to take the empty Patriarchal chair# &etrophanes II. +hom he appointed in &ay "GGJ. died soon after+ards# %is successor. Gre$ory &ammas. +ho +as a sincere advocate of union. found it prudent to retire to Italy in "GK"# Bessarion. liked and admired thou$h he +as personally. had already moved to Italy. shocked at the hostility that his actions had aroused at Constantinople and *elievin$ that he could *est serve the Greek cause *y remainin$ amon$ the Italians# Isidore of ^iev1s adherence to union +as an$rily repudiated *y the !ussian Prince. Church and people. +ho deprived him of his see# %e too +ent to Italy# The Eastern Patriarchs announced that they +ere not *ound *y anythin$ that their representatives had si$ned and re/ected the union# Geor$e cholarius. thou$h he had accepted the union and +as devoted to the +orks of Thomas Aquinas. +as soon convinced *y &ark Eu$enicus that he had *een +ron$# %e retired into a monastery, and on &ark1s death in "GGG he emer$ed as leader of the anti-unionist party# The lesser cler$y and the monks follo+ed him almost to a man# The Emperor 9ohn NIII died +eary and disillusioned in "GGM# %is *rother and heir Constantine QI considered himself *ound *y the union, *ut he did not try to press it on his people till the very eve of the final Turkish sie$e# In the autumn of "GK5 Isidore of ^iev. no+ a !oman cardinal. arrived at Constantinople +ith the union decree. +hich +as solemnly read out in the Cathedral of aint ophia on "5 4ecem*er# Isidore. +ho +as an(ious that everythin$ should $o smoothly. reported that it +as +ell received# But his Italian assistant. 'eonard of Chios. Arch*ishop of &itylene. +rote an$rily that fe+ people +ere present and many officials *oycotted the ceremony# Certainly. thou$h durin$ the last fe+ months of the Empire1s e(istence aint ophia +as served *y 'atin and *y a handful of unionist cler$y. its altars +ere almost deserted# The vast ma/ority of the cler$y and the con$re$ations of the city +ould have nothin$ to do +ith them#"GF %ad the Papacy *een a*le to follo+ up union +ith effective material help. it is possi*le that the By2antine populace +ould have accepted it# As it +as. +hen Isidore arrived +ith a hundred soldiers there +as at once a movement in his favour. thou$h it faded a+ay +hen it +as seen that that +as the full e(tent of Papal aid# A fe+ officials at the court and a fe+ scholars remained faithful to the union, and there +ere others +ho +ere prepared to condone it till the crisis should *e over. so lon$ as there +as a chance that then a ne+ Council could *e held. this time at Constantinople# The Emperor1s chief minister. 'ucas 0otaras. seems to have *een of this vie+, *ut the intransi$ence of the 'atin cler$y. led *y 'eonard of Chios. dashed any hopes that he mi$ht have had and forced from him the *itter comment that he +ould sooner see the ultan1s tur*an than the Cardinal1s hat#"GG It +as in this atmosphere of unhappy controversy that the Turkish sie$e of the city *e$an# )nly on the last ni$ht of the city1s freedom +as there any union +hen cler$y and con$re$ation.
"G5

yropoulos. op# cit# p# 5MG# The lay dele$ates seem not to have *een required to si$n the union *ut to make statements supportin$ it. and Plethon mana$ed someho+ to avoid makin$ a statement# The Geor$ian *ishop left 3lorence early. to avoid si$nin$ the union decree# "GF Gill. op# cit# pp# FGIf3#, !unciman. Fall of Constantinople. pp# "M-5". L5-G.LM-H5# "GG ee Gill. op# cit# pp# FHK-L. +here 0otaras1s attitude is /ustly *rou$ht out# 0otaras1s famous remark is reported *y 4ucas. istoria Turco'(y)antina Ded# N# GrecuE. p# F5I#

+hatever they mi$ht feel a*out it. came to$ether for a final litur$y in aint ophia# By then it +as clear to all that union had not saved and could not save By2antium# Whether they liked it or not the By2antines +ere to see the ultan1s tur*an in their midst#

,$ The Church and the Philosophers$

The chief stren$th of Western medieval civili2ation. at least in its ideal form. lay in its inte$ration under the Church# It +as the Church that had kept alive education and learnin$ throu$h the 4ark A$es# It +as the Church that continued to provide and or$ani2e schools and universities, and it +as to the service of the Church that men of education dedicated their learnin$# Philosophy *ecame the handmaiden of reli$ion, and *y its encoura$ement of philosophy the Church +as a*le to develop its o+n theolo$y and maintain its hold over intellectual life# This inte$ration +as missin$ from the By2antine +orld# There the tradition of lay education had never died out# It +as the tate rather than the Church +hich +as responsi*le for providin$ educational facilities and +hich or$ani2ed the $reat 8niversity of Constantinople# The leadin$ scholars and philosophers +ere for the most part laymen or men +ho had taken orders lon$ after their education +as completed# &any even of the most cele*rated theolo$ians remained laymen all throu$h their lives# In contrast to the West the la+yers tended to *e laymen. operatin$ in secular courts# The sphere of canon la+ +as far smaller in the East, and even the canon la+yers +ere seldom mem*ers of the cler$y# This inevita*ly led to a certain suspicion in clerical circles of lay learnin$ and of philosophy. a fear that these lay philosophers mi$ht *e lured *y their admiration of ancient thou$ht into oversteppin$ the *ounds of orthodo(y and carryin$ innocent disciples +ith them# The ecclesiastical or$ani2ation as a *ody never disapproved of erudition and the use of the intellect# Pu*lic opinion in By2antium had far too deep a respect for education and for the achievements of the mind. and there +ere far too many churchmen +ho +ere themselves hi$hly cultured for reli$ious o*scurantism ever to triumph# The $reat fourteenth-century mystic. 0icholas Ca*asilas. himself a layman. declared roundly that a priest +ho had received a secular education +as far more valua*le than one +ithout secular learnin$# "GK Even Gre$ory Palamas. the theolo$ian of mysticism. +ho thou$ht that the true reli$ious should lay aside his secular learnin$. +as proud of his Aristotelian trainin$. +hich ena*led him to think clearly. thou$h he feared that too ea$er a study of Aristotle mi$ht lead an un+ary student to e(a$$erate the po+er of the intellect, and he himself +as $lad that he had not *een tempted to delve into Platonism. as that +as so attractive a philosophy that it often lured the un+ary into pa$anism#"GL There had. nevertheless. al+ays *een By2antines +ho +ere suspicious of secular learnin$. includin$ laymen such as the tenth-century author of the -hilopatris +ho considered Platonism hi$hly dan$erous. or the rou$h soldier Cecaumenus in the early eleventh century. +ho maintained that kno+led$e of the Bi*le and a trainin$ in elementary lo$ic +ere all that a *oy needed#"GH 'ater in the eleventh century Psellus ran into difficulties and his pupil 9ohn Italus +as dismissed from the university for teachin$ Platonic doctrines# "GM But that +as at a period +hen the hierarchy +as /ealous of the university# 'ater hierarchs. ri$ht up to "GKF. sho+ed no such opposition# The enemies of secular learnin$ +ere then to *e found amon$ the monks. especially those of the Arsenite and the later Church :ealot party, and their hostility +as directed not so much a$ainst education as such. as a$ainst the +ealth and +orldliness of the cultured hierarchy# They also resented the control that the secular authorities +ielded over hi$her education# A child1s education normally *e$an at home. if the family could afford a private tutor# The tutor +as often a monk. +ho +ould provide *asic reli$ious instruction to$ether +ith the elements of the tri&ium and the .uadri&ium# This involved. first. Grammar. +hich meant readin$.
"GK "GL

3or Ca*asilas. see B# Tatakis. La -hilosophic (y)antine. pp# 5HH-M"# ee 9# &eyendorff. A Study of 2regory -alamas Dtrans# G# 'a+renceE. pp# 5M-FJ. "5I-F5# "GH -hilopatris DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# FFHM#O, Cecaumenus. Stratcgicon Ded# B# Nassilievsky and N# 9ernstedtE. pp# GL. HK# "GM 3or Psellus see Tatakis. op# cit# pp# "L" ff# 3or Italus. i$id# pp# 5"J-"L. and A# Buckler. Anna Comnena. pp# F"I5G#

+ritin$. $rammar and synta( and a study of the classical authors. especially %omer. and occupied the child rou$hly from the a$es of si( to fourteen# %e then moved on to study !hetoric. the study of pronunciation and composition and of authors such as 4emosthenes and Thucydides. and Philosophy. +hich at this sta$e meant a study of Aristotelian methodolo$y# Close on their heels came the four 'i*eral Arts. Arithmetic. Geometry. &usic and Astronomy# At this sta$e the pupil +ould pro*a*ly *e attendin$ a school run either *y some lay scholar or *y some monastery# The tri&ium and the .uadri&ium completed the B?Z]ZcW[C dUW\WU. +hich constituted the $eneral *asic education +hich every By2antine +as supposed to possess# o far the lay and the monastic schools +orked in concert. thou$h the latter pro*a*ly placed a $reater emphasis on Bi*lical studies# 3or his hi$her studies. 'a+. &edicine. Physics and hi$her Philosophy. +hich included the study of the Platonic and other philosophical systems. he +ent to the university. unless he +as already destined for the Church# In that case he +as pro*a*ly already studyin$ at the Patriarchal Academy. +hich seems to have taken *oys at a fairly early a$e and kept them on to do their specialist studies in Theolo$y#"GI This +as the $eneral pattern throu$hout the By2antine period. thou$h there +ere times +hen the university +as in a decline or had completely faded out. as under the later Iconoclastic Emperors or in the rei$n of Basil II# At such times hi$her education +as carried on *y individual professors and even *y the Patriarchal Academy# It is remarka*le that the only occasions on +hich the hi$h ecclesiastical authorities tried to cur* the philosophers teachin$ at the university +ere +hen the university +as in a flourishin$ condition. in the mid-ninth and later eleventh centuries# At other times the Church schools appear to have *een perfectly enli$htened# We even find an early eleventh-century arch*ishop. 9ohn &avropus of Euchaita. +ritin$ poems in praise of Plato#"KJ %i$her education +as entirely reor$ani2ed under the Emperor Andronicus II. inspired *y his learned Grand 'o$othete. Theodore &etochites# The old disciplines +ere revived. each +ith a professor at its head. *ut under the supreme authority of the Grand 'o$othete# The professors1 salaries +ere. as *efore. paid *y the tate, *ut. as an innovation. the parents of students +ere no+ char$ed a small fee to supplement them# There seems to have *een no central university *uildin$, professors tau$ht in various parts of the city. some of them. such as the $rammarian &a(imus Planudes. usin$ monastic *uildin$s#"K" It is pro*a*le that private schools. such as that founded *y 0icephorus Gre$oras in a *uildin$ attached to the monastery of the Chora. +ere in some +ay connected +ith the university# They could *e closed on the orders of the Grand 'o$othete, this +as the fate of Gre$oras1s school# "K5 The Patriarchal Academy had *een reor$ani2ed a little earlier. under &ichael NIII# It seems at this time to have covered much the same $round of instruction as the university. thou$h al+ays +ith a $reater insistence on theolo$y# A*out the year "GJJ the Emperor &anuel II $ave the university its final form# The office of Grand 'o$othete had declined, and hi$her education +as placed under one of the four /ud$es-$eneral# 8nder 9ohn NIII the /ud$e-$eneral +ho held this post +as Geor$e cholarius. +ho +as also a mem*er of the enate. an Imperial secretary and the professor of philosophy# The university +as no+ called the Catholicon %useion, and &anuel concentrated its *uildin$s in one place. round the monastery of aint 9ohn the Baptist in Petra. +here there +as an e(cellent li*rary +hich +as placed at the disposal of the students# This move +as dou*tless made possi*le *y the fact that the num*er of students had declined in proportion to the decline in the population of the city# A*out the same time
"GI

3or a summary of the educational course see '# Brehier. Le %onde (y)antin. iii. pp# GHG-L: Buckler. op# tit# pp# "LK ff# 3or the Patriarchal Academy see Brehier. op# at# m. pp# GI5-H# "KJ 9ohannes &auropus. -oemata. &#P#G#. c((. col# n KL# "K" 3# 3uchs. Die oheren Schulen &on 3onstantinopel im %ittelalter. pp# KL ff, Brehier. op# cit# m. pp# GM5-G# "K5 !# Guilland. Essai sur 0icephore 2regoras# pp# "F-"K# Geor$e cholarius opened a private school in a*out "G5J# It +as closed +hen he *ecame /ud$e-$eneral# 3uchs. op# cit# pp# HJ-"#

&anuel moved the Patriarchal Academy to *uildin$s round the monastery of aint 9ohn the Baptist in tudion. +here also there +as a $ood li*rary. and placed it under the tudite monk. 9oseph Bryennius# The t+o institutions seem to have co-operated and even to have shared professors# 9oseph Bryennius. +ho +as head of the Patriarchal Academy and its professor of scriptural e(e$esis. seems also to have $iven lectures on philosophy at the university as +ell as at the academy# The t+o institutions commanded $reat respect even in Italy, and many Italians came to study at them# It +as there. at one or other of them. that the last $eneration of By2antine intellectuals +as educated# Bessarion and Geor$e cholarius *oth attended courses at the university. +hile &ark Eu$enicus studied at the academy# "KF %o+ever. the most famous school of the time +as not situated in Constantinople *ut at &istra. in the Peloponnese. +here Geor$e Gemistus Plethon tau$ht his o+n *rand of 0eo-Platonism. far a+ay from the eyes of the Church hierarchy. +hich could not +ell condone such frank leanin$s to+ards pa$anism# Both Bessarion and Geor$e cholarius +ent on from Constantinople to sit at his feet#"KG The Church +as thus in partnership +ith the tate in the field of education, and on the +hole the partnership ran smoothly# There +as certainly an element of anti-intellectualism amon$st the follo+ers of the Arsenite school and the reli$ious :ealots, *ut thou$h their attitude mi$ht s+ay pu*lic opinion on particular issues it never succeeded in dama$in$ the $eneral By2antine respect for education# Gre$ory Palamas. indeed. disapproved of monks indul$in$ in hi$her intellectual studies, *ut he had no desire to suppress them# %e merely considered that. like marria$e and the eatin$ of meat. they +ere unsuita*le for anyone +ho aimed to lead the contemplative life# %is vie+ +as *y no means accepted *y all the mystics# As +e have seen. his friend and admirer 0icholas Ca*asilas felt differently. as did his patron. the hi$hly cultured Emperor 9ohn NI Cantacu2enus# &oreover he himself +ould never have *een a*le to e(press his vie+s so effectively had he not *een +ell trained in lo$ic and in Aristotelian methodolo$y# " Trou*le only occurred +hen the philosophers *e$an to meddle in theolo$y# The apophatic tradition +as very stron$ in By2antium# Its accepted theolo$ians *ased their attitude on the consciousness that God is unkno+a*le# They fou$ht shy. +herever possi*le. of do$matic definitions. unless a *asic doctrine +ere involved, +hen they +ould fi$ht passionately over the correct +ordin$# There had *een no attempt to systemati2e theolo$y since 9ohn of 4amascus had pu*lished his $reat +ork on the 3aith, and he had left much unsaid# The prudent philosophers kept a+ay from theolo$ical controversies# The father of fourteenth-century learnin$ in By2antium. Theodore &etochites. Grand 'o$othete under the pious Emperor Andronicus II. +as interested in every *ranch of the humanities and sciences# %e did not claim to *e an ori$inal thinker, for. he said. the $reat thinkers of the past had covered everythin$ and had left nothin$ for us to add# This +as far too often the By2antine attitude# But in fact &etochites modifies it *y providin$ in his commentaries reflections derived from his o+n e(perience# %e recommends his pupils to read all the ancient philosophers. includin$ the ceptics, for. he remarks. all human +isdom that is *ased on e(perience can *e challen$ed *y ar$uments *ased on contrary e(perience# The study of history. +hich he +armly advocates. sho+s ho+ varied human e(perience can *e# But. thou$h his recommendations could lead to heterodo(y in the eyes of the Church. he carefully reserves his interest in philosophy to matters of human e(perience# When he touches upon theolo$y he is apophatic# %e reco$ni2es the limits of the human intellect and *elieves it to *e impossi*le for human /ud$ment. unless inspired *y Grace. to *e impartial and free from error# %e quotes +ith approval Plato1s verdict that it is difficult to conceive of God and impossi*le to put such a conception into +ords intelli$i*le to others#"KK
"KF "KG

3uchs. op# cit# pp# HJ-K# 3or Plethon1s school. see Tatakis. op# cit# pp# 5M"-IF# "KK Tatakis. op# tit# pp# 5GI-KL#

&etochites1s most cele*rated pupil. 0icephorus Gre$oras. +as not so cautious# %e shared his master1s +ide ran$e of interests, *ut. as +e shall see. he let himself *e involved in theolo$ical discussions. and thus ruined his career#"KL A little later +e find 4emetrius Cydones makin$ his translations from Thomas Aquinas and introducin$ to By2antium the conceptions of cholasticism# There +ere By2antine scholars +ho +ere attracted *y so remarka*le a *lendin$ of philosophy +ith theolo$y. even thou$h it +as opposed to the lon$ tradition of their Church# &ost of them. such as Cydones himself and his pupil &anuel Chrysoloras. found themselves in the end more comforta*le in the *osom of the !oman Church# But. so lon$ as they avoided active controversy. they +ere never in any +ay penali2ed *y the By2antine Church authorities# The trou*les that *eset Cydones1s career +ere political. not reli$ious. in ori$in#"KH The Emperor &anuel II and his learned contemporary. 9oseph Bryennius. thou$h *oth of them disa$reed +ith 'atin theolo$y. encoura$ed 'atin studies#"KM Geor$e cholarius. +ho +as to *e the fiercest enemy to union +ith !ome. +as an ardent admirer of Aquinas all his life# In his later years he +as. indeed. some+hat em*arrassed in tryin$ to reconcile his taste for scholasticism +ith the traditional theolo$y of his Church#"KI %is opponent Bessarion. on the other hand. +as a Platonist *y temperament and trainin$. to +hom the full paraphernalia of cholasticism +ere not particularly attractive# But. out of respect for Italian scholarship and in the interests of cultural unity. he +as ready to *e convinced *y !oman theolo$y# %is conversion to !ome +as of $reat value to the West, for his influence helped to free the !oman Church from its scholastic *onds#"LJ It is true that the most distin$uished Greek philosopher of the time. Geor$e Gemistus Plethon. perhaps the most ori$inal thinker that By2antium produced. +ould have fallen foul of the Church had he not esta*lished himself a+ay in the provincial capital of &istra. under the enli$htened patrona$e of the cultured 4espots of the &orea# "L" %e represented a ne+ movement connected +ith the appearance. a $eneration *efore his time. of the +ord 6%ellene1 to descri*e a citi2en of By2antium# The +ord had *een in dis$race for a thousand years# After the Triumph of the Cross it had *een used to denote a pa$an Greek. particularly in la+-codes and commentaries# It +as only as re$ards lan$ua$e that it +as permissi*le# The avera$e By2antine. /ust as he called himself a !oman. called the lan$ua$e that he spoke 6!omaic1# But in polite society 6!omaic1 +as employed to descri*e the vul$ar lan$ua$e of the people# A man of education +as e(pected. as Anna Comnena says. to 6helleni2e1 his ton$ue# The Council of "JM5 +hich condemned the 0eo-Platonist 9ohn Italus pronounced that %ellenic studies formed a valua*le part of education *ut anathemati2ed anyone +ho held %ellenic doctrines# 3or a man to call himself a %ellene +as as if he denied himself to *e a Christian# uddenly in the fourteenth century By2antine intellectuals *e$an to speak of themselves as %ellenes# The fashion seems to have started not in the oecumenical city of Constantinople *ut in Thessalonica# The humanist mystic. 0icholas Ca*asilas. +ritin$ as a youn$ man in a*out "FGK to his father at Thessalonica. hesitates to send him one of his sermons for fear that the style mi$ht shock 6your %ellenes1 7 Y[rC B? ]XW? jcc<?UC# In later +orks he refers to 6this community of %ellas1# The Cypriot 'epenthrenus. +ritin$ in a*out "FK" to 0icephorus Gre$oras. talks of1all the %ellenes here1. and. +hen comparin$ yria +ith By2antium. adds 6or every+here +here %ellenes d+ell1# 4emetrius Cydones in his later +orks uses %ellas as the equivalent of By2antium# Gre$oras himself still contrasts 6%ellene1 +ith 6)rthodo(1. *ut +rites +ith admiration of %ellas# By the fifteenth century most By2antine intellectuals
"KL "KH

ee *elo+. pp# "GG-K# ee a*ove. pp# "JJ-"# "KM &#9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Christicmorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium. ". pp# GK"-G# "KI I*id# pp# GKI-LI, Tatakis. op# eit# p# 5IM# "LJ 9u$ie. op# cit# i. pp# GMF-L, Tatakis. op# cit# pp# 5II-FJ"# )n Bessarion in $eneral see '# &ohler. 3ardinal (essarion als Theologe# umanist und Staatsmann. "L" ee a*ove. p# ""L. n# 5. and *elo+. pp# "5"-K#

alluded to themselves as %ellenes# 9ohn Ar$yropoulus even calls the Emperor 6Emperor of the %ellenes1 and descri*es the last +ars of By2antium as a stru$$le for the freedom of %ellas# We have moved far from the days +hen a Western am*assador +ho arrived +ith letters addressed to the 6Emperor of the Greeks1 +as *arely received at court#"L5 There +ere various reasons for the ne+ attitude# The Empire had shrunk *y no+ to lands that +ere traditionally Greek. the Peloponnese. a fe+ Ae$ean islands and coastlands early coloni2ed *y the Greeks# &uch of the Greek-speakin$ +orld +as under alien domination, and the Emperor. thou$h still the le$al heir of the Caesars. +as no lon$er a supra-national potentate# The old term for the Empire. the )ecumene. had *ecome a*surd. and the epithet 6!oman1 +as hardly appropriate +hen 0e+ !ome +as dyin$ and )ld !ome revivin$ in ma/esty# &oreover. the rene+ed interest in Classical culture involved a reassessment of Classical authors# They +ere admired more than ever. and they +ere %ellenes# They +ere especially admired in Italy, and By2antine scholars. +hether or not they favoured union +ith the West. found that it added to their presti$e and the presti$e of their people if they emphasi2ed their descent from the venerated Greeks of old. +hose lan$ua$e they spoke and +hose +orks they had never ceased from studyin$# As %ellenes they +ere $uardians of a precious herita$e. +hether or not they +ished to share it +ith the Western +orld# The traditionalists found it hard to accept the ne+ term# To them it meant an a*andonment of the )ecumenical idea. if the Emperor +ere no lon$er to *e !oman Emperor# As the Patriarch Antony +rote in his letter to the Grand Prince of &osco+. 6even thou$h the heathen no+ encircle the $overnment and the residence of the Emperor. he is still anointed +ith the holy myrrh and appointed Emperor and Autocrat of the !omans. that is. of all Christians1# "LF That proud *oast. placin$ the Emperor a*ove all other earthly potentates. +ould *e empty if he +ere merely the monarch of the %ellenes# till more. to the pious amon$ them it seemed to $ive too $reat a sanction to pa$an philosophy# They could not for$et the older meanin$ of the +ord# Even Geor$e cholarius. humanist thou$h he +as. and thou$h he himself often spoke of his compatriots as %ellenes. +hen he +as asked. on the eve of the fall of the Empire. +hat +as his nationality replied: 6 I do not call myself a %ellene *ecause I do not *elieve as the %ellenes *elieved# I mi$ht call myself a By2antine *ecause I +as *orn at By2antium# But I prefer simply to call myself a Christian#1"LG %is +as the voice of tradition# Was it out of dateS As a practical concept the )ecumenical Christian Empire had lon$ since *ecome unreal# Was )rthodo(y also to $ive up its oecumenicityS +as it to survive merely as the $uardian of %ellenismS It +as Geor$e Gemistus Plethon +ho +as the $reatest advocate of %ellenism# %e +as *orn in Constantinople a*out the year "FLJ# As a youn$ man he spent time at Adrianople. then the capital of the ultan# There he learnt somethin$. or so he claimed. a*out Islam and a*out 9udaism and :oroastrianism as +ell# Back in Constantinople he soon *e$an to air his 0eo-Platonic vie+s. $ivin$ himself the surname of Plethon. a synonym of Gemistus. *ecause of its resem*lance to the name of the ancient philosopher# This caused offence in many quarters, and &anuel II advised him to retire from the capital# oon after "GJJ he esta*lished himself at &istra. +here he en/oyed the friendship of the youn$ 4espot of the &orea. &anuel1s second son. Theodore. a some+hat neurotic intellectual. and of Theodore1s charmin$ Italian +ife. Cleope &alatesta# %e remained there till his death in a*out "GKJ. only emer$in$ to attend the Councils of 3errara and 3lorence# &istra suited him# The Peloponnese had recently *een almost entirely reconquered from the 3ranks and represented no+ the one solid piece of By2antine territory# It +as consciously Greek in sentiment# To Plethon it seemed that it +as on the Peloponnese. the 4espotate
"L5 "LF

ee # !unciman. 6By2antine and %ellene in the fourteenth century.1 k[X[C q@?AYU?YW?[] pVXB?[d[]c[]# ee a*ove. p# H"# "LG Geor$ius cholarius Gennadius. 6Contre les 9uifs.1 in OEu&res Completes. iii. 5K5#

of the &orea. that the reformed Empire that he passionately desired could *est *e *ased# %e had little use for Constantinople. 60e+ !ome1# 6We are %ellenes *y race and culture1. he +rote# %e outlined his proposals for reform in memoranda addressed to the Emperor &anuel# %e advocated a monarchy. the monarch *ein$ advised *y a council. not too small. of his *est-educated su*/ects# )ther+ise his constitutional pro$ramme copied that of Plato, and like Plato he approved of slavery. at least of helots to +ork on the land# %e $ave +hat he considered to *e practical advice a*out the nationali2ation of land. the recruitment and or$ani2ation of the army. reform of the coina$e. control of trade and penal reform# But he reali2ed that reli$ion +as all-important# As a theolo$ian Plethon +as frankly Platonist# %e o+ed much to the eleventh-century 0eo-Platonist Psellus. thou$h Psellus succeeded in refutin$ the char$e of heresy# %e o+ed much. too. to the Ale(andrian 0eo-Platonists and to the Pytha$oreans and the toics, and he envisa$ed &oses and :oroaster as havin$ *een amon$ Plato1s spiritual ancestors# %is main venom +as directed a$ainst Aristotle# Accordin$ to Plethon Christianity had $one +ron$ *ecause Christian theolo$y had accepted Aristotle1s principle that $eneration accordin$ to cause involves $eneration accordin$ to time# Aristotle +as a physicist. not a philosopher, his God +as not a metaphysical principle *ut a hypothesis introduced to account for the settin$ in motion of the cosmic machine and for the $eneration and corruption of temporal thin$s# If the Christians see God not as the 3irst &over *ut as a creator ex nihilo. then either the essence of thin$s must *e considered to *e contained in God1s essence and so to lack any ontolo$ical roots. +hich seems to make God1s essential nature plural, or one must take the cholastic vie+ that forms su*sist only in their sensi*le o*/ects. a vie+ +hich. to Plethon. led strai$ht to materialism and atheism. +hatever reservations mi$ht *e made a*out divine revelation# By confusin$ a physical principle +ith a metaphysical principle Christian theolo$ians +ere no+ o*li$ed to fall *ack upon either su*tle Trinitarian distinctions +ithin God or distinctions *et+een essence and ener$y# Plethon demanded a return to the full metaphysical tradition. the tradition inherited and transmitted *y Plato# As he re/ected revelation he sou$ht to find authority first in 6common consent1. 6the doctrines and +ords of the +isest men of antiquity1 and. a*ove that. the reason# %e had no use for apophatic theolo$y# !eason in itself is a*le to investi$ate the divine, +hy else did God $ive it to us and +ith it the desire to study %is natureS 64ivine thin$s1. he remarks. 6do not contain anythin$ evil +hich +ould o*li$e God to conceal them from us#1 Plethon1s practical o*/ect +as the re*irth of Greece# But the political order must *e rooted in the intellectual order# 3or there to *e order everythin$ must *e produced *y a cause, and from that it follo+s that the supreme principle must act in a determined +ay# God cannot have created the +orld at a historic moment. nor can %e intervene in time +ith ne+ decisions# Plethon1s God is the creator of the eternal essences. the Ideas of perisha*le thin$s# %e %imself is *eyond all essence or Idea# 6In the superessential )ne. since %e is a*solutely one. +e cannot distin$uish essence nor attri*ute nor ener$y nor po+er#1 3rom this )ne emanates the 0ous. the eternal and unchan$ea*le principle of the intellectual +orld. after the pattern of +hich the sensi*le +orld is made# In the +orld of the 0ous essence may *e distin$uished from attri*utes *ut not ener$y from po+er# The 0ous produces the oul of the +orld in +hich essence. po+er and ener$y can *e distin$uished# This Platoni2ed Trinity manifests itself in $radually descendin$ de$rees. throu$h the intelli$i*les of the ideal +orld. +hich are an$els or minor deities. then throu$h immaterial su*stances and finally throu$h *odily thin$s# If +e can $rasp the nature of this Z[AX[C ?[<Y[C. then +e have. so to speak. the *lue-print for the Z[AX[C d[cWYWZ[C. the $overnment +hich +ill re$enerate %ellas# Plethon cannot *e called a Christian, and he further offended Christian taste *y frequently referrin$ to God as :eus and talkin$ of1the Gods1 in the plural# But his *ook On the La/s. in +hich he aired his theolo$ical vie+s. +as never in $eneral circulation, and his contemporaries did not for the most part reali2e ho+ heterodo( he had *ecome# %ad he remained in Constantino-

ple he +ould dou*tless have provoked action a$ainst himself# As it +as. he +as allo+ed to run his Platonic Academy at &istra +ithout hindrance. and many pious youn$ scholars sat at his feet# When he +ent to the Council of 3lorence many of his fello+-dele$ates professed to *e shocked *y his conversation# The Aristotelian Geor$e of Tre*i2ond accused him of advocatin$ an entirely ne+ and entirely pa$an reli$ion# %e himself disapproved of the Council. +hich seemed to him to *e a case of *ar$ainin$ a*out spiritual thin$s in order to secure material advanta$es# %e seems to have had no sympathy +ith either side in the controversies. thou$h of the t+o he sli$htly preferred the Eastern vie+point# But he acquired an enormous reputation in Italy# &anuel Chrysoloras. +ho had *een one of his pupils. had already *een $ivin$ successful lectures on Plato at 3lorence# The comin$ of the &aster himself and the lectures that he himself $ave made a profound impression# It +as in his honour that Cosimo de1 &edici founded the Platonic Academy at 3lorence# %e +as. in fact. the real ori$inator of Platonic studies in the West# ome years after he had died and had *een *uried in a church at &istra. the Italian soldier of fortune. i$ismondo &alatesta. +ho +as in temporary occupation of the to+n. removed his remains and transported them to a church in !imini. +here they are to this day# "LK In By2antium his fate +as different# oon after his death and soon after the fall of Constantinople the 4espot 4emetrius of the &orea discovered the manuscript of On the La/s and sent it to Constantinople. to Geor$e cholarius. +ho +as no+ Patriarch# Geor$e. +ho had *een his pupil and his friend. read it +ith $ro+in$ fascination and $ro+in$ horror. and eventually ordered it to *e *urnt# Considerin$ the temper of the times. +hen the Greeks had little left *ut their faith. +e cannot +holly *lame him# In consequence only such fra$ments of the +ork as +ere pu*lished else+here survive# They are sufficiently darin$ to e(plain the Patriarch1s horror# We cannot tell +hat further outra$es +ere contained in the pa$es that perished#"LL Plethon thus had little effect on the immediate course of Greek thou$ht, thou$h his spirit survived and reappeared three centuries later. amon$ thinkers +ho equally sou$ht to revive Greece *y an appeal to the Classical past and +ho equally caused em*arrassment to the Church# Geor$e cholarius himself did not strike all his contemporaries as *ein$ fully )rthodo(# Thou$h he inherited from &ark Eu$enicus the leadership of the anti-8nionist party. he remained an admirer of Aquinas and disa$reed +ith &ark on many theolo$ical points# &ark had *een of the school of 0icholas Ca*asilas. a humanist Palamite. +ith a loyalty to the apophatic tradition +hich rendered him ineffective at the de*ates at 3lorence# %ad he never attended the Council he +ould pro*a*ly have *een as irenical as his contemporary ymeon. the *eloved &etropolitan of Thessalonica. +hose death even the 9e+ish community mourned sincerely. and +hose theolo$y +as close to his o+n# As it +as. his failure at 3lorence made him *itter and fanatical a$ainst !ome#"LH %e persuaded cholarius to chan$e his mind over union# cholarius *e$an. like Plethon. to see the union as an un+orthy *ar$ain for material *enefits. +hich +ere anyho+ unlikely to *e effective, and he *e$an to *elieve that steadfastness in the faith +ould preserve By2antium far *etter than political aid# An enforced union +ould merely +eaken and confuse the spiritual life of the Greek people. +hich alone could ensure their salvation# Antichrist mi$ht *e comin$# It +as more essential than ever to keep the faith unsullied# %e therefore recanted and accepted the traditional )rthodo( vie+ of the Trinity# But thou$h he follo+ed &ark so far he disa$reed +ith him on other thin$s# %e +ould not accept the full Palamite doctrine of the Ener$ies *ut evolved a compromise +hich he considered. not very accurately. to follo+ the vie+s of 4uns cotus and therefore to *e accepta*le to the West# %e re/ected Palamas1s distinction *et+een essence and ener$ies or operations# The latter. he says. are formally finite *ut really infinite *ecause they
"LK

ee a*ove. p# "JI and n# 5, also 3# &asai. -lethon et le -latonisme de %istra# passim , &# N# Anastos. 6Pletho1s Calendar and 'itur$y.1 Dum$arton Oa,s -apers. IN D"IGME. pp# iMFf3#, Tatakis. op# cit# pp# 5M"-IG# "LL ee Plethon. TraitH des Lois. ed# C# Ale(andre. app# (i(. pp# G"5-5"# "LH Tatakis. op# cit# pp# 5IK-H#

have the same e(istence as essence. +hich is infinite# This nice contrast *et+een formality and reality pleased no one else# The )rthodo( Church continued to follo+ the unadulterated Palamite doctrine# %is other disa$reement +ith &ark concerned determinism# &ark dre+ a distinction *et+een prescience and predestination in God# The first is a*solute. the second relative# )nly $ood actions are predetermined as +ell as forekno+n *y God *ecause they conform +ith %is +ill# &ark follo+s Ca*asilas in maintainin$ that only the ri$hteous man is truly free *ecause his +ill is God1s +ill# cholarius ans+ered that prescience precedes predestination. and predestination must *e su*divided into true predestination. +hich concerns the elect. and repro*ation. or the +ithdra+al of $race. +hich concerns the rest# Created *ein$s are free to act. and the initiative for $ood or evil comes from the created +ill# But $ood actions are performed *y the $race of God. and the $race is +ithdra+n concurrently +ith an evil action# In this controversy cholarius rather than &ark represents the $eneral vie+ of the )rthodo( Church. in so far as its attitude to+ards predestination +as su*sequently defined#"LM It +as only after "GKF that cholarius +rote his final treatise on predestination# But the controversy +as typical of the liveliness of intellectual life durin$ the last centuries of By2antium and of the complicated cross-currents. personal. political. philosophical and theolo$ical. in +hich the disputants +ere cau$ht# It is impossi*le to dra+ a clear line *et+een the Church and the philosophers# It is impossi*le to say that the humanists favoured union +ith the West and the anti-intellectuals opposed it# In the Palamite controversy. as +e shall see. many humanists supported Palamas alon$ +ith the anti-intellectual party +ithin the Church# In the civil +ars *et+een 9ohn N Palaeolo$us and 9ohn NI Cantacu2enus the latter had the support of the monks and the country no*ility as +ell as that of most of the leadin$ intellectuals# The question of union +ith !ome cut across party lines# Palamas himself +as far *etter disposed to+ards !ome than +as his opponent 0icephorus Gre$oras. +hose theolo$y on that point +as far nearer to the !oman# &anuel II and 9oseph Bryennius +ere keen students of Western culture thou$h *oth opposed union# In the final stru$$le over union the Platonist pupil of Plethon. Bessarion. lon$ed for union. +hile the Aristotelian cholastic Geor$e cholarius led the opposition# The de*ates +ere passionate and *itter, *ut they follo+ed no pattern# &any of the issues +ere ephemeral# )nly t+o +ere of lastin$ importance# The one +as the question of union +ith !ome and all that that entailed# The other +as concerned +ith the +hole theolo$y of mysticism and is connected +ith the name of Gre$ory Palamas

"LM

ee *elo+. pp# 5MJ-"#

-$ The Theolo&y of )ysticism$

The driftin$ apart of the Eastern and Western *ranches of Christendom is clearly marked in
their respective attitudes to+ards mysticism# ince the later middle a$es the Church in the West. +ith its super* or$ani2ation and its taste for philosophical systems. has al+ays *een a little suspicious of its mystics# The career of a &aster Eckhart or of a aint Teresa of Avila sho+s the alarm felt *y the ecclesiastical authorities for men and +omen +ho took a personal short-cut in their relations +ith God# Care +as needed to see that the mystic1s e(periences +ere $enuinely Christian and did not lead outside of the proper *ounds of doctrine# In the Eastern tradition theolo$y and mysticism +ere held to *e complementary# )utside of the Church personal reli$ious e(perience +ould have no meanin$, *ut the Church depended for its very life on the e(perience $ranted in varyin$ de$rees to each one of the faithful# This is not to say that do$ma is unnecessary# 4o$ma is the interpretation of the revelation that God has chosen to $ive us# But. +ithin the frame+ork thus provided. each man and +oman can +ork out his or her o+n +ay to+ards the ultimate end +hich transcends all theolo$y and +hich is union +ith God# 6God *ecame &an that men mi$ht *ecome Gods#1"LI In this aspiration the East outdistanced the West# It has *een said +ith some truth that in the West the mystic seeks to kno+ God and in the East he seeks to *e God# "HJ It is lar$ely a question of semantics# Eastern mystics often speak of1kno+in$ God1# But to them the kno+led$e involves participation# The aspiration of Teresa Dof Avila or of 'isieu(E to *e the *ride of Christ is a little shockin$ to the )rthodo(. to +hom the Church is the only *rideE of Christ# The Eastern mystic must entirely lose his personality# It +as therefore harder for him than it +as for the later Western mystics to recount his e(periences# 4eification. 6*ecomin$ God1. can never *e adequately descri*ed in human terms# But deification raises theolo$ical pro*lems# )n the one hand there is the tradition of apophatic theolo$y# God from %is nature cannot *e kno+n# If %is essence could *e understood %e +ould *e *rou$ht do+n to the level of %is creatures# &an +ould *ecome God *y nature# )n the other hand o+in$ to the Incarnation God has revealed %imself in 9esus Christ in a revelation that is total. esta*lishin$ *et+een God and man an intimacy and a unity that is complete. so that men can *ecome. in Peter1s +ords. 6partakers of the 4ivine nature1. eBWUC Z[W?@?[W _]AB@C DII Peter ":GE# )rthodo( theolo$y thrives on such antinomies +hich the theolo$ians prefer to leave as antinomies# But the moment sometimes comes +hen the un+ritten tradition is challen$ed and the antinomy must *e resolved# To the 3athers of the Greek Church. as to Au$ustine in the West. apophatic theolo$y +as fundamental# It alone could rid human *ein$s of the concepts proper to human thou$ht and could raise them step *y step to the point from +hich it mi$ht *e possi*le to contemplate a chan$eless reality +hich the created intelli$ence cannot contain# It +as not a theolo$y of ecstasy nor +as it an intellectual quest for a*stractions# As +ith the 0eo-Platonists it involved a catharsis. an in+ard purification# But. +hile the 0eo-Platonists sou$ht an intellectual catharsis. to rid the mind of multiplicity. to the )rthodo( the catharsis should *e a complete renunciation of the realm of created thin$s. an e(istential li*eration# The mind must learn to refuse to form concepts a*out God# It must re/ect all intellectual and a*stract theolo$y and all attempts to adapt the mysteries of God to human +ays of thou$ht# Accordin$ to Gre$ory of 0a2ian2us. anyone +ho ima$ines that he has come to kno+ +hat God is has a 6depraved spirit1# It is only *y enterin$ into the 4ivine
"LI

3or the *est account of the Eastern mystical outlook see N# 'ossky. %ystical Theology of the Eastern Church . esp# pp# H-55# ee also P# herrard. The 2ree, East and Latin *est. pp# F"-G# "HJ Aldous %u(ley. 2rey Eminence D"st editionE. p# K5#

4arkness. the Cloud of 8nkno+in$. that man can hope to penetrate into the 'i$ht# In one of his mystical poems Gre$ory tries to descri*e ho+ he succeeded in escapin$ from the thin$s of the +orld and *y heavenly contemplation +as carried into the secret darkness of the heavenly ta*ernacle to *e *linded *y the 'i$ht of the Trinity. a li$ht that surpasses all that the mind can conceive#"H" Apophatic theolo$y inevita*ly encoura$es a renunciation of the +orld# It can easily lead to so $reat an e(altation of the life of contemplation over the life of action that the latter is re$arded as *ein$ undesira*le, and from there it is only a short step into dualist heresy. into a dis o+nin$ of material thin$s and into a *elief that they are therefore the creation of the 4evil or the 4emiur$e# The 3athers +ere +ell a+are of the dan$er# While e(tollin$ the mystical life they insisted at the same time on the fact of the Incarnation# By sendin$ the on into the +orld the unkno+a*le God *ecame communica*le to %is creation# They sternly opposed any doctrine +hich seemed to deny to God the on %is complete humanity# By the Incarnation the *ody of a man. as +ell as his soul. +as capa*le of *ecomin$ a receptacle for $race# There +as nothin$ +ron$ in leadin$ an active life in the +orld. so lon$ as it +as led accordin$ to Christ1s precepts and so lon$ as the active man kept himself perpetually refreshed *y partakin$ of the %oly acrament# &en and +omen +ho had received $race *y *aptism and rene+ed it *y participation in the &ysteries and +ho lived $odly lives +ould in the end attain *lessedness and deification# But. all the same. it +as a hi$her thin$ to aim at deificationm*efore the $rave# To medieval man. in the West as in the East. there +as a permanent attraction a+ay from the sordid +orld of everyday life into the life of contemplation, *ut. +hile in the West the ecclesiastical authorities tried to keep some check over contemplatives. in the East the memories of the desert +ere stron$er# It is true that vast num*ers of monks and nuns in By2antium had led active lives *efore their retirement# It is true that the monk in the literal sense of the +ord. the 6solitary1. +as not encoura$ed, the 3athers thou$ht that some sort of community life +as *est and that the contemplative hermit should have his cell attached to some monastery to +hich he could $o to take part in the 'itur$y# It is true that many monks moved in the +orld as +elfare +orkers. and others +ere scholars and others farmers# But the mystic ranked a*ove them all# The +ay to deification +as throu$h $rayer# The anchorites of the desert had $iven up even preachin$. teachin$ and $ood +orks. and even re$ular participation in the &ysteries. in order to concentrate upon prayer# These early Christian mystics held that only *y prayer +ould they reali2e the fruits of *aptism and penetrate into the 'i$ht of God# Their doctrine +as first codified *y Eva$rius of Pontus in the fourth century# Prayer. he said. +as the conversation of the intellect +ith God# It involved a complete catharsis, +e must pray first for the $ift of tears. that is to say. for true repentance. and for escape from the passions. then from i$norance and then from all temptations and distractions# The state of prayer is an impassive state +hich *y the stren$th of love can carry the intellect hi$h a*ove all intellectual peaks into the realm of +isdom# 64o not think1. he +rote. 6of the divinity in you +hen you pray nor let your intellect have the impression of any form# Rou must $o as immaterial into the immaterial. and you +ill understand#1 Eva$rius $ave the mystics their voca*ulary# It +as a 0eo-Platonic voca*ulary, for that +as the e(istin$ lan$ua$e of reli$ious thou$ht# But Eva$rius himself +as a trifle too 0eo-Platonic# %e seemed to i$nore the Incarnation and to accept the 0eo-Platonic concept of the intellect and to see prayer as a disincarnation of the intellect and its movement into its proper activity# %is +orks +ere condemned after his death and passed out of circulation# But his lan$ua$e lasted on#"H5
"H" "H5

Gre$ory 0arian2ene. -oemata. &#P#G#. (((vii. coll# HGM. IMG-K# I# %ausherr. 6'a Traite de l1)raison d1Eva$re le Pontique.1 !e&ue dasceti.ue et de mysti.ue . (v D"IFGE. pp# FGIF. "L5-HJ, 9# &eyendorff. A Study of 2regory -alamas. trans# G# 'a+rence. pp# "FK-L#

It +as to check the 0eo-Platonic slant +hich Eva$rius had inherited from )ri$en that mystical +riters *e$an to advocate that prayer should consist only of the Prayer of 9esus# In its ori$inal form this consisted simply of the +ords 3yrie eleison. repeated a$ain and a$ain# The ne(t $reat mystical +riter. usually kno+n as &acarius. thou$h he +as certainly not the historical aint &acarius. held that prayer should *e only a repetition of the +ord 2od# Lord or "esus# &acarius +as rather nearer to the toics than to the 0eo-Platonists# %e *elieved that o+in$ to the Incarnation man as an entire *ein$ could enter into contact +ith God# The heart. he said. +as the focal point of the *ody and the seat of the intelli$ence and of the soul# When $race entered into a man it d+elt in his heart and so dominated the *ody as +ell as the mind and soul# It is not therefore as a disem*odied soul or intellect that +e reach out to God# &acarius has *een accused of *ein$ allied to the heretical sect of &essalians or Euchites. the Prayin$ People. +ho *elieved that *y ardently repeatin$ the 'ord1s Prayer they could enter into union +ith the %oly pirit and see or *e God# The accusation is un/ust, for the &essalian creed +as *ased on a dualist conception of matter. +hich +as considered to *e the creation of an evil po+er. thou$h it mi$ht *e sanctified# &acarius1s firm *elief in the Incarnation implies an orthodo( vie+ a*out the Creation, *ut he did. like the &essalians. $ive a some+hat materialistic slant to the ultimate contact +ith God# %encefor+ard the taunt of &essalianism +as periodically to *e raised a$ainst the Greek monastic tradition#" This tradition +as carried on. later in the fifth century. *y 4iadochus of Photice. +ho com*ined the Christocentric doctrine of &acarius +ith the cathartic practices of Eva$rius# To quote a typical sentence of his. he says: 6The intellect demands of us a*solutely that +e close all its outlets *y the memory of God. an activity +hich should satisfy its need for activity# It is therefore necessary to $ive it the 'ord 9esus as the sole occupation +hich fully ans+ers this aim#1 "HF till more influential in the tradition +as 9ohn Climacus. +ho as a *oy entered the ne+ly founded monastery of aint Catherine on &ount inai in the middle of the si(th century and eventually *ecame its a**ot# %e o+es his surname to his *ook. the 'adder. or Clima(. of Perfection# %is monastery. at the foot of the mountain on +hich &oses sa+ the si$ht of the 'ord like devourin$ fire. had *een from its foundation a center for monastic mysticism. +here hesychast. or quietist. monks sou$ht to see the 'i$ht# 9ohn spent some time as a solitary. *ut he considered. as his career sho+ed. that the hesychast need not *e a hermit# The hermit1s task +as harder *ecause he had no *rother to support and stren$then him. *ut his re+ard +as $reater. for if he strove he +ould receive the support of an an$el# 9ohn1s 'adder +as a series of rules to $uide contemplation# %e recommended the Prayer of 9esus. +hich should *e the shortest and simplest invocation of the name of the 'ord# 'ike Eva$rius he insisted that the memory of God should *e +ithout distraction# When remem*erin$ God +e should not meditate upon episodes in the life of Christ, for that at once involves the creation of e(terior ima$es in the mind# God should enter into us really and e(istentially. +ithout the help of the ima$ination# The vision of 'i$ht that is the ultimate $oal is not a sym*ol nor a product of the ima$ination. *ut a reality. as +as the fire that &oses sa+ on inai and the shinin$ +hiteness that the Apostles sa+ on &ount Tha*or#"HG While apophatic theolo$y leads naturally to+ards ascetic mysticism. the attempts of &acarius and his disciples to avoid 0eo-Platonism seem to defeat the apophatic tradition# If +e *elieve that man in his *ody can see the 'i$ht of God. can God *e unkno+a*leS The Cappadocian 3athers +ere conscious of the pro*lem# Gre$ory of 0yssa makes use of the antinomic e(pression 6luminous darkness1 to illustrate ho+ the 8nkno+a*le can make %imself kno+n +hile remainin$ unkno+a*le# When a man has clim*ed the spiritual ladder so hi$h that he sees God. he is at once all the more a+are of God1s transcendence# Gre$ory therefore makes use of the alternative +ords 6ener$ies1 B?BV=BWUW or 6po+ers1 \]?UXBWC. to descri*e the manifestations +hich
"HF "HG

&eyendorff. A Study of 2regory -alamas. pp# "FK-H# 'ossky. op# cit# pp# 5JJ. 5JK. 5"J-"5, &eyendorff. A Study of 2regory -alamas. pp# "5M. 5"5#

make divinity accessi*le +ithout destroyin$ its inaccessi*ility# "HK Basil puts it in simpler terms# 6It is *y %is ener$ies that +e can say that +e kno+ God1. he +rites# 6We cannot claim that +e come near to the essence itself# %is ener$ies descend to us. *ut %is essence remains unapproacha*le#1"HL !ather more than a century later &a(imus the Confessor says that: 6God is communica*le in +hat %e imparts to us. *ut %e is not communica*le in %is essence#1 "HH 9ohn of 4amascus e(presses the same idea +hen he says that: 6A% that +e can say positively 7 cataphatically 7 of God sho+s not %is nature *ut thin$s a*out %is nature#1 9ohn is chary of usin$ the +ord 6ener$ies1. *ut he talks of the 6movement1 or the 6rushin$ forth1 7 BsUcXU 7 of God and often speaks. as do other 3athers. of the rays of divinity that penetrate into creation#"HM There thus developed a tradition in Eastern Christendom +hich com*ined apophatic theolo$y +ith the use of prayer and +hich resolved the parado( *et+een the kno+a*le and the unkno+a*le *y distin$uishin$ *et+een the essence and the ener$ies or po+ers of God# The doctrine +as not defined *ecause it +as not challen$ed# &any centuries later &ark Eu$enicus +as to defend Palamas a$ainst the char$e of havin$ introduced a novel doctrine *y sayin$ that: 6It +ould have *een inopportune to impose the distinction in the operations of God upon those +ho even had difficulty in admittin$ the distinction in the hypostases#1 In those early days. he says. it +as important to insist on the simplicity of God. *ut1 *y a +ise discretion the divine teachin$s *ecame clarified in due Course of time1# "HI &ark1s e(cuses +ere needless, no one had felt the need to clarify the doctrine# It lasted as an un+ritten tradition in the East. +hile Western theolo$ians. thou$h they studied the +orks of the Cappadocian 3athers. paid no attention to it# The search for the 'i$ht +as carried on in the eleventh century *y the monk ymeon. kno+n as the 0e+. or Roun$. Theolo$ian# %e +as perhaps the $reatest of the By2antine mystics and one of the fe+ +ho attempted to descri*e mystical e(perience# 3or a time the ecclesiastical authorities vie+ed him +ith some suspicion, he seemed too independently personal# Thou$h he made no particular contri*ution to doctrine. the *urnin$ sincerity of his +ritin$s had an enormous influence# %e stressed the need for self-discipline# The contemplative must pur$e himself *y tears. that is. *y true repentance. and *y the active a*andonment of the passions# %e must seek love, for love is the link *et+een God and man. a lastin$ possession. +hereas even the divine illumination itself is only. so to say. a temporary e(perience# %e +as a+are of the theolo$ical pro*lem# 64o you say1. he asks. 6that there can *e no vision nor kno+led$e of %im Who is unseen and unkno+a*leS1 and he ans+ers:1 %o+ can you dou*tS %e %imself. Who is a*ove all *ein$ and *efore all time and uncreated. *ecame incarnate and appeared to me and miraculously deified me +hom %e received# If God. Who. as you *elieve. +as made man. adopted me. a human *ein$. and deified me. then I. a $od *y adoption. perceive %im Who is God *y nature#1 In many ima$es he seeks to e(press the clima( of Christian e(perience. communion +ith the incommunica*le. made possi*le throu$h the incarnation of the 'o$os# The end of e(perience is 'i$ht. not. he says. in the likeness of fire +hich can *e perceived *y the senses. *ut 'i$ht +hich is eternal. the splendour and $lory of everlastin$ happiness. the 'i$ht that transforms into li$ht those +hom it illumines. the 'i$ht that is uncreated and unseen. +ithout *e$innin$ and +ithout matter. *ut that is the quality of the $race *y +hich God makes %imself kno+n#"MJ ymeon1s e(ample +as keenly follo+ed on &ount Athos# In the monasteries of the %oly &ountain monks sou$ht continually to e(perience the 'i$ht# In the course of their search they learnt the value of physical e(ercises# This +as an old tradition# 9ohn Climacus had recom"HK
"HL

Gre$ory of 0yssa. 1ita %oysis. &#P#G#. (nv. coll# 5IHM#O, 'ossky. op# Cit# PP- FG-K

Basil. Epistolae. &#P#G#. (((n. col# MLI# "HH fuoted *y Euthymius :i$a*enus. -anoplia. &#P#G#. c(((. col# "F5# "HM 9ohn of 4amascus. De Fide Orthodoxa. &#P#G#. (civ. col# MJJ# "HI &# 9u$ie. 6Palamas.1 Dictionnaire de theologie catholi.ue. QI. coll# "HKIM#.O quotin$ Canon )(oniensis# "MJ ymeon the 0e+ Theolo$ian. Di&inorum Amorum Li$er. &#P# G#. e(. coll# KI5-F# ee 'ossky. op# cit# pp# 5"M ff#

mended *reathin$ e(ercises# The memory of 9esus. he said. should *e united to the *reath, and he +as not speakin$ in sym*ols# By the *reath the spirit enters into the *ody and *y control of the *reath the *ody can *e controlled# We are close here to the psycho-physiolo$ical tradition of the further East. the yoga of the %indus and the dhi,r of the &uslims# It may *e that influences from such Eastern sources penetrated into By2antine monasticism# The $reat traditional home of monastic meditation +as the monastery of inai. +hich from its $eo$raphical situation +as in intimate touch +ith the &uslim +orld, and &uslim mysticism pro*a*ly received influences throu$h Persia from India# There +as also a more direct route to By2antium throu$h Anatolia# The $reatest of Persian mystics. 9elal ad-4in ar-!umi. came in the thirteenth century to ^onya. the ancient Iconium. +here he +rote and tau$ht and founded his sect of the &evlevis. the Whirlin$ 4ervishes. +ho *y the $yrations of the dance reach a state of ecstasy# Attitudes suita*le for contemplation as +ell as *reathin$ e(ercises +ere kno+n to the &uslim ufis# It is likely that there +as an informal and un+ritten interchan$e of practices *et+een Christian and &uslim mystics# There +as ho+ever a difference# The Indian and. to a lesser e(tent. the &uslim mystic sou$ht to induce a state of auto-hypnosis in +hich he could *ecome the passive recipient of divinity# The By2antine teachers +ere an(ious to maintain that such e(ercises +ere not an end in themselves *ut an unessential thou$h helpful discipline#"M" The first teacher in By2antium to advocate them in his +ritin$s +as a late thirteenth-century monk kno+n as 0icephorus the %esychast# %e +as Italian *y *irth. pro*a*ly a Cala*rian Greek. and came to Constantinople under &ichael NIII. +hose policy of union he fiercely opposed# %e therefore retired to Athos. +here he issued a short *ook called On So$riety and the 2uardianship of the eart. It is a some+hat careless compilation of quotations from the 3athers. +ith an appendi( recommendin$ certain physical e(ercises as helpin$ to induce concentration and *anish distraction# %e preferred that aspirin$ mystics should follo+ the counsels of a spiritual adviser, *ut. if there +as none at hand. there +ere physical movements and attitudes +hich +ould assist them# %e considered that *ody. soul and spirit formed a unity and that every psychical activity had a somatic repercussion# %e su$$ested that the repetition of the %oly 0ame should *e com*ined +ith rhythmical *reathin$# %e maintained. in perhaps dan$erously simple lan$ua$e. that thus the %oly pirit could enter throu$h the nostrils into the heart# "M5 Another treatise of +hich he may have *een the author. *ut +hich later a$es +ron$ly attri*uted to ymeon the 0e+ Theolo$ian. descri*ed the proper attitude for prayer# The mystic +as to sit alone in a corner of his cell and to *end for+ard. turnin$ his eyes to+ards the center of his *ody. in the re$ion of the navel. and search for the place of his heart# There +as nothin$ really ne+ in this# Breathin$ e(ercises had certainly *een practised for centuries. and the *ent. seated attitude for concentrated prayer $oes *ack to the earliest times#"MF Eli/ah on &ount Carmel. +hen he prayed for rain. 6cast himself do+n upon the earth and put his face *et+een his knees1 DI ^in$s "M:G5E# A miniature in a t+elfth-century manuscript of 9ohn Climacus sho+s a monk prayin$ in a similar posture. thou$h his eyes are closed and not lookin$ in+ard#"MG 4octrinally there +as no essential difference *et+een such attitudes and the raisin$ of the hands in prayer or the re$ulated movements in the 'itur$y or in# the ceremonies of the acred Palace# But in the hands of i$norant monks the e(ercises could take on a disproportionate importance# By the end of the thirteenth century there +as a stron$ +ave of mysticism floodin$ By2antine reli$ious life# The mystics +ere to *e found most of all in the cells on &ount Athos,
"M" "M5

ee &eyendorff. A Study of 2regory -alamas. pp# "FI-G#J# 0icephorus the %esychast. De So$rietate# &#P#G#. c(lvii. coll# IGK-LL# 3or him see G# Palamas. Defense des saints hesychastes Ded# and trans# 9# &eyendorffE. ". pp# FF"-F# "MF This treatise. called The %ethod of oly Attention# is edited *y %ausherr in Orientalia Christiana -eriodica. i(. 5 D"I5HE# "MG & of 9ohn Climacus. Natican. Graec# THKG#

*ut there +ere ecclesiastics. such as the Patriarch Athanasius I and Theoleptus. &etropolitan of Philadelphia. +ho felt that contemplation. helped *y physical e(ercises conducted in moderation. could *e practised +ithout isolation from the +orld# Athanasius. +ho +as an ea$er and stern reformer of monastic life. held that contemplation could +ell *e fitted in +ith the active $ood +orks and re$ular litur$ical practices of a monastery# "MK Even laymen +ere affected *y the movement# Gre$ory Palamas1s *io$rapher tells us ho+ once his father. Constantius Palamas. +as attendin$ a meetin$ of the enate, *ut. +hen suddenly asked a question *y the Emperor Andronicus II. he +as too deeply a*sor*ed in spiritual contemplation to pay any attention to the Imperial inquiry# o far from *ein$ annoyed. the pious Emperor only respected him the more hi$hly# "ML )dier By2antines. ho+ever. found this attitude some+hat e(a$$erated# While the Empire +as fallin$ to pieces far too many of its citi2ens seemed only to *e concerned +ith their o+n souls# 3or it happened that the $ro+in$ interest in mysticism coincided +ith a rene+ed interest in By2antium in the application of philosophy to reli$ion. an interest that +as stimulated and encoura$ed *y Cydones1s translations of the +orks of Thomas Aquinas# &any of the philosophers lon$ed to escape from the limitations of apophatic theolo$y and follo+ the West do+n a more cataphatic path# A clash +as inevita*le# The clash actually came half-accidentally# Amon$ the many Cala*rians in Constantinople +as a philosopher called Barlaam. +ho had *een educated in Italy# %e arrived in the capital in a*out the year "FFJ and soon acquired a reputation as a mathematician and an astronomer and a lo$ician# 9ohn Cantacu2enus. +ho +as then Grand 4omestic. $reatly admired him and $ave him a chair of philosophy at the university# %e *ecame a devoted mem*er of the )rthodo( Church# %e +as appointed a spokesman for the Greeks a$ainst t+o 4ominican fathers +ho came to Constantinople in "FFF-G# m "FFI he led an em*assy to Avi$non. to Pope Benedict QII. to +hom he e(plained clearly and sensi*ly +hy the Greeks in $eneral +ere opposed to union# %e seemed to *e an admira*le servant of )rthodo(y# 8nfortunately he had his o+n ideas# It has *een su$$ested that in his youth in the West he had studied the +orks of William of )ccam# Certainly he had *een affected *y the same intellectual atmosphere# %e attacked the 'atin Church alon$ the lines of )ccam1s nominalist attack on Thomism, and he com*ined the attack +ith a devotion to apophatic theolo$y. derived from the study of the +orks of the Areopa$ite. on +hich he had $iven a series of lectures# %e particularly disliked Thomism# 6Thomas1. he said. 6and those +ho follo+ his reasonin$ *elieve that nothin$ can e(ist that is inaccessi*le to the intelli$ence# But +e *elieve that such an opinion can only *e held *y a soul affected *y a proud and malicious demon, for nearly every divine thin$ lies *eyond human kno+led$e#1 The 'atins. he maintained. +ere $uilty of presumptuous pride +hen they declared that the %oly pirit descended from the 3ather and the on# As God +as unkno+a*le. ho+ could they profess to kno+ such a thin$S But Barlaam carried his apophatic tastes almost too far# %e implied that the Greeks +ere almost as *ad in sayin$ that the %oly pirit descended from the 3ather only, *ut at least they +ere supported *y the Creed as laid do+n *y the )ecumenical Councils# As a result Barlaam *e$an to find himself unappreciated *y the Greeks +hom he championed# %e offended the philosophers. such as 0icephorus Gre$oras. +ho. in a pu*lic de*ate. +as a*le to sho+ fla+s in his kno+led$e of Aristotle, +hile to the orthodo( theolo$ians his vie+s seemed to make no allo+ance for the Incarnation and to lead strai$ht to a$nosticism# As has *een said. he fled from the intellectual realism of the cholastics in the West to come up a$ainst the mystical realism of the monks in the East#"MH
"MK

ee 9# &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas et la %ysti.ue Orthodoxe . p# "GJ. and his preface to Palamas. 4efense. pp# (((i(-(li# "ML Philotheus. Encomium 2regorae -alamae. &#P#G#. en. col# KKF# "MH 3or Barlaam1s career and philosophy see his o+n +ritin$s in &#P#G#. en. coll# "5FI-FG5, B# Tatakis. La -hilo' sophic (y)antine# pp# 5LF-L, &eyendorff. Saint 2rigoire -alamas. pp# G5-G, &# 9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Chris'

The monk +ho made it his *usiness to point out Barlaam1s errors +as Gre$ory Palamas# %e +as *orn in "5IL. the son of the no*le +ho meditated durin$ meetin$s of the enate. and received a $ood *asic education under Theodore &etochites at the university# But his father died +hile he +as still youn$, and. instead of pursuin$ secular studies further. he decided. under the influence of Theoleptus of Philadelphia. to enter the monastic life and persuaded his +hole family to follo+ him# At a*out the a$e of t+enty he +ent +ith his *rothers to &ount Athos. eventually attachin$ himself to the Grand 'avra there# After nearly ten years on the &ountain he planned to visit the %oly 'and and &ount inai# The voya$e proved not to *e practica*le# %e spent some time at Thessalonica. +here he +as ordained a priest. then or$ani2ed a community of hermits near Berrhoea in &acedonia# er*ian invasions disrupted the hermits1 life, and in a*out "FF" he returned to Athos. settlin$ in a cell kno+n as aint a**as. not far from the Grand 'avra. to +hich he +ould repair +eekly to partake of the acraments# 3or a fe+ months in "FFKL he +as a**ot of the monastery of Esphi$menou, *ut the monks there resented his stern disci-

pline. and he returned $ladly to his hermita$e# "MM oon after+ards Barlaam1s +ritin$s came into

his hands. sent to him *y a disciple of his called Akyndinus# %e +as shocked *y them and +rote

a series of letters *oth to Barlaam and to Akyndinus. courteously pointin$ out his o*/ections#"MI Akyndinus replied in a mediatory spirit, *ut Barlaam +as furious# 6I +ill humiliate that man1. he declared# " %e decided to attack the hesychast teachin$ +hich Palamas represented and +ent to Thessalonica. +here he *e$an to move in hesychast circles# %is acquaintances +ere some+hat i$norant monks +ho follo+ed the in/unctions of 0icephorus the %esychast and other such teachers +ithout any real understandin$ of their teachin$# With o*vious relish Barlaam issued a num*er of treatises sho+in$ up the a*surdity of the practices +hich he had +itnessed in their company# 6They have informed me1. he +rote. 6of miraculous separations and reunions of the spirit and the soul. of the traffic +hich demons have +ith the soul. of the difference *et+een red li$hts and +hite li$hts. of the entry and departure of the intelli$ence throu$h the nostrils +ith the *reath. of the shields that $ather to$ether round the navel. and finally of the union of )ur 'ord +ith the soul. +hich takes place in the full and sensi*le certitude of the heart +ithin the navel#1 %e said that they claimed to see the divine essence +ith *odily eyes. +hich +as sheer &essalianism# When he asked them a*out the li$ht +hich they sa+. they told him that it +as neither of the superessential Essence nor an an$elic essence nor the pirit itself. *ut that the spirit

contemplated it as another hypostasis# 6I must confess1. he commented. 6that I do not kno+ +hat

this li$ht is# I only kno+ that it does not e(ist#1"IJ The attack +as effective# In the hands of i$norant monks such as he had encountered. the psycho-physical teachin$ of the %esychasts could produce dan$erous and ridiculous results# &any of the By2antine intellectuals +ho had disliked Barlaam1s e(a$$eratedly apophatic teachin$ +elcomed an e(posure of doctrines that seemed to *e even more shockin$ly anti-intellectual# The attack moreover appealed to the sardonic humour of the By2antines# The %esychasts +ere $iven the nickname of )mphaloscopoi. the navel-$a2ers, and the nickname has stuck to them

and has coloured the tone of most su*sequent Western +ritin$ a*out the By2antinemystics# "I" But Barlaam himself $ained little advanta$e out of his venom# The intellectuals mi$ht cheer him at first *ut they still mistrusted him, and By2antine opinion in $eneral respected mysticism even +hen it did not understand it# &oreover in Palamas Barlaam found an opponent far more profound than himself# Palamas replied to the attack in a $reat +ork called Triads for the Defence of the oly esychasts# and composed a summary of it +hich +as si$ned *y representatives of all the

monasteries on the %oly &ountain and for+arded to Constantinople# "I5 9ohn Cantacu2enus.

much as he had admired Barlaam. +as impressed *y the opinion of the %oly &ountain# "IF The Patriarch 9ohn Calecas +as less enthusiastic and sou$ht to avoid a controversy. *ut he +astO overruled# 'ate in "FGJ Palamas and a party of Athonite monks arrived in Constantinople, and early the ne(t year a council +as held at +hich Barlaam1s doctrines +ere attacked from all sides N and condemned. and the Palamite manifesto +as accepted as em*odyin$ )rthodo( doctrine# After makin$ one more attempt to rene+ his attack Barlaam sa+ that he +as defeated and retired

to Italy#"IG There he +as received *ack into the !oman Church. presuma*ly a*andonin$ much of his former theolo$y. and spent his time tryin$ vainly to teach the poet Petrarch Greek# 3or this arduous task he +as re+arded +ith the *ishopric of Gerace. a see +here the Greek rite +as still

practised# %e returned to Constantinople as Papal am*assador in "FGL# It +as scarcely a tactful

choice# %is mission +as a failure# %e returned to Gerace. +here he died in "FGM#"IK Barlaam +as removed from the scene, *ut Palamas1s trou*les +ere not ended# %is former friend and pupil Akyndinus no+ turned a$ainst him# Akyndinus had tried to put for+ard a compromise solution. demandin$ that old formulae should not *e discussed and that the difference *et+een essence and ener$y-should not *e emphasi2ed# A synod in Au$ust "FG" condemned this compromise. thou$h out of friendship Palamas sa+ to it that Akyndinus1s name +as omitted

from the condemnation#"IL But Akyndinus +as unrepentant and un$rateful# %e returned to the attack. +ith the support of a num*er of intellectuals. led *y 0icephorus Gre$oras# The civil +ar that *roke out a fe+ months later $ave him his chance# The Emperor Andronicus III had died in 9une "FG". leavin$ a son of nine. 9ohn N. to succeed him under the re$ency of the Empress. Anna of avoy# 9ohn Cantacu2enus remained in po+er as chief minister, *ut in )cto*er. +hen Cantacu2enus +as a+ay on a campai$n in Greece. a coup detat $ave the control of Constantinople to a rival minister. Ale(ius Apocaucus. and his friend. the Patriarch 9ohn Calecas# Cantacu2enus retorted *y open re*ellion a$ainst the ne+ $overnment# Palamas. +ho condemned the coup detat *ut +as on friendly terms +ith the Empress. tried to keep aloof from the contest# But the Patriarch disliked him# At first he did not dare to touch so venerated a fi$ure, *ut early in "FGF. ur$ed on *y Akyndinus. he arrested Palamas. puttin$ him first under house-arrest in a monastery in the su*ur*s and then imprisonin$ him in the capital. +hile a packed synod in "FGG condemned his vie+s# Akyndinus. +ho had *een ordained *y the Patriarch. +as re+arded +ith the post of &etropolitan of Thessalonica. thou$h. o+in$ to the :ealot revolt there. he +as never a*le to visit his see# In "FGK Apocaucus +as murdered# oon after+ards the Empress quarrelled +ith the Patriarch. deposin$ him on 5 3e*ruary "FGH# But their /oint $overnment had *een so

*loodthirsty and incompetent that 9ohn Cantacu2enus +as a*le to enter Constantinople ne(t day#

%e +as accepted as co-Emperor and married his dau$hter %elena to the *oy 9ohn N#"IH As the Empress1s relations +ith the Patriarch +orsened she *e$an to sho+ favour to Palamas. releasin$ him from prison +hen she deposed Calecas# %e then acted as the mediator *et+een her and Cantacu2enus# %is triumph +as no+ complete# %e +as named &etropolitan of Thessalonica in place of Akyndinus. thou$h it +as not till "FKJ. on the collapse of the :ealots. that he +as a*le to settle in the city# &ean+hile a num*er of synods reinstated his doctrines, and in 9uly "FK" a Council attended *y representatives of all the )rthodo( Churches. and therefore rankin$ in )rthodo( eyes as )ecumenical. pu*lished a ynodal Tome approvin$ all his vie+s#

After various local synods had confirmed the Tome. it +as reproduced in a ynodicon of )rtho-

do(y. +hich +as appended to the litur$ical *ooks of the Church#"IM As &etropolitan of Thessalonica Palamas +as deeply respected# %is efforts to ri$ht social in/ustices helped to reconcile the supporters of the :ealots and to *rin$ peace to the city# 4urin$ a voya$e to Constantinople in "FKG he +as captured *y the Turks and +as o*li$ed to spend a year in detention at the )ttoman court# %e +as +ell treated there# In the course of several frank conversations on reli$ion +ith mem*ers of the ultan1s family he is reported to have e(pressed the hope that the time +ould soon come +hen Christians and &uslims +ould reach an under-

standin$ +ith each other#"II %e +as equally +ell disposed to+ards the 'atins. maintainin$ a friendly correspondence +ith the Genoese at Galata and the Grand &aster of the %ospitallers at

!hodes# Indeed. 0icephorus Gre$oras accused him of favourin$ them# 5JJ It +as only in "FKK. +hen a Papal 'e$ate. Paul. Arch*ishop of myrna. arrived in Constantinople and +as present at a discussion *et+een Palamas and Gre$oras. that difficulties arose# Paul. influenced perhaps *y Barlaam. +hom he had kno+n in Italy. +as from the outset hostile to Palamas and reported unfavoura*ly on his doctrines to !ome, even thou$h 9ohn Cantacu2enus. no+ e(-Emperor and a monk. did his *est to e(plain that there +as nothin$ in Palamite teachin$ that +as in opposition to the traditions of the 3athers# But Paul seems to have reali2ed that Palamism and Thomism +ere mutually e(clusive# )f the discussion +ith Gre$oras. Gre$oras1s version frankly admits to omittin$ most of Palamas1s speeches as *ein$ un+orthy of record. +hereas he reproduces +hat he claims to have said at such len$th that Palamas drily remarked that had his account *een accurate the de*ate +ould have lasted not one evenin$ *ut many days and ni$hts# The official record.

dra+n up *y the Protostrator Geor$e Phacrases. is more impartial. thou$h it omits a philolo$ical

di$ression in +hich. accordin$ to Gre$oras. Palamas made some unfortunate errors#5J" Palamas died at Thessalonica on 5H 0ovem*er "FKI# 0ine years later he +as canoni2ed *y the Patriarch of Constantinople. his friend and disciple Philotheus Coccinus# After 4emetrius.

the le$endary patron of the city. he has remained to this day the *est-loved saint of the Thessalo -

nians#5J5 The theolo$ical controversy had *een em*ittered *y the civil +ar# But the reli$ious and political parties did not coincide# 9ohn Cantacu2enus $ave his support to Palamism, *ut so did his opponent Apocaucus. +hile Anna of avoy remained Palamas1s friend# 0icephorus Gre$oras and 4emetrius Cydones +ere *oth supporters of Cantacu2enus and *oth stron$ly anti-Palamite# While Cantacu2enus sou$ht for an understandin$ +ith !ome and Cydones +as to /oin the !oman Church. Gre$oras remained 'atinopho*e, and. as +e have seen. it +as only Paul of myrna1s lo$ical mind and his dislike of Palamas that drove the Palamites into the anti-'atin

camp#5JF Palamas himself never *elieved that he +as an innovator# %e merely sou$ht to defend +hat he held to *e the orthodo( tradition, and he defended it in +ritin$ *ecause he had *een at-

tacked in +ritin$# It is characteristic that he entitled his main +ork a Defence# If he seems in his

later +orks to develop his doctrine. it is *ecause he had to meet further attacks#5JG Barlaam1s first attack had *een a$ainst the %esychasts1 methods of prayer# Palamas replied *y first stressin$ the importance of prayer# %ere he +as in the old Eastern tradition# Gre-

$ory of 0yssa had called prayer 6the leader in the choir of virtues1# 5JK To Isaac of 0ineveh. +ho had $reatly influenced the inaitic school. prayer +as 6the conversation +ith God +hich takes

place in secret1#5JL 6The po+er of prayer1. Palamas +rote. 6fulfils the sacrament of our union +ith

God#15JH In this fulfilment perfection is reached# But first there must *e penitence. then purification# The need for the 6$ift of tears1 +as fully accepted *y the )rthodo(# Purification +as a more difficult process# It involves the a*andonment of earthly passions and distractions *ut not of the *ody itself# When +e speak of a man. says Palamas. +e mean his *ody as +ell as his soul# When +e speak of the Incarnation +e mean that God the on *ecame man# It +ould *e &anichaean to hold that in purifyin$ ourselves +e must try to escape from the *ody# Accordin$ to %oly Writ man +as made *y God in %is ima$e# Thou$h +e cannot kno+ e(actly +hat that means. it certainly means that man in his entirety is the creation of God. /ust as man in his entirety +as sullied *y the 3all# In the hard task of purification +e need +hat help +e can o*tain# That is the value of +hat Palamas and his contemporaries called 6scientific prayer1 7 the ad/ective in Greek is BdWAY<X[?WZ<# As the *ody is not essentially evil *ut +as created *y God to *e the temple of the ind+ellin$ spirit. +e should use its help# )f the t+o methods that the %esychasts recommended and that Barlaam critici2ed. Palamas first noticed the connection of prayer +ith the intake of *reath# This can aid anyone +ho is prayin$ to retain his mind +ithin himself. in the re$ion of the heart. +hich Palamas and his contemporaries held to *e the center of man# 6It is not valueless1. he says. 6particularly in the case of *e$inners. to teach them to look into themselves and to send their minds in+ards *y means of *reathin$#1 %is physiolo$ical ideas may seem a little crude to us today# But there is no dou*t that rhythmical *reathin$ helps to induce contemplation# &oreover Palamas +as careful not to $o too far# E(perience proves the method to *e valua*le. *ut its value is purely supplementary# A man should only use it until 6+ith God1s help he has perfected himself in +hat is *etter and has learnt ho+ to keep his mind immova*ly fi(ed +ithin itself and distinct from all else. and so can $ather it perfectly into one +hole#1 %is attitude is similar to+ards the other method. +hich the opponents of %esychasm called omphaloscopy# 6%o+ should it not *e helpful1. he asks. 6for a man +ho is tryin$ to keep his spirit +ithin him if. instead of lettin$ his eye +ander here and there. he keeps it fi(ed upon his *reast or on his navel as a fi(ed propS1 %ere a$ain he sho+s his *elief that the heart is the center of the entire man, it is particularly use ful to $a2e at the area +here the heart is situated# But a$ain he emphasi2es that the discipline of prayer +ill come easily and +ithout conscious thou$ht to those +ho have pro$ressed alon$ the path# It is the *e$inner. to +hom the path is difficult and tirin$. +ho needs +hat help he can o*-

tain#5JM Palamas +as a+are that there +ere some so foolish as to confuse the means +ith the end# %e admits that there +ere simple-minded %esychasts +ho fell into the error, and it +as from such folk. he says. that Barlaam procured his information# Indeed. Cantacu2enus tells us that

Barlaam1s chief informant +as a novice of si( months standin$. notorious for his stupidity# 5JI 'ike 0icephorus the %esychast. Palamas preferred that a *e$inner should consult a spiritual adviser. to avoid such risks# Indeed. +hile it is easy for us today to make fun of omphaloscopy. there is nothin$ heretical or unchristian in makin$ use of physical e(ercises to induce concentration# Palamas and his disciples +ere follo+in$ an ancient tradition that had lon$ proved its +orth# 0or is it fair to assume that the %esychasts +ere su*stitutin$ an easy and mechanical +ay of prayer for the hard +ay of keepin$ the commandments# The %esychast 3athers took it for $ranted that unless the commandments +ere kept it +as profitless to start upon the +ay of prayer# It +as *ecause that +ay +as so difficult that mechanical aids could *e used# To Palamas purification +as not the ultimate end# In one of his homilies he says: 6It is impossi*le to *e united +ith God unless. *esides purifyin$ ourselves. +e come to *e outside. or. rather. a*ove ourselves. havin$ a*andoned everythin$ that pertains to the sensi*le +orld and havin$ risen a*ove all ideas and reasonin$ and even a*ove all kno+led$e and reason itself. until +e are entirely under the influence of the sense of the intellect and have reached the unkno+in$ +hich is a*ove all kno+led$e and every form of philosophy#1 By the intellect. or understandin$ DUWAe<AWC B[BVUE. he means nothin$ mental *ut the spiritual ima$e of God in man. seated not in the *rain *ut in the heart# That is to say. enli$htenment is only achieved *y *rin$in$ the mind into the heart# Then 6 the intellect. purified and illumined. enters manifestly into possession of the $race of God and perceives itselfg not only contemplatin$ its o+n ima$e *ut the clarity formed in the ima$e *y the $race of God g and this accomplishes the incomprehensi*le union +ith the %i$hest. throu$h +hich the intellect surpasses human capacities and sees God in the spirit1# Palamas adds specifically that 6%e +ho participates in this $race *ecomes himself to some e(tent the 'i$ht# %e is united to the 'i$ht and *y that 'i$ht he is made fully a+are of all

that remains invisi*le to those +ho have not this $race### The pure in heart see God. Who. *ein$

'i$ht. d+ells in them and reveals %imself to those that love %im#15"J What is this 'i$htS The %esychasts identified it +ith the li$ht that shone on &ount Tha*or# The divine reality +hich is manifested to the holy mystics is identical +ith the li$ht that appeared to the Apostles at the time of the Transfi$uration# But there is a difference# 6 ince the Transfi$uration of the 'ord on Tha*or +as a prelude to the visi*le apparition of God in $lory that is yet to come. and since the apostles +ere thou$ht +orthy to see it +ith their *odily eyes. +hy should not those +hose hearts are purified *e a*le to contemplate +ith the eyes of the soul the prelude and pled$e of %is apparition in the spiritS But. since the on of God. in %is incompara*le love for man. dei$ned to unite %is divine hypostasis +ith our nature in assumin$ an animate *ody and a soul do+ered +ith intelli$ence. in order to appear on earth and live amon$ men. and since. too. %e unites %imself +ith human hypostases themselves. mi(in$ +ith each of the faithful *y the Communion of %is holy *ody. and since %e thus *ecomes one *ody +ith us and makes of us a temple of the entire divinity nfor in %im d+elleth all the fullness of the Godhead *odily.O ho+ shall %e not illuminate those +ho communicate +orthily +ith the divine ray of %is *ody +hich is in us. $ivin$ li$ht to their souls as %e illuminated the *odies of the disciples on Tha*orS At that time %is *ody. the source of li$ht and $race. +as not yet united +ith our *odies# %e illuminated from outside those +ho approached in +orthiness. and sent the li$ht to their souls throu$h their sensi*le eyes# But no+ that %e is immi(ed +ith us and e(ists in us. %e illuminates

the soul naturally +ithin us#15"" That is to say. Palamas *elieves that it is the historic fact of the Crucifi(ion and of Pentecost +hich $ives reality to the acrament of Communion and so ena*les man to e(perience the 'i$ht +ithout the help of an e(terior miracle# But. thou$h man1s a*ility to see the 'i$ht is thus. so to speak. dependent upon history. the 'i$ht itself is transcendental and eternal, and no one +ho has not e(perienced it can kno+ +hat it is. since it is a*ove kno+led$e#

Palamas compares it to the +hite stone in !evelation. 6 and in the stone a ne+ name +ritten.

+hich no man kno+eth savin$ he that re-ceiveth it1#5"5 God is 'i$ht# Therefore the 'i$ht is uncreated and everlastin$. a part of God# This +as a traditional vie+. e(pressed in icons of Christ in Glory *y the mandorla# the li$ht that rays out from %im# But to Barlaam and Akyndinus and the other opponents of %esychasm this savoured of heresy# %o+ can man in his *ody see the 'i$ht if the 'i$ht is GodS It +as sheer &essalianism to say that man can see the divine essence +ith *odily eyes# &any later theolo$ians have assumed that Palamas and his school must have *een affected *y the Bo$omils. +ith their &es-

salian herita$e. +ho +ere still flourishin$ in the Balkans and had even penetrated on to the %oly

&ountain#5"F To Palamas such an attack seemed a*surd# %e ans+ered that Barlaam and his supporters +ere themselves in dan$er of heresy *y their definition of essence# They seemed to equate essence +ith God in %is entirety. or at least to su$$est that it is in %is essence that God possesses in unity and uniquely all %is po+ers# But God is not essence# %e is. in the divine +ords. +hat %e is: 6 I am +ho I am#1 %e Who Is does not derive from %is essence# %is essence derives from %im# Palamas quotes the +ords of the Areopa$ite: 6If +e name the superessential &ystery nGodO or n'ifeO or nEssenceO or n'i$htO or nWord.O +e are thinkin$ of no more than the deifyin$ po+ers +hich come to us#1 If therefore Barlaam says that only the essence of God is a reality +ithout *e$innin$. he means that only the essence-makin$ or su*stance-makin$ po+er of God is eternal# %is other po+ers must *elon$ to the temporal sphere# 0ot only does this limit God *ut it implies a mental kno+led$e of %im Who is not only a*ove all kno+led$e *ut also a*ove all unkno+in$# Ret. o+in$ to the Incarnation. there is a relation *et+een us and God. a reality *et+een creatures and the imparticipa*le superessentiality. and not one reality *ut many# These realities are the po+ers of that superessentiality. +hich. in a unique and unifyin$ fashion. possesses eternally and takes *ack into itself all the multitude of participa*le realities# 6If1. Palamas says. 6you suppress that +hich is *et+een the Imparticipa*le and the participants. you separate us from God and destroy the link *et+een us. creatin$ a vast impassa*le a*yss *et+een God on the one side

and creation and created *ein$s on the other## #We shall have to find another God if +e are to

participate in divine life#15"G Accordin$ to Palamas the participa*le realities of God are provided *y %is ener$ies# 0either the term nor the doctrine +as novel, *ut hitherto no one had felt the need for definin$ it# Palamas $ives a clear definition# 6Creation1. says Cyril of Ale(andria. 6is the task of ener$y#1 If +e deny a distinction *et+een essence and ener$y there is no frontier *et+een the Procession of the divine hypostases and the creation of the +orld# Both +ould equally *e acts of the same divine nature, and the *ein$ and action of God +ould *e identical and of the same character# We must therefore distin$uish in God %is nature. +hich is one. the three hypostases in %is nature.

and the uncreated ener$y +hich proceeds from and is insepara*le from the nature# 5"K But ener$y. thou$h it is the creative force. does not e(ist solely for that purpose# It is an eternal attri*ute# The metaphor most often used *y the %esychast 3athers is *ased on the sun and its rays# The solar disk is compared +ith God in %is essence and the rays of the sun to %is ener$ies# The rays cannot e(ist +ithout the sun. and +e cannot conceive of the sun +ithout its rays, for they are +hat can penetrate to us and $ive us li$ht and +armth# But the rays are as everlastin$ as the sun# They +ould emanate from it even if there +as no one to perceive them# At the same time. thou$h the

ener$ies are eternal the created +orld does not therefore *ecome co-eternal# The act of creation is

effected ex nihilo. determined *y the common +ill of the Triune Godhead#5"L God. inaccessi*le in %is essence. is omnipresent in %is ener$ies. remainin$ invisi*le yet seen# Palamas likens this to the manner in +hich +e can see our faces in a lookin$-$lass thou$h they are invisi*le to us# The ener$ies are the uncreated and deifyin$ $race +hich can *ecome the portion of the saints in their life of union +ith God# We cannot comprehend the distinction *et+een the ener$ies and the essence. and +e cannot conceive of them inu separation from the Trinity. of +hich they are the common and eternal manifestation# They are not hypostases themselves. nor is it possi*le to attri*ute any particular ener$y to any one of the three %ypostases# Barlaam misquoted Palamas. declarin$ that he +ent so far as to call the ener$ies *y the name of 6lesser or do+n$oin$ divinity1 7 ]_BWXB?< eB[Y<C 7 +hile the essence is called the 6$reater or transcendent divinity1 7 ]dBVBWXB?< eB[Y<C# Palamas himself never used the +ords in this sense.

and indi$nantly denied the latter phrase. +hile sho+in$ that the former phrase occurs in the Are-

opa$ite#5"H It must *e repeated that Palamas +as only seekin$ to e(plain a doctrine that is implicit in the +orks of the Cappadocian 3athers. of &a(imus the Confessor. of 9ohn of 4amascus and of other saints of the Eastern Church# That it should have aroused so much opposition in Constantinople is surprisin$# This +as due to the lively interest in philosophy amon$ the intellectuals trained *y Theodore &etochites. an interest illustrated *y the +elcome that they $ave to the +orks of Thomas Aquinas +hen they +ere h translated *y Cydones# To traditional Eastern thinkers Thomism +as revolutionary in a +ay that Palamism +as not# The kno+led$e that Thomas re$ards as *ein$ the hi$hest accessi*le to man has nothin$ to do +ith the $nosis of the Eastern 3athers, and he de*ars the traditional )rthodo( notion of deification *y his conception of *eatitude. +hich. +here man is concerned. is created and human and only to *e attained after death. an imperfect form alone *ein$ accessi*le to man on earth# %is distinction *et+een the active and the passive intellect. thou$h it lo$ically provides man +ith a po+er to kno+ of the 4ivine *y a process of a*straction from sensi*le o*/ects. cannot +ell fit into )rthodo( tradition# Thomas indeed respects the apophatic theolo$y of the Areopa$ite# %e is fully conscious of the limits of human kno+led$e# But to him apophatic is little more than a corrective to cataphatic theolo$y# Barlaam +hen he first attacked Palamas had no love for Thomism, *ut Palamas1s later opponents. such as Akyndinus and 0icephorus Gre$oras. +ere more profound# To them Palamite doctrine destroyed the unity of God# Palamas a$reed that God must *e simple, *ut to Gre$oras. as to most Western theolo$ians. simplicity must mean essence and nothin$ more# The li$ht +ith +hich God illumines the faithful. the li$ht of Tha*or or the li$ht of God1s $lory. cannot *e God *ecause it is not of God1s essence# As only God is uncreated. this li$ht must *e created# By introducin$ uncreated ener$ies Palamas +as introducin$ additional Gods# In his desire to avoid &essalianism he had fallen into the 0eo-Platonic error of producin$ a multiplicity of minor deities# To accepted Western tholo$y God is simple essence 7 Deus est su$stantia spiritualis omnino simplex. As the t+elfth-century Council of !heims +hich condemned Gil*ert de la Porree declared: 6We *elieve and confess one God. the 3ather. the on and the %oly Ghost. to *e eternal. and nothin$ else to *e eternal. +hether they *e called relations or properties or sin$ularities or unities, nor can other thin$s of this sort *e part of God since they +are taken out of the eternal and are not God#1 In particular the opponents of Palamism could not accept that $race +as uncreated or could *e equated +ith the divine li$ht# The $ifts of the %oly pirit are. to the West. created $ifts# To Western theolo$ians. if ever man can see God +ith *odily eyes. +hich

fe+ Catholics outside of the ranks of the Calceated Carmelites have maintained. he sees God in

%is essence *y some supernatural added $ift#5"M Palamas had no difficulty in ans+erin$ the question of the simplicity of God# What is simplicity. he askedS We confess the Trinity in God. +hich mi$ht lo$ically seem to *e dissonant

+ith simplicity# 4o +e dama$e %is simplicity further *y sayin$ that there are rays or sparks per-

petually emanatin$ out from %imS5"I A fe+ opponents of Palamism. feelin$ that the doctrine had to *e defined. sou$ht a compromise# The monk Isaac Ar$yrus. for e(ample. su$$ested that the 'i$ht +as not uncreated *ut +as the first-created li$ht and *eauty +ith +hich the first man +as made and into +hich redeemed man can return# But it +as difficult to find te(ts to support such a vie+# )f the adherents of Palamism 9ohn Cantacu2enus tried nevertheless to lessen the emphasis on the distinction *et+een essence and ener$y. in the vain hope of makin$ the doctrine more accepta*le to the

'atins#5 55J The most distin$uished mystic of the time. 0icholas Ca*asilas. seems to have hesitated a little *efore admittin$ the doctrine. *ut +as entirely convinced *y it. even thou$h his vie+s on mysticism differed from the %esychasts1# %e +as a humanist and a philanthropist, he did not feel that the mystic should necessarily retire from the +orld of men# To him the supreme mystical e(perience +as to *e o*tained *y participation in the 'itur$y and the acrament# The participant should certainly prepare himself *y repentance. prayer and meditation# But. he says. there is no need for +eariness or s+eat. no need to retire into a solitary place and to +ear a stran$e ha*it# Rou may stay in your house. you may keep your +orldly $oods, for God is every+here around us and +ill come to us if +e open the door *y meditatin$ upon %is $oodness and on the link that %e has provided *et+een %imself and man# Then +e can reach him *y sharin$ in the divine drama of %is life and death and resurrection. +hich is the %oly 'itur$y, and %e +ill fill us +ith love. love of God and love for %is creatures# Ca*asilas considered the eremetical life too e$ocentric# The true Christo-centric life is to *e found in the +orld. not *y fleein$ from it# )f all the By2antine theolo$ians Ca*asilas is the most attractive# %is +ritin$. thou$h +ith the ele$ance and classical echos of all $ood By2antine +ritin$. is at the same time fresh and simple, his +orks are. said Geor$e cholarius. 6a /e+el of the Church1# )n the fe+ occasions +hen he ventured into theolo$ical controversy he sho+ed himself to *e opposed to 'atin theolo$y and to 'atin cholasticism# The West. he thou$ht. paid too little re$ard to the economy of the %oly pirit# But he +as not *y nature a controversialist# %is influence +as $reat# %e provided a link

*et+een mysticism and the +orld. *et+een the humanism of his time and the old )rthodo( tradi-

tion#55" The no*lest of his pupils +as ymeon. &etropolitan of Thessalonica. +ho died in "G5I# ymeon never claimed to *e a mystic himself, *ut. like his master. he *elieved that the hi$hest mystical e(perience +as to *e found in the 'itur$y# %e +as the author of the fullest sym*olical interpretation of the church *uildin$# In controversy he +as remarka*le for his irenical tone# Thou$h he ar$ued a$ainst the 'atins he clearly lon$ed to reach an understandin$ +ith them# With it all he +as a vi$orous and kindly administrator. so +ell *eloved in his diocese that +hen he died. si( years after the city had *een sold to the Nenetians. not only did the Italians mourn him alon$ +ith the Greeks. *ut the 9e+s. a race that seldom had cause to love By2antine hierarchs. /oined sincerely in the mournin$# The ease +ith +hich the Turks captured Thessalonica the

follo+in$ year +as attri*uted *y many to the feelin$ of despair in the city +hich follo+ed the

$reat &etropolitan1s death#555 Ca*asilas and ymeon represented the humanist tradition in Eastern mysticism# But their humanism depended on the e(istence of a cultured lay society at Constantinople. such as e(isted up till "GKF# A sterner tradition +as to *e more influential in the future# This +as represented at its most e(treme *y Gre$ory of inai. +ho +as *orn in Asia &inor in "5KK# %e spent his youth on &ount inai. from +here he derived his surname. then moved to Crete and from Crete to &ount Athos# %e harked *ack to the literal monasticism of the desert, to him %esychasm involved a life of solitude and a hermit1s e(istence +as far more commenda*le than life in a coeno*itic esta*lishment# 3or a true mystic. he maintained. participation in the 'itur$y +as unnecessary and even harmful# 6Psalmody1. as he called it. +as too e(terior to *rin$ men to the real memory of God# %e told his disciples to attend the 'itur$y seldom# 63requent psalmody1. he said. 6is for active men### *ut not for hesychasts +ho are content to pray to God alone in their hearts and to protect themselves from all thou$ht#1 Partly *ecause of piratical raids +hich made a hermit1s life on the &ountain unquiet. partly. too. *ecause he +as disliked *y the monks there.

Gre$ory moved in a*out "F5K to Bul$aria. to a cell at Paroria. in the trand/a mountains. +here

he died a$ed I" in "FGL#55F Gre$ory1s e(ample resulted in a revival of eremite life on the %oly &ountain and else+here in Greece, *ut his vie+s +ere too e(treme to have much influence amon$ the Greeks# Palamas seems never to have kno+n him and +ould not have sympathi2ed +ith his attitude a*out the 'itur$y# But Gre$ory1s pupil. Isidore Boukheras. +ho +as to succeed 9ohn Calecas as Patriarch. +as a friend of Palamas and may +ell have influenced him, Palamas echoes Gre$ory1s

insistence on the mystic1s need not to delude himself +ith easily o*tained e(terior visions# 55G It +as amon$st the lavs that Gre$ory1s le$acy +as $reatest# 3rom his retreat in Bul$aria his disciples +ent out north+ard across the 4anu*e into !ussia# Eminent amon$ them +as Cyprian of Tirnovo. +ho *ecame &etropolitan of ^iev in "FIJ# %e carried Gre$ory1s vie+s still further. preachin$ a$ainst the possession *y monasteries of landed property and demandin$ complete monastic poverty. and even discoura$in$ monastic communities in $eneral# In his vie+ hermits and mendicant monks +ere nearer to God# %is teachin$ and that of his follo+ers of the ne(t t+o or three $enerations. nota*ly 0il &aykov of or. +ho lived from "GFF to "KJM. led to the emer$ence of the starets as a familiar and deeply respected fi$ure in !ussian life# The starts +as a hermit. often nomadic and usually solitary. thou$h sometimes a $roup of disciples +ould cluster round him. seldom attendin$ any church service *ut en/oyin$ a presti$e far $reater than that of any *ishop or a**ot# %is position +as not unlike that of the hermit of early By2antine times. thou$h he +as more consciously dedicated to mystical e(ercises# It may *e dou*ted +hether the starets really enriched the spiritual life of !ussia# %e +as apt. *ein$ an i$norant man amon$st a superstitious peasantry. to *ecome a ma$ician as +ell as a meddler in local and sometimes in national politics. and an enemy to education and reform: till at last +e come to the most famous of all the vstarets.v Gri$or !asputin# &ean+hile for centuries !ussian ecclesiastical history +as

dominated *y the stru$$le *et+een the hierarchy. allied +ith the lar$e. orderly monasteries. and

the advocates of reli$ious poverty#55K The By2antine Church +as to *e spared such a stru$$le. o+in$ to the cruel fact of the Turkish conquest# By2antium +as full of reli$ious activity ri$ht up to the fall of the Empire, *ut in such trou*led times the contemplative life +as difficult to follo+ e(cept in the isolation of the %oly &ountain# oon after the Turkish occupation of Thessalonica in "GFJ &ount Athos +as o*li$ed to admit the su2erainty of the ultan# But he left the monks alone to form an autonomous monastic repu*lic, and they +ere a*le to retain most ow their endo+ments and mainland estates. and to keep in touch +ith the Patriarchate# %esychasm +as steadily practised there# &any centuries later. in "HM5. an Athonite monk. 0icodemus the %a$hiorite. pu*lished a collection of e(tracts from the 3athers of the Church. Western as +ell as Eastern. *e$innin$ +ith the fifth century. all dealin$ +ith the theory and practice of mysticism# 0icodemus cannot *e rated hi$hly as a scholarly editor or te(tual critic, *ut his compilation. kno+n as the -hilo,alia. is a +ork of $reat importance not only *ecause it includes many unpu*lished and some other+ise unkno+n te(ts. *ut also *ecause it sho+s the continuity of Christian mystical thou$ht# The %esychast theolo$ians. +ith Gre$ory Palamas at their head. +ere only definin$ doctrines that had lon$ *een

part of the )rthodo( tradition and that still survive in the )rthodo( +orld to this day. thou$h

+eakened *y the stress of modern life#55L &ystical e(perience lies at the heart of )rthodo(y# To many onlookers the )rthodo( Churches have sometimes seemed too ready to turn their *acks upon the material +orld and to escape into an unreal +orld of the spirit. su*mittin$ too readily to infidel $overnments and too readily condonin$ their $odless practices# It may *e so# By2antium inherited from !ome so deep a respect for the 'a+ that the By2antines too +illin$ly left it to the tate to punish +ron$-doin$ and to ri$ht social in/ustice. only protestin$ +hen their 3aith and their 'itur$y +ere impu$ned# There +ere. indeed. $reat churchmen +ho sou$ht to see that the la+s of God prevailed in daily life, *ut in $eneral it +as held that the *usiness of divines +as to see to the +elfare of the soul. not that of the *ody# This attitude may have +orked a$ainst philanthropy# But it +as also a stren$th to the Church. ena*lin$ her to survive the humiliation and the demorali2ation that political captivity *rou$ht in its train# The Christian of the East mi$ht have to *o+ do+n to Antichrist in his daily life, *ut his soul remained in communion +ith God#

.$ The End of the Empire$

By the middle of the fifteenth century it +as clear to any impartial o*server that the sands of the
ancient Empire +ere runnin$ out# Its territory consisted no+ only of the city of Constantinople itself. half in ruins and +ith its population d+indlin$. a fe+ to+ns strun$ alon$ the &armora and Black ea coasts of Thrace. and the islands of Tenedos and Im*ros off the entrance to the 4ardanelles# Cadets of the Imperial house maintained the 4espotate of the &orea. +hich no+ consisted of the +hole Peloponnese. apart from t+o or three Nenetian fortresses# In the East the Empire of the Grand Comnenus of Tre*i2ond lin$ered on# There +ere still a fe+ precarious 'atin principalities on the Greek mainland and in the islands, and Nenice and Genoa held other islands
tianorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Cathol,a Dissidentium# ". pp# GHJ-F, ^# &# etton. 6The By2antine Back$round to the Italian !enaissance.1 -roceedings of the American -hilosophical Society. c. I. pp# GJ-"# &eyendorff. op# cit# p# IJ. for his +ords a*out Thomas Aquinas# "MM &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# 5M-G"# I*id# p# GG# "MI I*id# p# GG# "IJ fuoted *y Palamas. 4efense. ii. pp# GJ"-F# "I" Barlaam1s o+n name for the %esychasts +as Omphaloscopoi# "I5 Palamas. Defense# I use &eyendorff1s edition Dsee Bi*lio$raphyE. +hich is the only complete edition# )ther of Palamas1s +orks are pu*lished in &#P#G#. e(# "IF 9# Cantacu2enus. istorianim Li$ri IN Ded# '# chopen. C# #%#B# editionE. ". pp# KK"-5# "IG &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# KJ-LH# "IK 3or Barlaam1s later career see etton. op# cit# pp# GG-K# etton is remarka*ly kind to Barlaam# "IL &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# KH-LJ# "IH I*id# pp# LF-MJ# "IM &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire-alamas. pp# ML-"J"# Gre$oras1s anti-Palamite account of the Council is $iven in his %istoria. ed# '# chopen and I# Bckker DC# #%#B# editionE. n. pp# MIM-IHM# The Tome of the Council is pu*lished in &#P#G#. en. coll# H5" ff# Palamas1s Confession of 3aith. +hich the Council accepted. i*id# coll# HLF-M# "II &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# "J5-H# 5JJ I*id# p# M". quotin$ & letter of Akyndinus# 5J" Gre$oras. op# tit# m. pp# F5G f3# ee also &# Candal. 63uentes Palamiticas: 4ialo$o de 9or$e 3acrasi.1 Orientalia Christiana -eriodica. (vi D"IKJE# 5J5 &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas# pp# """-"5# 5JF I*id# pp# MJ-L# 5JG ee a*ove. p# "FK. n# "# 5JK Gre$ory of 0yssa. De +nstituto Christiano. &#P#G#. (lvi. col# FJ"# 5JL Isaac of 0ineveh. %omily (((v. Greek version. W# 0# Theotoki. p# 55I# 5JH G# Palamas. De esychastis. &#P#G#. cl. col# """H# 5JM Palamas. Defense. i. pp# MH-IF# 5JI Cantacu2enus. op# cit# ". pp# KGG-L# 5"J Palamas. Defense. n. pp# GJH-I. G5"-F# 5"" Palamas. Defense. I. p# "IF# 5"5 I*id# ". p# "IK. quotin$ Book of !evelation ii# "H# 5"F This accusation is made *y *oth Akyndinus and 0icephorus Gre$oras# ee &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# FK-H, 9u$ie. op# cit# I. pp# GF" ff# 5"G Palamas. Defense. ii. pp# LMK-H# The passa$e from 4ionysius the Areopa$ite can *e found in his De Di&ino 0omine. &#P#G#. cl. col# I"L# 5"K Palamas. Capita -hysica# &#P#G#. cl. coll# ""MI. "55J# 5"L ee 'ossky. op# cit# pp# LH-IJ# 5"H &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# 5"M-"I# 5"M 3or Aquinas1s thou$ht see E# Gilson. The -hilosophy of Saint Thomas A.uinas Dtrans# E# Bullou$hE. passim# ee also herrard. op# cit# pp# "GK-KG# 5"I Palamas. Capita -hysica. col# IGI# 55J 3or Isaac Ar$yrus see %#-G# Beck. 3irche und tlieologische Literatur im (y)antinischen !eich # 55" 3or Ca*asilas1s mystical teachin$ see &# 'ot-Borodin. In %aitre de la spiritualitH (y)antine an 4l1e siecle : 0icolas Ca$asilas# passim, Tatakis. op# at# pp# 5HH-M"#

and a fe+ mainland ports# Else+here. from the 4anu*e to the Taurus mountains everythin$ +as in the hands of the )ttoman Turks# The )ttoman Empire +as a*ly and vi$orously $overned, and the )ttoman army +as the finest and most up-to-date in all the +orld# When in "GK" the )ttoman throne passed to a *rilliant and am*itious *oy of nineteen. &ehmet II. it +as not to *e e(pected that he +ould lon$ *e content to allo+ the $reat city to last on as an alien island in the very center of his dominions# 'ife +as tense in the threatened city# The philosophical and theolo$ical de*ates that had e(cited the By2antines of the previous century +ere su*ordinated no+ to the ur$ent political issue: could the Empire still *e savedS But this issue involved a reli$ious issue# If the Empire +ere to *e saved it could only *e throu$h help from outside, and help from outside meant help from the West. for +hich the price +as the union of the Churches under !ome# At this supreme moment of the Empire1s a$ony. the Church of Constantinople could provide little help for the people# Its provincial administration had *een disor$ani2ed *y the Turkish advance# 0o+. in Constantinople itself the official policy of union had produced chaos# There +as no Patriarch# The last occupant of the post. Gre$ory &ammas. had fled to Italy# As *ishoprics fell vacant the Emperor could find no one to fill them +ho +ould support his +ork for union# The cler$y and the con$re$ations of the city held aloof from the ceremonies in the Great Church of aint ophia. $oin$ instead for $uidance to the monastery of the Pantocrator. +here the monk Gennadius. the former Geor$e cholarius. fulminated a$ainst the union# Was it ri$ht for the By2antines to seek to save their *odies at the cost of losin$ their soulsS and. indeed. +ould they save their *odiesS To Gennadius and his friends it +as all too clear that the help provided *y the West +ould *e pathetically inadequate# %oly Writ maintained that sooner or later Antichrist +ould come as a precursor of Arma$eddon and the end of the +orld# To many Greeks it seemed that the time +as near# Was this the moment to desert the purity of the 3aithS Ret. +hen the crisis came. there +as scarcely a man or a +oman in Constantinople +ho did not rally to its defense# The Western allies +ere fe+, *ut. +hether they +ere Nenetian or Genoese merchants +hose chief motive +as self-interest. or $allant adventurers like the *rothers Bocchiardi or the paniard 4on 3rancisco of Toledo. or the cler$y in the suite of Cardinal Isidore. all fou$ht +ith coura$e till the fatal moment +hen the a*lest of them. the Genoese Giustiniani. mortally +ounded. deserted the *attlefield# The Greeks. depressed thou$h they +ere *y omens and prophecies. realistically a+are that the city could not hold out for lon$. and some of them convinced that *y no+ the Turkish conquest +ould provide the only solution for their pro*lems. /oined +holeheartedly in the stru$$le# )ld men and +omen came ni$ht after ni$ht to repair the dama$ed stockade# Even monks patrolled the +alls as +atchmen. and. for$ettin$ the ancient in/unctions of the 3athers. took up arms a$ainst the assailants# There +as /ealousy and *itterness *et+een the allies. *et+een the Nenetians and the Genoese. *et+een the Greeks themselves and *et+een Greeks and 'atins in $eneral# But the quarrels never seriously impaired the defense# Pride and loyalty to the Emperor and to Christendom transcended their differences, and on the last ni$ht *efore the final assault everyone +ho could *e spared from the +alls. +hatever his al555

3or ymeon of Thessalonica. see &#9u$ie. 6 ymeon de Thessalonique.1 Dictionnaire de theologie catholi.ue. (iv. 5. coll# 5IHL-MG: Beck. op# cit# pp# IK5-F# %is personal popularity is recorded *y Ana$nostes. De Excidio Thes' salonicae Ded# I# Bekker. C# #%#B# editionE. pp# GMH-M# 55F 3or Gre$ory of inai. see Tatakis. op# cit# pp# 5L"-F1n 'ossky. op# cit# pp# 5JI-"J# 55G &eyendorff. Saint 2regoire -alamas. pp# HJ-". "FL# 55K 3or Cyprian of Tirnovo and 0il of or. see N# Tkonnikov. Cultural +mportance of (y)antium in !ussian istory Din !ussianE. pp# H5-MF# ee also *elo+. p# F5L# 55L The -hilo,alia. compiled *y &acarius of Corinth and 0icodemus of the %oly &ountain. is printed in full in a !ussian translation *y 3eodor. Bishop of Nladimir- u2dal# There is a shorter Greek version. i xWc[ZUcWU Y@? WBV@? y<dYWZ@? "KM#

le$iance. came to the final 'itur$y in the $reat Cathedral. to pray for a deliverance that all kne+ that only a miracle could produce# The Empire ended in $lory# It +as only +hen the ne+s sped throu$h the city that the Emperor +as slain and that the ultan1s *anner +as +avin$ over the acred Palace that the Greeks $ave up the stru$$le and sou$ht to ad/ust themselves as *est they could to a life of captivity# 55H

55H

3or the story of the fall of the Empire see # !uncirnan. The Fall of Constantinople#

!ook $ The Church /nder the 0ttoman$

%$ The 1e2 Pattern$

+n Tuesday. 5I &ay "GKF. an old story +as ended# The last heir of Constantine the Great lay
dead on the *attlefield, and an infidel ultan had entered in triumph into the city +hich Constantine had founded to *e the capital of the Christian Empire# There +as no lon$er an Emperor rei$nin$ in the acred Palace to sym*oli2e to the 3aithful of the East the ma/esty and authority of Almi$hty God# The Church of Constantinople. for more than a thousand years the partner of the )rthodo( tate. *ecame the Church of a su*/ect people. dependent upon the +hims of a &uslim master# Its operation. its outlook and its +hole +ay of life had a*ruptly to *e chan$ed# It +as a fundamental chan$e, and yet it +as not quite as complete as it mi$ht seem at first si$ht# 3or centuries past the historic Patriarchates of the East. Ale(andria. Antioch and 9erusalem. had *een. *ut for *rief interludes. under the political po+er of &uslim authorities# Ever since the Turks had first occupied parts of Asia &inor in the eleventh century con$re$ations *elon$in$ to the Patriarchate of Constantinople had *een livin$ under &uslim rule# In recent decades the rapid spread of the )ttoman Empire. in Europe as +ell as in Asia. had added to their num*er. till *y "GKF the ma/ority of the Patriarch1s flock d+elt in the ultan1s dominions# There +ere also many Greek lands +hich had *een for some time past under 'atin masters and +hich +ere to remain under them for some time to come# Thou$h the Genoese +ere to lose the $reater part of their Greek colonies immediately after "GKF# they retained the island of Chios till "KLL#55M The Nenetians held fortresses in the Peloponnese and a num*er of Ae$ean islands till +ell into the si(teenth century, they held Crete till "LLI and Tinos till "H"K# Cyprus. still an independent kin$dom at the time of the fall of Constantinople. +as in Nenetian hands from "GMH to "KHJ#55I The Italian 4uchy of the Archipela$o lasted till "KLL. +hen the Turks imposed a 9e+ish vassal 4uke#5FJ The ^ni$hts of t 9ohn held !hodes till "K55#5F" The Ionian islands off the +est coast of Greece never passed under Turkish rule# They remained in Nenetian hands until the end of the ei$hteenth century. +hen they +ere taken over *y the 3rench and then passed to the British. +ho ceded them to the ^in$dom of Greece in "MLG# 5F5 Thus there +ere still a fe+ provinces +here the Patriarch1s authority could not al+ays *e implemented# 0evertheless. from the narro+ vie+point of ecclesiastical control and discipline the Patriarchate $ained from the conquest *ecause the vast *ulk of its territory +as reunited under one lay po+er# But the lay po+er +as infidel# o lon$ as the Christian Empire lasted on at Constantinople. Church and tate +ere still inte$rated there in one holy realm# The Emperor mi$ht in fact *e pathetically fee*le. *ut in theory he +as still the transcendent head of the Christian )ecumene. the representative of God *efore the people and the people *efore God# 0o+ the Church +as divorced from the tate# It *ecame an association of second-class citi2ens# %ere a$ain. as the only association that these second-class citi2ens +ere permitted to or$ani2e. its po+ers of discipline over its con$re$ations +ere enhanced# But it lacked the ultimate sanction of freedom#
55M

ee P# Ar$enti. The Occupation of Chios $y the 2enoese. ". pp# LK" ff#. and Chios Nincta. pp# c(lviii-cl. c(cii-c(ciii# 55I ee W# &iller. Essays on the Latin Orient. pp# 5LK-M# 5FJ ee C# !oth. The ouse of 0asiG the Du,es of 0axos# passim# 5F" ee 4# &# Nau$han. Europe and the Tur, JKLM'JNMM. pp# ""-"5. "JI-"J# 5F5 ee &iller. op# cit# pp# "II-"FJ#

The Conquerin$ ultan +as +ell a+are of the pro*lems that faced the Church, and he +as not hostile to its +ell-*ein$# %e had *een a truculent enemy until Constantinople +as conquered, and the conquest had *een accompanied *y *loodthirsty and destructive violence# But. havin$ conquered. he +as not un$enerous# %e had Greek *lood in his veins# %e +as +ell read and deeply interested in Greek learnin$# %e +as proud to see himself as the heir of the Caesars and +as ready to shoulder the reli$ious responsi*ilities of his predecessors. so far as his o+n reli$ion permitted# As a pious &uslim he could not allo+ the Christians any part in the hi$her control of his Empire# But he +ished them to en/oy peace and prosperity and to *e content +ith his $overnment and an asset to it#5FF %is first duty to the Christians +as to esta*lish the ne+ pattern for their administration# %is solution follo+ed lines traditional in &uslim dominions# &uslim rulers had lon$ treated reli$ious minorities +ithin their dominions as milets. or nations. allo+in$ them to $overn their o+n affairs accordin$ to their o+n la+s and customs. and makin$ the reli$ious head of the sect responsi*le for its administration and its $ood *ehaviour to+ards the paramount po+er# This +as the manner accordin$ to +hich the Christians in the Caliphate had *een ruled. amon$st them the con$re$ations of the Eastern )rthodo( Patriarchates# The system +as no+ e(tended to include the )rthodo( Patriarchate of Constantinople# 3or practical purposes it had already *een follo+ed in the districts of the Patriarchate that +ere +ithin the Turkish dominions# Where their lay officials had *een e/ected or had fled the Christians had naturally looked to their hierarchs to ne$otiate +ith the conquerors on their *ehalf, and it +as the hierarchs +ho carried on the day-to-day administration of their flocks as *est they could# But hitherto for them. as also for the )rthodo( Patriarchs of the East. there had *een in Constantinople an )rthodo( Emperor to +hom they o+ed ultimate alle$iance and +hose duty it +as to protect them. even if he could no lon$er administer them# In recent years the protection that he +as a*le to provide. in his impotent and impoverished state. had *een merely nominal, *ut nevertheless it $ave them presti$e, it raised them a*ove the heretic Churches. such as the Coptic and the 9aco*ites. +ho had no lay protector and +ere entirely the servants of the &uslim monarch# But no+. +ith the Emperor $one. even this nominal protection disappeared# The )rthodo( +ere reduced to the status of the heretic Churches. in theory at least# In practice they +ere *etter off, for they formed the lar$est. the richest and the *est-educated Christian community in the ultan1s dominions, and ultan &ehmet +ith his sense of history +as inclined to pay them special attention# The ultan +as +ell a+are. also. that the Greeks +ould *e of value to his Empire# The Turks +ould provide him +ith his $overnors and his soldiers, *ut they +ere not adept at commerce or industry, fe+ of them +ere $ood seamen, and even in the countryside they tended to prefer a pastoral to an a$ricultural life# 3or the economy of the Empire the co-operation of the Greeks +as essential# The ultan sa+ no reason +hy they should not live +ithin his dominions in amity +ith the Turks. so lon$ as their o+n ri$hts +ere assured and so lon$ as they reali2ed that he +as their overlord# If the Greek milet +as to *e or$ani2ed. the first task +as to provide it +ith a head# ultan &ehmet kne+ +ell of the difficulties that the attempt to force union +ith !ome had produced in the Greek Church, and. after the conquest. he soon satisfied himself that the avera$e Greek considered the Patriarchal throne to *e vacant# The Patriarch Gre$ory &ammas +as held to have a*dicated +hen he fled to Italy in "GK"# A ne+ Patriarch must *e found# After makin$ some inquiries &ehmet decided that he should *e Geor$e cholarius. no+ kno+n as the monk Gennadius# Gennadius +as not only the most eminent scholar livin$ in Constaninople at the time of the conquest# %e +as every+here respected for his unflinchin$ pro*ity, and he had *een the leader
5FF

3or &ehmet II and his interest in Greek culture see 3# Ba*in$er. %ehmed der Ero$erer und seine Oeit. pp# GGIM#O

of the anti-8nionist. anti-Western party +ithin the Church# %e could *e relied upon not to intri$ue +ith the West# Within a month of the conquest the ultan sent officials to *rin$ Gennadius to his presence# %e could not at first *e found# Eventually it +as discovered that he had *een taken prisoner at the time of the fall of the city and had passed into the possession of a rich Turk of Adrianople. +ho +as deeply impressed *y his learnin$ and +as treatin$ him +ith honours seldom accorded to a slave# %e +as redeemed from his *uyer and +as conveyed honoura*ly to Constantinople and led *efore the ultan# &ehmet persuaded him to accept the Patriarchal throne, and to$ether they +orked out the terms for the constitution to *e $ranted to the )rthodo(# The main lines +ere pro*a*ly arran$ed *efore the ultan left the conquered city for Adrianople at the end of 9une. thou$h si( months elapsed *efore Gennadius actually assumed the Patriarchate#5FG The enthroni2ation took place in 9anuary "GKG. +hen the ultan returned to Constantinople# &ehmet +as determined to play in so far as his reli$ion permitted the role played in the past *y the Christian Emperors# We kno+ nothin$ a*out the necessary meetin$ of the %oly ynod, *ut presuma*ly it +as formed *y such metropolitans as could *e $athered to$ether and it +as their task to declare the Patriarchate vacant and. on the ultan1s recommendation. to elect Gennadius to fill it# Then. on L 9anuary. Gennadius +as received in audience *y the ultan. +ho handed him the insi$nia of his office. the ro*es. the pastoral staff and the pectoral cross# The ori$inal cross +as lost# Whether Gre$ory &ammas had taken it +ith him +hen he fled to !ome or +hether it disappeared durin$ the sack of the city is unkno+n# o &ehmet himself presented a ne+ cross. made of silver-$ilt# As he invested the Patriarch he uttered the formula: 6Be Patriarch. +ith $ood fortune. and *e assured of our friendship. keepin$ all the privile$es that the Patriarchs *efore you en/oyed#1 As aint ophia had already *een converted into a mosque. Gennadius +as led to the Church of the %oly Apostles# There the &etropolitan of %eraclea. +hose traditional duty it +as to consecrate. performed the rite of consecration and enthroni2ation# The Patriarch then emer$ed and. mounted on a ma$nificent horse +hich the ultan had presented to him. rode in procession round the city *efore returnin$ to take up his residence in the precincts of the %oly Apostles# %e had also received from the ultan a handsome $ift of $old#5FK It is unlikely that the ne+ constitution +as ever +ritten do+n# The $eneral lines alon$ +hich a Christian milet in &uslim territory +as administered +ere +ell enou$h kno+n not to need a $eneral restatement# The Imperial $erat +hich $ave the ultan1s approval of every appointment to episcopal office usually stated the duties of the incum*ent. follo+in$ the traditional customs# We only hear of t+o specific documents issued *y the Conquerin$ ultan# Accordin$ to the historian Phrant2es. +ho +as at that time a captive +ith the Turks and +as in a position to kno+ a*out it. &ehmet handed to Gennadius a firman +hich he had si$ned. $ivin$ to the Patriarch personal inviola*ility. e(emption from payin$ ta(es. freedom of movement. security from deposition. and the ri$ht to transmit these privile$es to his successors# There is no reason for dou*tin$ this# It is indeed pro*a*le that the ultan +ould $ive to the Patriarch some +ritten $uarantee a*out his position# It should. ho+ever. *e noted that the freedom from deposition clearly +as not held to interfere +ith the traditional ri$ht of the %oly ynod to depose a Patriarch if his election +as held to have *een uncanonical or if he +ere demonstra*ly unfitted for the office# Patriarchal chroniclers +ritin$ nearly a century later claimed that the ultan had si$ned another
5FG

Phrant2es. Chronicon. C# #%#B# edition. pp# FJG-H, Crito*ulus D^ritovoulosE. istory of %ehmed the Con.ueror . trans# C# T# !i$$s. pp# IG-K# 5FK Phrant2es. he# tit#, Crito*ulus. he# cit#: istoria -olitica Constantinopoleos DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# 5H-M: istoria -atriarchica Constantinopoleos DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# MJ-5# 3or the actual date of the enthronement see T# %# Papa-dopoullos. Studies and Documents relating to the istory of the Cree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domination# p# 5 n# 5# G# Phrant2es. Chronicon. C# #%#B# edition. pp# FJG-H, Crito*ulus D^ritovoulosE. istory of %ehmed the Con.ueror. trans# C# T# !i$$s. pp# IG-K#

document in +hich he promised that the customs of the Church +ith re$ard to marria$e and *urial should *e le$ally sanctioned. that Easter should *e cele*rated as a feast and the Christians should have freedom of movement durin$ the three Easter feast-days. and that no more churches should *e converted into mosques# 5FL 8nfortunately +hen the last point +as disre$arded *y later ultans. the Church authorities could not produce the document. +hich they said. no dou*t correctly. had *een destroyed in a fire at the Patriarchate# But. as +e shall see. they +ere a*le to produce evidence to su*stantiate their claim#5FH Whatever mi$ht have *een +ritten do+n. it +as $enerally accepted that the Patriarch. in con/unction +ith the %oly ynod. had complete control over the +hole ecclesiastical or$ani2ation. the *ishops and all churches and monasteries and their possessions# Thou$h the ultan1s $overnment had to confirm episcopal appointments. no *ishop could *e appointed or dismissed e(cept on the recommendation of the Patriarch and the %oly ynod# The Patriarchal la+-courts alone had penal /urisdiction over the cler$y, the Turkish authorities could not arrest or /ud$e anyone of episcopal rank +ithout the permission of the Patriarch# %e also. in con/unction +ith the %oly ynod. had control over all matters of do$ma# %is control +as almost as complete over the )rthodo( laity# %e +as the Ethnarch. the ruler of the milet# The Patriarchal courts had full /urisdiction over all affairs concernin$ the )rthodo( +hich had a reli$ious connotation. that is. marria$e. divorce. the $uardianship of minors. and testaments and successions# They +ere entitled to try any commercial case if *oth disputants +ere )rthodo(# Thou$h the Christian laity +ere heavily ta(ed. the cler$y +ere free from payin$ the ta(es. thou$h on occasions they mi$ht of their o+n consent a$ree to pay special ta(es, and it +as not difficult for the ultan to e(ert pressure to secure this consent# The Patriarch could ta( the )rthodo( on his o+n authority to raise money for the needs of the Church# Complaints a$ainst the Patriarch could only *e heard *y the %oly ynod. and only if it a$reed unanimously to listen to them# The Patriarch could call in the Turkish authorities to see that his +ishes +ere carried out *y his flock# In return for all this. the Patriarch +as responsi*le for the orderly and loyal *ehaviour of his flock to+ards the rulin$ authorities and for ensurin$ that the ta(es +ere paid# %e did not collect the tate ta(es himself# That +as the duty of the head-man of the local commune. +ho +as responsi*le for keepin$ the re$isters# But. if there +as any difficulty over the collection. the Government could ask the Church to punish recalcitrants +ith a sentence of e(communication#5FM The Patriarchal courts administered /ustice accordin$ to the canon la+ of the By2antines and accordin$ to By2antine civil and customary la+# Customary la+ $re+ rapidly in volume. o+in$ to chan$ed circumstances for +hich the codified la+ did not allo+. and +hich varied from place to place# In civil cases the /ud$ment +as in the nature of an ar*itration a+ard# If either party +ere dissatisfied +ith it he could have recourse to the Turkish courts, and. if either party insisted. the case could *e *rou$ht *efore the Turkish courts in the first instance# This +as seldom done. as the Turkish courts +ere slo+. e(pensive and often corrupt. and heard cases accordin$ to ^oranic la+# The Patriarchal courts +ere considered to *e remarka*ly free from corruption. thou$h rich Greeks on +hose financial support the Church depended could undou*tedly e(ercise some influence# A feature of the courts +as that a statement taken on oath counted as valid
5FL

Phrant2es. loc# cit#, Crito*ulus. loc# cit#, istoria -olitica# loc cit.P istoria -atriarchica# loc. cit #, %iera(. zV[?WZ[?. in C# athas. {BAUW@?WZ< |W}cW[e<Z< ". p# 5LH, 4# Cantemir. The istory of the 2ro/th and Decay of the Oth' man Empire# trans# 0# Tindall. pp# loiff#, A# ^# %ypsilantis. kU XBYU Y<? pc@AW? pp# F-L# 3or modern discussions of the ri$hts and privile$es of the Patriarchate and the Greek milet see 0# P# Eleutheriades. kU ;V[?[XWU Y[] ~WZ[]XB?WZ[] ;UYVWUTBW[] passim: C# G# Papadopoulos. Les pri&ileges du patriarcat oecumeni.ue dans lQEmpire Ottoman# passimP P# ^arolidis. AY[VWU Y<C jccU\[C g. pp# 5"5-5"# C# Amantos. ~VWAX[W Y[] {[eA[]cXU?WAX[] ]dBV Y@? TVWAYWU?@? in jcc<?WZU. i( DiIFLE. Papadopoullos.op# cit#pp# "-FI, N# 'aurent. 6'es Chretiens sous les sultans.1 in Echos dOrient. ((viii D"I5IE. pp# FIM-GJL. quotin$ Turkish sources# 5FH ee *ello+ p "MI# 5FM A full discussion of the po+ers of the Patriarchal court is $iven in Papadopoullos. op# cit# pp# 5H-FI#

evidence, and so seriously +ere oaths re$arded that this +as seldom a*used# Criminal offences. such as treason. murder. theft or riot. +ere reserved to the Turkish courts. unless the accused +as a priest#5FI In theory the structure of the Great Church. as the Greeks called the Patriarchal or$ani2ation. even thou$h the Great Church itself. aint ophia. +as no lon$er a Christian temple. +as not altered *y the conquest# The Patriarch +as still officially elected *y the %oly ynod consistin$ of his metropolitans. and the election +as confirmed *y the lay su2erain# As in By2antine times the lay su2erain almost invaria*ly indicated the candidate +hom he +ished to *e elected, and the old custom of su*mittin$ three names to him. +hich had fallen into disuse in late By2an tine times. +as formally a*andoned# But the increased administrative duties of the Patriarchate inevita*ly led to chan$es# The %oly ynod had ori$inally consisted of the metropolitans alone. thou$h the hi$h officials of the Patriarchate seem sometimes to have attended its meetin$s# oon after the conquest they +ere officially added to it, and there +as a $eneral enhancement of the constitutional importance of the ynod# It retained its ri$ht to depose a Patriarch *y a unanimous vote# In addition Patriarchal decrees +ere not no+ *indin$ unless they had the support of the ynod# The Patriarch *ecame little more than its president# In theory this +as a reaffirmation of the democratic principles of the Church# In practice it meant that. +hile a stron$ and popular Patriarch +ould meet +ith no difficulties. Patriarchal authority could al+ays *e undermined# Turkish officials. +ithout seemin$ openly to interfere in the internal affairs of the Church. could e(ercise +hat influence they desired throu$h intri$ues +ith individual mem*ers of the ynod#5GJ The hi$h officials of the Great Church continued to *ear the same names as *efore the conquest and in theory to e(ercise the same duties, *ut in practice their duties +ere enlar$ed# Constitutional la+yers no+ arran$ed them into nine $roups of five. kno+n as pentads# The first pentad +as composed of the senior officers: the Grand Economus. +ho. as *efore. controlled the finances of the Patriarchate and acted if necessary as the Patriarch1s deputy, the Grand acellarius. +ho +as in char$e of all the monasteries and convents throu$hout the Patriarchate, the Grand kevophyla(. in char$e of all litur$ical possessions. icons and relics, the Grand Chartophyla(. the secretary-$eneral of the Patriarchate. in char$e of all its re$isters and archives, and the minister of the acellion. +ho +as distinct from the acellarius *ut +hose functions +ere some+hat va$ue, he had *een in char$e of the Patriarchal prison in the old days and no+ +as responsi*le for ecclesiastical discipline# 0ot lon$ *efore the conquest a si(th office had *een added as an appenda$e to the first pentad. that of the Protecdicos. +ho ori$inally had the duty of e(aminin$ and pronouncin$ upon all appeals for /ustice or for aid *rou$ht *efore the Patriarchal court and +ho after the conquest *ecame the chief /ud$e# The Grand Economus and the Grand acellarius ranked sli$htly a*ove their fello+s in the pentad# As a sym*ol of their special authority each carried a sacred fan at reli$ious ceremonies# In the second pentad the Protonotary and the 'o$othete assisted the Chartophyla( as his chief clerk and his keeper of the eal, the castrinsius acted as personal aide-de-camp to the Patriarch, the !eferendarius carried the Patriarch1s communications to the lay authorities, and the %ypomnemato$rapher acted as secretary to the %oly ynod. recordin$ its meetin$s for the Patriarchal re$isters# The remainin$ pentads +ere composed of officials +hose duties +ere purely clerical or purely litur$ical# There +ere many other functionaries +ho +ere not $iven places in the official lists of the pentads *ut +ho +ere nevertheless important. in particular the /ud$es. +ho +orked in
5FI

^arolidis. op# cit# pp# 5"K-"H, 0# &oschovakis. k[ B? jccU\W \<X[AYW[? \WZUW[? BdWk[]VZ[ZVUYWUC pp# K5-G, 4# Petrakakos. q[W?[}[]cB]YWZ< AY[VWU Y<C jccU\[C. pp# 5"5-"K# 3or local customary la+ see 9us 2racco'!omanum. ed# 9# and P# :epos. vm. passim# 5GJ Papadopoullos. op# at# pp# FI-G"# "HF#

the office of the Protecdicos and +ho +ere competent to $ive decisions of minor importance# All ma/or le$al decisions had to *e pronounced *y the Patriarch sittin$ in the %oly ynod# 5G" &etropolitans and *ishops had their o+n local officials. *ased on the pattern of the Patriarchal court# In the provinces civil la+suits +ere heard *efore the head of the commune. the de' mogeron. But matters +ith a reli$ious si$nificance. such as marria$e and inheritance. came *efore the *ishop1s o+n court# In all cases there +as a ri$ht of appeal to the Patriarchal court#5G5 The si$nificant difference *rou$ht *y the ne+ pattern of thin$s to the Patriarchate +as that it +as no+ o*li$ed to concern itself +ith a num*er of lay affairs# The Patriarch as head of the )rthodo( milet +as to some e(tent the heir of the Emperor# %e had to *ecome a politician. a*le to plead and to intri$ue for his people at the u*lime Porte. as the seat of the ultan1s $overnment came to *e called# %e had to use his reli$ious authority to see that the )rthodo( accepted the ultan1s authority and a*stained from disorders# Thou$h he +as not himself the ta(collector for the ultan he had to see that the ta(es +ere forthcomin$# A*ove all. in practice the ne+ system involved the Great Church in le$al and financial activities far $reater than it had kno+n *efore# 0ot only did the Patriarch have to employ skilled financiers to advise him on the raisin$ of ta(es from the 3aithful and on all matters of e(penditure. *ut he also needed the services of la+yers trained in secular la+# It +as difficult and. indeed. dou*tfully correct for ecclesiastics to $o deeply into the study of civil la+# Inevita*ly laymen *e$an to enter the administrative offices of the Church# In By2antine times the hi$h offices had all *een reserved for clerics# 0o+ lay /ud$es had to *e appointed and had to *e $iven proper authority. +hile it proved impossi*le to o*tain the advice of lay financiers unless they too +ere $iven official rank# 'aymen +ere soon *rou$ht into the lo+er pentads and $radually +orked their +ay up+ards# The first lay Grand Chartophyla( appears in "KKG. "J" years after the conquest. and the first lay Grand kevophyla( ten years later# The Protecdicos +as invaria*ly a priest until "LGJ, *ut *y then almost the +hole of his department +as staffed *y laymen# The laity +ere already *e$innin$ to occupy other offices and to increase their importance# The office of 'o$othete. +hich from "KHK on+ards +as held as often *y a layman as *y a priest. *e$an to take over many of the duties of that of the Grand Economus, and *y the seventeenth century the 'o$othete +as called Grand 'o$othete and ranked a*ove the first pentad# The Ecclesiarch. +ho had *een chief sacristan of the Patriarchal church and had ranked only in the ei$hth pentad. +as usually a layman after the *e$innin$ of the seventeenth century. and soon took over the functions of the kevophyla( and en/oyed the title of Grand Ecclesiarch# A ne+ hi$h office. reserved for the laity. emer$ed early in the si(teenth century. that of Grand )rator. or official spokesman of the Great Church# These ne+ or amended offices o+ed their hi$h precedence to the fact that they +ere considered to *e $asili,oi. that is to say imperial. the assistants of the Patriarch in his role as Ethnarch. heir to functions that had *een the Emperor1s# It has *een su$$ested that the $ro+in$ importance of the laity in the Church or$ani2ation +as due to the influence of the $reat Trape2untine families. such as the Rpsilanti. +hom the Conquerin$ ultan *rou$ht to Constantinople, for the Church of Tre*i2ond had for some time past made use of lay officials# But. as the name $asili,os indicates. it +as the inevita*le result of the Patriarch1s enlar$ed po+ers# In the course of the ei$hteenth century measures had to *e taken to prevent the metropolitans1 po+ers *ein$ overridden *y the po+ers of the lay ma$istrates#5GF 3urther po+ers +ere added +hen the )ttoman Empire e(panded south+ards# In the course of the si(teenth century the ultan acquired dominion over yria and E$ypt. thus a*sor*in$ the lands of the )rthodo( Patriarchates of Ale(andria. Antioch and
5G"

Papadopoullis. op# tit#. pp# G"-MK# The system +as sli$htly reor$ani2ed in the ei$hteenth century +hen several of the posts formerly held *y clerics had fallen into the hands of the laity# ee *elo+. p# FHL# 5G5 ee 0# Nlachos.1 'a !elation des Grecs asservis avec l1Etat &usulman souverain.1 in Le Cin.'centieme anni&er' saire de la prise de Constantinople# L ellHnisme Contemporain. fascicule hors serie D"IKFE. pp# "FM-G5# 5GF Papadopoullos. op# cit# pp# GM-KJ#

9erusalem# The u*lime Porte +ished to centrali2e everythin$ at Constantinople, and the Great Church follo+ed its lead# As a result the Eastern Patriarchates +ere put into a position of inferiority in comparison +ith that of Constantinople# The Eastern Patriarchs lost in theory none of their ecclesiastical ri$hts or autonomy. and they continued to administer the )rthodo( +ithin their sees# But in practice they found that they could only ne$otiate +ith the u*lime Porte throu$h their *rother of Constantinople# When a vacancy occurred on any of the Patriarchal thrones it +as the Patriarch of Constantinople +ho applied to the ultan for permission to fill it, and. as the ultan himself +as seldom much interested in namin$ a successor. it +as easy for the Constantinopolitan Patriarch to secure the appointment of the candidate +hom he advocated# The Eastern Patriarchates +ere moreover relatively poor# The Patriarch of 9erusalem. thou$h his see +as the smallest. +as the richest. as the presti$e of the %oly City led to endo+ments from all over the )rthodo( +orld. and pil$rima$e *rou$ht in a steady income# The Patriarch of Antioch. resident since the time of the Crusades at 4amascus. +as the poorest. *ein$ dependent for most of his income on yrian )rthodo( merchants +ho +ere not al+ays +ell disposed to+ards the Greeks of Constantinople# The Patriarch of Ale(andria +as a little *etter off. o+in$ to the num*er of Greek merchants that *e$an to settle in E$ypt after the )ttoman conquest# The Church of Cyprus retained its nominal historic autonomy. *ut in fact durin$ the Nenetian occupation of the island it depended for support on the Patriarch of Constantinople, and after the Turkish conquest the Constantinopolitan influence remained paramount# The autonomous Arch*ishop of inai had /urisdiction only over the monks of his monastery# 5GG The lav )rthodo( Churches posed a $reater pro*lem# It usually suited the convenience of the Turkish $overnment that they should *e under the control of Constantinople. thou$h they retained their lavonic litur$y and usa$es# But occasional Turkish ministers +ith Balkan affiliations +ere occasionally persuaded to increase their autonomy# It +as not until the ei$hteenth century that the Patriarchate firmly esta*lished its authority, and *y then it had to contend +ith $ro+in$ forces of nationalism# The !ussian Church +as in a special position# It re$arded Constantinople +ith $reater and more sincere respect than did the Balkan Churches# But !ussia +as far a+ay and independent# It +as unthinka*le that the !ussian ruler +ould allo+ his Church to *e in practice dependent upon a hierarch +ho +as the servant of the infidel ultan#5GK The structure of the hierarchy +ithin the Patriarchate remained as it had *een in By2antine times. +ith certain arch*ishops +ithout suffra$ans dependin$ directly upon the Patriarch *ut more $enerally +ith metropolitan sees dependent on the Patriarch and episcopal sees dependent on the metropolitan# As in By2antine times *ishops +ere elected *y the priests of the diocese and the metropolitan *y the *ishops. and elections +ere confirmed *y the Patriarchate, and. as in By2antine times. confirmation *y the lay authorities +as required# Applications +ere no+ made throu$h the Patriarchate to the u*lime Porte, and the ultan issued a document. kno+n as a $e' rat# formally appointin$ the elected candidate to the see# In the case of *ishops these $erats +ere usually simple documents +hich merely announced the elections, *ut the $erats that appointed Patriarchs and. in some cases. metropolitans mi$ht contain not only a confirmation of the specific ri$hts of the see *ut also additional privile$es or a promise *y the lay authorities to take action on *ehalf of the see# 3or instance. a $erat appointin$ an ei$hteenth-century Patriarch of Ale(andria promises aid in the suppression of !oman Catholic propa$anda in the province# uch $erats provide valua*le historical evidence# 8nfortunately fe+ have survived# The earliest that is e(tant and can *e dated appoints a metropolitan of 'arissa in "LJG# It is uncertain +hether the $erat possessed the same overridin$ and everlastin$ authority as an Imperial firman# It is pro*a*le that the ri$hts and privile$es that it mentions +ere intended only to apply ad personam. a
5GG 5GK

I*id# pp# ML-I: 0# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# H5-H# ee *elo+. pp# 5F"-G#

ne+ $erat *ein$ required for each su*sequent appointment# But a hierarch +as entitled to the advanta$es that his predecessor had en/oyed. so lon$ as he could produce a $erat that listed them#5GL )n the +hole. in theory at least. the )rthodo( Church of Constantinople survived the shock of the )ttoman conquest *etter than mi$ht have *een e(pected# The Christians +ere not allo+ed to for$et that they +ere a su*/ect people# They could not *uild ne+ churches +ithout special permission. +hich +as seldom-$ranted unless the proposed site +as in a purely Christian locality# Permission had also to *e $ranted for the repair of churches, and no church +as to *e permitted near a &uslim shrine# The Christians had to +ear a distinctive costume# With die e(ception of the Patriarch none of them mi$ht ride on horse*ack# 0o Christian could officially serve in the armed forces. thou$h in fact they +ere sometimes press-$an$ed into the navy. and in Christian districts local Christian militia *ands. kno+n as the Armatoles. +ere formed# Christian families had to su*mit to the ar*itrary sei2ure of their youn$ sons. to *e converted to Islam and enrolled in the 9anissary re$iments# A Christian +ho +as converted to Islam. even involuntarily as a child or as a captive. +as lia*le to the death penalty if he reverted to his old faith# Any la+suit involvin$ a Christian and a &uslim +as heard in a &uslim court. accordin$ to ^oranic la+, and fe+ &uslim /ud$es +ere prepared to $ive a /ud$ment in favour of an un*eliever# 3inally. all the ri$hts and privile$es of the Christians depended on the $ood +ill of the ultan# Even firmans si$ned *y a ultan. thou$h they +ere held to *e *indin$ upon his successors. mi$ht *e i$nored# The Court la+yers could state that it had contravened Islamic la+ and +as therefore invalid#5GH In spite of all that. and in spite of the destruction and misery that accompanied the fall of the city. the )rthodo( milet did receive a constitution +hich ena*led it not only to e(ist *ut also to increase its material prosperity# The Greeks *enefited from the re*irth of Constantinople +hich the conquest *rou$ht a*out# At the time of the conquest the Greek population in the city did not num*er more than a*out KJ.JJJ# everal thousand perished durin$ the sie$e and capture. and several thousand more +ere scattered in captivity# But the Conquerin$ ultan not only left certain quarters to the Greeks. *ut also encoura$ed the immi$ration of Greeks there# ometimes the immi$ration +as forced# The +ealthier citi2ens of Tre*i2ond +ere all moved to Constantinople# )thers +ere *rou$ht in from Adrianople. others from 'es*os +hen it +as occupied in "GL5, and +e are told that t+o thousand families +ere transported from Ar$os# By the middle of the si(teenth century it +as estimated that there +ere no fe+er than FJ.JJJ Greek families livin$ in the city# If +e allo+ five or si( persons to each household 7 +hich is pro*a*ly too fe+ 7 the Greek population had risen to over "KJ.JJJ. and +as risin$, and money +as to *e made in this *usy ne+ Imperial capital#
5GL

0o early $erats appointin$ hi$h ecclesiastical officials have survived# 0# Beldiceanu. Les Actes des premiers sul' tans# "". p# "FH. reproduces a $erat Dno# GHE. apparently datin$ from the si(teenth century. appointin$ a certain &ark to an unnamed metropolitan see# The ultan confirms the di$nity *ecause &ark has paid a $ift D peshteshE to the Imperial Treasury# %e is to *e e(empted from local ta(es. such as the ta( for the repair of fortresses DcherakhorE. ind from the kharad/# The earliest survivin$ $erat concernin$ a Patriarch is th(t confirmin$ 4ionysius Ill1s election in "LL5. $iven in/# Aymon. %onuments autheati.ues de la religion en 2rece et de la faussetH de plusieurs confessions de foi des ChrHtiens Dpu*lished in "HJME. p# GML# 4ionysius has paid IJJ.JJJ aspres Dequal to F5.JJJ ecus. accordin$ to AymonE. and is accorded the traditional privile$es# ee-also 'aurent. art# cit# 5GH The *ooks of mith and !icaut Dsee *elo+. pp# 5JG-K.5H5FE# aiii other seventeenth century travellers illustrate the difficulties under$one *y the Christians, *ut it must *e remem*ered that they +ere +ritin$ at a time +hen the Turkish administrative machine +as *e$innin$ to run do+n# The position +as al+ays +orse in the provinces +here the central $overnment could not supervise thin$s closely# Crusius. Turco'2raecia. +ritin$ in the time of uleiman the &a$nificent. notes that the Christians of Constantinople 6do not +ant any other domination in preference to the Turks1 Dp# 5KJE# In the si(teenth century it +as pro*a*ly only the +ealthier Christians +ho suffered from the ar*i trary actions of the Porte# In some Balkan districts the Christian peasants +ere pro*a*ly *etter off than under their previous landlords Dsee Nau$han. op# cit# pp# 5G-LE# This applies particularly to Bosnia and may help to e(plain +hy so many Bosnians *ecame +illin$ converts to Islam#

&any of the villa$es in the su*ur*s. particularly alon$ the European shores of the Bosphorus and the &armora. +ere soon repeopled *y Greeks# ome of them. such as Therapia or Redikoy. +ere almost e(clusively Christian#5GM The ultan +as +ise enou$h to see that the +elfare of the Greeks +ould add to the +elfare of his Empire# %e +as an(ious to provide them +ith a $overnment that +ould satisfy their needs +ithout infrin$in$ upon the privile$es of the rulin$ race of Turks# The constitution that he $ave them +as +orka*le so lon$ as they +ere prepared to a*andon political am*itions and to lead orderly lives accordin$ to the pattern permitted to them# In the meantime their milet +as united and their freedom of +orship +as $uaranteed# Indeed. in one respect they +ere *etter treated than mi$ht have *een e(pected# By Islamic tradition the Christians in a city taken *y storm had no ri$ht to retain their church *uildin$s# But in captured Constantinople not only did they still possess the second $reatest church. that of the %oly Apostles. *ut also a num*er of churches in other parts of the city. in particular in the Phanar and Petrion districts *y the Golden %orn and in Psamathia on the &armora# It seems that the hasty su*mission of these quarters to the Turkish troops that had entered the city +as allo+ed to count as an act of voluntary surrender, and the churches +ere therefore not forfeited# The ultan had the sense to see that if his ne+ Christian su*/ects +ere to accept his rule peacefully they must *e allo+ed places of +orship#5GI The inte$rity of the )rthodo( milet +as $uaranteed *y the ne+ po+ers accorded to the Patriarch# The &uslim conquest had not resulted in the disesta*lishment of the Church# )n the contrary. it +as firmly esta*lished +ith ne+ po+ers of /urisdiction that it had never en/oyed in By2antine times# With the conquest of the capital and the su*sequent conquest of other districts. practically the +hole of the Patriarchal territory +as united once more. and. thou$h there +as an alien po+er superimposed. it +as its o+n master# The By2antine thinkers +ho had re/ected Western help. +hich at *est could only have rescued a small proportion of )rthodo( territory and +hich involved the union of the Church +ith !ome and a consequent deepenin$ of the divisions +ithin the Church. +ere /ustified# The inte$rity of the Church had *een preserved. and +ith it the inte$rity of the Greek people# But the enhanced po+ers of the Patriarchate involved ne+ and difficult pro*lems# The By2antine Church had hitherto *een essentially a *ody concerned only +ith reli$ion# Could its or$ani2ation and its spiritual life stand the strain of an involvement in political administrationS And there +ere deeper pro*lems# Could the Church sincerely accept Turkish rule in perpetuityS At the *ack of the mind of every Greek. ho+ever faithfully he mi$ht colla*orate +ith his ne+ Turkish masters. there lurked the *elief that one day the po+er of Antichrist +ould crum*le and that then the united Greek people +ould rise a$ain and recreate their holy Empire# %o+ far could a Patriarch. +ho +as a hi$h official in the )ttoman polity and had s+orn alle$iance to the ultan. encoura$e this am*itionS It mi$ht *e politic to render under Caesar the thin$s +hich +ere Caesar1s, *ut +as not his hi$her loyalty to GodS Could he ever *e +hole-heartedly loyal to the infidel ultanS and +ould the ultan ever *e certain of his loyaltyS &oreover. his am*ition involved a second pro*lem# The By2antine Empire had *een. in theory at least. oecumenical. the holy Empire of all Christians. re$ardless of their race# Its decline had reduced it to an empire of the Greeks, and the )rthodo( milet or$ani2ed *y the ne+ constitution +as essentially a Greek milet# Its task as the Greeks sa+ it +as to preserve %ellenism# But could %ellenism *e com*ined +ith
5GM

9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# GK-KL. for a $eneral conspectus# The panish traveller de Nillalon D 1iaFe de Tur.uia. "KKH. in &# errano y an2. Auto$iograpfias y %emorias. p# "GLE says that official lists $ive GJ.JJJ Christian houses in the city. of +hich the vast ma/ority +ere Greek. +ith "J.JJJ 9e+ish houses and DKo.ooo Turkish houses# There +ere "J.JJJ Greek houses in the su*ur*s# The numerous Greek villa$es in the su*ur*s are listed in Evliya Cele*i. Seyahalname. ed# 0# Asim. I. p# GK5# 5GI 3or the le$al e(cuse for allo+in$ the Christians to keep some of their churches see # !unciman. The Fall of Constantinople# pp# "II-5JG#

oecumenicityS Could the Patriarch *e Patriarch of the )rthodo( lavs and the )rthodo( Ara*s as +ell as of the GreeksS Would there not inevita*ly *e a narro+in$ of his visionS The events of the follo+in$ centuries +ere to sho+ ho+ difficult these pro*lems +ere to *e# 3or the moment. +hen once the horror of the conquest +as over. the prospect for the )rthodo( seemed less dark than had *een feared# The ultan +as kno+n to like and respect the ne+ Patriarch Gennadius. +ith +hom he had friendly discussions on reli$ion, and at his request Gennadius +rote for him a *rief o*/ective statement of the )rthodo( 3aith for translation into Turkish#5KJ 0e+s of his interest reached Italy# The Philhellene 3rancesco 3ilelfo. +hose mother-inla+. the Italian +ido+ of the Greek philosopher 9ohn Chrysoloras. had *een captured at Constantinople. +hen +ritin$ fulsomely to the ultan to *e$ for her release. su$$ested that %is &a/esty +ould *e even more admira*le if he +ere to /oin the Catholic 3aith# 5K" oon after+ards Pope Pius II. fearin$ lest &ehmet mi$ht *e attracted to the schismatic doctrines of the Greeks. sent him an admira*ly e(pressed letter pointin$ out the truth and +isdom of the %oly Catholic Church#5K5 At Constantinople the Greek philosopher Geor$e Amirout2es +ent so far as to su$$est that Christianity and Islam could *e *lended into one reli$ion# %e presented to the ultan a study +hich sho+ed that they had much in common# It mi$ht *e possi*le to devise a synthesis, or at least each faith could reco$ni2e the other as a sister# The difference *et+een the Bi*le and the ^oran had al+ays *een e(a$$erated *y *ad translations. he maintained, and the 9e+s +ere to *e *lamed for havin$ deli*erately encoura$ed misunderstandin$s# 8nfortunately. his enli$htened ar$uments carried no +ei$ht# The &uslims +ere uninterested, and the Greeks resented the duplicity that he had sho+n at the time of the Turkish capture of Tre*i2ond, nor did his su*sequent *ehaviour reassure them#5KF But. thou$h such optimism +as doomed to disappointment. the atmosphere at the ultan1s court +as not intolerant# There +ere fanatics amon$st his ministers. such as :a$anos Pasha and &ahmud Pasha. *oth of them converts to Islam, *ut their influence +as countered *y men such as the admiral %am2a Bey. the friend of the Greek historian Crito*ulus# The ultan deeply respected his Christian stepmother. the 'ady &ara. dau$hter of Geor$e Brankovic. 4espot of er*ia. and his Greek +ife. Irene Cantacu2ena. and +ido+ of &urad II# he lived no+ in retirement at erres in &acedonia, *ut any +ish that she e(pressed +as promptly fulfilled *y her stepson# 0ot all the converts to Islam +ere fanatical# &any +hose conversion had *een for political rather than reli$ious motives +ere ready to help their former co-reli$ionists# Even amon$ the officers of the 9anissaries there +ere num*ers +ho remem*ered their Christian homes and families and +ere an(ious to do them services# %ad the ultan not *een tolerant these converts +ould not have dared thus to create dou*ts a*out their sincerity# But &ehmet seemed to favour colla*oration# 0evertheless there +ere clouds on the hori2on# Gennadius himself +as the first to notice them# A fe+ months after his installation he asked permission of the ultan to move the Patriarchal headquarters out of the church of the %oly Apostles# The district in +hich it stood +as no+ coloni2ed *y Turks +ho resented the presence of the $reat Christian cathedral# )ne mornin$ the corpse of a Turk +as found in the courtyard# It had o*viously *een planted there, *ut it $ave the nei$h*ourin$ Turks the e(cuse for demonstratin$ a$ainst the Christians# %ad the church *uildin$ itself *een in a *etter condition Gennadius mi$ht have tried to ride out the storm, *ut it +as structurally unsound# Its repair +ould have *een costly, and there mi$ht +ell have *een o*/ec5KJ

istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# MFff# Gennadius1s treatise is $iven in his OEu&res Completes Ded# '# Petit. Q# A# iderides and &# 9u$isE. m. pp# ((( ff# 5K" E# 'e$rand. Cent'dix Lettres 2rec.ues de Fr. -hilelphe. pp# L5-M# 5K5 Pius II. Lettera a %aomitto II. ed# G# Toflanin# 5KF istoria -olitica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# FM-I: istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# IL-"J"# A kindlier /ud$ment on Amirout2es is $iven in 0# B# Tomadakis. jY[]VZB]AB? [ >B@V=W[C pXWV[]Yl<C. jdBV<YWC jYUWVBWUC |]lU?YW?@? d[]\@?. (viii D"IGME. pp# II-"GF#

tions from the Turks had he sou$ht permission for the +ork# %e collected all the treasures and relics that the church contained and moved +ith them into the Phanar quarter. +hich +as inha*ited *y Greeks# There he installed himself in the convent of the Pammacaristos. transferrin$ the nuns to the nei$h*ourin$ monastery of t 9ohn in Trullo, and the small *ut e(quisite church of the Pammacaristos *ecame the Patriarchal church# It +as in its side-chapel that the ultan came to visit him to discuss reli$ion and politics. carefully refusin$ to enter the sanctuary itself lest his successors +ould make that an e(cuse for anne(in$ the *uildin$ for Islam# %is precautions +ere in vain#5KG 4eeply respected thou$h Gennadius +as. his task +as not easy# %e roused opposition from reli$ious purists *y his use of Economy uncanonically to confirm or annul marria$es +hich Christians taken prisoner at the time of the capture of Constantinople had contracted durin$ their captivity# In particular he +as critici2ed for allo+in$ marria$es of *oys under the canonical a$e of t+elve, +hich he permitted *ecause a married *oy +as not lia*le to *e taken *y the Turks for the 9anissary corps. to *e *rou$ht up as a &uslim. accordin$ to the system kno+n as the de' &shirme in Turkish and the paidoma)oma in Greek# Wearied *y such illi*eral opposition. Gennadius resi$ned the Patriarchate in "GKH and retired first to &ount Athos. then to the monastery of t 9ohn at erres. under the patrona$e of the 'ady &ara. &urad II1s er*ian +ido+# %e +as not left in peace# T+ice more he +as summoned *ack to the Patriarchal throne# The date of his death is unkno+n# We may hope that he +as spared the si$ht of the scandals that +ere to come#5KK

5KG

istoria -olitica DC# #%#B# editionE. p# 5M# When &urad III converted the Pam-macaristos into a mosque Dsee *elo+. p# "IJE. it +as on the e(cuse that the Conqueror had +orshipped there# 5KK 3or the o*scure history of the Patriarchate up till "GLL see *elo+. pp# "I5-F# Gennadius1s use of Economy is reported *y his disciple. Theodore A$allianos# ee C# G# Patrineli. 6 ~ B[\@V[C ZUW [W p?BZ\[Y[W [=[W Y[]1 pp# "GL-M. and preface. pp# LI-HJ#

'$ The Church and the nfidel "tate$

The constitution arran$ed *et+een the Conquerin$

ultan and the Patriarch Gennadius for the )rthodo( milet soon proved to *e more effective on paper than in fact# The Turks could not for$et that they +ere the rulin$ race. the conquerors of the Christians, and it irked them that the Greeks should retain privile$es that no conquered infidel race ou$ht to en/oy# &ehmet himself and his advisers. +ho +ere most of them older men than he. had *een *rou$ht up at a time +hen Constantinople +as a $reat cultural center and Greek learnin$ +as reno+ned throu$hout the +orld# They could not fail to feel some respect for Greeks# &ehmet +as proud to see himself as the heir of the Caesars. !oman Emperor as +ell as ultan, and he +ished his Christian su*/ects to accept him as such# u*sequent $enerations of Turks did not share the same feelin$s# &ehmet1s son Baye2it II +as five years old +hen his father captured Constantinople# By the time that he +as a youn$ man all the Greek scholars that had $iven lustre to Constantinople +ere scattered. some in Italy and the West. others in the safe o*scurity of a monastic cell# All the Greeks that he met +ere either merchants or clerks or artisans. or priests chosen for their tactful and often o*sequious demeanour# %e had no special intellectual tastes. such as his father had possessed, to him Greek culture meant nothin$#5KL %is son. elim I. actively disliked the Christians# The triumph of his rei$n +as the completion of the conquest of yria. E$ypt and Ara*ia, and his main am*ition +as $ratified +hen he took the title of Caliph. Commander of the 3aithful#5KH With ultan uleiman the &a$nificent there +as once more a ultan +ho +as interested in the intellectual currents of the +orld, *ut *y then the Greeks +ithin his dominions +ere in no position to make any $reat contri*ution to them# %e himself tried to deal /ustly +ith them, *ut to him and to the avera$e Turk they had *ecome a servile race. useful at times for financial or secretarial or even diplomatic +ork. *ut essentially untrust+orthy and intri$uin$. and undeservin$ of privile$es#5KM With the accession of uleiman1s son. elim II. the 4runkard. decline set in at the top of the )ttoman structure# The u*lime Porte *e$an to *e controlled *y ministers +ho. +ith a fe+ distin$uished e(ceptions. +ere $reedy and unscrupulous, +hile usually the ultana Nalide. the ultan1s mother. pulled the strin$s from *ehind the curtains of the seraglio#5KI The fate of the )ttoman ultanate is perhaps an e(ample of the corruption of a*solute po+er# But the corruption of a*solute impotence *e$an to sho+ itself amon$st the Greeks# As they found themselves less and less a*le to rely on $ood treatment from a*ove and less and less certain that their ri$hts +ould *e re$arded. they inevita*ly took refu$e in intri$ue# In their hopelessness they *e$an to for$et the need for mutual loyalties# Each man *e$an to plot for his o+n *enefit, and it +as to the interest of the Turks to encoura$e /ealousy and intri$ue and the demor ali2ation of the milet# The out+ard symptom of the +orsenin$ condition of the Greeks +as the steady anne(ation of their churches and their conversion into mosques# The Conquerin$ ultan had *een remarka*ly indul$ent on this point# The only church that he had formally anne(ed had *een aint ophia# Its anne(ation +as hardly surprisin$, for the Great Church +as more than a church, it +as a sym*ol of the old Christian Empire# Its conversion set a seal on the ne+ dispensation# Ret for many years to come little attempt +as made there to alter the old Christian decoration. apart
5KL

W# 9# Perry. 6Baya2ld II1 in Encyclopaedia of +slam Dne+ editionE. i. pp# """I-5", 9# von %ammer-Pur$stall. 2eschichte des Osmanischen !eiches D"st editionE. n. pp# 5Koff#, 0#9or$a. 2eschichte des Osmanischen !eiches# n. pp# 5F)f3# 5KH 9# %# ^ramers. 6 elim I.1 in Encyclopaedia of +slam D"st editionE. iv. pp# 5"G-"H, von %ammer-Pur$stall. op# cit# n. pp# FKJ ff#, T# W# Arnold. The Caliphate. pp# "FH. lLGff# 5KM 3or uleiman see A# &# 'y*yer. The 2o&ernment of the Ottoman Empire in the time of Suleiman the %agnificent . esp# pp# FG. "K". "LJ. "LF# 5KI Non %ammer-Pur$stall. op# tit# n. pp# FKGff#, 0# 9or$a. 2eschichte des Ostnanischen !eiches. iii. pp# IFHff#

from the coverin$ or destruction of the faces of Christ and the saints in the mosaics# 5LJ )ther churches. such as the 0e+ Basilica and )ur 'ady of the 'i$hthouse in the old Imperial Palace quarter. had *een so *adly dama$ed in the lootin$ of the city that they +ere a*andoned and either demolished or allo+ed to fall do+n# )thers a$ain. such as the Pantocrator or aint aviour in Chora. had *een sacked and desecrated, and the Greeks made no attempt to retain them# As they +ere structurally sound it +as not surprisin$ that they +ere soon transformed into mosques# ome churches +ere taken over at once and put to secular uses# aint Irene. close to aint ophia. *ecame an armoury, aint 9ohn in 4ippion. near to the %ippodrome. housed a mena$erie#5L" In these cases the churches +ere in districts settled *y Turks. and the Christians +ere prudent enou$h to make no protest# The %oly Apostles. thou$h preserved for the Christians at the time of the fall of the city. +as $iven up. as +e have seen. +ithin a fe+ months, and. in vie+ of its dilapidated condition. the ultan +as not unreasona*le in destroyin$ it in order to erect a $reat mosque +hich should *ear his name on the site# But a num*er of other churches +ere left in Christian hands#5L5 These churches remained inviolate so lon$ as ultan &ehmet II lived# %is son. Baye2it II. had other ideas# In "GIJ he demanded the surrender of the Patriarchal church. the Pammacaristos# But the Patriarch 4ionysius I +as a*le to prove that &ehmet II had definitely *esto+ed the church upon the Patriarchate# The ultan $ave +ay. merely orderin$ the removal of the cross from the summit of the dome# At the same time he for*ade his officials to anne( other churches. as they +ere proposin$ to do#5LF %is *an. ho+ever. +as soon disre$arded. no dou*t +ith his o+n connivance# The church of the Panachrantos +as anne(ed *efore "GIG and that of aint 9ohn in tudium a*out "KJJ# It +as a*out this time that Turkish officials turned the a*andoned churches of the Chora and the Pantocrator into mosques, and they no dou*t +ished to e(tend their operations to churches still in use#5LG In a*out "K5J ultan elim I. +ho disliked Christianity. su$$ested to his horrified vi2ier that all Christians should *e forci*ly converted to Islam# When he +as told that this +as impractica*le. he demanded that at least all their churches should *e surrendered# The vi2ier +arned the Patriarch. Theoleptus I. +ho en$a$ed the services of a clever la+yer called Qenakis# Theoleptus admitted that he had no firman protectin$ the churches# It had *een *urnt in a fire at the Patriarchate. he said# But Qenakis +as a*le to produce three a$ed 9anissaries +ho had *een present +hen the Conquerin$ ultan entered Constantinople# They s+ore on the ^oran that they had seen a num*er of nota*les from the city come to the ultan as he +as +aitin$ to make his en5LJ

In "KKJ 0icolas de 0icolay remarked on the mosaic fi$ures in aint ophia *ut noted that the Turks had plucked out the eyes DLes 0a&igations# -eregrinations et 1oyages . p# "JG#E# A manuscript account of an Italian1s visit to Constantinople in "L"" DBritish &useum. & # %arl# FGJME reports that the Turks had covered everythin$ inside the church +ith +hite+ash# But si(ty years later Grelot +as a*le to sketch many of the mosaics and found that only the faces of the fi$ures had *een covered or removed# The mosaics that the Turks could not reach +ere *arely spoiled, *ut he sa+ men +ith lon$ poles tryin$ to dau* plaster over the fi$ures DG# 9# Grelot. A Late 1oyage to Constantino' ple Dtrans# 9# PhilipsE. pp# inf#. esp# pp# "5K-LE# 'ady &ary Wortley &onta$u D Complete Letters Ded# !# %als-*andE. ". pp# FIM-IE. ea$er to defend the Turks from any char$e of vandalism. declares that if the faces have vanished it is *ecause of the rava$es of time# he does not e(plain +hy the rest of the fi$ures +ere in a *etter condition# Gerlach sa+ unspoiled frescoes in t 9ohn of tudium. thou$h it +as already converted into a mosque. as +ell as in t Theodosia Dat that time used as a +arehouseE and other former churches D # Gerlach. Tage$uch. pp# 5"H. FKM-IE# 5L" 3or the fate of these churches see # !unciman. The Fall of Constantinople. pp# "II-5JJ# Arnold von %arff. visitin$ Constantinople in "GII. declares more than once that many churches +ere *ein$ used as mena$eries D The -il' grimage of Arnold &on arff D%akluyt editionE. pp# 5G"-5. 5GGE# 5L5 ee a*ove. p# "M"# 5LF A# C# %ypsilantis. kU XBYU Y<? pc@AW? Ded# A# GermanosE. pp# L5. I". *ased on Patriarchal records# 5LG A# van &illin$en. (y)antine Churches in Constantinople. pp# "5M. FJG#, !# 9anin. Constantinople (y)antine. i. iii. 6'es E$lises et les monasteres.1 pp# 55G. GGH. KFF. KKJ# 3or the Chora. P# Gyllius. De Constantinopoleos Topographia#p# 5J"#

trance and offer him the keys of their respective districts# In return he promised them that they could retain their churches# ultan elim accepted this evidence and even allo+ed the Christians to reopen some of their churches +hich his officials had closed# All the same. several more churches +ere anne(ed durin$ his rei$n#5LK In "KFH. under uleiman the &a$nificent. the question +as raised a$ain# The Patriarch 9eremias I referred the ultan to elim1s decision# uleiman then consulted the heikh ul-Islam. as the hi$hest &uslim le$al authority, and. after $oin$ into the matter. the heikh pronounced that 6as far as +as kno+n Constantinople +as taken *y force, *ut the fact that the churches +ere untouched must mean that the city surrendered *y capitulation1# uleiman accepted this decision#5LL 3or the rest of his rei$n no more churches +ere taken over# 'ater ultans +ere less indul$ent# &ore conversions +ere made under elim II, and in "KML &urad III. /ust *ack from a successful campai$n in A2er*ai/an. announced that he +as $oin$ to transform the Patriarchal church of the Pammacaristos into a &osque of Nictory 7 3ethiye Cami# %ad the Patriarch 9eremias II. +hom &urad liked. *een still on the throne. the anne(ation mi$ht have *een averted# But 9eremias had *een recently ousted *y an intri$ue in the %oly ynod, and the incum*ent at the moment. Theoleptus II. +as a nonentity# &urad +as dou*tless $lad to *e a*le to /ustify his anne(ation as a punishment to the intri$uers# The Patriarch of Ale(andria put the small church of aint 4emetrius ^anavou. +hich he o+ned. at the disposal of 9eremias II. +hen he returned to the Patriarchate a fe+ months later. until ne+ accommodation could *e arran$ed# 3inally the Patriarchate +as allo+ed to re*uild the church of aint Geor$e. in the heart of the Phanar quarter. to serve his needs# The ne+ church +as ready early in the ne(t century and *uildin$s +ere erected near*y to house the Patriarchal residence and offices# 'ike all the churches that the Greeks +ere permitted to *uild to replace those that they had lost. the ne+ church +as kept deli*erately dra* on the e(terior. and the erection of a dome visi*le from outside +as for*idden#5LH By the ei$hteenth century there +ere some forty Greek churches in Constantinople, *ut only three of these had *een *uilt *efore the conquest# These +ere aint Geor$e of the Cypresses. in Psamathia. +hich +as destroyed *y earthquake early in the century, aint 4emetrius ^anavou. +hich +as destroyed *y fire a fe+ years later, and aint &ary of the &on$ols# This church o+ed its preservation to the fact that &ehmet II had employed a Greek architect to *uild for him the mosque that +as erected on the site of the %oly Apostles, and the architect. Christodulos. +as re+arded +ith the $ift of the street in +hich the church. to +hich his mother +as deeply attached. stood# %e transferred the title-deeds. +hich $uaranteed the inte$rity of the church. to the church itself# At the end of the seventeenth century the &uslims attempted to confiscate the *uildin$# 4emetrius Cantemir. +ho +as then le$al adviser to the Patriarchate. +as a*le to sho+ the ultan1s ori$inal firman to the vi2ier Ali ^oprulu. +ho kissed it reverently and $ave orders that the church +as to *e unmolested# It still remains a church. thou$h it +as *adly dama$ed in the anti-Greek riots of "IKK#5LM A fourth church. the Perivleptos. +as in Christian hands. thou$h not in the hands of the Greeks# It had *een transferred to the Armenians *y ultan I*rahim at the request of his Arme5LK

istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "KM ff#, 4emetrius Cantemir. The istory of the 2ro/th and Decay of the Othman Empire Dtrans# 0# TindalE. pp# "J5-F# ee follo+in$ note# 5LL istoria -atriarchica. *e# cit#, Cantemir. he# cit# The istoria -atriarchica com*ines the t+o episodes into one, *ut the /anissaries clearly took part in the earlier episode. as they could not have *een alive in "KFH. ei$hty-four years after the fall of the city# 4r !# Walsh. t+o and a half centuries later. heard a $ar*led version of the story D!esidence in Constantinople during the 2ree, and Tur,ish !e&olutions. n. pp# FLJ-"E# 5LH &# Gedeon. ;UYVWUTWZ[W yW?UZBC. p# KFJ# 5LM &# Baudrier. istoire generate du serrail et de la cour du 2rand Seigneur# pu*lished in "L5F. says Dp# IE that the Greeks possessed forty churches in the city# 3or t Geor$e of the Cypresses and t 4emetrius ^anavou see 9anin. op# tit# ". iii. PP- HK IK- 3or t &ary of the &on$ols. Cantemir. op# tit# p# "JK# Evliya Cele*i. Seyahalname Ded# 0# AsimE. I. p# GK5. lists a lar$e num*er of Greek churches in the su*ur*s#

nian favourite. a lady of ample charms kno+n as ekerparce. or 6lump of su$ar1. +ho +as said to +ei$h more than FJJ pounds#5LI The same process +ent on in the provincial to+ns# In Thessalonica the $reat church of aint 4emetrius and the churches of aint ophia and aint Geor$e +ere converted in the middle of the si(teenth century# 5HJ In Athens. the church of )ur 'ady. +hich earlier a$es had kno+n as the Parthenon. *ecame a mosque a*out the same time. +ith a minaret risin$ /auntily *y its side, and. +hen the Parthenon +as +recked in "LMH *y a Nenetian shell landin$ on an armament store kept in its precincts. a little mosque +as *uilt +ithin the ruins# 5H" In any to+n in +hich Turks settled. it +as the same story# )nly in purely Christian districts +ere the churches left unmolested# The anne(ations +ere not only humiliatin$. *ut they caused $rave le$al and economic pro*lems# &any of the anne(ed churches possessed considera*le property. +hose disposal involved endless la+suits and intri$ue# 0or +as it easy for the Greeks to o*tain permission to erect churches to replace those that they had lost# If they did not meet +ith active hostility they had to face the *lank +all of Turkish officialdom# Bri*ery +as usually the only method for securin$ a quick ans+er to any such request# All too soon the Greeks learnt that their masters must *e manipulated throu$h $ifts of money# This mi$ht not have *een so harmful if the or$ani2ation of the Church itself had remained uncorrupted# There the Greeks helped to *rin$ on their o+n trou*les# They could not a*andon their love for politics, and. +ith the open e(ercise of po+er no+ denied to them. they revelled in under$round intri$ue# Gennadius had *een a fi$ure that commanded universal respect# In their despair after the conquest the Greeks +ere $lad to follo+ a leader +ho +as ready and a*le to act on their *ehalf# But soon factions arose. and +hen he retired there +as no one of equal cali*re to succeed him# )f his successor as Patriarch. Isidore II. +e kno+ little *eyond his name# %e died on F" &arch "GL5# The ne(t Patriarch. 9oasaph I. +as rei$nin$ in "GLF. +hen an incident occurred +hich illustrated the dan$ers of the ne+ re$ime# The scholar Geor$e Amirout2es. +ho +as livin$ in Constantinople and en/oyed the favour of the ultan *ecause of his learnin$. +ished to contract a marria$e +ith the +ido+ of the last 4uke of Athens. thou$h his o+n +ife +as still alive# Accordin$ to another version of the story the +ould-*e *i$amist +as a no*le from Tre*i2ond called ^ava2ites. on +hose *ehalf Amirout2es +as a$itatin$# Whoever +as the petitioner. 9oasaph refused to *less the *i$amous union# Amirout2es then +orked on the %oly ynod. threatenin$ its mem*ers in the name of his po+erful cousin. the &uslim convert &ahmud Pasha. to have 9oasaph deposed# 9oasaph tried in vain to commit suicide# Gennadius seems to have *een summoned to restore order#5H5 )f the ne(t Patriarch. ophronius I. nothin$ is kno+n, indeed. his rei$n may have occurred *et+een Isidore II1s and 9oasaph I1s# Certainly Gennadius
5LI

9anin. op# cit# p# F5M: A# 4# Alderson. The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty. (((vii. n# G: Nan &illin$en. (y)antine ConstantinopleG The *alls of the City. p# 5J# 5HJ )# Tafrali. Topographie de Thessaloni.ue. pp# "KJM#.O sho+s that some of the churches +ere converted immediately after the Turkish occupation# t 4emetrius +as converted in Baye2it ITs rei$n# The conversion of t ophia is dated *y an inscription as IIF a#h# Da#d# "KGKE# The Nenetian am*assador 'oren2o Bernardo. +ho passed throu$h the city in "KIJ. says that it +as already a mosque. *ut the mosaic of the Pantocrator in the dome had not *een covered over# 1iaggio a Constantinopoli di ser Loren)o (ernardo . in %iscellanea pu$$licata dalla Deputa)ione 1eneta di Storia -atria# p# FF# 0# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. p# GL. +ron$ly supposes that Bernardo refers to ophia in Constantinople# 5H" It is uncertain +hen the Parthenon +as converted into a mosque# &ehmet II seems himself to have converted the church of )ur 'ady of alvation. +hich had *een the )rthodo( cathedral in 3rankish times# ee 4# icilianos. Old and 0e/ Athens Dtrans# !# 'iddellE. p# IL# ee also 3# W# %asluck. Christianity and +slam under the Sultans# ". pp# "F-"L. n. p# HKK# 5H5 istoria -olitica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# FM-I, %istoria Patriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# IL-"J", E,thesis Chronica Ded# # 'am*rosE. p# FL# &ore precise information is provided in the memoirs of Theodore A$allianos. in Ch# G# Patrineli. ~ B[\@V[C p=UccWU?[C ZUW [W p@BZ\[Y[W [=[W Y[]. +hich $ives the date of Isidore1s death Dp# ""ME# ee Patrineli1s preface. pp# L"-M#

+as *ack on the throne for a +hile in "GLG# With his successor. &ark Qylocaraves. +orse trou*le *e$an# &ark +as elected early in "GLK, *ut he had enemies. led *y ymeon. &etropolitan of Tre*i2ond. +ho coveted the Patriarchal throne# Early in "GLL ymeon raised the sum of 5.JJJ pieces of $old. ".JJJ from his o+n resources and ".JJJ from his friends. and presented the money to the ultan1s ministers. +ho then o*li$in$ly ordered the %oly ynod to depose &ark and elect ymeon# 0e+s of the simoniacal transaction reached the ears of &urad1s Christian +ido+. the 'ady &ara# he hastened from erres to the ultan1s court. prudently *rin$in$ +ith her another 5.JJJ pieces of $old# The ultan $reeted her +ith the +ords: 6What is this. my motherS1 he *e$$ed him to solve the pro*lem *y havin$ *oth &ark and ymeon deposed in favour of her o+n candidate. the saintly 4ionysius. a Peloponnesian +ho +as &etropolitan of Philippopolis# %er request +as $ranted# But ymeon +as undefeated# In "GH" he accused 4ionysius *efore the ynod of havin$ *een circumcised as a &uslim +hen as a child he had spent some time in captivity# Thou$h 4ionysius +as a*le to provide visi*le proof that the char$e +as false. the ynod deposed him, and a further payment of 5.JJJ $old pieces to the u*lime Porte secured ymeon1s re-election# ultan &ehmet seems to have +atched it all +ith cynical amusement. +hile the 'ady &ara +as too *adly disillusioned to interfere. thou$h she offered 4ionysius protection near her o+n residence at erres#5HF But ymeon three years later +as out*id *y a er*ian candidate. !aphael. +ho offered to make an annual payment of 5.JJJ pieces of $old to the u*lime Porte# The &etropolitan of %eraclea refused to consecrate him, and. thou$h the &etropolitan of Ancyra +as more o*li$in$. there +ere dou*ts of the le$ality of his enthronement. and many of the ynod refused to communicate +ith him# %e had. moreover. difficulty in raisin$ the money that he had promised# Eventually. pro*a*ly early in "GHH. the ultan. ur$ed a$ain *y his stepmother. intervened to restore order and secured the election of &a(imus III &anasses# &a(imus. +hose real name +as &anuel Christonymus. had *een Grand Ecclesiarch and had quarrelled +ith Gennadius over his use of Economy and later had offended the ultan *y supportin$ 9oasaph I a$ainst Amirout2es# %e had no+ recaptured the ultan1s respect. and died honoura*ly in office a fe+ months after &ehmet himself died# ymeon then *ou$ht his +ay *ack to the throne and +as no+ $enerally accepted#5HG The Council +hich he held in "GMG. in order formally to a*ro$ate the 8nion of 3lorence and to fi( the procedure for the readmission of unionists into the Church. +as attended *y representatives of all the )rthodo( communities#5HK %encefor+ard it +as rare for a Patriarch not to represent some party or faction# Influence to control the appointment +as e(ercised from various quarters# The 'ady &ara died in a*out "GMJ, *ut her role +as carried on *y her niece. the Princess of Wallachia. +ho secured the appointment of ymeon1s successor. 0iphon II# This marked the entry of the 4anu*ian rulers on the Patriarchal scene# The Princes of Wallachia and &oldavia had su*mitted voluntarily to the ultan and thus preserved their autonomy, and they +ere +ealthy# Their su*/ects. the ancestors of the !oumanians of today. +ere consciously not lavs. thou$h their Church formed a part of the er*ian Church and employed the lavonic litur$y# Their upper classes felt themselves far nearer to the Greeks than to the lavs# As the most e(alted lay persona$es +ithin the )ttoman Empire the 4anu*ian princes sou$ht continually to place their candidates on the Patriarchal throne#5HL The ^in$ of Geor$ia. as the only independent monarch. apart from the distant !ussian Grand Prince. to rule +ithin the area of the Patriarchate. tried no+ and then to intervene# But the
5HF 5HG

istoria -olitica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# FI-G5, istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "J5-"5# istoria -olitica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# GF-G, istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# ""F-"K, Gedeon. op# cit# pp# GIJ-"# ee also N# teplanidou. jZZc<AWUAYWZ<? AY[VWU? ZUW Y[ jZZc<AWUAYWZ[? WZUW[?. pp# "JG. ""F# 5HK ee *elo+. p# 55M# 5HL istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "5M-GJ# ee 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance# pp# MG 7 L# It +as throu$h Wallachian influence that 0iphon returned to the Patriarchal throne in "GIH-M# %e +as re-elected in "KJ5 *ut refused# Pachomius I. +ho took his place. also had Wallachian support# ee 0# Popescu. -atriarhii farigradului prin terile romdnesti in &eacul al 41+'lea# pp# K ff#

Geor$ian Church +as semi-autonomous. +ith its o+n litur$y in its o+n vernacular, and Geor$ia had its o+n political trou*les# But. if the Geor$ian monarch chose to e(ert it. his influence could *e formida*le#5HH &ore constant and more effective +as the influence e(erted *y the monks of &ount Athos# The %oly &ountain +as still full of rich monasteries and still a center of intellectual and spiritual activity# Its autonomy +as respected *y the Turks. thou$h. later. a Turkish official. condemned to temporary celi*acy. resided there as the ultan1s representative# 8ntil they declined in the late seventeenth century a candidate for the Patriarchate +ith the *ackin$ of the Athonite monasteries en/oyed $reat presti$e#5HM But the Princes of the 4anu*ian states and the ^in$ of Geor$ia and even the monks of the &ountain lived at a distance from Constantinople# 3ar more effective pressure +as soon to *e e(ercised *y the rich Greek merchants of the ultan1s capital# )ne of the unforeseen consequences of the )ttoman conquest +as the re*irth of Greek mercantile life# 3or some centuries past the Italians had dominated the trade of the 'evant. en/oyin$ privile$es denied to local merchants# 0o+ their privile$es +ere $one and their colonies d+indled a+ay# 3e+ Turks had any aptitude or any taste for commerce, and trade +ithin the hu$e and e(pandin$ dominions of the ultan passed into the hands of his su*/ect races. the 9e+s. the Armenians. and. a*ove all. the Greeks# The Greek $enius for commerce al+ays flourishes in areas +here the Greeks are de*arred from political po+er and are thus ready to direct their am*ition and enterprise to commercial ends# It +as not lon$ after the conquest that Greek merchant dynasties emer$ed at Constantinople# ome of the dynasties claimed to *e descended from +ellkno+n By2antine families, and. thou$h the claims +ere seldom /ustified. for fe+ of the old families survived in the male line. it helped the presti$e of a risin$ merchant if he *ore a $rand Imperial surname such as 'ascaris. Ar$yrus or 4ucas# The no*le families forci*ly imported *y the Conquerin$ ultan from Tre*i2ond had a *etter claim to ancient linea$e. such as the Rpsilanti. kinsmen to the Imperial Comneni# A little later +hen the Turks occupied Chios. Chiot families mi$rated to Constantinople and sho+ed a particular $enius for *usiness# Amon$st them it +as fashiona*le to claim a hi$h Italian descent. prefera*ly +ith !oman ori$ins#5HI In the si(teenth century the leadin$ Greek family +as that of the Cantacu2eni. perhaps the only family +hose claim. to *e in the direct line from By2antine Emperors +as authentic# By the middle of the century the head of the family. &ichael Cantacu2enus. +hom the Turks surnamed haitano$lu. or the 4evil1s son. +as one of the +ealthiest men in all the East# %e earned# LJ.JJJ ducats a year from his control of the fur-trade from !ussia. for +hich the ultan had $iven him the monopoly# %e +as a*le to pay for the fittin$-out of si(ty $alleys for the ultan1s navy# %is +ife +as the dau$hter of the Prince of Wallachia and the $randdau$hter of the Prince of &oldavia# %e seldom came to Constantinople. preferrin$ to live at Anchialus. on the Black ea coast. a city inha*ited almost e(clusively *y Greeks. +here the si$ht of his +ealth +ould not offend Turkish eyes# But even so he aroused envy# In the end. in "KHM. the Turks arrested him on a nominal char$e and put him to death# %is possessions +ere confiscated and put up for sale# Their splendour ama2ed everyone# &ost of his precious manuscripts +ere *ou$ht *y the monasteries of &ount Athos#5MJ
5HH 5HM

9oachim I in "KJG had Geor$ian support# istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "GJ-"# &a(imus IN D"GI"-HE. had Athonite support. as. later. had &etrophanes III D"KLK-H5. and "KHI-MJE# ee 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# HJ. MG-K# 5HI ee *elo+. p# FLH# 5MJ 3or the Cantacu2eni see 0# 9or$a. Despre Cantacu)ini R 2enealogia Cantacu)inilor 7 Documentele Can' tacu)inilor# passim# and. for &ichael in particular. i*id# pp# ((ii 7 (((v, 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# ""G-5"# There are numerous references to him in the Patriarchal %istory and in Gerlach. op# cit#. esp# pp# KK. LJ. 55F ff# Ger lach *elieved that he +as not really a mem*er of the old Imperial family of the Cantacu2eni *ut the son of an En$ lish am*assador# Crusius. Turco'2raecia. p# KJI. tells of the sale of his *ooks. his informant *ein$ Gerlach#

uch ma$nates. called *y the Greeks of the time archontes. or rulers. inevita*ly *ecame the dominant influence at the Patriarchate# They +ere at hand, they had plentiful ready money. for supplementin$ church funds or for *ri*in$ Turkish officials# When the Patriarchate needed laymen to fill its administrative offices. it +as from their class that the officials +ere dra+n# The po+er of an archon +as sho+n in "KLK. +hen &ichael Cantacu2enus secured the deposition of the Patriarch 9oasaph II. one of the most distin$uished and learned of Patriarchs. personally popular amon$ all the )rthodo( and fully supported *y the monks of &ount Athos. after a successful rei$n of ten years. *ecause he +ould not further one of &ichael1s am*itious family-marria$e schemes. on the $round that it infrin$ed canon la+#5M" These intri$ues +ere complicated *y the presence of Turkish officials in the offin$. all ea$er to make +hat money they could out of the difficulties of the Patriarchate# It had *ecome the re$ular custom no+ that the Patriarch had not only to pay a sum to the u*lime Porte to have his election ratified. *ut also had to provide a re$ular annual offerin$# When the Patriarch ymeon died intestate and +ithout any close relative. the Turkish authorities confiscated his possessions even thou$h he had only a life-interest in them and they should have passed to his successor# 0iphon. +ho succeeded him. tried clumsily to recover them *y inventin$ a hitherto unkno+n nephe+ of ymeon1s, *ut the imposture +as discovered and punished *y further confiscations# 0iphon proved alto$ether to *e a foolish and unsatisfactory Patriarch. and. despite his *ackin$ *y the Prince of Wallachia and the Athonite monasteries. pu*lic opinion insisted on his deposition and his replacement *y the saintly 4ionysius I. +ho came out of his retirement at erres# The Athonite monks +ere annoyed. and after t+o years o*tained his retirement and the election of their candidate. &a(imus IN. +ho rei$ned from "GI" to "GIH# &a(imus +as an estima*le man +hose main efforts +ere concentrated on securin$. not unsuccessfully. *etter treatment for the )rthodo( livin$ in Nenetian territory# )n his death 0iphon II returned to po+er for a year. *ut +as then displaced *y an a*le youn$ priest. 9oachim I. +ho +as *acked *y the ^in$ of Geor$ia# %is rei$n +as interrupted *y an attempt to replace 0iphon and *y the temporary elevation of Pachomius I. to +hom the Wallachians transferred their favour# 9oachim died in Wallachia in "KJG. +hen tryin$ to reconcile himself +ith the Prince, and Pachomius then occupied the throne for nine years#" )n his death ultan elim himself intervened to order the election of a Cretan +hom he liked. Theoleptus I# It +as fortunate that Theoleptus +as in po+er +hen elim made his a*ortive attempt to take over the Christian churches. as the ultan respected him# But his attempt to deal +ith the difficult case of Arsenius of &onemvasia made him a num*er of enemies. +ho in "K55. soon after elim1s death. accused him of $ross immorality# %e died *efore the case +as heard *y the ynod# 5M5 %is successor. 9eremias I. +as in Cyprus +hen he +as elected. +here he had mana$ed to make a concordat +ith the Nenetian authorities on *ehalf of the )rthodo(# %is rei$n of t+enty-one years is the lon$est in Patriarchal history. thou$h he nearly lost the throne in "K5L. +hen he +as on a pil$rima$e to 9erusalem, a certain 9oannicius persuaded the %oly ynod to depose him in his o+n favour. *ut the transaction +as not ratified. thou$h 9eremias1s friends had to pay KJJ $old pieces to the u*lime Porte to have the ratification held up# )n the +hole 9eremias en/oyed the support of the ultan. uleiman the &a$nificent. an orderly man +ho +as $lad to see his Christian su*/ects en/oyin$ some sta*ility# 5MF )n 9eremias1s death. it +as decided. under the influence of Germanus. Patriarch of 9erusalem. to lay it do+n clearly that only the full ynod could elect a patriarch# But 4ionysius II. +hom 9eremias desi$nated as his successor. +as elected a$ainst the +ishes of the %oly ynod. +hich only $ave +ay +hen there +ere popular demonstrations in his favour# %e rei$ned for nine years. and his successor. 9oasaph II. for ten. until he +as deposed throu$h the machinations of &ichael Cantacu2enus# The ne(t
5M" 5M5

Crusius. op# dt# p# 5HG, Gerlach. op# cit# p# FJ# istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "G"-K5# 3or Arsenius of &onemvasia see *elo+. p# 55I# 5MF istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "KF-H5, Gerlach#op# cit# pp# KJ5. KJI#

t+o Patriarchs. &etrophanes III and 9eremias II. *oth rei$ned for seven years# &etrophanes +as deposed in "KH5 *ecause he +as *elieved to have pro-!oman tendencies. and promised never to try to return to the Patriarchal throne#5MG 9eremias II. +ho like 4ionysius II o+ed his election to noisy demonstrations *y the Greek con$re$ations. +as pro*a*ly the a*lest man to sit on the Patriarchal throne durin$ the Captivity# %e +as a sound theolo$ian. an ardent reformer and a fierce enemy to simony# %is virtues irritated the %oly ynod. +ho deposed him in "KHI. *rin$in$ *ack &etrophanes III. in spite of his promise# But 9eremias still en/oyed popular support# After nine months the ynod +as forced to re-elect him# Three and a half years later he +as a$ain deposed, *ut once a$ain. after t+o years. his popularity. *acked *y the personal $ood +ill of the ultan. secured his return. and he rei$ned for another nine years. till his death in "KIK#5MK The period that follo+ed +as chaotic# Ever since ymeon of Tre*i2ond had introduced the practice. each election to the Patriarchate involved the payment of money to the u*lime Porte, and the price +as risin$# An annual su*vention +as also e(pected# 4ionysius II paid a pesh,esh of F.JJJ $old pieces to have his election ratified. *ut succeeded in havin$ the yearly tri*ute paid *y the Church reduced to a ma(imum of 5.JJJ pieces of $old# In return. the Patriarch +as permitted to add to the Patriarchal residence and offices# 9oasaph II succeeded in reducin$ the peshtesh to 5.JJJ pieces, *ut his success +as short lived# 4isputed elections *e$an to involve an auction sale. the u*lime Porte naturally favourin$ the candidate +ho could pay most# A Patriarch like 9eremias II. +ho +as elected *y the +ill of the con$re$ations. +as thus at a disadvanta$e compared +ith a candidate *acked *y the rich rulers of the Principalities or *y the rich mercantile families of Constantinople# 0ot unnaturally. the Turkish authorities +elcomed frequent chan$es on the Patriarchal throne# A fe+ Turkish statesmen. such as uleiman the &a$nificent. tried to ensure $reater sta*ility amon$ the Greeks# But the quarrels and intri$ues in +hich not only the %oly ynod *ut the +hole Greek community indul$ed offered too temptin$ an opportunity for Turkish $reed to i$nore#5ML In the century from "KIK. +hen 9eremias II ended his last Patriarchal rei$n. to "LIK. there +ere si(ty-one chan$es on the Patriarchal throne. thou$h. as many Patriarchs +ere reinstated after deposition. there +ere only thirty-one individual Patriarchs# ome en/oyed short spells of office# &atthe+ II rei$ned for t+enty days in "KIK. then for nearly four years. from "KIM to "LJ5. and finally for seventeen days in "LJF# Cyril I 'ucaris. the most cele*rated of all the seventeenth-century Patriarchs. en/oyed seven different spells on the throne# )ne of his rivals. Cyril II. rei$ned once for one +eek only. and later for t+elve months# The avera$e len$th of rei$n +as sli$htly less than t+enty months# )ccupational risks +ere hi$her: four Patriarchs. Cyril I. Parthenius II. Parthenius III and Ga*riel II. +ere put to death *y the Turks on the suspicion of treason# )ccasionally a candidate had such po+erful friends amon$ the authorities that he achieved his am*ition +ithout a specific money-payment, *ut such men +ere rare#5MH By the end of the seventeenth century the usual price paid *y a Patriarch on his election +as in the nei$h*orhood of 5J.JJJ piastres 7 rou$hly F.JJJ $old pounds# At the same time the Patriarchate had *een payin$ to the Porte from early in the century an annual ta( of 5J.JJJ piastres. as +ell as various
5MG

istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "HF-I", 4orotheus of &onemvasia. Chronicle D"M"M editionE. pp# GGJ-F# &etrophanes had visited Nenice and !ome *efore his elevation and therefore +as suspect# 5MK istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. pp# "I"-5JG, 4orotheus of&onemvasia. op# cit# pp# GFI-GJ# 4orotheus disliked 9eremias II and accused him. unreasona*ly. of *ein$ dull-+itted# 3or a full account of 9eremias1s career see C# athas. |W[=VU_WZ[? TB\WUAXU dBVW Y[] ;UYVWUVT[] BVBXW[], also '# Petit. 69a(mie II Tranos.1 in Dictionnaire de thHologie catholi.ue. vm. ". coll# MML-IG# 3or his relations +ith the 'utherans and +ith !ussia see *elo+. pp# 5GH-KL# 5ML istoria -atriarchica DC# #%#B# editionE. p# "HI# ee 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# M5 ff# 5MH # Nailho. 6Constantinople DE$lise deE.1 Dictionnaire de thHologie catholi.ue iii. 5. coll# "G"M-5L#

minor ta(es. +hich included the o*li$ation to provide the mutton required daily *y the Palace Guard. men of voracious appetite#5MM The clima( +as reached early in the ei$hteenth century. in "H5L. +hen the Patriarch Callinicus III paid no less than FL.GJJ piastres for his election 7 rou$hly K.LJJ $old pounds# As he died of /oy. from a sudden heart attack. the follo+in$ day. the transaction proved e(pensive for the Church#5MI uch scandals produced in the end a $reater sta*ility# The Greek community *e$an to reali2e that the Church. +hich their mem*ers had increasin$ly to su*sidi2e. simply could not afford such frequent chan$es, and the Turks reali2ed that thin$s had $one too far# In the century from "LIK to "HIK there +ere thirty-one Patriarchal rei$ns. and t+enty-three individual Patriarchs# This +as *ad enou$h. if +e compare it +ith the century from "GIK to "KIK. +hen there had *een only nineteen rei$ns, *ut at least it +as an improvement on the seventeenth century# 5IJ 0evertheless the de*ts of the Patriarchate rose steadily# In "HFJ they amounted to "JJ.HLI piastres. that is to say. rather more than "K.JJJ $old pounds. +hile the Patriarchal revenues. for +hich +e have no definite fi$ures. seem seldom to have *een adequate to cover re$ular e(penses#5I" It +as inevita*le that the +hole Church should *ecome dependent upon the richer mem*ers of the laity. the semi-independent )rthodo( princes and the merchants of Constantinople# &ean+hile another disruptive factor had appeared# The )ttoman Empire had entered upon re$ular diplomatic connections +ith Western Europe, and Western am*assadors to the u*lime Porte *e$an to seek for influence +ithin the Empire# It +ould *e +orth +hile to capture the sympathy and support of the Christian communities# The Em*assies therefore fostered ne+ intri$ues# 3rance and Austria. thou$h not in unison. employed Catholic missionaries to +ork amon$ the local Christians. for political rather than for reli$ious ends, +hile En$land and %olland. similarly not in unison. countered *y encoura$in$ opposition to the Catholics and *y tryin$ to *uild up a connection *et+een the )rthodo( and the Protestant Churches# Western a$ents +ere added to the elements that pulled strin$s +henever there +as a Patriarchal election, and. +hile money provided from the Western em*assies +as +elcomed. the Turkish authorities could not *e e(pected to look upon such transactions +ith favour# The e(ecution of four Patriarchs for treason +as the indirect outcome of these am*assadorial intri$ues# %ere a$ain the situation +as improved in the ei$hteenth century. +hen the Western po+ers *e$an to reali2e that such intri$ues produced no valua*le results# But their place +as taken *y a po+er that the Turks +ere soon to re$ard +ith far $reater aversion and fear. the revived and $ro+in$ !ussian Empire#5I5 With such a situation in the Patriarchate it +as difficult for the Church to maintain its constitutional ri$hts a$ainst its Turkish masters# Individual ultans or vi2iers mi$ht occasionally *e friendly# The mother of ultan &urad III +as a Greek, and he +as said to have secretly
5MM

Nailho. art# cit# coll# "GFJ-5# Accordin$ to 9# Aymon. %onuments authenti.ues de la religion des 2recs et de lafaussetH de plusieurs confessions de foi des Chretiens . p# GML. 4ionysius III paid "5.JJJ ecus in "LL5# ir Paul !icaut. The -resent State of the Cree, and Armenian Churches# Anno Christi . "LHM Dpu*lished in "LMJE. says that the Patriarch used to pay "J.JJJ dollars on his election. *ut the price had risen no+ to 5K.JJJ Dp# "JHE# Grelot says that. +hen he +as in Constantinople in the "LHJs. t+o successive Patriarchs paid KJ.JJJ and LJ.JJJ cro+ns Dop# cit# p# "FME# This is confirmed *y Pitton de Tournefort. !elation dun &oyage du Le&ant. "HJJ. p# ""M. +ho says that the Patriarchal di$nity is no+ sold for LJ.JJJ ecus# 5MI Nailho. art# cit# col# "GF5# 5IJ I*id# coll# "GF5-F# 5I" I*id# loc# cit# ee also T# %# Papadopoullos. Studies and Documents relating to the istory of the 2ree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domination# pp# "F5. "LJ# After "HLF Patriarchal candidates had to pay the peshtesh out of their o+n pockets D%ypsilantis. op# cit# p# FIHE. +hich helped to improve the financial position of the Church. *ut made candidates all the more dependent on rich friends# %o+ever. on the eve of the Greek War of Independence the de*ts of the Patriarchate amounted to ".KJJ.JJJ Turkish piastres# ee &# !ay*aud. %emoires sur la 2rece Dhistorical introduction *y A# !a**eE. p# MJ# 5I5 ee *elo+. chapter L#

*ou$ht and to +orship an icon of the %oly Nir$in# 5IF uleiman the &a$nificent1s vi2ier. okiillu. a Bosnian converted to Islam. used sometimes to attend )rthodo( services. accompanied *y his t+o nephe+s, thou$h he offended the Greeks *y insistin$ in "KKH on the reinstitution of the er*ian Patriarchate of Pec. for the *enefit of one of his Christian relatives# %o+ever the er*ian Patriarch +as ordered to *e su*servient to his *rother of Constantinople# The Turks had no desire to encoura$e local separatism#5IG The $reat Al*anian family of the ^oprulu. +hich provided four Grand Ni2iers in the seventeenth century. +as consistently favoura*le to+ards the Christians# 5IK But the avera$e Turk. +hether he +ere ultan. commander. official or even la*ourer. re$arded the Christians as people to *e e(ploited# ir Paul !icaut. an En$lishman of panish descent. +ho had travelled +idely in the East. +rote at the request of ^in$ Charles II a *ook entitled The -resent State of the 2ree, and Armenian Churches# Anno Christi "LHM# In it he states that the election to the Patriarchate +as vested 6rather in the hands of the Turks than of the *ishops1# %e +as deeply moved *y the position of the Greeks# 6 Tra$ical1. he +rites. 6 the su*version of the anctuaries of !eli$ion. the !oyal Priesthood e(pelled from their Churches. and these converted into &osques, the &ysteries of the altar concealed in secret and dark places, for such I have seen in Cities and Nilla$es +here I have travelled. rather like Naults and epulchres than Churches. havin$ their roofs almost levelled +ith the uperficies of the Earth. lest the most ordinary E(sur$ency of tructure should *e accused for Triumph of !eli$ion. and stand in competition +ith the lofty pires of the &ahometan &osque#1 !icaut +ell understood the difficulties that faced the Greek Church# Indeed. kno+in$ +hat he did. he +as ama2ed that it should survive at all# 6It is no +onder1. he +rote. 6to human reason that considers the )ppression and the Contempt that $ood Christians are e(posed to. and the I$norance in their Churches occasioned throu$h Poverty in the Cler$y. that many should *e found +ho retreat from the 3aith, *ut it is. rather. a &iracle. and a true Nerification of those Words of Christ. That the 2ates of ell shall not $e a$le to pre&ail against his Church# that there is conserved still amon$st so much )pposition. and in despite of all Tyranny and Arts contrived a$ainst it. an open and pu*lic Profession of the Christian 3aith#15IL ir Paul +as +ell informed# The priests +ere indeed poor, for the Patriarchate. +ith its *urden of de*t. could not afford any $enerosity to+ards its servants# Instead it all too often e(torted from them and from their con$re$ations +hatever money +as availa*le# 0or. as +e shall see. +as it a*le to provide them +ith an adequate education# The conversions to Islam noted *y ir Paul +ere lar$ely due to the i$norance of this impoverished cler$y# They +ere due. too. to a natural desire to escape from the i$nominy of *ein$ for ever a second-class citi2en# It +as a one+ay traffic# 0o &uslim +ould demean himself *y acceptin$ a reli$ion that +as politically and socially inferior, and had he done so he +ould have incurred the death-penalty# As late as the "HMJs a Greek *oy +ho had *een adopted *y &uslims and *rou$ht up in their faith +as han$ed at 9anina for revertin$ to the faith of his fathers# ir Paul +as tactful enou$h not to d+ell too harshly upon the manifest +eaknesses of the Patriarchate itself# %e +as +ell a+are of them. *ut he +as shre+d enou$h to understand +hy thin$s had come to such a pass, and his censure +as miti$ated *y real sympathy# But he +as almost alone amon$ Western +riters of the seventeenth and ei$hteenth centuries in sho+in$ such sympathy# &ost of them *elieved +ith !o*ert Burton
5IF

Gerlach. op# cit# pp# FFK. FL"# Accordin$ to 4orotheus of &onemvasia op# tit# pp# GKF-KE. &urad III later *ecame violently anti-Christian# 5IG Gerlach. op# cit# p# MM# 3or the Patriarchate of Pec. see Nailhe. art tit# col# "GGG, also '# %adrovice. Le -euple Ser$e et son Hglise sous la domination tur.ue#pp# GI."GI# 5IK Accordin$ to 4emetrius Cantemir. The istory of the 2ro/th and Decay of the Othman Empire . p# FLM. &ehmet ^oprulu deserved to rank +ith 9ustinian for the num*er of churches that he allo+ed to *e *uilt# It +as his son Ahmet +ho appointed Panayoti 0icoussios and after him Ale(ander &avrocordato to the post of Grand 4ra$oman# ee *e lo+. pp# FLG. FLM# %e +as on intimate terms +ith *oth of them# 5IL !icaut. op# tit# pp# "5-"F#

that the Greeks 6*e rather semi-Christians than other+ise1. or +ith 'ady &ary Wortley &onta$u that. as to their priests. 6no *ody of &en +ere ever more i$norant1#5IH Parado(ically. the +eaknesses of the Patriarchate may have afforded the Church some protection# 3or the Turks $re+ accustomed to treat the +hole ecclesiastical or$ani2ation +ith easy$oin$ contempt# They mi$ht su*/ect it to petty persecution. e(tortion and oppression. *ut at other times they left it alone# They +ere never sufficiently alarmed *y it to take measures that +ould have threatened its e(istence# Its secret spirit could survive# This political *ack$round must *e reali2ed *efore +e critici2e the Greek Church under the Turks for not havin$ made a lar$er contri*ution to reli$ious life and reli$ious thou$ht# We must remem*er ho+ cruelly servitude restricts enterprise# The Church had *een very much alive ri$ht up to the last days of independent By2antium# Amon$st its prelates had *een many of the *est *rains of the time# Even in the fifteenth century it +as still producin$ +orks on theolo$y of the hi$hest cali*re# Its officials could concentrate on the thin$s +hich are God1s. *ecause there +as a Christian Caesar to look after the thin$s +hich +ere Caesar1s# The conquest altered all that# The Patriarch had to *ecome a lay ruler. *ut the ruler of a state that had no ultimate sanction of po+er. a state +ithin a state. dependin$ for its e(istence on the uncertain $ood +ill of an alien and infidel overlord# &any ne+ and costly cares +ere imposed upon him# %is court had to concern itself +ith fiscal and /udicial pro*lems that in the old days had *een the *usiness of the secular arm# It had no traditions of its o+n to help it in this +ork, it had to *orro+ +hat it could remem*er of the old Imperial traditions# And all the +hile it +as conscious of its e(i$ent su2erain# Even the $reat Papal monarchy of the West had found the com*ination of secular +ith reli$ious po+er an intolera*le strain# It +as far harder for the Patriarchate to support the *urden so suddenly imposed upon it. +ith no trainin$ in the past and no ultimate freedom of action in the present# It +as not surprisin$ that fe+ Greek ecclesiastics no+ had the time to devote themselves to theolo$ical discussion or the spiritual life# It is. rather. remarka*le that the Church still mana$ed for t+o centuries to come to produce a num*er of lively theolo$ians +ho could hold their o+n +ith theolo$ians in other parts of Europe# But these luminaries *elon$ed to a small intellectual aristocracy# Amon$ the vast *ody of the cler$y and amon$ their con$re$ations standards of learnin$ rapidly declined# It +as no lon$er possi*le to provide them +ith adequate means for education#

5IH

3or Burton see *elo+. p# 5IJ# 'ady &ary Wortley &onta$ue. op#cit# pp# F"M-"I#

*$ The Church and Education$

-o Church. e(cept perhaps the most evan$elical. can flourish +ithout some standard of culture
amon$ its cler$y and amon$ its laity# It +as in the sphere of education that the Greek Church +as to feel the effects of servitude most profoundly and most disastrously# At the time of the Turkish conquest of Constantinople the university +as still in e(istence# &any of its *est professors had already mi$rated to the $reater security of Italy. +here their learnin$ +as appreciated and their salaries more re$ularly paid# Its head in "GKF +as an a*le youn$ish scholar. &ichael Apostolis. +ho +as in favour of union +ith !ome *ut +hose vie+s do not seem to have lost him pupils# %e +as taken prisoner +hen the city fell. *ut later es caped to Italy. +here he had a distin$uished career# 5IM At Thessalonica. at &istra and at Tre*i2ond there seem to have *een academies +hich depended on the tate for support# When each city +as in turn captured *y the Turks. all these centers of hi$her learnin$ inevita*ly disappeared#5II At Constantinople all that +as left out of the +recka$e +as the Patriarchal Academy# It had +orked in co-operation +ith the university and shared professors +ith it, *ut it took *oys at a youn$er a$e. and it concentrated on theolo$ical rather than lay studies# 0o+. more than ever. it had to devote itself to the trainin$ of cler$y# %i$her secular studies. includin$ philosophy e(cept for its rudiments. +ere a*andoned# &artin ^raus. or Crusius. +ho *ecame Professor of Greek at Tu*in$en a*out "KKK and +as almost the only Western scholar to concern himself +ith the state of the Greeks of his time and kept up an active correspondence +ith the Greek cler$y at Constantinople. +as deeply distressed *y +hat he learnt a*out their lack of schools# 6In all Greece studies no+here flourish1. he +rites# 6They have no pu*lic academies or professors. e(cept for the most trivial schools in +hich the *oys are tau$ht to read the %orolo$ion. the )ctoechon. the Psalter. and other *ooks +hich are used in the litur$y# But amon$st the priests and monks those +ho really understand these *ooks are very fe+ indeed#1FJJ Crusius +as unfair to the Patriarchal Academy. +hich +as stru$$lin$ to do its *est. thou$h *adly in need of reform# )n the +hole such hi$her education as survived amon$ the Greeks in Greek lands +as provided *y private teachers# A fe+ teachers +ho had *een educated in the old days *efore "GKF mana$ed to keep the tradition of learnin$ alive and to teach pupils# But the results +ere mea$er# We kno+ of not a sin$le Greek of intellectual distinction livin$ +ithin the *ounds of the )ttoman Empire durin$ the later fifteenth century and the first years of the si(teenth# There +ere distin$uished Greeks alive at the time, *ut they +ere to *e found in the West. mainly at Nenice# Indeed. +e can only tell that the tradition +as not lost *y the fact that to+ards the middle of the si(teenth century a num*er of Greek scholars *e$in to emer$e +ho had never travelled a*road# &anuel of Corinth. )rator and Chartophyla( of the Great Church. +ho died in "KK" after havin$ +ritten a num*er of +orks a$ainst the 'atins and a$ainst the 0eo-Platonism of Plethon and Bessarion. +as a man of +ide erudition. +ith a $ood kno+led$e of 'atin. +ho never travelled outside of the )ttoman Empire# %e must have received his education either at his native Corinth or some+here in the Peloponnese 7 he is sometimes surnamed Peloponnesiacus 7 or else at Constantinople# FJ" 4amascenus the tudite. +ho +rote free By2antium. and
5IM

3or Apostolis see E# 'e$rand. (i$liographic elleni.ueG description raSonnHde des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs aux JLe et JTe siecles. pp# lvi-l((, 4#9# Geanakoplos. 2ree, Scholars in 1enice. pp# HF-""J# 5II 3or Plethon1s Academy at &istra see a*ove. p# "5"# 'ittle is kno+n a*out the academies at Thessalonica and Tre *i2ond# FJJ &# Crusius. 2ermanograecia. p# "M# FJ" &# Crusius. Turco'2raecia. pp# IJ ff#. $ivin$ a $enealo$y of scholarship provided *y :y$omalas. says that &anuel +as the pupil of &atthe+ Camariotes. one of the last scholars of vasia. the heretic. for +hom see *elo+. p# 55I# 3or &anuel see 'e$rand. (i$liographic elleni.ue au JLe et JTe siecles . ". p# cvi. and &#9u$ie. Theologia

+as the teacher of Arsenius of &onem homilies +hich are still admired *y the Greek Church. +as *orn at Thessalonica and died as &etropolitan of Arta. +ithout havin$ travelled farther afield# It is likely that he studied on &ount Athos# FJ5 %is contemporary. &anuel &ala(us. +ho +rote a history of the Patriarchs +hich Crusius translated. seems to have lived all his life at Constantinople. +here he ran a small school in a hut full offish han$in$ up to dry# FJF The Patriarch 9eremias II. +ho +as *orn at Anchialus and educated at Constantinople. pro*a*ly at the Patriarchal Academy. in +hich he al+ays took a deep interest. +as a philosopher and a historian. as +ell as a theolo$ian of real merit# FJG The rich layman &ichael Cantacu2enus must have *een a scholar of some standin$. to /ud$e from the e(cellence of his li*rary# FJK But such men +ere rare, and +e do not kno+ +ho +ere their teachers# By one of the fe+ happy ironies of history. it +as Nenice. the state +hich *y its part in the 3ourth Crusade had done more than any other to destroy By2antium. that no+ came to the rescue of Greek culture# There had *een for some time past a Greek colony at Nenice. ori$inally composed of merchants and technicians# !ecently it had *een s+elled *y refu$ees from Constantinople. some of them cultured aristocrats. such as Anna 0otaras. dau$hter of the last Emperor1s chief minister. 'ucas 0otaras.FJL others scholars such as Apostolis. last !ector of the 8niversity#FJH In addition am*itious *oys from the Greek territories o+ned *y Nenice. in particular from the island of Crete. collected there to *e educated and to advance their careers# By the end of the fifteenth century Nenice had *ecome a lively center of Greek culture# Eminent Greek-*orn philosophers and teachers. such as &ark &usurus. 9anus 'ascaris. Geor$e of Tre*i2ond and Andronicus Callistus. made their homes there#FJM Cardinal Bessarion had *equeathed to the city his incompara*le li*rary of Greek manuscripts#FJI Cretan students +ere employed there to copy such manuscripts, and it +as there. in the amica*ly rival presses of Aldus &anutius and the Greek Callier$is that the printin$ of Greek te(ts +as first undertaken on a lar$e scale# F"J It +as to Nenice that Erasmus travelled +hen he +ished to perfect his Greek#F"" To any am*itious youn$ Greek of Constantinople +ho had intellectual tastes a visit to Nenice +as infinitely desira*le# It +as not so difficult to make the /ourney# The Turks seldom trou*led themselves to prevent youn$ Greeks from $oin$ a*road, and. if the student could raise enou$h money to reach Nenice. he +ould find there a num*er of hospita*le compatriots +ho +ould pro*a*ly see him throu$h his studies or +ould advance him the money that he needed# %is reli$ion need not em*arrass him# Thou$h the leadin$ Greek scholars in Nenice had all /oined the !oman Church. and thou$h Nenice in the past had sho+n no friendliness to+ards the )rthodo(. no+ there +as far less intolerance. partly *ecause the Nenetians reali2ed that they could not afford to offend their Greek su*/ects. partly *ecause they had a lar$e num*er of Greek soldiers of
Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium a$ Ecdesia Catholica Dissidentium# ". pp# GIF-G FJ5 9u$ie. op# tit# ". p# GIL# 4amascenus also +rote a history of Constantinople +hich has never *een pu*lished D& # KLI formerly in the &etoechia of the %oly epulchre at Constantinople. no+ in the Patriarchal li*raryE# FJF The chronicle kno+n as the istoria -atriarchica Dpu*lished in the C# #%#B#. "MGI. ed# 9# BeckerE is traditionally attri*uted to &ala(us and +as reproduced as such *y &artin Crusius in his Turco-Graecia. thou$h his friend Gerlach. the 'utheran chaplain at Constantinople Dsee *elo+. p# 5KLE. says that &ala(us +as only the copyist D # Ger lach. Tage$uch. p# GGME# 3or &ala(us1s school. Crusius. op# tit# p# MK# 9u$ie. op# tit# ". p# GIL. +ron$ly attri*utes to him the edition of the 0omocanon in modern Greek. +hich +as actually compiled *y 0icholas &ala(us. a cousin of his. and *y die priest :acharias kordylius# &# Gedeon. rTccrpiap(i^ol nivcc^E,. p# K"K# FJG 3or 9eremias II see a*ove. pp# 5JJ-". and *elo+. pp# 5GH-KL# ee a*ove. pp# "IH-M# FJK ee a*ove. p# 5JM# FJL 3or Anna see 4# 9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est. pp# ""H-"M FJH ee a*ove p# 5JM FJM 4# 9# Geanakoplos. 2ree, Scholars in 1enice# passim. especially chs# G-L# FJI I*id# p# "GK# F"J I*id# pp# nLff#. 5J" ff# F"" I*id# pp# 5KL-HM#

fortune in their armed forces. and partly *ecause of their $eneral spirit of enli$htenment and independence. +hich made them refuse to allo+ the Inquisition to operate +ithin their territory +ithout a licence from the $overnment# F"5 The Patriarch &a(imus IN had *een a*le to secure freedom of +orship for the )rthodo( in the Ionian Islands. and soon after+ards a Greek church +as founded at Nenice# It +as at first supposed to *e 8niate and under the authority of the Patriarch of Nenice# In "KHH the Nenetian $overnment allo+ed it to *e transferred to the authority of the )rthodo( Patriarch of Constantinople# %e appointed as its *ishop the &etropolitan of Philadelphia. +hose titular see in Asia &inor +as no+ a half-ruined villa$e#F"F Nenice had a further advanta$e to offer# 0ear*y +as the 8niversity of Padua# It had *een founded in "555 and from the outset had *een famed for its medical and its philosophical studies# The Nenetians occupied Padua in "GJK, and the Nenetian enate had promptly confirmed the autonomy and the privile$es of the university# This autonomy. $uaranteed *y a $overnment that +ould permit of no interference from the Papacy or the Inquisition. ena*led the university to indul$e in reli$ious speculation to an e(tent impossi*le else+here in Western Europe# The 8niversity of Padua +as one of the first to encoura$e the study of Greek, and Greeks +ho could lecture on Greek te(ts +ere especially +elcome# A Chair of Greek +as founded there in "GLF and $iven to the Athenian 4emetrius Chalcondylas#F"G )ne of his successors. 0icholas 'aonicus Thomaeus. an Epirot *y *irth. $ave in "GIH a course of lectures on Aristotle. usin$ only the Greek te(t and a fe+ Ale(andrian commentaries# %is course seemed to the future Cardinal Bem*o to mark the comin$ of a ne+ era in philosophical studies# F"K Aided *y the printin$-presses at Nenice. +hich made Greek te(ts readily availa*le. Greek studies at Padua +on a hi$h reno+n# It +as not surprisin$ that Greek students should +ish to $o there# Roun$ men +ho desired to enter the Church and +ho found the education provided *y the Patriarchal Academy inadequate could study up-to-date philosophy there and thus equip themselves to deal +ith the hostile propa$anda +ith +hich their Church +as faced, and if they +ere intelli$ent they +ere +elcomed there as native authorities on the Greek lan$ua$e# Boys +ho felt no special reli$ious vocation $ravitated to+ards its famous medical schools# &edicine offered a promisin$ career in the )ttoman Empire, for fe+ Turks +ould demean themselves to do the hard +ork that a medical trainin$ involved. and thus *ecame dependent upon Greeks or 9e+s for their physicians, and the Greeks soon discovered ho+ influential a family doctor can# *ecome# They +ould study philosophy also, and a class arose of doctor-philosophers. of +hom it +as said that if they failed to cure their patients1 *odies they could at least provide their souls +ith the consolations of philosophy# )ne of the first of the Greeks *orn in )ttoman territory to $o to the West for his education +as the Epirot &a(imus. kno+n later as the %a$hiorite# %e +as *orn at Arta in "GMJ and as a *oy-he /ourneyed in search of learnin$ as far as Paris. then +ent to 3lorence. and finally to Nenice and Padua# )n his return to the East he *ecame a monk on &ount Athos. at the monastery of Natopedi, he seems to have had some influence in keepin$ education alive on the &ountain# %e +as deeply conscious of the value of $ood li*raries and acquired fame as a li*rarian# Consequently +hen the Grand Prince of &oscovy. Nassily III. sent in "K"M to ConstantinoF"5

There +ere only si( occasions on +hich the Inquisition +as allo+ed to prosecute in Nenice# ee P# G# &olmenti. 1enice. pt# n. The 2olden Age Dtrans# %# Bro+nE. ". pp# 5F-G# F"F 3or the history of the Greek church in Nenice see Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est# pp# ""L-5"# A Greek school seems already to have *een founded on a modest scale# In "L5L a rich Nenetian Greek. Thomas 3lan$inis. presented the colony +ith a lar$e sum of money to *e spent on education, and the school +as developed into a much admired academy. kno+n as the 3lan$inion# 3or &a(imus1s concordat +ith Nenice see 3# &iklosich and 9# &iiller. Acta et Diplomata 2raeci %edii Ae&i Sacra et -rofana. v. p# 5MG# F"G ee G# Camelli. Demetrio Calcocondilo. pp# KJ-K# F"K Bem*o1s speech on +hat Nenice o+ed to the Greeks is $iven in 9# &orelli. 6Intorno ad un ora2ione $reca inedita del Cardinale Pietro Bem*o alia i$noria di Nene2ia.1 %emorie del !egale +nstituto del !egno Lom$ardo'1eneto . n. pp# 5K"-L5#

ple to ask the Patriarch Theoleptus I to send him a $ood li*rarian and translator. &a(imus +as selected for the post# The rest of his career *elon$s to !ussian history# F"L &ost of the Greek scholars of his and the follo+in$ $eneration +ho +ere educated in the West had the initial advanta$e of havin$ *een *orn in Nenetian-held territory. so that it +as easy for them to $o to Nenice# There +as Pachomius !husanus of :ante. the e(act dates of +hose life are unkno+n# %e studied at Padua and other Italian cities. and +as a $ood $rammarian as +ell as a theolo$ian# %is chief theolo$ical +orks +ere directed a$ainst the 'atins and a$ainst a heretic called 9oannicius ^artanus. +ho tau$ht fanciful 0eo-Gnostic doctrines a*out God and the an$els#F"H In the ne(t $eneration there +as the Cretan. &eletius Pe$as. +ho died in "LJ" after a distin$uished career in )rthodo( ecclesiastical politics# F"M There +as another Cretan. &a(imus &ar$unius. +ho died in "LJ5# %e also had *een educated at Padua# In later life. as Bishop of Cythera. he attempted to find a compromise accepta*le to *oth East and West on the disputed fil' io.ue clause and +as accused *y the &etropolitan of Philadelphia. the head of the Greek Church at Nenice. of har*ourin$ 'atin ideas# %e +as o*li$ed to send an apolo$ia to Constantinople to prove that he +as sound on the doctrine of the Procession of the %oly Ghost, and he +rote a num*er of tracts. as yet unedited. a$ainst the 9esuits and the 3ranciscans# As a result the Inquisition t+ice attempted to prosecute him, *ut he +as protected *y the Nenetian $overnment# %is +ill has *een preserved, and it is interestin$ to note ho+ an(ious he +as a*out the proper disposal of his *ooks. a vast num*er of +hich +ere in 'atin# &ost of his Greek li*rary +as to $o to the Cretan monastery at +hich he learnt to read as a child. *ut one *ook +hich had someho+ come from the monastery of aint Catherine on inai +as to *e returned there# In the end his li*rary +as scattered#F"I %is manuscript copy of the ancient Greek tra$edians is no+ in the monastery of Iviron on &ount Athos. as are most of his 'atin *ooks# F5J %is former critic. Ga*riel everus. &etropolitan of Philadelphia. +as *orn in &onemvasia in "KG". /ust after its capture *y the Turks# %e too +as an alumnus of Padua# %e had spent most of his career at 'esina in 4almatia. +here there +as a Greek colony. *efore takin$ char$e of the Greek community in Nenice# %e +rote +orks attackin$ *oth the 'atins and the 'utherans# %e died in "L"L# F5" %is friend. the Athenian Theodore ^arykis. +ho *ecame &etropolitan of Athens and in "KIL. in rather du*ious circumstances. +as elected Patriarch as Theophanes I. seems to have studied +ith him at Padua#F55 Almost all these theolo$ians. +hether they came from Nenetian or )ttoman territory and +hether or not they studied in Italy. +ere stron$ly anti-'atin# It +as only to+ards the end of the si(teenth century that the Church of !ome took counter-measures# In "KHH Pope Gre$ory QIII founded the Colle$e of aint Athanasius at !ome for the education of Greeks in the proper faith# Its pupils came almost entirely from islands +hich +ere or had recently *een under Italian domination. Corfu. Crete. Cyprus and. especially. Chios# It provided an e(cellent trainin$, amon$st its alumni +as the $reat Chiot scholar. 'eo Allatius# It also admitted *oys from )rthodo( families. in the hope of convertin$ them. a hope that +as not al+ays $ratified#F5F
F"L F"H

E# 4enissoff. %axime le 2rec et LUOccident# passim# 'e$tand. (i$liographie ellini.ue au JLe et JTe siecles. l. p# 5F", 9u$ie. op# cit# I. pp# GIK-L# F"M ee *elo+. pp# 5L"-L# F"I 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ue au JLe et JTe siecles. n. pp# ((iii-l((vii, Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# "LK-IF# ee *elo+. pp# 5LJ-"# F5J Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# "MF-IF. $ives a personally verified list of &ar$unius1s *ooks that are still in the li*rary at Iviron# F5" 'e$rand. (i$liographic ellHni.ue au JLe et JTe siecles. "". pp# "GG-K", A# C# 4emetracopoulos. ~Ve[\[s[C jccUC# "GF-L# ee *elo+. p# 5KH# F55 4# icilianos. Old and 0e/ Athens Dtrans# !# 'iddellE. pp# "I"-5# F5F 9u$ie. op# cit# ". pp# K55 ff#

In the meantime it had *ecome easier to o*tain a $ood education at Constantinople# 3rom a*out "KKJ on+ards. o+in$ to the influence of scholars educated at Padua. there had *een attempts to reform the Patriarchal Academy# %i$her studies +ere introduced. particularly the study of philosophy# In "KIF the learned Patriarch 9eremias II summoned a synod +hich $ave a ne+ constitution to the academy# Narious departments. to include hi$her philosophy and certain of the sciences as +ell as theolo$y and literature. +ere set up. each under a scholarch appointed *y the Patriarch# The first scholarchs seem all to have *een $raduates of Padua#F5G Thus *y the end of the si(teenth century there +ere several courses open to an intelli$ent and enterprisin$ Greek *oy +ho +anted a hi$her education# But for a *oy +ho did not live at Constantinople or +ho had not the opportunity of $oin$ to Italy. thin$s +ere not too easy, and even places at the Patriarchal school +ere not so very plentiful# The synod of "KIF +hich reformed the Patriarchal Academy also ur$ed metropolitans to see to the foundation of academies in their cities# It is dou*tful ho+ many metropolitans follo+ed this advice# Academies +ere e(pensive to or$ani2e and to maintain, and the supply of $ood teachers +as limited# Academies seem to have *een founded +ithin the ne(t fe+ decades at such lar$e cities as Thessalonica and Tre*i2ond and myrna. +hich +ere presuma*ly under the care of the local metropolitan, *ut the evidence a*out them is very scanty# F5K The only academy +hich achieved some reno+n and produced pupils of some distinction +as founded not *y a metropolitan *ut *y an Epirot priest. Epiphanius the %i$oumene. +ho +as attached to the Greek church at Nenice# %e collected a sum of money. presuma*ly from the richer mem*ers of his con$re$ation. +hich he deposited in the treasury of aint &ark. the interest from +hich +as to pay for the salaries of teachers at an academy +hich +as set up at Athens# In the first years of the seventeenth century the Athenian academy counted amon$st its professors Theophilus Corydalleus. the 0eo-Aristotelian. his pupil. 0icodemus Pherraeus. and 4emetrius An$elus Beni2elos#F5L Amon$st its pupils +as 0athaniel Chychas. +ho achieved some fame as a polemical +riter# But as Chychas +ent on from Athens to the Colle$e of aint Athanasius at !ome. it may have *een to the Catholic 3athers there that he o+ed his trainin$# They converted him to Catholicism, *ut he moved to Nenice and Padua and reverted to his ancestral faith# In the +ords of 4ositheus of 9erusalem +ho su*sequently edited an anti-'atin tract of his. 6at !ome he drank of the trou*led +aters of schism and heresy. *ut $oin$ later to Nenice he +as set ri$ht *y the late Ga*riel everus. &etropolitan of Philadelphia#1 F5H But Epiphanius1s endo+ment +as too small and local Turkish suspicion too $reat for the Academy of Athens to survive# A Peloponnesian *oy called Christopher An$elus +ent there in "LJH. only to *e arrested almost at once on the impro*a*le char$e of *ein$ a panish spy# %e +as stripped of his *ooks and his money and only +ith difficulty escaped +ith his life# %is later career +as spent in En$land# oon after+ards the academy closed its doors#F5M In Asia &inor outside of the lar$er to+ns there seem to have *een practically no Greek schools# Thomas mith. +ritin$ to+ards the end of the seventeenth century. noted that the Turkish authorities in the Asiatic provinces +ere far more intolerant than those in Europe# F5I In Europe a school +as founded at 9anina *y Epiphanius the %i$oumene. *efore he +ent to Athens#
F5G

3or 9eremias see C# athas. |W[=VU_WZ[? TB\WAXU dBVW Y[] ;UYVWUVT[] BVBXW[] B1 D"KH5-IGE. passim# 9eremias tried to persuade &ar$unius to come and teach at the Patriarchal Academy: ee 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ue au JLe et JTe siecles# ii. pp# ((viii 7 (((, Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# "LH-M# 3or &ar$unius1s letters to 9eremias. athas. op# cit# pp# IM-"FK# F5K ee P# ^arolides. AY[VWU Y<C jccU\[C. p# KF", 9#:# tephanopoli. 6'1Ecole. facteur du reveil national.1 in Le Cin.'centieme anni&ersaire dc la prise de Constantinople# L ellenisme contemporain# fascicule hors serie D"IKFE. pp# 5G5-F. 5KF-G# F5L I*id# pp# 5KG-K: icilianos. op# cit# pp# 5KM-I# F5H icilianos. op# cit# pp# "IF-G: 4emetracopoulos. op# cit# p# "G5# F5M ee *elo+. pp# 5IF-G# F5I P# !icaut. The -resent State of the 2ree, and Armenian Churches# Anno Christi. "LHM D"LMJE. p# 5F#

)ne +as founded at Arta some time in the seventeenth century. and several in &acedonia. and. a little later. in the islands of &yconos. 0a(os and Patmos# At 4imitsana in the Peloponnese there +as *y the end of the seventeenth century a cele*rated academy at +hich no less than si( Patriarchs of the follo+in$ century +ere educated# There +as already a school at 0auplia#FFJ The school at Athens +as refounded a*out "H"H *y a monk. Gre$ory otiris. and +as $iven a ne+ endo+ment *y an Athenian. Geor$e Anthony &elos. +ho had made a fortune in pain, and this +as supplemented *y an Athenian livin$ in Nenice. tephen !oulis# Its most famous headmaster +as a Cretan. Athanasius Bousopoulos of 4imitsana. amon$st +hose pupils +as the future Patriarch Gre$ory N# But it seems that this school +as thou$ht to *e old-fashioned in its curriculum# A more up-to-date school +as founded in "HKJ *y another Nenetian Greek. 9ohn 4eka#FF" Thou$h the u*lime Porte never interfered +ith the Patriarchal Academy at Constantinople. provincial $overnors +ere free to *e as oppressive as they pleased, and many of them re$arded the education of the minority races as *ein$ most undesira*le# The most effective academies of the ei$hteenth century +ere situated in districts that +ere not under direct Turkish control. in the t+o capitals of the 4anu*ian principalities. Bucharest and 9assy. and in the island of Chios. +hich en/oyed a limited self-$overnment# In Chios there had *een a tradition of $ood schools since the days of the Genoese occupation. +hen the Greco-Italian %ermodorus 'estarchus had conducted a famous esta*lishment. attended *y Catholics and )rthodo( alike#FF5 In the Ionian Islands. under Nenetian rule. Greek schools had *een permitted since "KKJ, and their standards +ere hi$her than any on the mainland. *ecause many of the teachers had *een trained at Nenice or Padua# In Crete. equally controlled *y the Nenetians *ut inclined to *e re*ellious. schools +ere not encoura$ed#FFF The avera$e Greek provincial *oy +as thus not +ell served. particularly if he *elon$ed to the poorer classes from +hich most of the monks and villa$e priests +ere dra+n# &any children remained uneducated and illiterate# A *oy +ho +ished to *e a priest +ould $o to the local monastery to learn to read and +rite and to memori2e the reli$ious +orks that he +ould need
FFJ

Gedeon. zV[?WZU Y[] ;UYVWUTWZ[] ~WZ[] ZUW yU[]. p# "F". and TTcrTpiap(i^ol niva^E . pp# GI". K"". KIG. 9II. L55. L5K# ee tephanopoli. op# cit# pp# 5KG-M# !# Pococke $ives an unflatterin$ picture of the 68niversity1 at Patmos in a*out "HFJ DA Description of the East. ii. 5. p# F"E# FF" icilianos. op# cit# pp# 5L"-5# FF5 The academy at Bucharest +as created *y the stolnic Constantine Cantacu2ene. uncle of the Prince Constantine Brancovan Dsee 0# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance# pp# 5JF-K. 5IDK# and the article *y C# Tsourkas. 6Autour des ori$ines de l1Aca-demie $recque de Bucarest.1 in (al,an Studies. vi. 5 D"ILKE. +hich dates the foundation in a*out "LHK. some fifteen years earlier than 9or$aE# Its first eminent professor +as 9ohn Caryophylles. +ho had *een 4irector of the Patriarchal Academy and Grand 'o$othete at the Patriarchate *ut left Constantinople after an u$ly scene +hen he had insulted the Patriarch and *een knocked do+n *y Ale(ander &avrocordato. then Grand kevophyla( as +ell as Grand 4ra$oman# The Patriarch 4ositheus of 9erusalem. +ho +as present. mana$ed to restore order. *ut Caryophylles +as soon after+ards suspended for heresy D^# 4aponte. Chronicle. p# FIE# The Academy at 9assy seems to have *een founded *efore "LLJ Dsee 9or$a. op# cit# p# 5JKE# Additional schools at Bucharest and 9assy +ere founded in the later ei$hteenth century Di*id# pp# 5FL-HE# The Academy at Chios. the zWU T[c<h. dates from the Genoese occupation# 'estarchus. +ho came from :ante. tau$ht for a time at 3errara. *ut +as esta*lished in Chios *efore "KLJ D2edeon. ;UYVWUVTWZ[W ;W?UZBCE# It seems to have *een for a time under 9esuit control a*out the end of the si(teenth century# It +as noted for its chemistry la*oratories and its li*rary# By the end of the ei$hteenth century it had HJJ pupils# In the early nineteenth century the 3rench professor +as the son of the painter 4avid# ee P# Ar$enti. Chios Nincta. pp# cc(vi-cc(viii: tephanopoli. LEcole#facteur du re&eil national. pp# 5KH-M# FFF In the Ionian Islands the Greek schools seem to have all *een privately run# :ante. not Corfu. +as the chief intellectual center# A# 4rummond DTravels. pp# IG-KE. +ho visited :ante in "HGG. +as struck *y the hi$h level of culture there# %e found the inha*itants. includin$ Greek priests. readin$ 'ocke and other philosophers. *ut thou$ht that they disre$arded mathematics# 3or Crete see Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est# pp# "GJ-5# The one eminent school in the island +as that attached to the monastery of t Catherine. +here Cyril 'ucaris studied as a *oy and to +hich &ar$unius left part of his li*rary# ee a*ove. p# 5"G. and *elo+. p# 5LJ#

later on# But that +as a*out the e(tent of his education# The monasteries +ere required to maintain li*raries, *ut only a fe+ +ere +ealthy enou$h to keep them up to date and to *uy ne+ *ooks, and in the poorer monasteries the monks *e$an to lose the taste for readin$# )nly a fe+ +ell-thum*ed Gospels and Psalters and litur$ical *ooks. the %orolo$ion and the )ctoechon to +hich Crusius refers. +ere ever in circulation# )nce the future priest had learnt the +ords of the 'itur$y his education +as finished# %e outshone his parishioners *ecause he could read and could perform the &ysteries# But hi$her learnin$ +as *eyond his reach. and he +as suspicious of it# Amon$st +omen illiteracy +as even more +idespread# A fe+ $irls mi$ht have lessons at the local convent, *ut many nuns could *arely read# A richer farmer or a merchant mi$ht en$a$e a literate monk to $ive his children. $irls as +ell as *oys. a smatterin$ of education, *ut it did not $o very far# The decline in literacy +as even felt in such $reat monasteries as the Athonite houses# In the si(teenth century they cared for learnin$ sufficiently to *uy up the li*rary of &ichael Cantacu2enus, and their catalo$ues sho+ that they +ere still acquirin$ *ooks. printed and in manuscript. on secular as +ell as on reli$ious su*/ects throu$hout most of the seventeenth century# In the ei$hteenth century there +as a decline# In "HKF the Patriarch Cyril N made a determined effort to restore the %oly &ountain to its proper place as a centre of reli$ious culture# %e founded an academy there for the monks and appointed as its professor one of the leadin$ philosophers of the time. the Corfiot Eu$enius Nul$aris# But Nul$aris +as a modernist +ho had *een lar$ely trained in Germany, and his philosophical theories so horrified the monks that after a fe+ years he +as removed to *ecome head of the Academy at Constantinople# Even there his modernism +as considered some+hat e(treme# %e retired in "HLK to Germany. +here he +as *etter appreciated. and ended his life in !ussia under the patrona$e of Catherine the Great#FFG The story of the Athonite Academy sho+ed ho+ inadequate the ne+ centers of learnin$ +ere for the Church as a +hole# There +as a complete cultural cleava$e *et+een the cultivated hierarchs of Constantinople and the rich laity amon$st +hom they lived on the one side and the ordinary priest and monk on the other. +ho. even if he +as +ell $rounded in the traditional theolo$y of the Church. found the ne+ learnin$ of the academies unfamiliar and shockin$. and +ho more often +as too ill educated to *e$in to understand it# Indeed. the type of philosophy that +as fashiona*le amon$st the Greek intellectuals of the seventeenth and ei$hteenth centuries fitted *adly +ith the traditions of the Church# The Greek scholars +ho had $one to Padua and had tau$ht the professors there to study the ancient philosophers in their ori$inal ton$ue had helped to $ive *irth to a ne+ school of philosophy. a school of 0eo-Aristotelians. +hose chief spokesmen +ere Pietro Pompona22i. +ho lectured at Padua and Bolo$na in the early si(teenth century. and Cesare Cremonini. +ho +as professor of philosophy at Padua not quite a century later# The doctrine that they tau$ht +as a type of philosophical materialism# &atter is the permanent *asis of everythin$# It contains in itself the $erm of each form as a potential or active cause# 3orms. or their Ideas Din the Platonic senseE. pre-e(ist +ithin matter and emer$e from matter. determinin$ it in the multiplicity of sensi*le o*/ects# There is thus a purely natural and or$anic causality# God1s e(istence +as not denied, *ut to Pompona22i God does not and cannot intervene in the natural order of thin$s# %is nature consists of kno+in$ everythin$ *ut not of immi(in$ in natural la+s# The soul is purely mortal. a part of the form of the *ody. neither immaterial nor immortal# Cremonini carried the doctrine further. in that he +as quite uninterested in the soul# 8nder his influence 0eo-Aristotelianism concentrated on the e(terior phenomena of nature and on empirical kno+led$e# The philosophy had its practical merits# It prepared the +ay to+ards notions of evoFFG

3or the Academy on Athos see the contemporary account in # &acraios d[X?<XUYU jZZc<AWUAYWZ<C AY[VWUC. in athas. {BAUW@?WZ< |W}cW[e<Z<. iii p# 5"I: also athas1s introduction to the volume. pp# [-[}# ee also T# %# Papadopoullos. tudies and 4ocuments relatin$ to The istory of the 2ree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domi' nation# pp# ipoff#, also T# Ware. Eustratios Argenti. pp# L-H#

lution and pro$ress# It +as a corrective a$ainst the medieval treatment of everythin$ as *ein$ su$ specie aeternitatis. a vie+point that could lead politically to defeatism and intellectually to sta$nation# But it +as ill-suited for mem*ers of a Church +hose stren$th lay in its fidelity to ancient tradition and its emphasis on the mystical life# The Greek intellectuals +ho fell under its spell had either to move to+ards 0atural !eli$ion or else make an ar*itrary divorce *et+een reli$ion and philosophy#FFK The Patriarch 9eremias II. +hen he reformed the Patriarchal Academy. seems to have *een conscious of this# Thou$h he encoura$ed the study of sciences such as physiolo$y and chemistry. he did not include the ne+ philosophy in the courses#FFL The ne(t $eneration +as more advanced# The remarka*le Cretan. Cyril 'ucaris. +ho rei$ned as Patriarch. +ith a fe+ short interruptions. from "L5J till his e(ecution in "LFM. +as an ea$er patron of up-to-date thou$ht# %is career +ill *e discussed later# %ere it should *e first noted that he mana$ed to provide the Patriarchate +ith a Greek printin$-press. procured from En$land. +hich proved a $reat asset for Greek learnin$ durin$ the short period that the Turks permitted its e(istence# econdly. he continued the reform of the Patriarchal Academy# In "L5G he installed as its Chief 4irector his friend Theophilus Corydalleus. then head of the Academy at Athens# Corydalleus had come under the influence of Cremonini at Padua and +as deeply interested in 0eo-Aristotelianism# %e instituted courses on it. and. more valua*ly. courses on physics and $eneration and corruption# %encefor+ard students at the Academy could o*tain as $ood a scientific education as many of the Western universities provided# Corydalleus +as removed from his post in "LFI *ecause of his support of Cyril 'ucaris1s doctrines. +hich had *een condemned as heresy# %e +as later reha*ilitated and *ecame for a +hile &etropolitan of Arta# But the curriculum that he had started survived. the courses *ein$ revived *y his pupil. 9ohn Caryophylles. +ho +as appointed 4irector in "LG5# Caryophylles in his turn +as removed for heresy and rudeness, *ut the courses +ere no+ +ell enou$h entrenched not to *e a*andoned#FFH 'ater 4irectors encoura$ed them. a*ove all Ale(ander &avrocordato. of +hose remarka*le career more +ill *e said later# %e *ecame 4irector of the Academy at the early a$e of t+enty-four in "LLL. and himself $ave lectures there on philosophy. medicine and Classical Greek# As he +as at the same time Grand )rator of the Patriarchate and +as a mem*er of one of the +ealthy families of Constantinople on +hich the I Patriarchate depended. no one +ould venture to accuse him of `heresy# %e had studied *oth at the Colle$e of aint Athanasius and at Padua and his early trainin$ made him sympathetic to+ards some understandin$ +ith !ome. +hich he seems to have hoped to reach on the *asis of the ne+ philosophy#FFM When he retired from the Academy to *ecome Grand Interpreter at the u*lime Porte. his successor +as evastus ^ymenites. +ho came from ^ymena. near Tre*i2ond# %e too +as an alumnus of Padua. *ut *elon$ed to an older tradition# Indeed. he +rote a tract in support of Palamite doctrines# But he seems to have disliked life at Constantinople and soon +ent *ack to take over the Academy at Tre*i2ond# %e +as a professor at Bucharest +hen he died in "HJ5#FFI The study of these ne+-fan$led sciences at Constantinople and at the academies at Bucharest and 9assy had its use# It ena*led a Greek of education to keep up +ith the currents of thou$ht that ran in the West# But Greeks of education +ere *y no+ only to *e found in the *i$ cities. amon$ rich merchant dynasties. and. in particular. the $reat families of Constantinople.
FFK

3or a summary of this 0eo-Aristotelianism and its effect on Greek thou$ht see P# herrard. The 2ree, East and the Latin *est# pp# IHGff# FFL ee a*ove. p# 5JJ. n# 5. and p# 5"L. n# "# FFH ee &eletios. jZZc<WUAYWZ< AY[VWU Ded# G# NendotisE. in. pp# GH"-5# FFM A# A# C# tourd2a. LEurope Orientale et le role histori.ue des %aurocordato . pp# FKflf#, E# tamatiades. |W[=VU_WU Y@? jcc<?@? XU=Uc@? \WBVX<?B@? Y[] ~e@XU?WZ[] qVU[eC. pp# LK ff#
FFI

9u$ie. op# cit# ". p# K"I#

usually kno+n collectively as the Phanariots. as their houses clustered round the Patriarchate in the Phanar quarter# The Phanariots $enuinely admired learnin$. and they +ere ready to spend money on it# It +as thanks to them more than to anyone else that %ellenism +as a*le to survive# But they +ere not interested in the education of the cler$y# Their money ena*led them to control the Patriarchate# They liked to secure the election of a Patriarch +ho +as sympathetic to their ideas and +ho +ould appoint their sons to posts at his court# But they +ere quite uninterested in the provincial Church# A Patriarch +ith reformin$ 2eal +ho attempted to face the pro*lems of the education of the cler$y lost their support. +hich he needed *oth for financial reasons and for the influence that they +ielded at the u*lime Porte# As a result. the Patriarchate *e$an to lose touch +ith the provincial Church# It +as difficult to find amon$ the +ell-educated *ishops any +ho +ould $o to a remote provincial see and devote himself to its needs# The provincial hierarchy +as mainly composed of men of little learnin$. appointed *ecause they +ere on the spot and +illin$ to remain there# They +ere often devoted pastors to their flock. *ut often. too. narro+ and i$norant men. +ith no use for the sophisticated circles of the Patriarchate and its Phanariot courtiers# The monasteries. in their reaction a$ainst the ne+ learnin$. tended to turn a$ainst learnin$ of any sort# Even on &ount Athos. +ith very fe+ e(ceptions. monastic li*raries +ere left ne$lected. the monks carelessly usin$ pa$es of old manuscripts as +rappin$s for their victuals or. even more $ladly. sellin$ them to visitors +ho +ere ready to pay for such thin$s# The villa$e priest had no encoura$ement to interest himself in thin$s of the mind# Travellers from the West in the ei$hteenth and early nineteenth centuries +ere horrified at the lo+ standards of the Greek cler$y# The decadence must not *e e(a$$erated# There +ere still a fe+ esta*lishments +here the old traditions +ere maintained. such as the monastery of aint 9ohn on Patmos or the Great 'avra on &ount Athos# There +ere still provincial *ishops +ho could discuss theolo$y +ith erudition and intelli$ence# But the overall picture +as dra* and depressin$# It +as in its failure to provide a proper education for its flocks and. in particular. for its cler$y that the )rthodo( Church of the captivity committed its +orst fault# Ret the failure +ould have *een difficult to avoid# chools need money, and the Patriarchate +as al+ays short of money# Even if the Patriarchs themselves had not *e$un the ha*it of payin$ hu$e sums to the Turks for their o+n personal advancement. it is unlikely that the Turks +ould ever have allo+ed the Church to accumulate enou$h +ealth for it to endo+ many schools# And. even if the money had *een forthcomin$. it +as e(tremely dou*tful +hether the Turkish authorities in the provinces +ould have allo+ed Greek schools to operate on any lar$e scale# There +as never any official *an# But school *uildin$s could *e confiscated and individual pupils harried. so that in the end it +as not +orth +hile to keep the schools open# &oreover. the lon$er education is ne$lected the harder it is to revive it, for it +ill *e impossi*le to find a sufficiency of trained teachers# And. even if teachers are availa*le. it is never easy to induce them to leave the *i$ cities to +ork in distant provinces# It +as only in the Ionian Islands that the level of education did not fall# They +ere comparatively rich, Corfu and :ante. in particular. contained prosperous communities, and the Nenetian $overnment. once it decided in "KKJ to permit the e(istence of Greek schools. put no restrictions on them# Nenice rescued Greek intellectual life *y +elcomin$ Greek students to its o+n li*raries and to its 8niversity of Padua# It performed perhaps an even $reater service in allo+in$ the continuation of Greek provincial education in the islands# Else+here. the failure of the Church to provide proper schoolin$ for any *ut its aristocracy of talent and of money +as to cause a lack of sympathy and understandin$ *et+een the hierarchy at Constantinople and the stru$$lin$ churches of the provinces. +hich +as to have serious consequences +hen the moment came for li*eration#

+$ The Church and the Churches$

Constantinople and #ome$

The Turkish conquest left the Greek Church +ith a sense of despair and of isolation# In the
stru$$le for survival. +ith practical difficulties in the field of education. it had no time and no ener$y for theolo$ical adventures# The Patriarch Gennadius had indeed continued to +rite on theolo$y durin$ the fe+ remainin$ years of his life# But +ith the follo+in$ $eneration the Church *e$an to turn in on itself# The educated laity +hose philosophers and scholars provoked discussion +ere $one# The )rthodo( +ith their apophatic tradition never desired ne+ developments in doctrine# Their doctrine and tradition em*odied eternal truths# It +as only +hen these +ere challen$ed that they felt the need to esta*lish fresh formulae# But no+. in their isolation. they received no ne+ challen$e# 3or a*out a century after the fall of Constantinople their learned clerics merely repeated opinions and ar$uments that had already *een $iven to the +orld *y earlier and $reater theolo$ians# The one challen$e that continued from the past +as provided *y the Church of !ome# !ome still earnestly desired to *rin$ the Eastern Churches into her fold# The union si$ned at 3lorence. +hether or no it could ever have *een implemented. had *een cut short as far as Constantinople and the Patriarchate +ere concerned *y the fall of the city# But there +ere still many Greek lands that +ere under 'atin rule. 0a(os and the 4uchy of the Archipela$o. the Genoese island of Chios. !hodes. under the ^ni$hts of aint 9ohn. the ^in$dom of Cyprus. soon to pass to the Nenetians. and their possessions. Crete and the Ionian Islands and ports round the coasts of the Greek peninsula# In time the )ttoman Empire +ould a*sor* them all. e(cept for the Ionian Islands, and they +ould return into the authority of the Patriarchate# But. until they +on reli$ious li*eration *y passin$ into the dominion of an infidel master. the )rthodo( in these districts had to su*mit to varyin$ de$rees of persecution# In most of them the )rthodo( con$re$ations +ere o*li$ed to admit the authority of the !oman hierarchy *ut other+ise +ere allo+ed to follo+ their o+n ritual and customs +ithout interference# It +as in the lar$er islands. +here there +as an esta*lished )rthodo( hierarchy. that trou*le occurred# In Cyprus. +here the )rthodo( had suffered many disa*ilities. their situation had *een improved in the fifteenth century *y the passionately )rthodo( queen of 9ohn II. %elena Palaeolo$aena, *ut after the Nenetian occupation of the island in "GMI there +as continuous trou*le *et+een the authorities and the Greek cler$y# There +as similar trou*le in Crete. +here the Nenetian authorities considered that the Greek cler$y fomented resistance and therefore laid heavy fiscal *urdens on them. confiscatin$ much of their property# !elations *et+een the Greek and 'atin hierarchies in Genoese Chios +ere al+ays strained# )n the other hand. in the Ionian Islands the Nenetian policy +as far more lenient. +hile *y the end of the fifteenth century the Greek colony in Nenice +as allo+ed complete freedom of +orship# In the Ionian Islands the Greek and 'atin cler$y +ere on remarka*ly cordial terms# The hierarchies remained separate, *ut intermarria$e and even inter-communion +ere not infrequent#FGJ The Patriarchate of Constantinople. +ith so many mem*ers of its flock under 'atin domination. could never for$et the rivalry of !ome# Ret it +as forty-five years after the meetin$ of the Council of 3lorence *efore the union si$ned there +as officially repudiated at Constantinople# Anti-Western feelin$ ran hi$h there durin$ those years# The *itterness of the controversy and
FGJ

3or relations *et+een the )rthodo( and the Catholics in the Greek provinces see T# Ware. Eustratios Argenti# pp# "L-5". +ho provides many e(amples of friendly cooperation#

the failure of the West to send help +hen it +as needed +ere unfor$otten# &any practical-minded Greeks feared. also. that any $esture of friendship to+ards the West mi$ht +orsen their relations +ith their ne+ masters# But the Church authorities. +ith more pressin$ pro*lems on their hands. did not trou*le to le$ali2e a situation that everyone accepted# It +as only in "GMG that the Patriarch ymeon. in his third and most sta*le period of office. summoned a Council to meet in the Patriarchal Church of the Pammacaristos. to +hich the Patriarchs of Ale(andria. Antioch and 9erusalem sent representatives# To /ud$e from +hat survives of the Acts of this Council. its immediate o*/ect +as to decide upon the correct ritual for the reception into the )rthodo( Church of converts from !ome# The Turkish conquest of territories that had *een under 'atin rule meant that many Greeks +ho had *een o*li$ed to su*mit to the authority of !ome could no+ revert to the faith of their fathers and their compatriots# There seems to have *een some controversy over the proper procedure and over the question +hether Greeks +ho had admitted Papal supremacy *ut had retained their o+n ritual required the same treatment as Greeks +ho had follo+ed the 'atin ritual# But. as this +as the first Council of an )ecumenical status to meet since the Council of 3lorence. its first action +as to declare that the Council of 3lorence had not *een canonically summoned or composed. and that its decrees +ere therefore invalid# The attendant *ishops then settled do+n to discuss the ritual pro*lem# It +as decided that in all cases rechrismation. to$ether +ith a solemn a*/uration of !oman heresies. +ould suffice# It +as not considered. at this time. that re*aptism +as necessary#FG" As the si(teenth century advanced the *itterness *e$an to die do+n# Partly this +as due to the Greek students +ho +ent to study at Nenice. many of +hom travelled to other parts of Italy and found themselves. so lon$ as they *ehaved +ith tact. perfectly +elcome in Catholic circles# Partly it +as due to the $lamour attached to the position. if not to the unromantic person. of the Emperor Charles N. +ho seemed to *e the one potentate a*le and +illin$ to lead a Crusade that +ould rescue the Greeks# )rthodo( Greeks in Nenice. such as Antony the E(arch. *elieved that nothin$ should *e done to alienate Charles. +ho +as kno+n to *e a staunch Catholic# FG5 The Peloponnesian scholar. Arsenius Apostolis 7 or Aristo*ulus. +hich +as pro*a*ly his name *efore he took holy orders 7 the son of &ichael Apostolis. +ho. after a scholarly career at Nenice. had himself consecrated as Arch*ishop of &onemvasia *y t+o unqualified priests. and then tried to make terms +ith the Patriarchate to *e reco$ni2ed as holder of this Greek see. and +ho +rote alternately flatterin$ and a*usive letters to the hierarchs of *oth Churches. *ecame a leadin$ advocate of %a*s*ur$ intervention# %e ela*orated his scheme in a lon$ epistle to Charles. at the end of +hich he si$ned himself:1 Rour &a/esty1s do$1. addin$ that he *arked for his supper# But Charles +as never in a position to em*ark upon an a$$ressive +ar a$ainst the Turks# FGF By that time the Greeks +ere no lon$er so isolated# As the si(teenth century advanced West European statesmen *e$an to reali2e that the )ttoman Empire could not *e re$arded as a transitory phenomenon# It had to *e reco$ni2ed as a European po+er +ith +hich diplomatic contact must *e maintained# A num*er of *ooks *e$an to appear descri*in$ the Turks and the or$ani2ation of their state# The Christian minorities +ere numerous, it mi$ht *e +orth +hile to cultivate their $ood +ill# Trade *et+een the West and the )ttoman ports *e$an to e(pand, and the Western merchants demanded protection from their o+n $overnment# At the same time. as the rulin$ Turkish classes took little personal interest in commerce. it +as +ith Christian or 9e+ish merFG"

The Acts of the Council of "GMG in so far as they concern the admission into the Church of e(-'atins are pu* lished in/# 0# ^armiris. kU [=XUYWZU ZUW ]X}[cWZU {?<XUYU. ii. pp# IMH-I# A fuller version of the Acts e(ists in manuscript in the 8niversity 'i*rary. Cam*rid$e. Additional FJHL# It has *een descri*ed *y P# E# Easterlin$. 6%an dlist of the Additional Greek &anuscripts in the 8niversity 'i*rary. Cam*rid$e.1 Scriptorium. (vi D"IK5E. p# F"H# FG5 3or Anthony the E(arch see *elo+. pp# 5GJ-"# FGF 3or an account of the career of Arsenius of &onemvasia see E# 'e$rand. (i$liographie elHni.ueG description raisonnHe des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs au JLe et JTe siecles . pp# cl(vff#. and 4# 9# Geanakoplos. 2ree, Scholars in 1enice. pp# "LH-5JJ#

chants that the Westerners had to deal. especially +ith the Greeks. +ho +ere *e$innin$ to control the e(port trade# There +as a revival of interest in the Greek pro*lem# The ociety of 9esus +as founded in "KGJ# Within a fe+ years 9esuits +ere +orkin$ in )ttoman territory# These +ell-trained. cultivated and courteous men. takin$ a sympathetic interest in the difficulties of the minorities. could not fail to find a +elcome in many Greek households and even to make friends +ith mem*ers of the hierarchy# They soon found an ally in the learned and saintly &etrophanes. &etropolitan of Caesarea, and. thanks to him. they made contact +ith the Patriarch 4ionysius II D"KGL-KKE. +ho seems to have *een an(ious to reopen ne$otiations +ith the Papacy# 0othin$ came of it at the time, *ut. +hen &etrophanes himself +as elected to the Patriarchate in "KLK. he *e$an to make cautious approaches to !ome# &etrophanes +as $enerally admired and loved, and no one +ished to take action a$ainst him# But at last. in "KH5. the %oly ynod felt that he had $one too far alon$ the path to+ards reunion# %e +as solemnly e(communicated and deposed. s+earin$ that he +ould never attempt to mount the throne a$ain# %e did not keep his promise# In "KHI. seven years after his deposition. popular pressure restored him to the Patriarchate# But he had learnt his lesson# 4urin$ the nine months that elapsed *efore his death he refrained from further ne$otiations# The hierarchy +as alarmed# Thou$h his successor 9eremias II accepted $ifts from Pope Gre$ory QIII and thanked him cordially. for some time to come any ecclesiastic +ho +as suspected of !omani2in$ tendencies +as promptly reprimanded#FGG When the scholar &a(imus &ar$unius. Bishop of Cythera. +as found to *e +averin$ on the doctrine of the Procession of the %oly pirit. he +as advised *y his superior. Ga*riel everus. head of the )rthodo( Church at Nenice. to send a statement to Constantinople to assure the %oly ynod that he had not deviated from )rthodo(y# FGK But the 9esuit influence continued# It +as helped *y the foundation of the Colle$e of aint Athanasius at !ome *y Pope Gre$ory QIII in "KHH for the hi$her education of Greek *oys#FGL Thou$h most of the students came from Catholic families in the Ae$ean islands. the 9esuits at Constantinople +ere a*le to persuade some )rthodo( parents there to send their sons to it# 0ot all of them +ere converted to Catholicism in the course of their studies, *ut almost all of them. returned +ith a kindlier feelin$ to+ards !ome and a readiness to +ork for some sort of union# oon the 9esuits founded schools +ithin the )ttoman Empire# Well *efore the end of the century their esta*lishment at Pera +as runnin$ schools +here *oys could receive an e(cellent education at almost nominal fees, and similar schools +ere set up at Thessalonica and myrna# 0ot all these esta*lishments +ere successful# The one founded at Athens in "LGK met +ith very little sympathy there and +as soon moved to the friendlier atmosphere of Chalcis# FGH It +as not until the end of the ei$hteenth century that there +as a Catholic school in Athens. the school run *y the 3ranciscans at the 'antern of 4emosthenes. +here 'ord Byron lod$ed in "M"J#FGM In Constantinople itself these schools +ere very successful# )f the )rthodo( *oys +ho attended them many *ecame Catholics. and in some cases their +hole families +ere also conFGG

&# Crusius. Turco'2raecia# p# 5"", Philip of Cyprus. Chronicon Ecclesiae Craecae D'atin trans#. ed# %# %ilariusE. pp# G"F-"H: Bus*ecq met &etrophanes *efore his first elevation to the Patriarchate and found him sympathetic to+ards !ome D)# G# Bus*ecq. Legationis Turcicae Epistolae. rv. p# 5F"E# ee also G# Cuperus. T ractatus historico'chronologicus de -atriarchis Constantinopolitanis# p# 5FF# 3or 9eremias II and Gre$ory QIII. see E# 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ueG description raisonnHe des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec &ar des 2recs an JNe siecle# n. pp# 5"5. FHH# FGK 4#9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est. devotes a chapter to &ar$unius Dpp# "LK-IFE# FGL 3or the Colle$e of aint Athanasius. see '# Pastor. istory of the -opes from the Close of the %iddle Ages# (i(. pp# 5GH-I. ((# PP- KMG-K# ee also P# de &eester. Le College -ontifical 2rec de !ome# passim# FGH 3or the 9esuit school at Pera see G# %ofmann. +l 1icariato Apostolico di Constantinopoli# Orientalia Christiana Analecta# ciii. pp# GJ-G. HJ# 3or the schools at 0a(os. Paros. Athens and myrna. see A# Carayon. !elations inedites des missions de la Societe de "esus a Constantinople. pp# III ff#. "55f3#. "FM-GH and IKIff# FGM 4# icilianos. Old and 0e/ Athens Dtrans# !# 'iddellE. pp# 55H-M#

verted# They had the useful effect of stimulatin$ the )rthodo( authorities into makin$ $reater efforts over education#FGI It +as o+in$ to their friendship +ith 9esuit fathers that t+o Patriarchs in the early seventeenth century. !aphael II and 0eophytus II. sho+ed an interest in union and even started a correspondence +ith the Papacy# !aphael kept his correspondence secret, *ut in "L"" his successor 0eophytus. then in his second term of office. thou$ht that the time had come to test pu*lic opinion# That sprin$ a Greek priest from outhern Italy preached under Patriarchal licence a lenten sermon in +hich he openly advocated union +ith !ome# Cyril 'ucaris. the future Patriarch. +as in Constantinople at the time and +as asked *y an$ry mem*ers of the ynod to preach a counter*last# 0eophytus himself seems to have repudiated the over-ea$er Italian# But the ynod +as hi$hly suspicious, and the atmosphere +as strained for some months. until 0eophytus died the follo+in$ 9anuary# But his successor. Timothy II. +as reported to *e friendly to !ome and in "L"K +rote a letter to Pope Paul N. ackno+led$in$ him as his superior, *ut he never made any open declaration of su*mission# The career of Cyril 'ucaris sho+ed that there +as a po+erful party +ithin the hierarchy +hich +as prepared to accept !oman supremacy# Cyril1s opponents. the Patriarchs Gre$ory IN. Cyril II and Athanasius III. all declared themselves for !ome# )f his successors Parthenius II. +hen &etropolitan of Chios. +rote to Pope 8r*an NIII to render o*edience to him. thou$h he seems not to have continued the correspondence after his accession to the Patriarchate# 9oannicius II kept up a correspondence +ith !ome *ut prudently avoided any act of su*mission#FKJ !oman missionaries had many successes in the provinces# In "L5M I$natius. A**ot of Natopedi on &ount Athos. visited !ome and there su$$ested that a priest should *e sent to esta*lish a school for monks on the %oly &ountain# In response to his request a former student at the Colle$e of aint Athanasius. 0icholas !ossi. arrived on the &ountain at the end of "LFK and opened a school at ^aryes# The Turkish authorities. ho+ever. +ere not pleased to see Western influences infiltratin$ into the &ountain# In "LG" they o*li$ed !ossi to move his school to Thessalonica# )n his death there the follo+in$ year the school faded out# But in "LGF the %oly ynod of the &ountain +rote to !ome to ask +hether a church there could *e handed over for the use of visitin$ Athonite monks# In return they +ould offer a s,ete or ,ellion for the use of Basilian monks from Italy#FK" A num*er of distin$uished seventeenth-century provincial prelates announced their su*mission to !ome. includin$ three &etropolitans of )chrid. one of !hodes and one of 'acedaemon# Conversions continued into the ei$hteenth century# The $reat monastery of aint 9ohn at Patmos t+ice announced its su*mission. in "LM" and in "H5K, and other monasteries did like+ise: thou$h sometimes the motives +ere diplomatic rather than spiritual# FK5 But in Constantinople itself !oman propa$anda $re+ less effective# The An$lican chaplain 9ohn Covel tells of a visit that he received soon after his arrival at Constantinople from a youn$ Greek priest from Nenice +ho. *elievin$ Covel to *e a Catholic. revealed to him a plot or$ani2ed *y the 3rench Em*assy and the 9esuits to remove the actual Patriarch. pro*a*ly &ethodius III. and replace him *y the more sympathetic &etropolitan of Paros# 0othin$ seems to have come of it# FKF Athanasius
FGI FKJ

ee a*ove. p# 5"K# The relations of these Patriarchs +ith !ome have *een fully descri*ed. +ith the relevant documents. *y G# %of mann. 2riechische -atriarchen und !omische -apste# Orientalia Christiana . (iii. no# GH, (v. no# K5, (r(. no# LF, ((. no# LG, ((v. no# HL, (((. no# MG, (((vi. no# IH# FK" G# %ofmann. Athos e !oma# Orientalia Christiana. v. no# "I. esp# pp# K-L. and !om und Athos,loster# Orientalia Christiana. viii. no# FH# FK5 G# %ofmann. -atmos und !om# Orientalia Christiana. (i. no# FH. esp# pp# 5K-H. KF-K# ee also Ware. op# tit# pp# 5H-M# FKF Extracts from the Diary of Dr "ohn Co&il# in/# T# Bent. Early 1oyages and Tra&els in the Le&ant. %akluyt ociety. '(((vn. pp# "GI-KJ# Bent erroneously dates the entry 6 3e*# H."LLH1: +hereas Covel did not arrive in Constantinople

N. a distin$uished musicolo$ist +ho +as Patriarch from "HJI to "H"". +as suspected of !oman tendencies, and similar suspicions +ere har*oured a$ainst one or t+o of his successors# FKG The $ro+in$ influence of !ussia made the )rthodo( less ea$er to seek for friends in the West# Even the +orks of the $reat Greek Catholic scholar. 'eo Allatius. had very little effect on )rthodo( readers at Constantinople# It +as in the Patriarchate of Antioch that !ome en/oyed its $reatest success# While the Patriarchs of Ale(andria and 9erusalem seemed to have +orked +ell durin$ the si(teenth and seventeenth centuries +ith their *rothers of Constantinople. the Patriarchs of Antioch seem to have felt some /ealousy and preferred to $o their o+n +ay# It +as an area in +hich Catholic missionaries had +orked since the time of the Crusades and in +hich they +ere +ell esta*lished# In "LF" the Patriarch I$natius II of Antioch made an informal act of su*mission to !ome# %is successors. Euthymius II and Euthymius III. +ere *oth on the friendliest terms +ith !oman missionaries, and Euthymius Ill1s successor. &acarius III. +ho rei$ned from "LGH to "LH5. not only sent his secret su*mission to !ome in "LL5 *ut also pu*licly toasted the Pope as his %oly 3ather at a dinner at the 3rench Consulate at 4amascus later that year# The Patriarch Athanasius III +as said to have sent a secret su*mission to !ome in a*out "LMH, *ut if he did so he repented of it. pro*a*ly under the influence of his formida*le *rother of 9erusalem. 4ositheus. +hose anti-'atin activities he imitated# Cyril N similarly su*mitted in "H"L# In "H5G +hen Athanasius III. +ho had returned to the Patriarchate. died. the pro-!oman hierarchs at 4amascus hastily elected a certain erapheim Tanas. +ho had *een educated at !ome. to succeed him as Cyril NI. +hile the anti!oman party. +ith the approval of the %oly ynod at Constantinople. elected a youn$ Greek monk. ylvester# 3or the ne(t three decades there +ere t+o rival Patriarchs of Antioch. neither of them a*le to control the +hole of the Patriarchate. or even to remain for lon$ at the Patriarchal palace at 4amascus# Cyril NI predeceased ylvester. +ho therefore +on in the end. *ut only +hen a lar$e portion of his con$re$ation left the fold to form a separate 8niate Church#FKK imilar tactics +ere attempted in a*out "HKJ in E$ypt. +here an Ara* priest called 9oseph Ba*ilas. consecrated as Bishop of Ale(andria *y eraphim Tanas. claimed to *e Patriarch. +ith the support of the !oman missionaries# %e attracted a num*er of follo+ers for a time, *ut his movement faded out. lar$ely o+in$ to the ener$y of the )rthodo( Patriarch. &atthe+ Psaltis. and his friend the lay theolo$ian Eustratiuos Ar$enti#FKL Books and tracts +ere still +ritten *y the )rthodo( condemnin$ the doctrines and usa$es of !ome# But the controversialists merely repeated ar$uments that had frequently *een put for+ard *efore# )n the procession of the %oly pirit they added little to the vie+s $iven *y Photius in the ei$hth century and frequently repeated ever since# Their attack on the use of unleavened *read at the acrament follo+ed similarly traditional lines# The Greek theolo$ians tended no+. ho+ever. to *e more critical of the !oman doctrine of Pur$atory than their predecessors had *een# Even &ark of Ephesus had *een un+illin$ at the Council of 3lorence a*solutely to condemn the doctrine. thou$h he maintained that man cannot kno+ +hat God intends to do +ith the souls of the departed# But to &a(imus the %a$hiorite and to &eletius Pe$as it seemed unla+ful and arro$ant to assert the e(istence of Pur$atory# &eletius introduced a ne+er note +hen he condemned the refusal of the 'atin cler$y to administer communion in *oth kinds to the laity# This refusal. thou$h it +as totally contrary to )rthodo( tradition. had *een curiously i$nored *y his predecessors# It may *e that &eletius. most of +hose polemical +ritin$ +as for the *enefit of the !uthenians. felt it necessary to provide elucidation on a su*/ect that the more staunchly )rthountil "LHJ# "LH" is a more pro*a*le date# FKG 3or Athanasius N see # Nailhe. 6Constantinople. E$lise de.1 in Dictionnaire de thHologie catholi.ue. m. 5. col# "GF5# %is musical $ifts are mentioned in &eletius. Arch*ishop of Athens. op# cit# iv. p# K# FKK The stru$$le at Antioch is descri*ed in Ware. op# cit# pp# 5M-FJ# FKL Ware. Eustratios Argenti. pp# K5-G#

do( took for $ranted# The main *one of contention remained the Papal claim to supremacy# But there a$ain nothin$ ne+ +as added to the ar$uments#FKH Perhaps the chief cause of *itterness *et+een the Churches. particularly in the ei$hteenth century. concerned the o+nership of the %oly Places in Palestine# This lon$ and complicated story lies outside of our scope, *ut it has to *e remem*ered that. ever since the Crusades. and even *efore that. there had *een an$ry disputes over the custodianship of the shrines. disputes in +hich not only the Greeks and the 'atins *ut also the &onophysite Churches. the Armenians. Copts and 9aco*ites. +ere involved, and the disputes have continued to this day# )n the )rthodo( side it +as the Patriarch of 9erusalem. rather than his *rother of Constantinople. +ho led the Greek cause# But. after the conquest of Palestine *y the )ttoman ultan. it +as at his court at Constantinople that decisions +ere made# This +as the source of endless intri$ues at the u*lime Porte and continually fomented ill +ill *et+een the Churches# To+ards the end of the seventeenth century the Greeks o*tained from the ultan orders that $ave them the leadin$ position *oth at 9erusalem and at Bethlehem# Their triumph +as due to the advocacy of the $reat Patriarch of 9erusalem. 4ositheus and his nephe+ and successor Chrysanthus. +ho +ere aided at the Porte *y the Grand 4ra$oman. the Phanariot Ale(ander &avrocordato# &avrocordato had *een a pupil of the 9esuits at the Colle$e of aint Athanasius. and. in theory at least. he +as no enemy of reunion# But. +hen the question of the %oly Places +as in dispute. his Greek *lood asserted itself. and he secured a settlement that $reatly distressed his Catholic friends# The %oly Places played a permanently unholy role in destroyin$ any atmosphere in +hich the idea of union or even of mutual tolerance and understandin$ could *reathe#FKM In spite of all the 9esuit efforts it is difficult to see ho+ union +ith !ome could have *een achieved# The differences in do$ma and in ritual may have *een in many +ays trivial and even unintelli$i*le to hum*ler folk# But. even if they could have *een overlooked in a spirit of mutual tolerance. yet they did represent a difference in reli$ious outlook# Even if the Patriarch of Constantinople could have hum*led himself and admitted the !oman pontiff not only as his senior *ut also as his superior. he +ould in so doin$ have *etrayed the traditions of his Church# The theory of the Pentarchy of Patriarchs mi$ht not *e so ancient as many of the )rthodo( *elieved. *ut the theory of the charismatic equality of *ishops and of the ri$ht of a General Council alone to pronounce on doctrine +ent *ack to early Christian days# The Greeks could move a lon$ +ay to+ards compromise. +ith the /udicious use of Economy. *ut they could not accept the idea of Papal supremacy, and !ome. ho+ever far she mi$ht *e +illin$ to condone diver$encies in doctrine and usa$es. could never yield on that# &oreover. thou$h some Patriarchs. like some Emperors *efore them. mi$ht decide in all sincerity that union +ith the West +as necessary for the +elfare of the )rthodo( +orld. in simpler circles. +here the monks s+ayed opinion. *elo+ the ranks of the upper hierarchy. there +as still too much *itterness# &emories of the 'atin Empire lin$ered on. constantly fed *y the persecution of the faithful in districts +here 'atins ruled# To these con$re$ations. particularly in the provinces. !ome seemed the enemy# To them the ultan1s tur*an +as sli$htly less o*/ectiona*le than the Cardinal1s hat# Then there +as the !ussian Church. the dau$hter $ro+n +ealthier than her mother. to +hom the mother in her old a$e looked for sustenance# The !ussians had their o+n $ood reasons for hatin$ the Catholic West# They +ere more *itterly )rthodo( than the Greeks# They +ould an$rily repudiate any attempt at union. /ust as they had repudiated the attempted 8nion of 3lorence# 8nion +ould *rin$ a schism in the heart of )rthodo(y# And. anyho+. +ould the ultan allo+ his Greek su*/ects to ally themselves so intiFKH

&# 9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium . I. pp# GIK. GIIKJJ# FKM A picture of the issues in Palestine can *e o*tained from 8# %eyd. Ottoman Documents on -alestine. "KK5-"L". pp# IHGff# ee *elo+. pp# FKK. FLI#

mately +ith the WestS %e +ould suspect every Greek as a traitor, and the results mi$ht +ell *e disastrous for the )rthodo( milet# But there +ere other Churches in the West no+. +hich had thro+n off the domination of !ome# &i$ht it *e possi*le to reach some sort of inter-communion +ith themS The 3utheran Approach$ It +as inevita*le that. sooner or later. the Protestant Churches. protestin$ a$ainst !oman autocracy. should seek to find out a*out a Church +hich had made such a protest from the earliest times# Even *efore the $reat !eformation movement the %ussites had made overtures to the )rthodo(# In "GK" a Bohemian +hom the Greeks called Constantine Platris and surnamed the En$lishman 7 he +as pro*a*ly the son of a 'ollard refu$ee settled in Bohemia 7 came to Constantinople +ith letters to the )rthodo( authorities# There +as no Patriarch in the city at the time. Gre$ory &ammas havin$ retired a fe+ months previously to !ome. as his *ishops +ould not support his policy of union# The En$lishman +as received *y the dissident *ishops. +ho formed a *ody kno+n as the yna(is. as they could not. +ithout the Patriarch. call themselves the ynod# 3riendly messa$es. full of denunciations of !oman pretensions. +ere e(chan$ed# But the fall of the city little more than a year later prevented further ne$otiations#FKI &artin 'uther1s chief interest in the Eastern fuestion lay in the *elief. +hich he shared +ith many of his evan$elical contemporaries. and +ith many of the Greeks themselves *efore the fall of Constantinople. that the end of the +orld +as near and that the Grand Turk +as An tichrist: thou$h he had an alternative candidate in the person of the Pope# The Turks +ere a scour$e sent from %eaven to punish Christendom for its sins and its lapses from the true faith# Consequently. thou$h he sincerely dreaded their advance. he had no compunction in causin$ political trou*le to the Emperor Charles N. +ho alone in Europe. had he *een allo+ed. mi$ht have dealt +ith the scour$e# 0or did he feel any sympathy +ith the Greeks. +ith their decadent and idolatrous Church. +ho +ere already under$oin$ the scour$in$# &uch as he loathed !ome. he did not consider that Constantinople had any *etter ri$ht to claim a primacy over the Christian hierarchy# The true mother-Church +as that of 9erusalem. the city of +hich Christ %imself had *een *ishop# It alone +as entitled to claim +orld alle$iance# 4ivine retri*ution. helpfully provided *y the 4evil. had seen to the punishment of Constantinople at the hands of the &uslims, and the sack of !ome in "K5H should *e a +arnin$ to the Papacy# But 'uther had a dual person ality# When he +as s+ayed *y his po+erful mind and not *y his po+erful emotions he felt more kindly a*out the Greeks# %e +as a devoted student of the early Greek 3athers, and. after all. Greek +as the lan$ua$e of the 0e+ Testament# In his disputation +ith Eck. +hen Eck declared that the Greek Church +as schismatic *ecause of its repudiation of !oman authority and that it had *een the *reedin$-$round of heretics such as 0estorius. Eutyches and Achatius. 'uther ans+ered sternly that the Greeks +ere not schismatic as they had never from the earliest days admitted the supremacy of !ome. and that the Western Church itself had produced its heretics. its Pela$ians. its &anichaeans and its 9ovinians# %e +as unimpressed *y Eck1s reference to the 8nion of 3lorence. the unreality of +hich he clearly sa+# The Greek Church. he concluded. represented the true tradition of early Christianity far *etter than did the theolo$ians of !ome#FLJ 'uther himself +as a reactionary in temperament. dislikin$ the spirit of the !enaissance# But his leadin$ disciples +ere children of the !enaissance# The most distin$uished of them. Philip &elanchthon. had *een professor of Greek at Witten*er$ and +as deeply interested in
FKI

ee &# Pavlova. v'1Empire By2antin et les Tcheques avant la Chute de Constantinoplev. (y)antinosla&ica. (iv D"IKFE. pp# 5JF-5G# FLJ &# 'uther and 9# von Eck. Der authentische Texte der Leip)iger Disputation "K"IE# Aus $isher un$enut)ten Vuellen Ded# )# eit2E. pp# LJ # ee also &# 'uther. 1on den Consiliis und 3irchen DWeimar edition. "I"GE. pp# KHLI# %is attitude to+ards the Turks is $iven in his 1om 3riege /ider die Turc,en D"K5IE#

%ellenism# %is interest e(tended to the contemporary Greeks, and he thou$ht that it +ould *e valua*le to esta*lish a friendly understandin$ +ith the Greek Church#FL" The difficulty +as to find out ho+ to make contact +ith the Greeks# The only European po+ers in diplomatic relations +ith the )ttoman Empire +ere Catholic: Nenice. 3rance. and the %a*s*ur$ dominions# It +as. he thou$ht. throu$h Nenice. +ith its colony of Greek scholars. its Greek possessions and its lack of reli$ious intolerance that an approach could *est *e made. particularly if a Greek scholar could *e found there +ho +as in touch +ith the East and had not /oined the !oman faith# There +as amon$ the intellectuals at Nenice a man kno+n as Antony the Eparch# %e +as a Corfiot of $ood family +ho had $one to Nenice as a *oy. +hen Turkish attacks on Corfu made life there difficult. and had *een educated at a school or$ani2ed *y the !oman Church for the *enefit of Greek refu$ees and directed *y Arsenius Apostolis# Antony *ecame for a time professor of Greek at &ilan# But. thou$h he moved in Catholic circles he seems never to have /oined the Catholic Church# It +as +ith him that &elanchthon decided to $et into touch# In a*out "KG5 &elanchthon either +rote to him or sent him a messa$e throu$h a friend. to ask for his sympathy +ith the !eformin$ movement# In "KGF Antony replied in a lon$ letter addressed to &elanchthon# It +as a courteous *ut not a very sympathetic reply# We do not kno+ +hat &elanchthon had said# Antony1s letter sho+ed only a sli$ht interest in theolo$y *ut a passionate devotion to the cause of Greek freedom# )n the theolo$ical issues he merely indicated that he considered some of the 'utheran doctrines to *e +ron$-headed# It +as the political side of the !eformation that concerned him, and he thou$ht that to *e dan$erous and disastrous# The 'utherans +ere encoura$in$ intri$ue and even re*ellion a$ainst the authority of Charles N. +hom he *elieved. as did many others. to *e the only man +ho mi$ht *e a*le to drive the Turks out of Europe# The letter. +hich +as len$thy and ornamented. in the true !enaissance style. +ith quotations from %esiod. ophocles. Aristophanes. %ippocrates. Plato. 4emosthenes and the Greek Antholo$y. accused the !eformers of *ein$ trou*le-makers at a time +hen peace in the Church +as desperately needed to defeat the forces of Antichrist# &elanchthon +as politely *ut firmly told to read the lessons of history#FL5 &elanchthon +as disappointed# %e told one of his pupils. &atthe+ Irenaeus 3rancus. to ask his friend 9oachim Camerarius. the professor of Greek at 'eip2i$. to compose a reply# 'ater in "KGF Camerarius sent to Irenaeus the draft for a letter to Antony# In it Camerarius maintained. +ith equal ver*osity *ut fe+er Classical quotations. that no one +as more ea$er for concord than &elanchthon and his follo+ers. *ut that the Papists had made concord impossi*le *y the corruption of their hierarchy and the distortions that they had introduced into the True 3aith and their ne$lect and misinterpretation of the criptures# Camerarius mi$ht have $one further and pointed out a *asic fla+ in Antony1s ar$ument# 3or +hen the Catholic po+ers of 3rance and Nenice and the Papacy itself +ere united in an a$$ressive alliance a$ainst Charles. as happened in that year "KGF. it +as scarcely fair to put all the *lame on the 'utherans if Charles +as una*le to take effective action a$ainst the Turks#FLF In fact it seems that no reply +as sent to Antony the Eparch# After all. he only represented the Greeks of Nenice# It +as +ith the Patriarchate of Constantinople itself +ith +hich the !eformers of Witten*er$ +ished to make contact# They had to +ait for more than ten years *efore an opportunity arose#
FL"

3or &elanchthon1s attitude to+ards the Greeks see E# Ben2. Die Ost,irche im Lichte der -rotestantischen 2eschichtsschrei$ung# pp# "H-5J# FL5 E# 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ueG description raisonnHe des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs aux JLe et JTe siecles# ". pp# 5KIff#. +ith the te(t of Antony1s letter# ee also E# Ben2. *itten$erg und (y)an). pp# G-5I# FLF Camerarius1s letter is $iven amon$ &elanchthon1s correspondence in Corpus !eformatorum Ded# C# G# BretschneiderE. v. p# IF# ee also Ben2. *itten$erg und (y)an). *e# cit#

In "KKK &elanchthon made friends +ith a Greek-*orn adventurer. 9ames Basilicus &archetti. self-surnamed the %eraclid# 9ames Basilicus +as a remarka*le character even for that a$e of adventurers# %e +as the su*/ect of much speculation in his lifetime. and his *io$raphy +as later +ritten *y his court-poet. 9ohann ommer. and *y an an$ry Papal 'e$ate in Poland. Antonio &aria Gra2iani. and. more shortly. *y a %un$arian *ishop. %einrich 3or$ach# %e +as *orn a*out the year "K"K# Accordin$ to his o+n story he +as the son of the hereditary Prince of amos and Paros. +ho *elon$ed to the ancient family of the %eraclids. descended from the ^in$s of Epirus and from the hero %eracles himself# %is parents and *rother +ere killed *y order of ultan elim I, *ut his nurse rescued him and took him to Crete# There he studied at the school run *y the scholar %ermodorus 'estarchus: or so he told &elanchthon# %is *io$rapher ommer says that he +as educated in Chios. +hich is more convincin$. as 'estarchus did run an academy there for a +hile# There +as no future for the *oy in Greece, so he +ent to the West and took service in Charles N1s army# %is Catholic *io$raphers $ave him a hum*ler ori$in# Gra2iani says that he +as the son of a Cretan sailor attached to the %eraclid lord of amos# %is master found him clever and attractive and had him +ell educated. and eventually employed him as secretary# When the %eraclid died in e(ile at Coron in the Peloponnese. 9ames Basilicus so effectively controlled the household that he could threaten its mem*ers to +ithhold the le$acies due to them from the dead man unless they all si$ned a declaration that he +as really the %eraclid1s nephe+# 3or$ach varies the story *y makin$ the youn$ man a*scond on his master1s death +ith all the family papers# Charles N1s troops +ere temporarily occupyin$ Coronatthe time, and. +hen they a*andoned it in "KFF. 9ames Basilicus +ent +ith them# %e spent t+enty-t+o years in Charles1s army. servin$ in Germany under Count Wolrad of &ansfeld and later. in 3rance. under Count Gunther of ch+ar2-*ur$. fi$htin$ +ith distinction# In "KKK he +as at Charles1s court at Brussels# There he sho+ed the Imperial chancery his papers and a family tree that he had compiled# Charles. +ho +ished to re+ard him for his military pro+ess. +as sufficiently impressed to a+ard him the title of Count Palatine# This carried +ith it the ri$ht to nominate a poet laureate, he $ave the post to his future *io$rapher ommer# But he +as unpopular in Catholic circles *ecause he da**led in necromancy and prophesied +ith the aid of numerolo$y disasters for the ne+ Pope. Paul IN# When Charles N a*dicated later that year. it +as time for him to move# Armed +ith introductions from the Counts of &ansfeld and ch+ar2-*ur$. *oth of them Protestants. and from a friend of his. 9ustus 9onas. +hom he had met on the 3rench campai$n and +ho +as the son of one of 'uther1s closest associates. he appeared at Witten*er$# &elanchthon +as deli$hted *y this distin$uished. cultivated Greek. +ho persuaded him that an alliance *et+een the 'utherans and the Church of Constantinople could *e easily achieved# 9ames Basilicus had a talent for findin$ eminent relatives# %e no+ claimed that the Patriarch. 9oasaph II. +as his cousin, and he assured &elanchthon that 9oasaph +ould *e most sympathetic. and that he himself +ould help in every possi*le +ay# &elanchthon sent him on +ith a cordial introduction to ^in$ 3rederick II of 4enmark. +ho received him amia*ly and encoura$ed him to visit various Protestant lords in 'ettonia and Poland# But his am*itions +ere $ro+in$# %e learnt that the Prince of &oldavia. Ale(ander IN 'apuchneanu. +as a sava$e and moody man. more interested in his cattle and pi$s than in his su*/ects. and consequently very unpopular# 9ames Basilicus1s researches no+ proved to him that Ale(ander1s +ife !o(andra +as another of his cousins# %e arrived in &oldavia in "KKM to pay her a cousinly visit and +as made +elcome at her court at 9assy# But after a fe+ months Ale(ander discovered that his +ife1s ne+ cousin +as plottin$ to displace him# 9ames Basilicus had to flee. first to Cronnstadt in Transylvania. +here he consoled himself *y pu*lishin$ his remarka*le family tree. and then to Poland to see his Protestant friends there# After an unsuccessful attempt in "KLJ. in "KL" he invaded &oldavia +ith a force of Polish au(iliaries# Ale(ander +as defeated

and fled to Constantinople, and 9ames Basilicus took over the Principality of &oldavia under the title of 9ohn I# 9ames Basilicus. or 9ohn I. sa+ himself as an enli$htened and pro$ressive ruler# %is rei$n started +ell# An em*assy laden +ith $ifts and composed of *oyars +ho had suffered under Ale(ander secured the $ood +ill of &oldavia1s su2erain. the ultan. and the confirmation of his title# ^in$ i$ismund Au$ustus of Poland. +ho had hitherto disapproved of him. no+ sent to con$ratulate him and permitted him to propose marria$e to a no*le Polish lady. Cristina :*oro+ska. dau$hter of the Governor of Craco+# The Emperor 3erdinand su$$ested to him that they mi$ht make a /oint campai$n a$ainst the Turks# But the ne+ Prince1s vie+s on enli$htenment did not please his staunchly )rthodo( su*/ects# 9ames Basilicus +as )rthodo( *y *irth# %e may. like many Greeks +ho had mi$rated to the West. at some time have su*mitted to !ome# But he had *een $reatly impressed *y the 'utherans# %e may have *een sincere +hen he encour a$ed &elanchthon to attempt to ally the 'utheran and )rthodo( Churches, *ut his o+n method of doin$ so in &oldavia +as to try to reform the )rthodo( &oldavian Church alon$ 'utheran lines# Without any reference to his cousin. the Patriarch of Constantinople. he appointed a Polish Protestant. 9an 'usinsky 7 or 9ohn 'usinius 7 to *e Arch*ishop of &oldavia# 'usinsky not only shocked the &oldavians *y possessin$ a +ife. +hom he *rou$ht +ith him to 9assy, *ut he *e$an his attack on the Church *y orderin$ a reform of its practices over the annulment of marria$es# The )rthodo( Church in $eneral permits divorce throu$h ecclesiastical courts. thou$h it fro+ns on more than one su*sequent remarria$e# But divorce and dispensations for additional remarria$es +ere easily o*taina*le in &oldavia and Wallachia, and 'usinsky +as determined to root out +hat seemed to him to *e sheer poly$amy# %e also had plans to dissolve monasteries and remove icons from churches# But in "KL5 he died. almost certainly poisoned# 9ames Basilicus did not lon$ survive# The &oldavians +ere an$ry at his reliance on Protestant Poles, and. +hen it +as learnt that his future *ride. Cristina :*oro+ska. +as the dau$hter of a man +ho. +hile Governor of Craco+. +as also the leader of an anti-Trinitarian sect. there +as horrified dismay# But the Prince1s do+nfall came +hen he *e$an to confiscate money and precious o*/ects from the monasteries# %is finances +ere in a *ad +ay# The e(-Prince Ale(ander had made off +ith much of the national treasure, and the revenue of the Principality. lar$e thou$h it +as. +as not lar$e enou$h to pay for the e(pensive administration that he set up. as +ell as the tri*ute and *ri*es demanded *y the u*lime Porte# The last stra+ +as his attempt to confiscate holy relics# !iots *roke out in +hich Arch*ishop 'usinsky1s +ife +as murdered. as +as a *astard dau$hter of the Prince, and the poet laureate ommer +as forced. he tells us. to live for three +eeks hidden in orchards and +oodlands# The Prince vainly summoned help from over the *order# %is Catholic nei$h*ours +ould not intervene. and the Polish Protestants +ere too fe+# %e held out for three months a$ainst the re*els in one of his fortresses, then. in "KLF. he surrendered and +as put to death# o ended the attempt to introduce 'utheranism into south-eastern Europe#FLG Calvinism +as later to achieve a certain success over the Carpathians. in Transylvania. *ut at the e(pense of Catholicism. not of )rthodo(y. the converts *ein$ %un$arians rather than !oumanians# The stran$e career of 9ames Basilicus did not help future relations *et+een the 'utherans and the )rthodo(# There is no direct reference to him in any contemporary Greek source# But his 6cousin1. the Patriarch 9oasaph. must have kno+n of his efforts and cannot have liked them#
FLG

9# ommer. 1ita "aco$i Despotae. and A# &# Gra2iani. De "oanne eraclide Despota. are printed +ith 3or$ach1s. in E# 'e$rand. Deux 1ies de "ac.ues (asilicus. An Italian version of Gra2iani1s life. and some of 9ames1s correspondence are $iven in 0# 9or$a. 0ou&eaux %atHriaux pour ser&ir a lQhistoire de "ac.ues (asili,os l eraclide. %is history roused interest in En$land# ee Documents concerning !umanian istory# collected from (ritish Archi&es Ded# E# 4# TappeE. pp# FF-L. +hich deal +ith 6the 4espot1s1 adventures# ee also Ben2. op# cit# pp# FG-KM#

A*undant evidence sho+s that the Patriarchate +as +orried *y missionary +ork in the Principalities, and the missionaries +ere not all Catholic# &elanchthon did not live to hear of his friend1s fate in &oldavia# %e died in "KLJ# But rather more than a year earlier he had received at Witten*er$ an elderly cleric from &ontene$ro called 4emetrius. +ho came +ith an introduction from 9ames Basilicus# 0othin$ is kno+n of 4emetrius1s early history# %e +as already an old man +hen he met 9ames in &oldavia in "KKM# 4emetrius made an e(cellent impression in 'utheran circles# &elanchthon liked him, and 0icholas %emmin$ius +rote in a letter that he +as an old man of e(emplary piety and admira*le morals. +hose claim to *e a deacon +as undou*tedly $enuine. thou$h the 'utherans could not check up on this, he +as certainly full of erudition a*out his Church# %ere +as a heaven-sent a$ent for achievin$ the desired contact +ith Constantinople# In order that the )rthodo( mi$ht *e properly informed a*out the !eformed reli$ion. the Confession of Au$s*ur$. +hich summari2ed 'utheran *elief. +as hastily *ut a*ly translated into Greek *y a learned %ellenist. Paul 4olscius of Plauen, and a copy +as $iven to 4emetrius to deliver to the Patriarch. to$ether +ith a personal letter from &elanchthon. +hich *arely touched upon doctrine *ut su$$ested that the 'utheran and Greek Churches had much in common#FLK 4emetrius left on his /ourney late in "KKI# &elanchthon died *efore an ans+er could have easily *een returned, *ut his fello+-divines +aited for many more months for ne+s from Constantinople# At last they decided that 4emetrius could not have delivered the letter# In fact he arrived at Constantinople at the end of "KKI and +as received *y the Patriarch# But the documents that he *rou$ht em*arrassed 9oasaph and the %oly ynod# A *rief $lance at the Confession of Au$s*ur$ sho+ed that much of its doctrine +as frankly heretical# But it +ould *e undesira*le to spoil relations +ith a potential friend# The Patriarch and his advisers took refu$e in the favourite device of oriental diplomacy# They *ehaved as if they had never received the communication. +hich they carefully mislaid#FLL 4emetrius +aited for t+o or three months for a reply to carry *ack to Witten*er$# When none +as forthcomin$ he did not venture to return to Germany# %e moved to Transylvania. +here he spent three years tryin$ to introduce 'utheranism into its villa$es. encoura$ed *y 9ames Basilicus# After 9ames1s fall he carried on his propa$anda in the lav dominions of the %a*s*ur$ Emperor# The date of his death is unkno+n#FLH The su*sequent events in &oldavia must have confirmed 9oasaph in his suspicion of the 'utherans# ome fifteen years later the atmosphere improved# The %a*s*ur$ Emperors employed a num*er of 'utheran officials# In a*out "KHJ an Imperial Am*assador arrived at Constantinople +ho +as a Protestant. 4avid von 8n$nad, and he *rou$ht +ith him as chaplain an eminent 'utheran scholar. tephen Gerlach. +ho +as in close touch +ith the 'utheran universities in Germany# Gerlach soon made friends +ith the learned Protonotary of the Great Church. Theodore :y$omalas. +ho introduced him to the Patriarch 9eremias II. then in his first term of office# In return he put :y$omalas into touch +ith the leadin$ professor of Greek in Germany. &artin ^raus. or Crusius. of Tu*in$en. a man interested not only in Classical Greek *ut also in the Greek +orld of his time# Throu$h :y$omalas Crusius entered into correspondence +ith the Patriarch 9eremias. +hom he $reatly admired#FLM When such friendships +ere esta*lished it +as natural for the 'utherans to press a$ain for closer ecclesiastical relations +ith the Greeks# In "KHG 8n$nad +as prompted *y Gerlach to
FLK FLL

Ben2. *itten$erg und (y)an). pp# IG ff#. $ivin$ the te(t of &elanchthon1s letter# +$id. pp# H"-5: 9# 0# ^armiris. ~Ve[\[sWU ZUW ;V[YBAYU?YWAX[C. p# FL# FLH Ben2. *itten$erg und (y)an). pp# HF ff# FLM 3or 8n$nad and Gerlach see E# Ben2. Die Ost,irche im Licht der -rotestantischen 2eschichtsschrei$ung . pp# 5GI# Gerlach1s very discursive Tage$uch +as not pu*lished until after his death, *ut Crusius in his T urco'2raecia frequently cites Gerlach as the source of information# 9eremias II spoke no Western European lan$ua$e# When Philippe 4u 3resne visited him in "KHF. Theodore :y$omalas and his father +ere present to act as interpreters# P# du 3resne Canaye. 1oyage du Le&ant Ded# &# %# %auserE. pp# "JL-M#

+rite to Germany to ask for fresh copies of the Confession of Au$s*ur$# In reply si( copies +ere sent out *y Crusius and 9aco* Andreae. Chancellor of the 8niversity of Tu*in$en# )ne +as to *e $iven to the Patriarch. one to :y$omalas. one to &etrophanes. &etropolitan of Berrhoea. one to the scholar Ga*riel everus. and one to the rich layman. &ichael Cantacu2enus. +ho had promised to have it translated into vernacular Greek# A copy translated into Geor$ian +as dispatched a little later. for transmission to the )rthodo( Church of Geor$ia in the Caucasus# To the Patriarch1s copy the 'utheran divines added a letter. in +hich they said that. thou$h *ecause of the distance *et+een their countries there +as some difference in their ceremonies. the Patriarch +ould ackno+led$e that they had introduced no innovation into the principal thin$s necessary for salvation, and that they em*raced and preserved. as far as their understandin$ +ent. the faith that had *een tau$ht to them *y the Apostles. the Prophets and the %oly 3athers. and +as inspired *y the %oly pirit. the even Councils and the %oly criptures#FLI What the Geor$ians thou$ht of the Confession of Au$s*ur$. if their copy ever reached them. is unrecorded# To the Greeks it +as as em*arrassin$ as it had *een fifteen years previously# Cantacu2enus did nothin$ a*out its translation into the vernacular# But 9eremias could not i$nore the Confession as 9oasaph had done# Non 8n$nad and Gerlach +ere close at hand. pressin$ for an ans+er# After a little hesitation 9eremias +rote a polite letter of thanks to Tu*in$en. promisin$ to send a statement on doctrinal points a little later# These delayin$ tactics +ere vain, Gerlach continued to ask for his vie+s# At last. after consultin$ +ith the %oly ynod. the Patriarch. +ith the help of :y$omalas and his father 9ohn. composed a full ans+er to the various points in the Confession# The letter +as dated "K &ay "KHL# The Confession of Au$s*ur$ contains t+enty-one articles# 9eremias replied to each in turn. statin$ +herein he a$reed or disa$reed +ith the doctrines contained in them# %is comments are valua*le. as they add up to a compendium of )rthodo( theolo$y at this date# The first article states the 0icene Creed to *e the *asis of the true faith# The Patriarch naturally concurred. *ut pointed out that the Creed should *e accepted in its correct form. omittin$ the 4ual Procession of the %oly Ghost. an addition +hich. as he e(plains at len$th. +as canonically ille$al and doctrinally unsound# In the ori$inal Confession the second article proclaims ori$inal sin. the third is a summary of the Apostles1 Creed and the fourth declares that man is /ustified *y faith alone# In the Greek version the second and third articles chan$e place: +hich is more lo$ical# The Patriarch1s second chapter therefore deals +ith the Creed# While approvin$ of the Germans1 summary he adds for their *enefit t+elve amplifyin$ articles +hich. he says. contain the traditional doctrine of the Church# Three concern the Trinity. si( the Incarnation. the Crucifi(ion and the !edemption. and three the life hereafter# %e $ives further $losses to these and appends a list of the seven cardinal virtues- 7 he actually $ives ei$ht 7 and the seven deadly sins# )n ori$inal sin the Patriarch takes the opportunity of pointin$ out that *aptism should *e *y triple immersion and not *y aspersion. and should *e follo+ed up *y chrismation# The *aptismal practice of the 'atins is. he says. incorrect# In his fourth chapter. on /ustification *y faith alone. the Patriarch points out. quotin$ Basil. that $race +ill not *e $iven to those +ho do not live virtuous lives# %e amplifies his vie+s in his fifth and si(th chapters# In the Confession the fifth article says that faith must *e fed +ith the help of the %oly criptures and the acraments. and the si(th that faith must *ear fruit in $ood +orks. thou$h it repeats that $ood +orks alone +ill not *rin$ salvation# 9eremias takes for $ranted the doctrine $iven in the fifth article. and uses the chapter to continue his previous ar$ument# The ermon on the &ount lists virtues that +ill *rin$ salvation +ithout any reference to faith# 3aith +ithout +orks is not true faith# In the si(th chapter he +arns the Germans not to preFLI

Ben2. *itten$erg und (y)an). pp# IG#ff# 3or the te(t of the correspondence. see *elo+. p# 5KL. n# F#

sume on $race nor despair of it# %e makes it clear that he disapproves of anythin$ that mi$ht su$$est predestined election# The seventh article of the Confession declares that the Church is one and eternal. and the si$n of its unity is that the Gospel shall *e ri$htly tau$ht and the acraments ri$htly administered# o lon$ as this is fulfilled. differences in ritual and ceremonial do not impair its unity# 9eremias a$rees, *ut he $oes on to talk a*out the acraments# uspectin$ that the 'utherans held *aptism and the eucharist to *e the only acraments. he insists that there are seven acraments. *aptism. chrismation. ordination. marria$e. penitence and e(treme unction# These are +hat Isaiah means +hen he speaks of the seven $ifts from the 'ord# 9eremias concurred +ith the ei$hth and ninth articles in the Confession# The former says that acraments do not lose their validity even +hen administered *y evil priests# The latter recommends infant *aptism. so that the child may *e at once qualified to receive $race# The tenth article +as more controversial# It says that the *ody and *lood of Christ are truly present at the 'ord1s upper and are distri*uted to those +ho participate in it, and those +ho teach other+ise are condemned# o far the Patriarch could a$ree# But he may have learnt that the ori$inal German version of the Confession added the +ords 6unter der Gestalt des Brods und Weins1 7 6in the form of the *read and the +ine1 7 +ords omitted in the 'atin and Greek versions# %e asks for further details. sayin$: 6for +e have heard of certain thin$s a*out your vie+s. of +hich it is impossi*le for us to approve1# The doctrine of the %oly Church. he maintains. is that at the 'ord1s upper the *read is chan$ed into the very *ody of Christ and the +ine into %is very *lood# %e adds that the *read must *e leavened. not unleavened# %e points out that Christ did not say 6This is *read1. or even 6This is the fi$ure of my *ody1. *ut 6This is &y *ody1# It +ould indeed *e *lasphemy to say that the 'ord $ave to %is disciples the flesh that %e *ore to eat or the *lood in %is veins to drink. or that %e descends physically from heaven +hen the mys teries are cele*rated# It is. he says. *y the $race and invocation of the %oly pirit. +hich operates and consummates the chan$e. and *y our sacred prayers and *y the 'ord1s o+n +ords that the *read and +ine are transformed and transmuted into the very flesh and *lood of Christ# 9eremias is here makin$ three points# In t+o of them he considered that the 'utherans +ere follo+in$ the errors of the 'atins# The Greeks. faithful to the traditions of the early Church. had lon$ disapproved of the 'atin use of unleavened *read. +hich seemed to them to mar the sym*olism of the acrament, for the leaven sym*oli2es the ne+ dispensation# Then 9eremias touches delicately on the Epiklesis. the invocation of the %oly Ghost +hich to the Greeks completed the chan$e in the elements# They could not condone the 'atin omission of the Epiklesis# )n the actual question of the chan$e in the elements 9eremias is cautious# %e avoids the +ord XBY[]AW@AWC. +hich is the e(act Greek translation of 6transu*stantiation1# The +ords that he uses. XBYU}[c< and XBYUd[W<AWC. do not necessarily imply material chan$e# %e does not e(plain the e(act nature of the chan$e. leavin$ it. rather. as a divine mystery# But the 'utheran vie+ that thou$h Christ1s *ody and *lood +ere present at the acrament there +as no chan$e in the elements seemed to him inadequate# The eleventh article of the Confession advocates the use of private confession. thou$h it is not a*solutely necessary, nor can one enumerate all one1s petty sins# The Patriarch a$rees *ut thinks that more should *e said a*out the value of confession as spiritual medicine and as leadin$ to true acts of penitence# It must *e remem*ered that to him the act of penitence ranked as a sacrament# The t+elfth article teaches that sinners +ho have lapsed from $race can receive it a$ain if they repent# It disavo+s *oth the Ana*aptist vie+ that the saved can never fall from $race and the 0ovatian vie+ that the lapsed can never recover it# The Patriarch concurs *ut adds that repentance must *e sho+n *y +orks#

The thirteenth article declares the acraments to *e proofs of God1s love for men and should *e used to stimulate and confirm faith# This seems a little crude to 9eremias. +ho stresses the need for the 'itur$y as providin$ the necessary frame+ork for the acraments. a re-enactment of the +hole divine drama +hich $ives them their spiritual value# To the fourteenth. +hich states that only ordained priests should preach or administer the acraments. the Patriarch a$rees. so lon$ as the ordination has *een correctly performed and the hierarchy canonically or$ani2ed# %e clearly dou*ted +hether this +as the case +ith the 'utheran Church# The fifteenth article pleased him less# It approves of such rites and festivals as are conducive to $ivin$ peace and order to the Church *ut denies that any of them are necessary for salvation or provide the means for acquirin$ $race# To the Greek Church. +ith its full calendar of feasts and fasts. such teachin$ +as distressin$# The Patriarch. quotin$ at len$th from the early 3athers. emphasi2es that these holy days and the ceremonies attached to them are lastin$ reminders of the life of Christ on earth and of the +itness of the saints# To deny them any spiritual value is narro+-minded and +ron$# %e concurs +ith the si(teenth article. +hich says that it is not contrary to the Gospel to o*ey civil ma$istrates or to en$a$e in +arfare if they should order it# %e adds that one should remem*er. all the same. that o*edience to the la+s of God and to %is ministers is a hi$her duty. and that no true Christian seeks for +orldly po+er# %e concurs also +ith the seventeenth article. +hich foretells the comin$ of Christ to /ud$e the +orld and to re+ard the faithful +ith eternal life and punish the +icked +ith eternal torment# %e seems to have *een unpertur*ed *y the implied denial of the doctrine of Pur$atory# The ei$hteenth article deals +ith free +ill# The 'utherans maintained that. +hile a man may *y the e(ercise of free +ill lead a $ood life. it +ill avail him nothin$ unless God $ives him $race# This is too close to the doctrine of complete predestination for the Patriarch. +ho points out. +ith lon$ quotations from 9ohn Chrysostom. that only those freely +illin$ to *e saved can *e saved# Good deeds conform +ith the $race of God. *ut that $race is +ithdra+n concurrently +ith an evil deed# The nineteenth article. declarin$ that God is not the cause of evil in this +orld. is perfectly accepta*le# The t+entieth returns to the pro*lem of faith and +orks. repeatin$ that. thou$h $ood +orks are necessary and indispensa*le. and it is a li*el to say that the 'utherans i$nore them. yet they cannot purchase the remission of sins +ithout faith and its accompanyin$ $race# The Patriarch a$rees a*out the dual need for faith and +orks, *ut +hy. he asks. if the 'utherans really value $ood +orks. do they censure feasts and fasts. *rotherhoods and monasteriesS Are these not $ood deeds done in honour of God and in o*edience to his commandsS Is a fast not an act of self-disciplineS Is not a monastic fraternity an e(pression of fello+shipS A*ove all. is not the takin$ of monastic vo+s an attempt to carry out Christ1s demand that +e should rid ourselves of our +orldly entan$lementsS The Patriarch +as especially shocked *y the t+enty-first and last article. +hich says that. +hile con$re$ations should *e told of the lives of the saints as e(amples to *e follo+ed. it is contrary to the criptures to invoke the saints as mediators *efore God# 9eremias. after citin$ the special po+ers $iven *y Christ to the disciples. ans+ers that true +orship should indeed *e $iven to God alone. *ut that the saints. and. a*ove all. the &other of God. +ho *y their holiness have *een raised to heaven. may la+fully and helpfully *e invoked# We can ask the &other of God. o+in$ to her special relationship. to intercede for us and the archan$els and an$els to pray for us, and all the saints may *e asked for their mediation# It is a si$n of humility that +e sinners should *e shy of makin$ a direct approach to God and should seek the intervention of mortal men and +omen +ho have earned salvation#

9eremias ended his letter +ith a supplementary chapter. stressin$ five points# 3irst. he insists a$ain that leavened *read should *e used at the Eucharist# econdly. +hile he approves of the marria$e of secular cler$y. the re$ular cler$y should take vo+s of celi*acy and should keep to them# Thirdly. he emphasi2es once more the importance of the 'itur$y# 3ourthly. he repeats that the remission of sin cannot *e attained e(cept throu$h confession and the act of penitence. to +hich he attaches sacramental importance# 3inally. and at $reat len$th. he $ives ar$uments in support of the institution of monasteries and the takin$ of monastic vo+s# &any mortals. he admits. are unfitted to *ind themselves to a life of asceticism, and if they lead $ood lives accordin$ to their a*ilities. they too can reach salvation# But it is. he thinks. a *etter thin$ to *e ready to fors+ear the +orld and to devote one1s life to the disciplined service of God, and for this end monasticism provides the proper means# %is final para$raph is +ritten in a mi(ture of humility and condescension# 6And so. most learned Germans.1 he +rites. 6most *eloved sons in Christ of )ur &ediocrity. as you desire +ith +isdom and after $reat counsel and +ith your +hole minds to /oin yourselves +ith us to +hat is the most holy Church of Christ. +e. speakin$ like parents +ho love their children. $ladly receive your charity and humanity into the *osom of our &ediocrity. if you are +illin$ to follo+ +ith us the apostolic and synodical traditions and to su*/ect yourselves to them# Then at last truly and sincerely one house +ill *e *uilt +ith us### and so out of t+o Churches God1s *enevolence +ill make as it +ere one. and to$ether +e shall live until +e are transferred to the heavenly fatherland#1FHJ This reply reached Germany in the summer of "KHL# The German divines detected in it a certain lack of enthusiasm# Crusius arran$ed a meetin$ +ith the theolo$ian 'ucius )siander, and to$ether they composed an ans+er in +hich the points to +hich the Patriarch seemed to o*/ect +ere elucidated and /ustified# They confined themselves to doctrines mentioned in the Confession of Au$s*ur$ and therefore did not touch on matters such as leavened *read. the 'itur$y or even monasticism# They attempted to sho+ that their vie+ on /ustification *y faith +as not really so very different from the Patriarch1s, and they repeated at some len$th the 'utheran vie+ that. thou$h Christ1s flesh and *lood +ere present at the 'ord1s upper. there +as no material chan$e in the elements# They made it clear that they *elieved in only t+o acraments and that they could not admit the propriety of invokin$ the saints#FH" Their letter +as +ritten in 9une "KHH. *ut it pro*a*ly only reached Constantinople in the course of the follo+in$ year# )nce a$ain 9eremias tried to avoid sendin$ an ans+er# But Gerlach +as still in Constantinople. pressin$ for one# Gerlach left to return to Germany in the sprin$ of "KHI# In &ay 9eremias sent off at last a further statement of his vie+s# %is tone +as no+ a little less conciliatory# %e pointed out clearly and at $reater len$th the doctrines +hich the )rthodo( Church could not accept# It could not admit the 4ual Procession of the %oly Ghost# In spite of +hat the 'utherans claimed. their vie+s on free +ill and on /ustification *y faith +ere not )rthodo( and +ere in the Patriarch1s opinion too crude# While admittin$ that the acraments of *aptism and the eucharist ranked a*ove the others. the Patriarch insisted that there +ere seven sacraments# %e repeated that it +as correct to invoke the saints and added that respect should *e paid to holy ima$es and relics#FH5 A committee of 'utheran divines. includin$ Crusius. Andreae. )siander and Gerlach. met at Wurttem*er$ to compose a further reply. +hich +as dispatched in 9une "KMJ# Its tone +as very conciliatory# When not yieldin$ on any points it tried to su$$est that the doctrinal differFHJ

It +as this letter. +hich $ives 9eremias Il1s fullest statement on doctrine to$ether +ith the 'utheran ar$uments that he +as ans+erin$. that the 9esuit okolo+ski pu*lished in "KM5. thus o*li$in$ the 'utherans to pu*lish the +hole correspondence# FH" ee *elo+. p# 5KL and n# 5# FH5 ee *elo+. p# 5MJ#

ences *et+een the Churches on /ustification *y faith. on free +ill and on the chan$e in the elements at the 'ord1s upper +ere only matters of terminolo$y. and that other differences could perhaps *e treated as differences in ritual and usa$e# The Germans had to +ait for an ans+er# 9eremias had *een deposed in 0ovem*er "KHI. and did not return to office till eptem*er "KMJ# ome months elapsed *efore he could settle do+n to compose an ans+er# It +as eventually sent in the summer of "KM"# %e *riefly recapitu lated the points of disa$reement. then *e$$ed for the correspondence to cease# 6Go your o+n +ay1. he +rote. 6and do not send us further letters on doctrine *ut only letters +ritten for the sake of friendship#1 In spite of this. the 'utheran committee sent one more letter. almost identical +ith their last# The Patriarch did not reply to it#FHF In "KMG the +hole correspondence +as pu*lished at Witten*er$# The 'utherans mi$ht have preferred to keep silence a*out their failure to achieve union# But a Polish 9esuit. tanislas okolo+ski. o*tained a copy of the Patriarch1s letter of "KHL. +hich he translated into 'atin and pu*lished in "KM5. addin$ notes to correct Greek doctrines that differed from the !oman# FHG The 'utherans felt that they must therefore present the full story#FHK The friendly relations continued nevertheless# 9eremias and Theodore :y$omalas kept up their correspondence +ith Crusius on matters such as Greek lin$uistic usa$es and the present state of the $reat Greek cities of the past# It +as in "KM" that :y$omalas sent to Crusius most of the material. includin$ a copy of the Patriarchal Chronicle of &ala(us. that ena*led the German scholar to +rite his $reat *ook. Turco'2raecia. +hich is our main source of information a*out the Greek +orld in the si(teenth century# FHL But Gerlach1s successor as chaplain to the Imperial em*assy. alomon ch+ei$$er. +as unsympathetic# )n his return home he +rote a travel-*ook in +hich the )rthodo( +ere accused of idolatry and i$norance. even thou$h he admits that the Patriarch entertained him most hospita*ly and fed him on caviare# FHH )n the Greek side Ga*riel everus. +hen resident at Nenice. pu*lished a +ork attackin$ the 'utherans for their doctrine on the acraments: thou$h. as +ith Antony the Eparch some decades earlier. it +as their political rather than their doctrinal activities that he really deplored#FHM It is difficult to see ho+ any real union *et+een the )rthodo( and 'utheran Churches could have *een achieved# The 'utherans had not rid themselves of the superstitions of !ome in order to unite +ith a Church +hose devotion to saints and ima$es and monastic vo+s must have seemed quite as idolatrous# To the )rthodo( the 'utherans seemed to com*ine certain !oman erFHF FHG

ee *elo+. p# FFI# # okolo+ski. Censura Orientalis Ecclesiae R De principiis nostri seculi haereticorum dogmati$us R i' eremiae Constantinopolitani -atriarchae# Fudicii W mutuae communionis causa# a$ Orthodoxae doctrinae ad&er' sariis# non ita pridem o$latis. Ah eodem -atriarcha Constantinopolitano ad 2ermanos 2raece conscripta R a Stanislao Socolo&io con&ersa DCraco+. "KM5, dedicated to the PopeE# FHK Acta et Scripta Theologorum *irtem$ergensium et -atriarchae Constantinopolitani D. ieremiae DWitten*er$. "KMGE. passim# ee 'e$rand. op# cit# "". pp# G"-G. for a list of the various letters# FHL It is to Crusius that +e o+e the pu*lication of the so-called istoria -olitica and istoria -atriarchica. of +hich the editions pu*lished in the Bonn Corpus are a reproduction# The relation of the former to the E,thesis Chronica Dpu*lished *y # 'ampros in (y)antine Texts. ed# 9# B# BuryE and to the 6 Chronicle of "KHJ.1 descri*ed *y T# Pre$er in (y)antinische Oeitschrift. (i. needs still to *e elucidated# The istoria -atriarchica is also related to the 6Chronicle of "KHJ1 as +ell as to the chronicle of14orotheus of &onemvasia1, *ut here a$ain more +ork needs to *e done on the relationship# ee T# %# Papadopoullos. Studies and Documents relating to the istory of the 2ree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domination# pp# (viii-((# It is interestin$ to note that &ar$unius. +ho +as also in corre spondence +ith Crusius. reported to 9eremias II that the Turco-Graecia +as secretly anti-)rthodo(# ee G# 3edalto. 6Ancora su &assimo &ar$ounios.1 (olletino dell+stituto di Storia 1ene)iano. v-vi D"ILGE. pp# 5JI-"F# FHH # ch+ei$$er. Ein ne/e !eyesteschrei$ung auss Teutschland nach Constantinopel und "erusalem # ee Ben2. Die Ost,irche im Licht der -rotestantischen 2eschichtsschrei$ung# pp# 5I-FM# FHM Ga*riel everus. ;UAUW BWAW? UW =B?WZUW ZUW dV@YUW \WU_[VXUW g , printed in a volume of treatises *y 0icodemus &eta(as. for +hich see *elo+. p# 5HI. n# "# It +as principally an attack on !oman doctrines. *ut incidentally mentioned 'utheran errors#

rors +ith an unsound evan$elism and a re$retta*le taste for iconoclasm# The chief common-$round +as a mutual dislike of the Papacy, and that +as hardly a sufficient *ond# 0evertheless Greek theolo$ical students +ere al+ays +elcomed in 'utheran Germany# Early in the ei$hteenth century a small theolo$ical seminary +as endo+ed for them at %alle in a(ony. +hich en/oyed a certain success#FHI &etrophanes Critopoulos lectured in Germany in "L5I on his /ourney home from En$land, and amon$ the earlier students +ho remained in Germany +as a certain :acharias Ger$anos. of +hom +e kno+ little e(cept that he +as invited to Germany in "L"I *y the Elector of a(ony and pu*lished at Witten*er$ in "L55 a treatise dedicated to his patron and intended to *rin$ the t+o Churches to$ether# %e +as more 'utheran than )rthodo(# The %oly criptures. he said. contained all that +as necessary for the definition of faith and +ere fully intelli$i*le and easy to interpret# %e denounced the doctrine of Pur$atory and vehemently attacked the Bishop of !ome1s claim to primacy# But. unlike the )rthodo( and the strict 'utherans. he said that a sinful priest +as ro**ed of $race and therefore could not ad minister the acraments# %is *ook made little impression in Germany. thou$h it seems to have circulated in the East, and +e +ould scarcely have heard of it had it not provoked an an$ry reply from a Greek educated at !ome at the Colle$e of aint Athanasius. 9ohn &atthe+ Caryophyllus. in a +ork pu*lished at !ome in "LF"# FMJ But 9ohn &atthe+ had family reasons for his horror of such an attitude, for he had a cousin at Constantinople. 9ohn Caryophyllus. +hose vie+s on transu*stantiation and $race sho+ed undou*ted Protestant influences# This cousin had fallen under the spell of one of the most remarka*le of all Greek ecclesiastics. Cyril 'ucaris#

FHI

3or the %alle seminary. +hich lasted from "H5M to "H5I. see E# Wolf. 6%alle.1 in Die !eligion in 2eschichte und 2egen/art# in# The inspiration for the seminary came from the orientalists 9# %# and C# B# &ichaelis. and from the former1s son 9# 4# &ichaelis# FMJ :# Ger$anos. Catechismus Christianus# pu*lished in "L55# ee E# 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ueG description raisonnee des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs au JNe siecle# ". pp# "KI-HJ# 9ohn &atthe+ Caryophyllus. jcBT?[C Y<C B]\[TVWAYWU?WZ<C ZUYUZWAB@C Y[] >BV=U?[]. pu*lished in Greek and 'atin at !ome in "LF"# 3or Critopoulos see *elo+. pp# 5LI. 5ML. 5IG-K#

The Calvinist Patriarch$ )n "F 0ovem*er "KH5 there +as *orn at Candia in Crete to the +ife of tephen 'ucaris. a prosperous *utcher. a son +hom his parents named Constantine# FM" %e +as a *ri$ht. precocious *oy, and his father determined to $ive him a $ood education# Nenetian policy in Crete +as hostile to the )rthodo( Church. +hich it re$arded as potentially seditious# FM5 In consequence there +ere fe+ Greek schools there# But Cretan *oys +ere freely allo+ed to come to Nenice# It +as therefore to Nenice that his father sent Constantine +hen he +as t+elve years old. to attend the school attached to the Greek Church there# Its headmaster +as &a(imus &ar$unius. a man of independent mind +ho had already *een in trou*le +ith the )rthodo( authorities for suspected 'atini2in$ tendencies and +as later in difficulties +ith the Inquisition for *ein$ anti-'atin# %e had recently *een appointed Bishop of Cythera. *ut many years passed *efore the Nenetian authorities allo+ed him to reside in his see, and he continued to teach at the school# FMF %e +as struck *y Constantine and $ave him special attention# After four years tephen 'ucaris summoned his son *ack to Crete. perhaps *ecause of financial trou*les# The *oy spent a year there. attendin$ classes $iven *y a learned monk. &eletius Nlastos. at the monastery of aint Catherine. in the outskirts of Candia. and +ritin$ numerous letters to &ar$unius# %e had difficulty in findin$ *ooks. other than those +hich &ar$unius had left in his old home 7 the )puscula of Plutarch. a *ook of Aristotle1s D+e do not kno+ +hichE. the )rations of 4emosthenes. t+o volumes of Euse*ius1s %istory. t+o *ooks *y Cicero. the 'o$ic of 3laminius and a 'atin dictionary# FMG 'ocal tradition adds that o+in$ to the crisis in the family finances his mother took in +ashin$ and he himself +as apprenticed to a fisherman and had no+ and then to $o on some fishin$ voya$e# )ne of these voya$es *rou$ht him to Ale(andria. +here he called upon a relative. &eletius Pe$as. +ho
FM"

The chief authority on Cyril 'ucaris1s career is the Collectanea de Cyrillo Lucario. pu*lished in "HJH *y Thomas mith. former En$lish chaplain at Constantinople Dsee *elo+. pp# 5I5-FE# This contains a life of Cyril *y mith himself. +hich is taken from an appendi( called 6 The tate of the Greek Church under Cyrillus 'ucaris.1 +hich he had already pu*lished in his An Account of the 2ree, Church D'atin version. "LHM, En$lish version. "LMJE, a lon$ letter from Cornelius van %aa$. 4utch Am*assador at Constantinople durin$ Cyril1s Patriarchate, a 63ra$mentum Nitae Cyrilli1 +ritten *y Cyril1s friend Antoine 'e$er. Calvinist chaplain at Constantinople, and a 60arratio epistolica Tur*arum inter Cyrillum et 9esuitas.1 for +hich see *elo+. p# 5H". n# "# mith only arrived at Constantinople thirty years after Cyril1s death# It is unlikely that he o*tained much information from the local Greeks. to +hom Cyril1s theolo$y +as *y no+ an em*arrassment# But he had access to his Em*assy1s papers. and he had read most of +hat had *een already pu*lished a*out Cyril. in Catholic sources. such as Allatius and Arnauld DA# Arnauld. La -erpetu' ite de la Foi. pts# m and iv. -reu&es authenti.ues de lQInion de lEglise dQOrient a&ec lQEglise . pu*lished in "LHJE. and in hostile Protestant +riters such as Grotius Dsee mith. An Account of the 2ree, Church. pp# 5HL. 5MJE# %e also had conversed +ith Ed+ard Pococke Dsee *elo+. p# 5I5E. +ho had *een in Constantinople at the time of Cyril1s death, and he dre+ lar$ely from a shorter account of Cyril1s career $iven in 9# %# %ottin$er1s Analecta is' torico'Theologica D"LK5E. pp# KK5ff# %e notes that %ottin$er +as a close friend of 'e$er. from +hom he o*tained his information D mith. op# cit# p# 5M5E# 9# Aymon1s %onuments authenti.ues de la religion des 2recs et de la faussetH de plusieurs confessions de foi des Chretiens# pu*lished in "HJM. $ives a hotch-potch of information a*out Cyril. includin$ some of his letters# ir Thomas !oe1s letters. +ritten +hile Am*assador at Constantinople. $ive further in formation# The $reater part of Cyril1s o+n survivin$ letters are $iven in E# 'e$rand1s (i$liographie ellHni.ueG de' scription raisonnHe des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs au JNe siecle# iv# %is letters to !oe are unpu*lished, they are to *e found in tate Papers IH. in the Pu*lic !ecord )ffice# The fullest modern life of Cyril is G# A# %ad/iantoniou. -rotestant -atriarch. a +ork filled +ith useful information *ut passionately pre/udiced a$ainst *oth the 'atin and the traditional Greek Churches. and not +holly relia*le on details or on *ack$round information# Cyril1s *irth is dated at 6a*out "KKM1 *y Arch*ishop 'aud in a note pu*lished in mith. Collectanea# p# LK# But the date "F 0ovem*er "KH5. $iven *y 'e$er. i*id# p# HH. is almost certainly correct#
FM5 FMF

ee 4# 9# Geanakoplos. 2ree, Scholars in 1enice. pp# GK-H, W# &iller. Essays on the Latin Orient. pp# "HH-MJ# 3or &ar$unius see a*ove. pp# 5"G-"K# FMG 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ue au lNe siecle . iv. pp# "HH-M# 3or t Catherine1s see 4# 9# Geanakoplos. (y)an' tine East and Latin *est# pp# "G"-5. "LK. "LM#

+as then political secretary to the Patriarch of Ale(andria# The tradition is dou*tful# &ore pro*a*ly he met &eletius +hen the latter +as visitin$ his family in Crete#FMK In "KMI Constantine 'ucaris +as *ack in Italy and enrolled as a student at the 8niversity of Padua. thanks pro*a*ly to &ar$unius. +ho kept a fatherly eye on him. reprovin$ him +hen he ne$lected his lectures or +hen he *ou$ht himself an e(pensive s+ord to +ear# Padua +as no+ the home of 0eo-Aristotelianism# To counter the influence of this materialistic philosophy. &ar$unius used to send Constantine essay-su*/ects on more spiritual aspects of Greek thou$ht and $enerally coached him#FML The *oy pro*a*ly travelled durin$ his vacations# %e is said to have visited Germany, and it is possi*le that he +ent to Geneva. +here there +as a small Greek colony founded *y a Cretan professor of Italian ori$in. 3ranciscus Portus. +ho had *ecome a Calvinist#FMH %e passed his e(aminations +ith honours in "KIK and received his de$ree of laureatus# %e had pro*a*ly already decided to enter the priesthood as that offered the *est career for a *oy +ith no taste for commerce or for medicine# %is decision +as confirmed *y an encoura$in$ letter from his cousin &eletius Pe$as. +ho had *een elected in "KIJ to the Patriarchal throne of Ale(andria#FMM The duties of a Patriarch of Ale(andria +ere not onerous# The vast ma/ority of E$yptian Christians *elon$ed to the Coptic Church, and his flock +as composed mainly of immi$rant Greek merchants# The Patriarch &eletius therefore spent much of his time at Constantinople. +here he had *etter access to the u*lime Porte and +here he could help his over+orked fello+Patriarch. particularly in seein$ to the )rthodo( con$re$ations livin$ *eyond the *ounds ow the )ttoman Empire# In "KIK. +hen 'ucaris left Padua. &eletius +as livin$ at Constantinople. pro*a*ly actin$ as locum tenens of the Patriarchate. +here there +as a vacancy at the time# It +as to Constantinople that 'ucaris no+ +ent. to *e ordained deacon and priest *y his cousin# )n his ordination. pro*a*ly at the end of "KIK. he follo+ed the usual custom of $ivin$ up his *aptismal name and takin$ another. *e$innin$ +ith the same initial letter# %encefor+ard he +as Cyril 'ucaris#FMI The Church authorities at Constantinople +ere concerned at the time over the fate of the )rthodo( in Poland# The Polish kin$dom had of recent years *een e(pandin$ east+ard and no+ controlled !uthenia and most of the 8kraine. +here the population +as entirely )rthodo(, and there had lon$ *een lar$e )rthodo( con$re$ations in Galicia and in 'ithuania. +hich had *een formally united to Poland in "KLI# There +ere also in Poland lar$e num*ers of 'utherans and a fe+ Calvinists# ^in$ tephen Bathory. to +hom much of this e(pansion +as due. had *een a tolerant Catholic, and. thou$h he encoura$ed the 9esuits to +ork amon$ the )rthodo(. he allo+ed )rthodo( and 'utheran *ishops the ri$ht en/oyed *y the Catholic *ishops to a seat in the Polish enate# tephen1s sucessor. i$ismund III. elected in "KMH. *elon$ed to the Catholic *ranch of the +edish Nasa dynasty# %is mother. the 'ithuanian heiress Catherine 9a$ellon. had *een passionately Catholic, and i$ismund +as himself to lose the +edish throne *ecause of his reli$ion# i$ismund soon took measures a$ainst Protestants and )rthodo( alike# %e ordered that all pu*lic offices should *e reserved for Catholics, and there +ere some 5J.JJJ of them in his $ift# %e deprived non-Catholic *ishops of their seats in the enate# %e had *een particularly irritated *y a pro$ress throu$h the 8kraine made *y the Patriarch 9eremias II of Constantinople on his
FMK FML

0# C# Papadopoulos. istoria 2ymnasii -ata&ini. "". pp# 5I5-F# 'e$rand. (i$liographic ellHni.ue au JNe siecle. iv. pp# "IJ-K# FMH 3or Portus see 'e$rand. (i$liographic elHni.ue au JNe siecle. n. pp# vii-((. m. pp# IF-"FF, Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est# pp# "KM-I# Portus himself had died in "KM"# %e +as succeeded in his Chair at Geneva *y his famous pupil. Isaac Casau*on# FMM 'e$rand. (i$liographic ellHni.ue au JNe siecle. iv. pp# 5"G-"K# FMI mith. Collectanea. pp# H. HH# &eletius Pe$as +as certainly locum tenens of the Patriarchate durin$ the ne(t interre$num from &arch "KIH to &arch "KIM D&# 'e fuien. Oriens Christianus. ". p# FF"E#

+ay *ack from visitin$ &osco+ in "KMM. and had ordered the 9esuits to increase their propa$anda amon$ all his )rthodo( su*/ects# They +on over &ichael. &etropolitan of Nilna. and I$natius. Bishop of Nladimir. +ith +hose help the ^in$ +as a*le to summon a Council of the Polish )rthodo( *ishops to meet at Brest-'itovsk in "KIK. to discuss their su*mission to !ome. alon$ the lines a$reed at the 8nion of 3lorence# 0ot many *ishops attended the Council. +here a sli$ht ma/ority of those present voted to accept Papal supremacy. provided that the )rthodo( could keep their litur$y. communion in *oth kinds for the laity. the marria$e of secular cler$y and the 9ulian calendar# When the terms +ere referred to !ome. Pope Clement NIII accepted them and on 5F 4ecem*er "KIK announced the foundation of the 8niate )rthodo( Church of Poland# A second Council +as then summoned to meet in )cto*er "KIL. a$ain at Brest-'itovsk. to endorse the settlement#FIJ When the ne+s reached Constantinople it +as decided to send representatives to attend the Council# The Patriarch of Constantinople nominated a certain 0icephorus Cantacu2enus as e(arch. or Patriarchal deputy. and &eletius nominated Cyril 'ucaris as his e(arch# The t+o youn$ priests set out for Poland. *rin$in$ +ith them three letters on doctrine +ritten *y &eletius for the *enefit of the faithful# )rthodo( Poles had *een horrified *y the first Council# Their *ishops hastened to Brest to record their protest. and +ith them a num*er of eminent laymen. headed *y Constantine Basil. Prince of )strov and Noyevod of ^iev. a man reputed to *e a$ed more than a hundred. +ho many years previously had set up the first lavonic printin$-press. to print litur$ical *ooks# %is opposition +as formida*le. as +as sho+n some years later. durin$ i$ismund1s +ars a$ainst the Turks. +hen the 8krainian Cossacks +ho revered him refused to aid the ^in$# But i$ismund +as o*durate# %is deputy. Prince !ad2i+ill. refused to allo+ any dissident *ishop into the Church of the Nir$in +here the Council +as held and the Pope1s $racious messa$e read out. follo+ed *y a Te Deum# The dissident *ishops +ere o*li$ed to meet in a private house near*y# It +as only there that Pe$as1s letters on doctrine could *e read#FI" There follo+ed a series of measures a$ainst the )rthodo( +ho refused to /oin the 8niate Church# Bishoprics +ere $iven only to 8niates. includin$ the &etropolitan see of ^iev. thou$h the 8niate nominee never ventured to reside there# The endo+ments of dissident sees +ere confiscated. and their holders deprived of episcopal privile$es: thou$h there +as no actual persecution of the lo+er cler$y# Cyril and his companion decided to stay on in Poland# %e sa+ that the )rthodo(. priests and laity alike. +ere at a disadvanta$e o+in$ to their lack of education# %e +ent to Nilna. +here there +as an )rthodo( school. +hich he reformed and reor$ani2ed. *asin$ himself there for t+enty months# Then. at the request of a Galician )rthodo( priest. Ga*riel 4orotheides. he moved to 'vov. +here he founded a school to *e run on similar lines# But mean+hile the ^in$1s a$ents +atched his actions +ith suspicion# Early in "KIM he and 0icephorus Cantacu2enus +ere denounced as Turkish spies# 0icephorus +as arrested *y i$ismund1s police and put summarily to death# Cyril had time to escape to )strov. +here the Prince $ave him shelter until he could *e smu$$led out of the country# By Au$ust "KIM he +as in Constantinople, and he spent that Christmas +ith his family in Crete#FI5 While he +as in Nilna Cyril had met various 'utheran divines, and they had discussed the possi*ility of unitin$ their Churches# The 'utherans su$$ested some formulae on +hich interFIJ

3or a contemporary account of the Catholic efforts to convert the )rthodo( in Poland and the 8kraine see A# !e$envolscius. Systema istorico'Chronologicum Ecclesiarum Sla&onicarum D"LK5E. pp# GL5-MJ# ee also '# Pastor. istory of the -opes from the Close of the %iddle Ages . ((iv. pp# " ioff#, T# Ware. The Orthodox Church# pp# "JF-L# ee also E# nWinter. (y)an) und !om im 3ampf um die I,raine. pp# KL-HJ# FI" mith. Collectanea. pp# I-"J, A# !e$envolscius. op# cit# p# GLL# FI5 mith. Collectanea. pp# "J-"5. HM-I: 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au JNe siede. rv. pp# 55J-". 55K-I# ee also Winter. op# cit# pp# KM-LJ# Cyril1s preachin$ is recorded in the Codex of the %etochion of the oly Sepulchre at Constantinople# no# GJM. fols# GG-I#

communion could *e *ased. +hich Cyril and his )rthodo( friends promised. hesitantly. to accept provided they +ere endorsed *y the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Ale(andria# 0either &atthe+ II of Constantinople nor &eletius +as much impressed *y the proposals. and +ould have let the matter drop# But in "KII i$ismund issued a decree for*iddin$ forei$ners to enter or leave his country +ithout his permission. and +rote to &eletius informin$ him of it and ur$in$ him to cease his contumacy and su*mit to !ome# &eletius +rote a letter in reply. askin$ leave very politely to *e allo+ed to send to Poland such spiritual $uides as the )rthodo( mi$ht need, and he entrusted it to Cyril. orderin$ him *ack to Poland +ith a note commendin$ him to the ^in$1s clemency# At the same time he $ave Cyril a letter to deliver to the 'utheran divines in +hich he su$$ested consultation on matters of mutual political interest *ut avoided theolo$ical points# When Cyril reached Poland i$ismund received him coldly *ut allo+ed him to stay in the country# Cyril did not. ho+ever. deliver the letter to the 'utherans. for fear that he and they +ould *e accused of conspiracy#FIF Cyril spent a year in Poland on this second visit. mainly at the school +hich he had founded at 'vov# eventeen years later a 9esuit. Peter car$a. produced a letter +hich he said Cyril had +ritten in 9anuary "LJ" to the Catholic *ishop of 'vov. 4emetrius olico+ski. in +hich he referred to the ee of aint Peter +ith deep reverence and e(pressed the hope that the Churches +ould soon *e reunited# The letter. +hich +as to *e used *y the 9esuits to undermine his position +ith the )rthodo(. if $enuine. +as certainly amended to suit the 9esuits1 purpose# Cyril may +ell have tried to reach some understandin$ +ith the Catholic authorities for the sake of his school. and he may have e(pressed the perfectly )rthodo( vie+ that reunion +as desira*le and that the Bishop of !ome +ould *e treated +ith the hi$hest honours +ere he to $ive up his heresies# But the implication that Cyril +as *uyin$ personal immunity *y *ecomin$ a cryptoCatholic is quite out of keepin$ +ith his all too o*stinate and outspoken character#FIG In the sprin$ of "LJ" Cyril received a letter from &eletius Pe$as. +ho +as *ack in E$ypt. offerin$ him the a**acy of an E$yptian monastery and virtually promisin$ him the succession to the Ale(andrian Patriarchate#FIK %e therefore left Poland and. after a short stay in &oldavia. +here the Patriarchate o+ned lar$e estates. he arrived at Ale(andria on "" eptem*er# T+o days later Pe$as died, and the Ale(andrian synod elected Cyril as their Patriarch# The Greek Catholic. 'eo Allatius. later pu*lished a rumour that Cyril *ou$ht the throne +ith money collected for the Patriarchate in &oldavia. *ri*in$ the *ishops +hen they +ere a*out to elect a certain Gerasimus partaliotes# This is unlikely. as partaliotes +as hencefor+ard one of Cyril1s most devoted follo+ers#FIL Cyril +as an efficient Patriarch of Ale(andria# %e moved the seat of the Patriarchate from the dyin$ seaport to Cairo. to *e at the $overnmental center of the province# %e reor$ani2ed its finances. and he reformed its schools# %e settled a quarrel in the Church of Cyprus, and he +ent to 9erusalem for the enthronement as Patriarch there of his friend Theophanes# FIH But life +as lonely in E$ypt for a man of his ener$y and intellect. +ith only Greek merchants and provincial clerics for company# %e had spent little of his life amon$ fello+-Greeks# %is studies at Padua and his Protestant contacts in Poland had $iven him an interest in ne+ trends in Western reli$ious thou$ht#

FIF FIG

mith. Collectanea. pp# ""-"5# mith. Collectanea. pp# "5-"F. HI-MJ# ee *elo+. p# 5MH# FIK 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iv. p# 5"K# FIL 'eo Allatius. De Ecclesiae Occidentalis at.ue Orientalis -erpetua Consensione. iii. p# "JH5: mith. Collectanea. pp# "F. MJ# FIH Philip of Cyprus. Chronicon Ecclesiae 2raecae Ded# %# %ilariusE. p# GGH, %ottin$er. op# cit# p# K5: 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iv. pp# 5FJ-H#

This interest +as enhanced *y his friendship +ith a 4utchman. Cornelius van %aa$. +hom he pro*a*ly first met +hen van %aa$ +as travellin$ in the 'evant in "KIM# In "LJ5 van %aa$ +as appointed first am*assador from. the tates-General to the u*lime Porte# %encefor+ard Cyril +ould visit the 4utch Em*assy +henever *usiness took him to Constantinople# At his request van %aa$ procured for him a num*er of theolo$ical +orks from %olland and put him in touch +ith the theolo$ian 9an 8yten*o$aert. the pupil of Arminius# With him Cyril kept up a correspondence that lasted for many years# %is 4utch contacts +ere stren$thened *y the visit to the 'evant in "L"H-"I of a 4utch divine. 4avid 'e 'eu de Wilhem. +ith +hom also he remained in correspondence#FIM In his letters to his 4utch friends he *e$an to sho+ a $ro+in$ sympathy +ith Protestant doctrine# In "L"F he +rote to 8yten*o$aert that he *elieved in only t+o acraments and that they could not confer $race +ithout faith. thou$h faith +ithout the acraments +as equally valueless# %e added that the Greek Church maintained many erroneous practices. thou$h it al+ays admitted the possi*ility of error#FII In a series of letters to de Wilhem he stressed the need for the Greeks to replace superstition *y 6evan$elical simplicity1 and to depend on the authority of the criptures and the %oly pirit alone# %e told of his distress at +hat he sa+ at 9erusalem. +here the *ehaviour of the faithful seemed to him almost pa$an# %e +as $lad to find himself in perfect a$reement +ith de Wilhem on all theolo$ical matters# GJJ A letter +ritten in "L"M to an Italian. &arco Antonio de 4ominis. +ho had $iven up a Catholic arch*ishopric to *ecome a Protestant. is even more outspoken# Cyril says that he finds the doctrines of the !eformers more in accord +ith the criptures than those of the Greek or 'atin Churches# %e *e$ins to discount the authority of the Church 3athers# 6 I can no lon$er endure to hear men say that the comments of human tradition are of equal +ei$ht +ith the criptures1. he +rites# %e adds that in his opinion ima$e-+orship is disastrous and is even ashamed to confess that he finds the contemplation of a crucifi( helpful to his prayers# The invocation of saints is. he adds. an insult to )ur 'ord#GJ" It is unlikely that Cyril aired these vie+s to the Greeks# They merely kne+ him to *e an efficient and virtuous Patriarch +ho had a num*er of forei$n friends and +as staunch in his opposition to !ome# It +as durin$ these years that the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate +as occupied *y 0eophytus II and !aphael II. *oth of +hom leaned to+ards union +ith !ome# When 0eophytus licensed an Italian Greek1s sermon +hich openly advocated union. Cyril +as asked to preach the counter-*last and to remain in Constantinople to direct anti-!oman activities# GJ5 %e +as there +hen 0eophytus died in 9anuary "L"5# A ma/ority in the ynod elected him to succeed to the Patriarchate# But he could not or +ould not pay the sum demanded *y the u*lime Porte for the confirmation of his election# %is opponents on the ynod therefore put up a rival candidate. Timothy. Bishop of &armora. +ho promised the ultan and his ministers a sum lar$er than +as usual, and the ynod +as ordered to elect him#GJF Timothy. a man distin$uished only for his +ealth. /ealously tried to stir up trou*le for Cyril in E$ypt# Cyril had to retire for a +hile to &ount Athos. and then visited Wallachia. +hose Prince. &ichael Bassara*a. had *een a fello+-student of his at Padua# %e +as *ack in Cairo *eFIM FII

Aymon. op. cit. pp# "H5-K# The correspondence is $iven in Aymon. op# cit# pp# "FJ-LG# GJJ +$id# pp# "M5-IK# GJ" 'e$rand. (i$liographic elleni.ue au lNe siecle. rv. pp# F5I-GJ# 4e 4ominis +as a very disreputa*le character +ho after doin$ +ell out of the An$lican Church. thanks to his flattery of 9ames I. in the end reverted to Catholi cism# ee the article *y G# G# Perry. 64ominis. &arco Antonio de.1 in the Dictionary of 0ational (iography# GJ5 G# %ofmann. 2riechische -atriarchen und !omische -apste# Orientalia Christiana . ((v. HL. pp# GF ff# Cyril +as not. ho+ever. consistently hostile to !ome# I*id# (v. K5. pp# GG-L. pu*lishes a letter +ritten *y Cyril in "LJM in +hich he addresses Pope Paul N in friendly and even deferential terms. askin$ for his $ood +ill# GJF mith. Collectanea. pp# "G-"K, Philip of Cyprus. loc# cit#, 'e fuien. loc# cit#

fore "L"H. keepin$ up +ith his 4utch connections# Thanks to them his reputation +as hi$h in Protestant Europe# In a*out "L"M he received a letter from Geor$e A**ot. the some+hat Calvinistic Arch*ishop of Canter*ury. +hich contained an invitation to send a fe+ youn$ Greeks to study theolo$y in En$land at the e(pense of ^in$ 9ames I# In reply Cyril sent a &acedonian youth. &etrophanes Critopoulos. to En$land# The outcome. as +ill *e related later. +as not alto$ether happy# But hencefor+ard A**ot +as amon$ Cyril1s correspondents#GJG The Patriarch Timothy tried to harm Cyril1s $ood name *y denouncin$ him as a 'utheran# Cyril ans+ered that. as Timothy kne+ nothin$ of 'uther nor of his doctrine. he had no idea ho+ far it mi$ht resem*le his o+n, he had *etter keep quiet#GJK Pro*a*ly after a reconciliation +ith Timothy. Cyril visited Constantinople a$ain in the autumn of "L5J# While he +as there Timothy suddenly died. shortly after attendin$ a dinner-party $iven *y Cyril1s friend. the 4utch Am*assador# The 9esuits promptly circulated a rumour that van %aa$ had poisoned him in order to leave the throne vacant for Cyril# If this +ere so. the %oly ynod certainly did not o*/ect# Cyril +as promptly and unanimously elected Patriarch# )n this occasion he paid the required sum to the u*lime Porte#GJL The Greeks mi$ht *e uninformed a*out Cyril1s theolo$ical tendencies, *ut they +ere +ell kno+n to the forei$ners at Constantinople# 6As for the Patriarke himself. Arch*ishop A**ot +rote to the En$lish Am*assador. ir Thomas !oe. soon after Cyril1s election. 6I do not dou*t *ut that in opinion of reli$ion he is. as +ee terme him. a pure Calvinist. and so the 9esuites in these parts do *rande him#1GJH The 9esuits. +ith their connections all over Europe. +ere +ell a+are of his connection +ith 4utch divines, and they soon *e$an to make sure that the Greeks heard of them# 0evertheless the rei$n *e$an +ell# When ir Thomas !oe. a diplomat of distinction +ho had already *een accredited to the court of the Great &o$hul. arrived at Constantinople in 4ecem*er "L5". he quickly made friends +ith the Patriarch and +as his mainstay until he returned to En$land in "L5M# The friendship +ith the 4utch Am*assador continued, and the 9esuits. thou$h they had the full support of the 3rench Am*assador. the Comte de Cesi. found it difficult to attack a prelate so po+erfully protected, +hile the Greeks +ere impressed to see their Patriarch so intimate +ith distin$uished forei$ners# Cyril1s trou*les *e$an +hen the 9esuits. playin$ on the suspicions of conservative mem*ers of the ynod. persuaded Gre$ory. Arch*ishop of Amasea. to stand as a rival candidate for the Patriarchate# In return Gre$ory privately promised to su*mit to !ome# Cyril heard of the intri$ue, and Gre$ory +as e(communicated# The 9esuits. undeterred. +ent to the Grand Ni2ier. %ussein Pasha. and told him that Cyril had corresponded +ith the !ussian Tsar# This +as true# At the previous Ni2ier1s request he had +ritten to &osco+ to secure the Tsar1s $ood +ill for Turkey in a +ar a$ainst Poland# They added. less truthfully. that he had encoura$ed some Greek islanders to +elcome a 3lorentine invasion# The Ni2ier +as alarmed# Without +aitin$ to hear Cyril1s defense. he ordered the ynod to depose Cyril. +hom he e(iled to !hodes. and to elect Gre$ory of Amasea in his place. Gre$ory havin$ offered 5J.JJJ dollars to the u*lime Porte# But Gre$ory1s rei$n only lasted for t+o months# %e +as a poor man, and the Greek con$re$ations refused to provide the promised money# %e appealed to the 9esuits, *ut su*sidies that they e(pected from !ome had not arrived# To avoid arrest as a defaulter he resi$ned and fled from ConGJG

'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iv. pp# FGJ-5, Allatius. op# cit# m. pp# "JHF-G# A**ot1s letters are $iven in P# Colomesius. Clarorum 1irorum Epistolae Singulares# pp# KKH-L"# GJK 'e$rand. (i$liographic elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iv. pp# 5HI-MJ# GJL mith. Collectanea. p# "K, Allatius. op# cit# in. pp# "JHG-K, Philip of Cyprus. op# cit# pp# GFM-I# GJH 'etter. dated 5J 0ovem*er "L55. in ir Thomas !oe. The 0egotiations of Sir Thomas !oe in his Em$assy to the Ottoman -orte# p# "J5# ir Thomas had already descri*ed Cyril as a 6direct Calvinist1 in a letter dated 5I April "L55. +ritten to 9ohn Williams. Bishop of 'incoln Di*id# p# FLE#

stantinople# In his place the 9esuits persuaded the Porte to demand the election of Anthimus. &etropolitan of Adrianople# %e +as +ealthy and +as a*le to pay "J.JJJ out of his o+n resources. and *y *ri*in$ the Turkish police e(tracted the remainin$ "J.JJJ from the Greeks of the city# It +as a triumph for !ome# Pope 8r*an sent a messa$e to the Comte de Cesi to thank him for havin$ displaced 6the son of darkness and athlete of %ell1. as he descri*ed Cyril# But +hen he +rote the situation had chan$ed# ir Thomas !oe had secured Cyril1s return from e(ile# Then Anthimus. a +eak and amia*le man. had pan$s of conscience# %e +rote to Cyril to apolo$i2e for his usurpation# In spite of pleas from the 3rench Am*assador and the arrival. at last. of the su*sidies from !ome. he insisted on resi$nin$# In )cto*er "L5F. Cyril +as *ack on the Patriarchal throne#GJM Cyril made it is his first task to improve education# %e reformed the Patriarchal Academy. puttin$ in as its head in "L5G his former fello+-student at Padua. Theophilus Corydalleus# The materialistic and scientific curriculum that Corydalleus introduced mi$ht seem to many Greek ecclesiastics unsuita*le for a Church school. and created for the Patriarch enemies in oldfashioned circles# But it meant that Greek *oys +ere less dependent than heretofore on 9esuit esta*lishments if they +anted an up-to-date education# But Cyril also sa+ that education cannot *e $iven +ithout $ood teachers and plentiful *ooks# To o*tain the former he took advanta$e of his Western connections to send promisin$ pupils to finish their studies in %olland. Germany and En$land# To procure *ooks. he not only had a$ents to collect for him a*road *ut he determined to have his o+n printin$-press#GJI In "L5H this desire +as $ratified# A youn$ Greek from Cephallonia. called 0icodemus &eta(as. had *een visitin$ his *rother. +ho +as a merchant in 'ondon. and there had set up a small printin$-house for the *enefit of the 'ondon Greeks# %e reali2ed that the press +ould *e more useful in Constantinople# %e arrived there in 9une "L5H +ith his equipment and a valua*le consi$nment of *ooks# %earin$ that he +as comin$ the Patriarch sou$ht the help of ir Thomas !oe to $et the packin$-cases throu$h the Turkish customs# ir Thomas. *acked *y the 4utch Am*assador. o*tained the necessary permit from the Grand Ni2ier# Cyril +ished the press to *e installed +ithin the safe precincts of the En$lish Em*assy, *ut ir Thomas could not a$ree to that# Instead. it +as placed in a small house close *y# At once. under Cyril1s $uidance. &eta(as *e$an to print a num*er of theolo$ical +orks in Greek. most of them *ein$ anti-!oman tracts#
GJM

The fullest account of these trou*les is $iven in the tract 6 0arratio historica. quas Constantinopoli moverunt 9esuitae adversus Cyrillum Patriarcham alia notatu di$nissima# A viro docto qui fuit c(utottttis fideliter conscripta.1 +ritten in 'atin *y a certain C# P# and pu*lished as an appendi( to an anonymous +ork. %ysteria -atrum Societatis "esu# pu*lished +ith the ima$inary imprint 6'ampropoli. apud !o*ertum 'iverum.1 in "LFF# mith already kne+ the +ork +hen he +rote his account of the Greek Church, he discusses it in his appendi( on Cyril D An Account of the 2ree, Church# pp# 5K"-5E. and remarks that it had infuriated Allatius# %e reproduced it +ith minor corrections in his Collectanea. pp# MG-"JI. as 60arratio epistolica Tur*arum inter Cyrillum et 9esuitas1# Aymon. op# cit# pp# 5J"-FL. pu*lishes it. +ith a 3rench translation. as a letter from Chrysosculus the 'o$othete to 4avid 'e 'eu de Wilhem# Chrysosculus. +ho +as a Patriarchal official at the time. may +ell have +ritten it# The same $round is covered *y an almost identical account sent as a dispatch. dated "J 3e*ruary "L5HmM. *y !oe to 'ondon and pu*lished in his 0e$o tiations. PP- HKM-LF# mith1s and 'e$er1s o+n accounts. Collectanea# pp# 5K-FJ. HK-MJ. are *ased on these sources# 3or the events of "L5F see also !oe. op# cit# pp# "FG-K. "GL. 5"F#
GJI

ee a*ove. p# 555# We do not kno+ the names of any pupil that Cyril sent a*road. apart from Critopoulos# Panto$alos and %ierotheos retired to %olland and Conopius to En$land only after Cyril1s death# :acharias Ger-$anos. +ho pu*lished a catechism of pronounced Protestant tendencies at Witten*er$ in "L55. seems to have *een re$arded at !ome as one of Cyril1s disciples, *ut he +as almost as old as Cyril and had $one to Germany on the e(press invita tion of the Elector of a(ony in "L"I D'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle . I. p# "KIE# Cyril pro*a*ly circulated this catechism in his Patriarchate# In )cto*er "L5G de Cesi complained to Paris that 6Calvinistic cate chisms in manuscript1 +ere *ein$ distri*uted at Constantinople DE# de %urmu2aki. 4ocumente -ri&atore la +storia !omanilor# iv. ". p# 55KE#

The Catholics +ere not pleased# Pope 8r*an NIII. +hose Greek press had *een set up only a year *efore. summoned the Congregatio de -ropaganda Fide to discuss the pro*lem# The Congregatio had already tried to take action a$ainst Cyril# A Greek Catholic. Canachio !ossi. had *een sent to Constantinople to try to lure Cyril over to a friendlier attitude# When that failed !ossi +as ordered to or$ani2e 9esuit activities to secure his do+nfall# At its meetin$ in 0ovem*er "L5H the Congregatio decided that the press must at all costs someho+ *e destroyed# Amon$ the *ooks printed *y &eta(as +as a short and ironical tract on the 9e+s +ritten *y Cyril himself# It contained an incidental passa$e pointin$ out &uslim do$mas +hich Christians could not accept# The 9esuits o*tained a copy. +hich the 3rench Am*assador took to the Grand Ni2ier +ith the passa$e underlined, and the Am*assador added that he *elieved the press to *e used for printin$ false versions of the ultan1s decrees# The Ni2ier +as shocked and +as easily persuaded to order the arrest of &eta(as and a search of his office for other evidence of impiety and treason# The Am*assador su$$ested that it +ould *e appropriate to do so on the afternoon of Epiphany. L 9anuary "L5M. +hen there +as to *e a dinner at the En$lish Em*assy in the Patriarch1s honour# 6This1. said the Comte de Cesi. 6 +ould add sauce to the dishes#1 )n the arran$ed afternoon the Ni2ier1s 9anissaries *roke into the *uildin$ to arrest &eta(as# %e +as not there, and. +hen a fe+ minutes later he passed do+n the street in the company of a secretary at the En$lish Em*assy. they could not *elieve that this ele$ant $entleman +earin$ an En$lish suit +as the man that they +anted# They vented their disappointment in destroyin$ the press. carryin$ off fra$ments of manuscript and type# The printin$-press +as put out of action# But other+ise the plot misfired# The Grand &ufti. to +hom the Ni2ier had sent Cyril1s tract. pronounced it to *e harmless# The Christians +ere entitled. he said. to state their *eliefs. even if they +ere contrary to Islam# The Ni2ier had hardly received this rulin$ +hen ir Thomas !oe demanded an intervie+ and stormed at him for insultin$ a friendly po+er and remindin$ him that he himself had $iven permission for the press to *e imported# The Ni2ier. shaken *y the Grand &ufti1s verdict and kno+in$ ir Thomas to *e popular +ith the ultan. chan$ed his policy# The men +ho deceived him must *e punished# Three 9esuit *rothers and Canachio !ossi +ere cast into prison# When the Comte de Cesi came to protest. he +as not received *y the Ni2ier *ut *y his deputy. the Grand ^aimakam. +ho told him that if he could not *ehave as an Am*assador should he had *etter leave the country# ome t+o months later all 9esuits +ere e(pelled from the ultan1s dominions# 6They are ready to *urst +ith cha$rin at *ein$ thro+n out1. +rote ir Thomas !oe# 6I hope that hereafter they +ill trou*le as little as possi*le the poore Greek Church. to +hom their practices have cost t+elve thousand dollars. to say nothin$ of this last insurrection a$ainst the life and authority of the Patriarch. and a$ainst my honour#1G"J ir Thomas !oe retired from Constantinople later that year. carryin$ +ith him as a token of the Patriarch1s re$ard the $reat manuscript of the Bi*le kno+n as the Code( Ale(andrinus. +hich Cyril had *rou$ht from Ale(andria and sent as a $ift to ir Thomas1s soverei$n. ^in$ Charles I#G"" The Comte de Cesi left some three years later# %is successor. the Comte de &archeville. +as allo+ed to reintroduce 9esuits to *e his chaplains# But the credit of the 3rench Em*assy +as lo+# It +as decided at !ome to entrust operations a$ainst Cyril in future to the Emperor1s Am*assador. !udolf chmid- ch+ar2enhorn. +ho arrived early in "L5I# %is predecessor. ^uefstein. had *een a Protestant. *ut he +as a devoted Catholic# &ean+hile the 9esuits1
G"J

The story of the printin$-press is $iven in the sources cited a*ove p# 5H". n# "# 3or a full and valua*le discussion of its +ork see !# 9# !o*erts. The 2ree, -ress at Constantinople in JTXN and its Antecedents . pu*lished *y the Bi*lio$raphical ociety in "ILH# !oe pu*lished the instructions $iven to Canachio !ossi *y Cardinal Bandini in his 0e' gotiations# pp# GLI-H". +ith a coverin$ letter to Cyril# G"" The dispatch of the Code( inaiticus. popularly supposed to have *een copied *y Thecla the Protomartyr. is recorded *y mith. Collectanea# pp# LF ff# ee !o*erts. op# cit# pp# 5K-L#

+ork should *e taken over *y the Capuchins# The famous 3ather 9oseph. !ichelieu1s Grey Eminence. +as ordered to Constantinople to or$ani2e the campai$n, *ut !ichelieu for*ade him to leave 3rance# &ean+hile the Congregatio de*ated ho+ far *ri*ery and trickery could la+fully *e used to destroy so dan$erous a heretic#G"5 Cyril 'ucaris +as to play into their hands# ir Thomas !oe1s departure +as a *lo+ to him# %e quickly made friends +ith ir Thomas1s successor. ir Peter Wych# In "LFK he stood as $odfather to ir Peter1s son Cyril. a future President of the !oyal ociety, and he +as on $ood terms +ith Ed+ard Pococke. chaplain at Aleppo from "LFJ to "LFM. +ho used occasionally to visit Constantinople# But his old correspondent Arch*ishop A**ot had *een in dis$race since "L5H and died in "LFF# 0either his successor. Arch*ishop 'aud. interested thou$h he +as in the Greek Church. nor ^in$ Charles I. could sympathi2e very far +ith a prelate noted for his Calvinism# Cyril had to depend more and more on his 4utch friends# In the autumn of "L5M a ne+ chaplain arrived at the 4utch Em*assy# %e +as a avoyard %u$uenot *y *irth. called Antoine 'e$er. +ho had *een educated at Geneva and +as in touch +ith the leadin$ Calvinists there# %e soon +as an intimate friend of the Patriarch1s. encoura$in$ him in his theolo$ical vie+s and eventually persuadin$ him to come into the open a*out them# The printin$-press at Constantinople mi$ht *e destroyed, *ut 'e$er arran$ed that Genevan presses +ould print and pu*lish any +ork that Cyril mi$ht +ish to su*mit to them#G"F The first *ook that Cyril commissioned +as a translation of the 0e+ Testament into modern Greek. made *y a learned monk. &a(imus Callipolites# To many of the )rthodo( the idea of tamperin$ +ith %oly Writ +as outra$eous. ho+ever o*scure the te(t mi$ht *e to modern readers# To appease them Cyril had the ori$inal and modern versions printed in parallel columns. and only added a fe+ uncontroversial notes and references# As Callipolites died soon after deliverin$ the manuscript. Cyril himself read the proofs# The *ook appeared in "LFJ# In spite of Cyril1s precautions it roused a storm of disapproval from many of his *ishops#G"G The *ishops +ere all the more alarmed as it +as kno+n *y then that the Patriarch himself had +ritten a hi$hly controversial *ook# Cyril 'ucaris1s Confession of Faith +as pu*lished in 'atin at Geneva in &arch "L5I. +ith a dedication to van %aa$# A manuscript of the Greek te(t +ritten in Cyril1s o+n hand and dated "LF" is preserved at Geneva# This te(t +as pu*lished alon$ +ith the 'atin translation at Geneva later that year and +as reissued in "LFF# It contained an appendi( a*sent in the first 'atin edition# Translations into various European lan$ua$es follo+ed, indeed an En$lish version. +ithout the appendi(. had *een pu*lished in 'ondon. *y 0icolas Bourne. in "L5I# The full En$lish translation +as only pu*lished in "LH". in A*erdeen. the translator *ein$ William !ait#G"K The )rthodo( Church has never cared for compendia of doctrine# The De Fide Ortho' doxa of 9ohn of 4amascus has said all that need *e said. thou$h later Councils may have had to elucidate o*scure or de*ated points# But various Patriarchs had from time to time issued *rief statements on doctrine. usually for some practical purpose# Gennadius himself had prepared one at the request of ultan &ehmet the Conqueror, and 9eremias II1s ans+er to the 'utherans +as of the same nature# These statements +ere purely individual# G"L They commanded respect from the presti$e of the Patriarchal office and from the personal reputation of the +riter# But they could
G"5

'# Pastor. istory of the -opes from the close of the %iddle Ages . ((i(. pp# 5FF-H, %ofmann. 2riechische -atri' archen# Orientalia Christiana# (v. K5. pp# 5" ff# 4e Cesi returned as Am*assador in "LFG and remained there till "LGJ# G"F mith. Collectanea. pp# G5-F# The correspondence concernin$ 'e$er1s appointment and arrival in Constantinople is $iven in 'e$rand. op# cit# iv. pp# FK5-M5# There is reason to suppose that Cyril tried to arran$e throu$h Critopoulos to have *ooks printed in Nenice. *ut Critopoulos1s tactless handlin$ of the affair caused it to fail# ee *elo+. p# 5IK# G"G 3or Cyril1s 0e+ Testament see 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ue au lNe siecle. ". pp# "JG-M# G"K 3or the various editions and translations of the Confession see 'e$rand. op# tit# ". pp# 5FH-G5. F"K-5". FHL-MJ# G"L 3or Gennadius1s and 9eremias II1s statements of doctrine see a*ove. pp# "MF.5GI-KG#

not *e *indin$ on the Church unless they +ere endorsed *y a General Council# Their purpose +as to serve as $uidance. not to enunciate do$mas# Cyril clearly issued his Confession in the hope of stren$thenin$ his flock a$ainst !omani2in$ tendencies. of layin$ the foundation of a reformed and up-to-date )rthodo( Church. and of providin$ a *asis for ne$otiations +ith other Churches# Besides the appendi(. +hich contains four supplementary responses. the Confession consists of ei$hteen articles# The first. on the Trinity. declares that the %oly pirit proceeds from the 3ather throu$h the on# The second declares that the %oly criptures are inspired *y God and that their authority e(ceeds the authority of the Church# The third declares that God *efore the *e$innin$ of the +orld predestined his elect to $lory +ithout respect to their +orks. +hile others are re/ected. the condemnation havin$ as its remote cause the +ill of God and its immediate cause the /ustice of God# The fourth declares that God is the creator of everythin$ *ut not the author of evil, the fifth that God1s providence is inscruta*le and not to *e scrutini2ed, the si(th that ori$inal sin is universal, the seventh that 9esus Christ is God and man. the !edeemer and the /ud$e to come, the ei$hth that %e is sole mediator. hi$h priest and head of the Church# The ninth declares that /ustification *y faith in Christ is necessary for salvation# The tenth says that the 8niversal Church includes all +ho have died in the faith as +ell as the livin$ faithful and repeats that its only head is Christ, the eleventh that only those +ho are elected to eternal life are true mem*ers of the Church. the others are tares amidst the +heat# The t+elfth article declares that the Church can stray. mistakin$ the false for the true. *ut the li$ht of the %oly pirit +ill rescue us throu$h the la*ours of faithful ministers# The thirteenth maintains that man is /ustified *y faith alone, $ood +orks are insufficient for salvation *ut not to *e ne$lected as they testify to faith# The fourteenth article says that free +ill in the unre$enerate is dead and they cannot do $ood, the re$enerate do $ood +ith the assistance of $race# The fifteenth says that only t+o acraments +ere instituted *y Christ and handed do+n to us as the seals of God1s promises to us. *ut they cannot confer $race unless faith is present# The si(teenth declares *aptism to *e necessary for the remission of *oth ori$inal and actual sin# In the seventeenth Cyril declares his *elief in the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist *ut only in its administration. only operatin$ +hen faith is there, there is no material transu*stantiation. since the *ody of Christ is not that +hich is visi*le in the acrament *ut that +hich faith spiritually apprehends# The ei$hteenth article insists that there are only t+o conditions after death. heaven and hell, as a man is found at his death so is he /ud$ed, and after this life there is neither po+er nor opportunity to repent# Pur$atory is a mere fi$ment# Those /ustified in this life have no pains to suffer hereafter. *ut the repro*ate pass strai$ht to everlastin$ punishment# The supplementary responses say. first. that the criptures should *e read *y every one of the faithful and it is a real in/ury to a Christian to deprive him of the chance of readin$ them or of havin$ them read to him, secondly. that the criptures are clearly intelli$i*le to all +ho are re$enerate and illumined, thirdly. that the canonical *ooks are those listed at the Council of 'aodicea, and. fourthly. that the cult of ima$es is condemned in the criptures and is to *e detested: *ut. as paintin$ is a no*le art. pictures of Christ and the saints may *e made. so lon$ as no form of +orship is paid to them#G"H It should *e noted that the Confession contains no doctrine specifically denied *y any of the )ecumenical Councils. +ith the e(ception of the !esponse on ima$es. +hich +ould *e hard to reconcile +ith the rulin$s of the eventh )ecumenical Council# 0evertheless. as anyone could see. it contained statements that scarcely fitted into the )rthodo( tradition# %o+ever much the Greeks of the time mi$ht have +elcomed $uidance to preserve them from the +iles of !ome. Cyril1s declared vie+s could not fail to $ive many of them a shock#
G"H

A useful summary of the 'atin te(t of the Confession. to$ether +ith the supplementary responses. is reproduced in &# 9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium. I. pp# KJL-H#

&any of the articles +ere une(ceptiona*le# The )rthodo( could admit +ithout ar$ument the first. on the procession of the %oly Ghost, the fourth on the Creation, the fifth. on the inscruta*ility of God1s providence, the si(th. on ori$inal sin, the seventh and ei$hth. on Christ as the head of the Church and redeemer, the tenth. on the nature of the Church, the t+elfth. that it mi$ht err +ithout the help of the %oly pirit, and the si(teenth. on the necessity for *aptism# )f the !esponses. those concernin$ the readin$ of the criptures and the list of canonical *ooks +ere perfectly accepta*le# )thers of Cyril1s vie+s reflected those held *y )rthodo( theolo$ians in the past and never specifically a*andoned# Till the thirteenth century the t+o acraments of *aptism and the eucharist had *een $enerally considered as the essential acraments. the other five rankin$ *elo+ them#G"M But )rthodo( *elief had al+ays *een that these five +ere implicitly ordered in the recorded +ords of Christ. even if their ritual had no spiritual foundation# Indeed. it +ould *e difficult to /ustify a *elief in the apostolic succession of the priesthood if ordination had no sacramental element, and that +as a *elief held firmly *y the )rthodo(# We do not kno+ +hat Cyril thou$ht a*out it# A$ain. many of the )rthodo( +ould not *e happy to have transu*stantiation flatly denied# The Church had never yet defined its *elief on the doctrine# Thomas mith. in his account of the Greek Church +ritten a fe+ decades later. *elieved that the +ord XBY[]AW@AWC. +hich e(actly means 6transu*stantiation1. +as first used *y Ga*riel everus late in the si(teenth century in his *ook on the even &ysteries# This is not quite accurate# The +ord had often *een used *efore, *ut everus seems to have *een the first Greek theolo$ian to take the doctrine for $ranted# As mith points out. in the 'itur$y of aint Basil. the *read and +ine are said to *ecome 6anti-types1 of Christ1s *ody and *lood# 9eremias II. in his ans+er to the 'utherans. follo+s an older tradition in avoidin$ the +ord XBY[]AW@AWC# The +ords that he uses. us XBYU}[c< and XBYUd[W<AWC. and the +ord XBYUAY[WTBW@AWC. often used *y earlier theolo$ians. do not necessarily imply a material chan$e in the elements# %is statement +as. as +e have seen. deli*erately va$ue# The Church had hitherto preferred to re$ard the matter as a mystery on +hich no precise do$ma +as necessary or possi*le# Cyril1s a*solute denial of transu*stantiation +as therefore offensive to some of his fello+-)rthodo( and em*arrassin$ to others#G"I 0or +as his a*solute denial of Pur$atory universally accepta*le# ome Greek theolo$ians. his cousin &eletius Pe$as amon$st them. had opposed the doctrine, *ut the $eneral )rthodo( vie+ +as that mortal man could not claim to kno+ +hat plans God may have for the souls of the dead. as God has not chosen to $ive any revelation on the su*/ect# We cannot say +hether Pur$atory does or does not e(ist# Cyril1s vie+s on the transcendent authority of the criptures could *e approved *y all the )rthodo(, *ut it +as shockin$ to find no mention made of the )ecumenical Councils or of the 3athers of the Church# They too. thou$h of lesser authority. provided revelations $ranted *y the %oly pirit# 0or +as it proper to omit mention of the un+ritten Tradition of +hich the Church +as $uardian e(cept to hint that it +as falli*le#G5J These omissions. ho+ever. caused less disquiet amon$ the faithful than did the positive statements of the Confession# The !esponse on ima$es distressed almost every Greek# The +orship DcUYVBWUE of ima$es had indeed *een for*idden *y the 3athers of the eventh )ecumenical Council# But they had approved of reverence D\[]cBWUE *ein$ $iven to them, for the ima$e is the antitype of the ori$inal and acquires somethin$ of its holiness# Cyril seemed to disapprove even of reverence: to him icons +ere only permissi*le as a sort of pious decoration# In this he +as clearly $oin$ a$ainst the traditions of the Church# But serious theolo$ians +ere far more deeply +orried *y his unqualified advocacy of predestination and of /ustification *y faith# 0either doctrine had *een e(pressly for*idden *y the Church, *ut neither accorded +ith accepted tradition# There +ere t+o traditional vie+s on predestination# &ark Eu$enicus had
G"M G"I

3or the history of the )rthodo( doctrine a*out the acraments see Ware. The Orthodox Church. pp# 5M"-F# ee *elo+. pp# FJL-H# G5J 3or the )rthodo( vie+ on Pur$atory see Ware. The Orthodox Church. pp# 5KI-LJ#

maintained that God1s prescience +as a*solute *ut predestination relative, only $ood actions are predetermined as +ell as forekno+n *y God *ecause only they conform to %is +ill# In $eneral the Church preferred the rival. more deterministic doctrine of Geor$e cholarius Gennadius: +hich is. +ith sli$htly different terminolo$y. the doctrine of 9ohn of 4amascus# This holds that prescience precedes predestination# The initiative for $ood or evil comes from the created +ill# Predestination is controlled *y *ut does not control God1s kno+led$e and +isdom# This +as the vie+ *riefly summari2ed *y 9eremias II in his ans+er to the 'utherans# Cyril1s insistence on /ustification *y faith alone. +ithout +orks. +as equally unaccepta*le# %ere a$ain +e may assume that the attitude of the )rthodo( of the time +as reflected in 9eremias II1s pronouncement +hen the 'utherans raised it: namely that faith needs +orks and +orks need faith, either +ithout the other is dead# The )rthodo( Church never approved of Pela$ianism and it disliked the sort of arithmetic of merit that seemed to *e implied *y the !oman doctrines of indul$ences and Pur$atory# It could $o further alon$ the road to+ards /ustification *y faith than could the Catholics, *ut it could hardly accept the doctrine of /ustification *y faith alone#G5" o revolutionary +ere Cyril1s doctrines in )rthodo( eyes that to this day there have al+ays *een )rthodo( +ho refuse to *elieve that a Patriarch of Constantinople could have +ritten such a Confession# The +ork has *een denounced as a for$ery. attri*uted *y some to Antoine 'e$er. *y some to the divines at Geneva +ho printed it. *y some even to the 9esuits. +ho. they *elieve. must have put it for+ard in Cyril1s name to ruin his reputation# Why. they ar$ue. did it appear first in 'atinS And +hy +as it printed at GenevaS But Cyril himself claimed the authorship in a num*er of letters and in a stormy intervie+ +ith the 3rench Am*assador. the Comte de &archeville. late in "LF"#G55 %e pu*lished the *ook at Geneva *ecause the press at Constantinople had *een +recked, and a 'atin version +as needed as he +ished to inform the Churches of the West of his vie+s# %is letters corro*orate the doctrines pronounced in the Confession and even $o further# Writin$ to 'o$er and to his 4utch friends he made no secret of his admiration for Calvin and his doctrines#G5F Cyril did not consider himself revolutionary# %e may have kno+n that he +as $oin$ a$ainst accepted tradition, *ut. so lon$ as the tradition +as un+ritten. +ho could say e(actly +hat it +asS In a letter to his Polish friends he e(pressed surprise at *ein$ called heterodo(# %e +as an intellectual *y temperament. +ith a lo$ical mind and no sympathy +ith the apophatic attitude traditionally follo+ed *y )rthodo( theolo$ians# %is education had fortified his natural tastes# A student +ho had sat under the 0eo-Aristotelian professors at Padua +as unlikely to *e satisfied *y a ne$ative theolo$y#G5G It +as some time *efore many copies of the Confession could arrive in the East# In "LFJ the Patriarch Theophanes of 9erusalem +rote to assure the &etropolitan of ^iev that Cyril +as not a heretic# %e kne+ Cyril1s opinions. he said. and he considered them admira*le# Cyril1s attitude to icons +as perfectly reverent and his definition of predestination +as not dissident +ith the traditions of the Church# But Theophanes could not have yet seen the full te(t of the Confession#G5K The Catholics. foreseein$ the trou*le that the Confession +ould cause. did their *est to make its contents kno+n at Constantinople# Thomas mith. +ho derived his information from
G5" G55

ee a*ove. p# 5GI# 'etter from van %aa$. printed in mith. Collectanea# pp# H"-F# %ad/iantoniou. op# cit# pp# "J5-M. discusses at len$th the attitude taken *y contemporary and later Greek divines on the question of Cyril1s authorship of the Confession# G5F 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecte . IN. p# GKK# In a letter to 'e$er Cyril calls himself in quotation marks a 6Calvinist Patriarch.1 Aymon. op# cit# p# "J"# G5G Aymon. op# cit# p# "J5# G5K 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au JNe siecle. in. p# H"#

Ed+ard Pococke. declared that the opposition +as artificially +hipped up *y the 9esuits and Capuchins# The 4utch Am*assador +rote that 6 there is scarce one amon$ the &etropolitans. of +hich a $reat num*er are present at Constantinople. +ho +ould not venture his estate. life and person in defense of the said Patriarch and his Confession1# &onsieur van %aa$ +as over-optimistic# Within a fe+ months there +as a conspiracy a$ainst the Patriarch planned *y no less than five of his metropolitans. those of Adrianople. 'arissa. Chalcedon. Cy2icus and 0aupactos# It resulted in the elevation to the Patriarchate in )cto*er "LFF of Cyril Contari. &etropolitan of Berrhoea DAleppoE# But to secure his election Cyril Contari had promised KJ.JJJ dollars to the u*lime Porte. and he could not raise the money# After a fe+ days he $ave up the effort and +as e(iled to Tenedos# 3rom there he +rote an apolo$y to Cyril 'ucaris. +ho restored him to his see#G5L i( months later the dissident metropolitans. some of +hom *y no+ had read the Confession and +ere $enuinely distressed *y it. returned to the attack# But they sa+ that the only +ay to displace a Patriarch +ho had the *ackin$ of the Protestant Em*assies +as to appeal to the Catholic Em*assies# This meant that they must put for+ard a candidate# Athanasius Pattelaras. &etropolitan of Thessalonica. o+ed his see to Cyril 'ucaris. +ho had preferred him to Cyril Contari, *ut he felt no $ratitude# By offerin$ the ultan LJ.JJJ dollars and payin$ it in cash. most of the sum *ein$ provided *y the 3rench and Imperial Em*assies. he secured an order for Cyril1s deposition and his o+n elevation# The 4utch Am*assador then set to +ork and produced the sum of HJ.JJJ dollars. +hich restored Cyril to the throne# Athanasius fled to !ome. hopin$ to *e re+arded +ith a cardinal1s hat# But the Papal authorities summed him up as *ein$ unrelia*le and incompetent# They merely $ave him his fare *ack to Thessalonica#G5H Cyril Contari +as a tou$her adversary# It +as he that the Imperial Am*assador. climidch+ar2enhorn. persuaded the Catholics to support# chmid- ch+ar2enhorn did not personally like him# 6The Patriarch of Berrhoea1. as he al+ays called him. +as. so he +rote to the Emperor.1 a $ood and virtuous prelate. $ood to+ards the +icked and severe to+ards the $ood. $enerous +hen it is unnecessary and stin$y +hen he should *e $enerous#1 Contari +as shre+d enou$h not to commit himself openly to !ome *ut to rely on the opposition aroused *y Cyril I1s theolo$y# This +as $ro+in$, and it ena*led Contari to persuade the %oly ynod to depose Cyril I in &arch. "LFK# After payin$ the Porte KJ.JJJ dollars. raised +ith chmid- ch+ar2enhorn1s help. Contari *ecame Patriarch for the second time as Cyril II# ome of his supporters su$$ested that Cyril 'ucaris should *e quietly murdered, *ut chmid- ch+ar2enhorn. +ho did not +ish his em*assy to *e suspected of encoura$in$ murder. had a *etter idea# The Grand Ni2ier a$reed to *anish Cyril I to !hodes# chmid- ch+ar2enhorn offered to supply a *oat for the purpose and arran$ed that this *oat +ould sail instead to Italy and deposit Cyril at !ome. to *e dealt +ith *y the Inquisition# But the hire of the *oat involved a sum of MJJ dollars. and KJJ dollars +ere needed to *ri*e the cre+# Cyril II. +hen asked to produce the money. said that they must find a cheaper *oat# &ean+hile the 4utch Am*assador heard of the plot# %e sent post-haste to +arn the Governor of !hodes. and himself *ri*ed the captain of the *oat +hich Contari finally hired. to put in at Chios# There the Governor of !hodes +as +aitin$ and himself escorted the e(-Patriarch to his island. +hile the *oat +as sent *ack in i$nominy to Constantinople# Cyril 'ucaris spent fifteen months in !hodes# In &arch "LFL Cyril II held a Council at Constantinople +hich anathemati2ed Cyril I as a heretic# But the %oly ynod +as soon suspiG5L

mith. Collectanea. pp# KL-H, %ottin$er. op# cit# pp# KKM-I, Philip of Cyprus. edition to Chronicon. pp# GK"-F, Allatius. op# cit# m. p# "JHH, %ofmann. 2riechische -atriarchen# Orientalia Christiana. (v. K5. pp# FFM#O G5H mith. Collectanea. pp# KH-M, %ottin$er. op# cit# p# KKI, Philip of Cyprus. he# cit#, &# 'e fuien. Oriens Chris' tianus# ". p# FFG# mith says that Pattelaras1s Christian name +as Anastasius D Account of the 2ree, Church . p# 5MG. n# "E. and that %ottin$er +ron$ly calls him Athanasius# But other sources a$ree +ith %ottin$er#

cious of Cyril II1s connections +ith !ome# In 9une "LFL it met to depose him, and he in his turn +ent to !hodes. his ship *ein$ ordered to *rin$ *ack Cyril I# &ean+hile 0eophytus. &etropolitan of %eraclea. +as elected Patriarch# %e +as a loyal friend of Cyril I and took on the office temporarily in order to arran$e for the cancellation of the anathema# By &arch ne(t year Cyril 'ucaris +as a$ain Patriarch#G5M %e +as. ho+ever. no lon$er so influential# %is vie+s +ere too +ell kno+n# &any of the )rthodo( +ho supported him a$ainst !ome +ere distressed *y them# %e could no lon$er count on the support of the En$lish Em*assy# ir Peter Wych had left Constantinople in "LFF or "LFG, and his successor. ir ackville Cro+e. kept clear of the controversy# &onsieur van %aa$ +as plannin$ his retirement# Antoine 'e$er had left Constantinople. and his amia*le successor. artoris. died soon after his arrival#G5I &ean+hile chmid- ch+ar2enhorn redou*led his efforts to destroy him. partly for the Catholic cause. partly to +eaken 4utch influence. and partly to sho+ that the Imperial Am*assador +as more competent that the 3rench had *een# A /udicious *ri*e recalled Cyril Contari from !hodes# Then in &ay "LFM ultan &urad IN declared +ar on Persia, and the Grand Ni2ier. Bairam Pasha. preceded him to prepare his +ay across Anatolia# )ne of Cyril Contari1s chaplains. called 'amerno. hurried to his camp and persuaded him. +ith the help of a lar$e *ri*e provided *y chmid- ch+ar2enhorn. to accuse Cyril 'ucaris *efore the ultan of treason# The Ni2ier chose his time +ell# The 4on Cossacks. insti$ated *y the Persians. had attacked )ttoman territory on the ea of A2ov# When he met the ultan the Ni2ier assured him that Cyril 'ucaris had plotted this# &urad. +ho may +ell have considered Cyril a tiresome cause of trou*le. let himself *e convinced# A messa$e +as sent to the Governor of Constantinople. +ho on 5J 9une "LFM arrested Cyril and imprisoned him in a castle on the Bosphorus# 3ive days later he +as told that he +as to *e deported# %e +as put on a small *oat. and +hen the *oat reached the ea of &armora the soldiers on *oard stran$led him and *uried his *ody on the foreshore# 0e(t day. accordin$ to their custom. they sold the mea$re possessions that he had +ith him# omeone reco$ni2ed his pectoral cross, and his fate *ecame kno+n# An$ry cro+ds of Greeks massed outside of Cyril Contari1s door. cryin$: 6Pilate. $ive us the *ody#1 To prevent a riot the Governor told the soldiers to e(hume the *ody# They did so. *ut flun$ it into the sea# There some Greek fishermen found it and recovered it# It +as *uried in the little monastery of aint Andre+ on an island off the Asiatic coast#GFJ )n the ultan1s orders Cyril Contari returned to the Patriarchal throne# In eptem*er "LFM he held a Council. attended *y the Patriarchs of Ale(andria. Cyril1s former pupil Critopoulos. and of 9erusalem. his old friend Theophanes. at +hich Cyril and his theolo$y +ere a$ain anathemati2ed# But in 4ecem*er of that year Cyril II si$ned a paper $ivin$ his alle$iance to Pope 8r*an NIII# When ne+s of this leaked out. *oth the %oly ynod and the ultan +ere furious# Cyril II +as deposed in 9une "LFI. *randed in his turn as a heretic and e(iled to 0orth Africa. +here he died# A moderate cleric. Parthenius I. +as elevated in his place# But Parthenius rashly allo+ed Cyril 'ucaris1s friend. Theophilus Corydalleus. to preach a sermon at his inau$uration, and Corydalleus pronounced a eulo$y of Cyril I and his +orks# This loyalty revived *itterness at a moment +hen the )rthodo( +orld lon$ed for the controversy to cease# In reply to Corydalleus
G5M

mith. Collectanea. pp# KM-I, Philip of Cyprus. op# cit# p# GKG, %ottin$er. op# cit# PP- KKI-Lo, A# Papadopoulos-^erameus. Analecta. iv. pp# IM-I, 'e fuien. loc# cit#, 'e$rand. op# cit# rv. p# GKJ# 3or chmid- ch+ar2enhorn1s letters. E# de %urmu2aki. Documente -ri&atore la +storia !otnanilor. iv. r. pp# LFI ff# G5I 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iv. pp# GKM-I. GL". GIM# GFJ The main account of Cyril1s death is $iven in a letter +ritten *y 0athaniel Conopius to 'e$er. pu*lished in 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle . iv. pp# K"G-"L# %ottin$er Dop# cit# pp# KLG-LE copies it. and mith DCollectanea. pp# KI-L5E uses it. addin$ a fe+ details derived from Ed+ard Pococke. +hose account. +ritten for Arch*ishop 'aud. +as printed *y Pococke in the supplement Dp# FFE to his istoria Dynastiarum# It $ives the date of Cyril1s death as 9anuary. not 9une. +hich. so Pococke assured mith. +as a printer1s error# Cyril1s death is also descri*ed *y Allatius. op# cit# m. p# "JHH. and *y chmid- ch+ar2enhorn Dde %urmu2aki. op# cit# rv. ". pp# LFI-G"E#

the Cretan &eletius yri$os +as allo+ed a fe+ months later to preach a sermon in +hich Cyril1s Calvinistical doctrines +ere condemned. thou$h Cyril himself +as *arely mentioned# yri$os +as also encoura$ed to +rite a tract repeatin$ the condemnation# It appeared in "LGJ, *ut to many of the )rthodo( it appeared to $o too far in the other direction# Indeed. apart from its re/ection of the dual procession of the %oly Ghost. it mi$ht have *een +ritten *y a !oman divine# The quarrels continued# In "LG" the Prince of &oldavia. Basil 'upul. a tou$h Al*anian *usinessman +ho +as tryin$ to restore order to the Patriarchal finances. +rote *eseechin$ the *ishops to cease from their strife# In &ay "LG5 Parthenius held a Council at +hich Cyril1s Confession +as e(amined clause *y clause and several of its articles +ere condemned# To silence Cyril1s supporters Parthenius produced the document supplied *y the 9esuit car$a in +hich Cyril +as supposed to have sho+n sympathy for !ome# u*sequent Councils repeated this condemnation# The most remarka*le of seventeenth-century theolo$ians remains *randed as havin$ promul$ated heresy# GF" %is disciples +ere scattered# Corydalleus seems to have made an apolo$y for his sermon and +as appointed to the *ishopric and metropolitan see of 0aupactos and Arta, *ut he +as soon deposed and retired into private life# %is pupil 0athaniel Conopius retired hurriedly to En$land# &eletius Panto$alos. +hom Cyril had appointed &etropolitan of Ephesus. +as deposed *y Parthenius I and fled from Constantinople rather than si$n a document condemnin$ his friend# %e had *een closely acquainted +ith van %aa$ and +ith Antoine 'e$er, so he retired to %olland. to study at the 8niversity of 'eyden# %e +as +ell liked there. especially after he had si$ned a confession endorsin$ Cyril1s# In "LGK he planned to return to Constantinople. armed +ith letters of recommendation from the 4utch tates-General, *ut he died on the /ourney# %e had *een /oined at 'eyden *y a Cephallonian. %ierotheus. A**ot of isia. a friend of 0icodemus &eta(as. +ho had *een appointed to the see of Cephallonia after the destruction of his printin$-press# %ierotheus never met Cyril. *ut seems to have made friends +ith van %aa$ durin$ a visit to Con stantinople after Cyril1s death# In "LGF he +ent to Nenice. vainly tryin$ to raise money to repair his monastery. devastated *y an earthquake# 3rom Nenice he decided to $o on to %olland. +here he remained till "LK". apart from a visit to En$land# In %olland he translated into Greek a num*er of Calvinist theolo$ical +orks. +ith +hich he +as in complete a$reement# After+ards he spent some years in Geneva. and returned to Cephallonia. to his monastery. in "LKM. dyin$ some time *efore "LLG# %e seems to have suffered from no persecution for his vie+s, *ut his +ritin$s seem not to have circulated at all in the East#GF5 Cyril 'ucaris failed# %e had involved his Church in a controversy +hich +as to push it into issuin$ statements of doctrine different from *ut almost as controversial as his o+n# %is +as the only attempt to *rin$ the )rthodo( Church into line +ith the livelier Churches of the West# 'utheran evan$elism had little appeal to the Greek temperament, and An$licanism had nothin$ important to offer# 'utheran and An$lican overtures met +ith only a small response# But the hard. lo$ical intellectualism of Calvinism attracted the realistic and cere*ral side of the Greek character# %ad Cyril achieved his o*/ects the intellectual level of the )rthodo( Church mi$ht have *een immeasura*ly raised and much of its later o*scurantism checked# But the Greek character has its other side. its taste for the &ysteries# The Greek is a mystic as +ell as an intellectual, and the )rthodo( Church derived much of its stren$th from its old mystical tradition# Its po+er of survival throu$h +orldly disasters lay lar$ely in its acceptance of the transcendental mystery of the divine# This Cyril never understood# To him and his follo+ers the apophatic apGF"

3or Cyril II1s and Parthenius I1s Councils. see 9# 4# &ansi. Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio. (((iv. pp# "HJI-5J# Cyril II1s death is descri*ed in a letter *y chmid- ch+ar2enhorn in de %urmu2aki. op# tit# iv. i. p# LMI# GF5 3or Panto$alos and %ierotheos see the account $iven in ^# !o2emond. Archimandrite ierotheos A$$atios# 3or Conopius1s su*sequent career see *elo+. pp# 5IK-L# Panto$alos1s confession +as used *y Claude in his ans+er to Arnauld Dsee *elo+. p# FJHE# It +as poorly printed. +ith unfavoura*le comments. *y the Catholic priest !ichard imon in his istoire criti.ue de la creance et les coutumes des nations du Le&ant Dpp# 5"K-"LE#

proach led merely to i$norance and sta$nation# %e could not appreciate the sustainin$ force of tradition# The lo$ic of Geneva +as no *etter ans+er to the pro*lems of the )rthodo( than +as the disciplined le$alism of !ome#

The An&lican Experiment$ Thou$h the doctrines of Witten*er$ or Geneva mi$ht *e unaccepta*le to the )rthodo(. there +as one Church in the West +ith +hich they seemed to have much in common# The Church of En$land re/ected !oman supremacy *ut retained a hierarchy +ith an apostolic succession# It *elieved in the charismatic equality of *ishops# It follo+ed a ritual that em*odied much that +as traditional and kno+n to the East# Its attitude to the laity. to +hom it allo+ed communion in *oth kinds and a share in the councils of the Church. +as akin to Eastern tradition. as +as its readiness to re$ard the monarch as the head of the Christian community# It +as. moreover. almost as shy of makin$ definitive pronouncements on articles of faith as +ere the most apophatic theolo$ians. thou$h its motives therein +ere different# 0everthless nearly a century passed after the En$lish !eformation *efore the t+o Churches made any contact# 3e+ Greeks had ever penetrated to En$land. other than mercenaries. 6estradiots1. as they +ere called. such as 0icander 0ucius of Corfu. men +ho tended to *e disorderly and thievish#GFF T+o distin$uished refu$ee scholars from Constantinople. 9ohn Ar$yropoulos and Andronicus Callistus. visited the country in the later fifteenth century *ut disliked the climate and soon left# William of Waynflete1s secretary. Emmanuel of Constantinople. arrived earlier and remained. and helped his employer to draft the statutes for Eton# GFG 3e+ En$lishmen penetrated into Greek lands. apart from pil$rims to Palestine passin$ throu$h Cyprus# William Wey included in his pil$rims1 hand*ook a fe+ Greek phrases for such travellers. thou$h he recommended them not to stay lon$ in that insalu*rious island# GFK 9ohn 'ocke. +hen on a /ourney to 9erusalem in "KKF. took the trou*le to attend a Greek church-service in Cyprus, *ut he found it unintelli$i*le# %e remarked ho+ever that Greek monks +ere o*viously chaste and austere. as he never sa+ one +ho +as fat#GFL T+o of the scholars of the En$lish !enaissance +ent to study Greek from Greeks. William Grocyn. +ho sat under 4emetrius Chalcondylas at 3lorence. and William 'ily. +ho +ent to !hodes and lived +ith a Greek family there# The leadin$ En$lish !eformers. such as Thomas Cranmer. +ere conversant +ith ancient Greek. as +as fueen Eli2a*eth herself# They studied the early Greek 3athers#GFH But of contemporary Greeks they kne+ little# As late as "L"G Ed+ard Brere+ood1s hu$e inquiry into the principal lan$ua$es and reli$ions of the +orld is dependent on second-hand sources in its account of the Greek Church. +hich is muddled and not very accurate. thou$h not hostile# GFM !o*ert Burton. in his Anatomy of %elancholy. pu*lished seven years later. accuses the Greeks. on similarly insufficient evidence. of havin$ added so many superstitions to the True 3aith that1 they *e rather semi-Christians than other+ise1#GFI
GFF

ee The Second (oo, of 0icander 0ucius Ded# 9# %# CramerE. Camden ociety. (vn D"MG"E# It $ives a lively if inaccurate account of En$land in the later years of %enry NIII1s rei$n# 0icander took service under a famous estradiot. Thomas of Ar$os# GFG 3or Greek scholars and studies in !enaissance En$land see !# Weiss. umanism in England during the Fifteenth Century# pp# "GF-M# GFK William Wey. The +tineraries of *illiam *ey D!o(*ur$h Clu* editionE. pp# "J5-"K for Greek voca*ulary# )f Cyprus he complains Dpp# G-KE that the 6eyre ys so corupte ther a*o+te1# GFL 9ohn 'ocke. 1oyage to "erusalem. in %akluyt. 1oyages DGlas$o+ editionE. v. pp# MG. IL# GFH ee 9# %# 'upton. Life of "ohn Colet. pp# GL-H. "HJ-"# Cranmer1s interest in the old Greek litur$ies led him to introduce a form of the Epiklesis into his first D"KGIE prayer-*ook# It should *e noticed that %enry avile says in the commentary of his $reat edition of Chrysostom1s Opera Omnia that he +as inde*ted to the colla*oration of Greek scholars at Nenice such as &ar$unius and G# everus# ee 4# 9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . p# "HL# GFM Ed+ard Brere+ood. En.uiries of Languages $y Ed/. (rere/ood# lately -rofessor of Astronomy at 2resham Col' lege# in -urchas is -ilgrimes DGlas$o+ editionE. I. pp# FGM-KH# 'ater in the volume Dpp# G55-GIE. Purchas translates Christopher An$elos1s Encheiridion. for +hich see *elo+. p# 5IG# GFI !# Burton. The Anatomy of %elancholy DEveryman EditionE. I. p# HJ#

Brere+ood and Burton should have kno+n *etter, for *y that date fuller information +as availa*le# En$lish Philhellenism. ho+ever. o+es its real ori$in to the interests of commerce# En$lish trade +ith the )ttoman dominions +as rapidly $ro+in$ throu$hout the si(teenth century# In "KHI William %ar*orne. representin$ his queen. o*tained from ultan &urad III letters promisin$ special protection for En$lish merchants# This +as confirmed in a charter the follo+in$ year# In "KM" fueen Eli2a*eth licensed the Turkey Company. +hich chan$ed its name to the 'evant Company in "KIJ. on the rene+al of its charter# In "KMF %ar*orne returned to Constantinople as a fully accredited am*assador to the u*lime Porte#GGJ The merchants of the 'evant Company found themselves dealin$ almost entirely +ith Greeks# Greeks $re+ the currants and made the s+eet +ines that they *ou$ht and provided them +ith the other commodities that they desired. $ems and dru$s and spices. carpets and damasks# They found the Greeks to *e enterprisin$ and relia*le *usinessmen# En$lishmen +ho *e$an to settle in the 'evant to further their trade moved freely in Greek circles, and *y the *e$innin$ of the seventeenth century there +as a small *ut increasin$ Greek colony in 'ondon# A mutual sympathy $re+ up# ir Anthony herley. +ho visited the East in "KII. *elieved that it +ould *e *oth ri$ht and feasi*le to rescue the Greeks from their servitude, and his *rother. ir Thomas. +ho +as in Constantinople from "LJF to "LJH. had. so he +rote. many discussions 6+ith +ise and +ealthy Greeks that do +ish for this help +ith tears1#GG" The merchants +ere not particularly interested in the Greek Church# But their increasin$ num*ers and the esta*lishment of a permanent em*assy at Constantinople and consulates at myrna and Aleppo made it seem desira*le to appoint chaplains of the Church of En$land at each of these centers# The appointments +ere made *y the 'evant Company. +ith the approval of the am*assador# These chaplains could not fail to *e interested in the forms of Christianity that they sa+ around them, +hile many of the am*assadors had theolo$ical tastes# William Biddulph. the first of these chaplains. +as *riefly in Constantinople in "KII and did not care much for the Greeks# %e remained only *riefly, GG5 *ut from "L"" there +as a re$ular sequence of chaplains. *e$innin$ +ith a 3ello+ of Trinity Colle$e. Cam*rid$e. William 3oord. +ho arrived in company +ith a ne+ am*assador. ir Peter Pindar# )f him and of his immediate successors. most of +hom came from )(ford. +e kno+ little# Indeed the En$lish chaplain from "L5H to "LFM. that is to say. durin$ the critical years of Cyril 'ucaris1s career. +as a certain &r# %unt. of +hom nothin$ is kno+n e(cept his surname# 4ou*tless he kept in the *ack$round *ecause of the direct interest taken in the Patriarchate *y his t+o successive am*assadors. ir Thomas !oe and ir Peter Wych# The ne(t chaplain from Trinity Colle$e. Cam*rid$e. William Goto*ed. +ho +as transferred from myrna in "LG5. is kno+n only *ecause he helped to *rin$ a*out the removal of an unpopular am*assador. ir ackville Cro+e# 3ar more distin$uished +as a chaplain +ho resided at Aleppo from "LFJ to "LFM. Ed+ard Pococke. +ho often visited Constantinople and +as there. on his +ay home. +hen Cyril 'ucaris +as martyred# %e +rote a movin$ account of the Patriarch1s fate for Arch*ishop 'aud# %e used his time in Aleppo to perfect his kno+led$e of Ara*ic and later *ecame the first and perhaps the $reatest of En$lish )rientalists#GGF 'ater in the century t+o distin$uished theolo$ians served at Constantinople. Thomas mith D"LLM-HJE and 9ohn Covel D"LHJ-HLE# mith. a 3ello+ of &a$dalen. )(ford. +rote on his return a +ell-informed. frank *ut fairly sympathetic account of the Greek and Armenian
GGJ GG"

A# C# Wood. A istory of the Le&ant Company. pp# M-5L# ir Anthony herley. is !elation of his Tra&els D"L"FE. pp# L-H, ir Thomas herley. Discours of the Tur,es Ded# E# 4enison !ossE. Camden %iscellany. (vi DtIFLE. p# I# GG5 3or Biddulph and his chaplaincy see The Tra&els of Certaine Englishmen. compiled *y Theophilus 'avender D"LJIE from letters +ritten *y Biddulph# GGF 9# B# Pearson. A (iographical S,etch of the Chaplains to the Le&ant Company maintained at Constantinople . Aleppo and myrna. pp# "5-5H# Pearson does not mention Biddulph *ut *e$ins his list +ith 3oord#

Churches. and pu*lished as +ell a collection of documents on Cyril 'ucaris# %e later *ecame one of the non-/uror cler$y# GGG Covel. 3ello+ and later &aster of Christ1s. Cam*rid$e. +as less attractive# While chaplain he amassed a lar$e fortune in the silk trade# %e disliked the Greeks# 6The Greeks are Greeks still1. he +rote# 63or falseness and treachery they still deserve Iphi$eneia1s character of them in Euripides: Trust them and hang them #1 %e too +rote a *ook later on a*out the Greek Church. +ith less sympathy than mith. thou$h he considered himself to *e the chief En$lish authority on the su*/ect and e(pected to *e consulted +henever Greek prelates visited En$land#GGK uch +orks informed En$land a*out the Greek Church, and the presence of the chaplains in the 'evant informed the Greeks a*out the En$lish Church# oon Greek theolo$ians *e$an to +ant to visit En$land# The first to come arrived half *y accident# Early in the seventeenth century a Peloponnesian youth called Christopher An$elos +ent to study at the ne+ly founded academy at Athens# %e had not *een there lon$ *efore the Turkish $overnor ar*itrarily e(pelled him as a panish spy# %e fled to the West. armed +ith letters of recommendation from t+o Peloponnesian *ishops. and found his +ay throu$h Nenice to Germany. +here someone su$$ested to him that he mi$ht $o to En$land. *ecause there. he +as told. 6 I mi$ht find +ise men. +ith +hom I mi$ht keep my reli$ion. and not lose my learnin$, they told me. in En$land you may have *oth. for the En$lish men love the Grecians and their learnin$#1 %e landed at Rarmouth in "LJM and presented his episcopal letters to the Bishop of 0or+ich. +ho sent him to Trinity Colle$e. Cam*rid$e# To quote him a$ain. 6The 4octors of Cam*rid$e received me kindly. and frankly: I spent there almost one +hole year. as the testimony of Cam*rid$e can +itness# Then I fell sick. that I could scarce *reathe: and the Physicians and 4octors counselled me to $o to )(ford. *ecause Dsaid theyE the air of )(ford is far *etter than that of Cam*rid$e#1 %e settled at )(ford. at Balliol. in "L"J and remained there till his death in "LFM# %e +as not a $reat scholar. *ut +ell liked# Anthony a# Wood. the )(ford historian. calls him a 6pure Grecian and an honest and harmless man1# %e pu*lished in En$lish an auto*io$raphical essay called Christopher Angell# a 2recian /ho tasted of many Stripes inflicted $y the Turh.es for the Faith . and a tract fulsomely praisin$ the En$lish universities. and in Greek and 'atin a short Encheiridion. a hand*ook $ivin$ a simple and in$enuous account of the or$ani2ation and ceremonies of the Greek Church#GGL We do not kno+ +hether Arch*ishop A**ot. himself a Balliol man. +as inspired *y this amia*le Grecian or *y one of the 'evantine chaplains or *y mutual friends in %olland +hen he +rote in "L"H to Cyril 'ucaris and invited him to send four youn$ Greeks to study theolo$y in En$land# In return Cyril sent a youn$ &acedonian. &etrophanes Critopoulos. +hom he had met on &ount Athos in "L"F and +hose intelli$ence had impressed him# Critopoulos arrived in En$land in a*out "L5" and +as sent to )(ford. to Balliol# %e did +ell at first, *ut *y "L5K A**ot +as +ritin$ to ir Thomas !oe to complain of the youn$ man# %e +as quarrelsome, he ran up de*ts +hich the Arch*ishop had to settle, he +as an intri$uer. tryin$ to push his +ay into !oyal circles *y makin$ friends +ith the Arch*ishop1s enemies# 3inally. +hen the time came for him to
GGG

Thomas mith. An Account of the 2ree, Church Dpu*lished in "LMJE# It had already *een pu*lished in 'atin in "LHL# %is Collectanea de Cyrillo Lucario +as pu*lished in "HJH. thou$h the material had clearly *een collected many years previously. and his life of Cyril forms an appendi( to the Account. GGK E(tracts from Covel1s diary. kept +hen he +as chaplain. +ere pu*lished *y 9# T# Bent D%akluyt ociety. "st seriesE. l(((vii D"MIFE# ee especially p# "FF# Covel1s Some Account of the -resent 2ree, Church +as pu*lished in "H55# ee *elo+. p# F"I# GGL 3or Christopher An$elos see E# 'e$rand. (i$liographie ellHni.ueG description raisonnHe des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des 2recs au lNe siecle# m. pp# 5JM-I, Anthony a Wood. Athenae Oxonienses Ded# P# BlissE. n. p# LFF, T# pencer. Fair 2reece# Sad !elic. pp# I"-F: and his o+n +orks. Christopher Angell. A 2recian### . pu*lished at )(ford in Greek in "L"H and in En$lish in "L"M: An Encomium of the famous 3ingdom of 2reat (ritain# and of the t/o flourishing Sister Ini&ersities Cam$ridge and Oxford . pu*lished in parallel Greek and En$lish versions at Cam*rid$e in "L"I: and Encheiridion. in Greek and 'atin at Cam*rid$e the same year#

return to the East. the Arch*ishop havin$ undertaken to pay his fare. he refused to travel cheaply on a 'evant Company *oat *ut insisted on $oin$ throu$h Germany. as he had *een invited to lecture there# %e +as clearly a $ood lecturer and had some success there and in +it2erland, *ut +hen stayin$ in Nenice he offended the authorities *y tryin$ to *ro+*eat a pu*lisher into pu*lishin$ some very controversial +orks of his o+n# %e +as *ack in Constantinople in "LF"# In "LFF Cyril secured for him the metropolitan see of &emphis in E$ypt, and the follo+in$ year he *ecame Patriarch of Ale(andria# But $ratitude +as not his stron$est virtue. as Arch*ishop A**ot had discovered# %e turned a$ainst Cyril and +as one of the prelates to anathemati2e him# GGH Another of Cyril1s disciples +as more satisfactory# %is Protosyncellus. the Cretan 0athaniel Conopius. found it prudent to leave hastily for En$land# %e too studied at Balliol. +ith such distinction that +hen he o*tained his de$ree Arch*ishop 'aud had him appointed a minor canon of Christ Church# %e +as an inconsistent theolo$ian# When visitin$ %olland he announced his intention of translatin$ Calvin1s +nstitutes into Greek. perhaps as a $esture to please his 4utch hosts. or perhaps as a tri*ute to Cyril1s memory# But in "LGH the Puritans e(pelled him from )(ford *ecause of his 'audian connections. or perhaps for his fondness for sin$in$ the Akathistos hymn on all occasions# %e seems never to have pu*lished anythin$. *ut he had another claim to fame# To quote Anthony a Wood: 6While he continued in Balliol Colle$e he made the drink for his o+n use called coffee. and usually drank it every mornin$. *ein$ the first. so the ancients of that house have informed me. that +as ever drunk in )(on#1 A fello+-student at Balliol. 9ohn Evelyn. remem*ered him +ell# 6 %e +as the first I ever sa+ drink coffee.1 he +rote. 6+hich custom came not into En$land till some thirty years after#1 Conopius ended his days drinkin$ coffee as Arch*ishop of myrna#GGM 0icodemus &eta(as. the printer. never +ent to a university# %e had *een sent to En$land *y his uncle. the Bishop of Cephallonia. *ut lived amon$st his *rother1s mercantile circles in 'ondon#GGI These students did not venture to pronounce upon the theolo$y of their Church. a*out +hich there +as some confusion in En$lish minds# ir Thomas !oe had +ritten openly to Arch*ishop A**ot a*out Cyril 'ucaris1s Calvinistic vie+s# But Ed+ard Pococke. +ritin$ to Arch*ishop 'aud. skimmed over his theolo$y. stressin$ merely that he +as a martyr to !omish intri$ue# The ensuin$ theolo$ical de*ates at Constantinople +ere not reported in En$land# The ne(t Greek priest to study at )(ford. 9eremias Germanus. +ho +as there in "LLM-I. had no +ish to offend his hosts and tactfully a$reed +ith them on questions on theolo$y, GKJ nor +ere definite doctrinal opinions pronounced *y a far more distin$uished prelate. 9oseph Geor$irenes. Arch*ishop of amos# Geor$irenes /ourneyed to En$land in "LHL in order to have a litur$ical +ork for his flock printed there# In fact the +ork +as never printed: Geor$irenes +as kept too *usy on another pro/ect# There +as *y no+ a considera*le Greek colony in 'ondon. mainly in the City. *ut spreadin$ into oho. +here Greek treet perpetuates its memory# &any of these Greeks +ere rich and +ell kno+n. such as Charles II1s personal doctor. Constantine !odokanaki. +ho had recently died after makin$ a fortune out of a patent medicine called pirit of alt# GK" These Greeks had a resident priest. 4aniel Nul$aris. *ut no church *uildin$# In "LHG Nul$aris. +ith t+o other
GGH

'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au JNe siecle . v. pp# "I5-5"M. $ivin$ also the te(t of A**ot1s and !oe1s correspondence a*out Critopoulos, a Wood. op# cit# n. p# MIK# GGM 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle . iv. pp# K"G-"K. v. pp# 5IG-M, a Wood. op# cit# rv. p# MJM, 9ohn Evelyn. Diary. "J &ay "LFI DEveryman editionE. I. p# "J# 3or Conopius1s activities in %olland see ^# !o2emond. Archimandrite ierotheos A$$atios# pp# F5. KH. L". LF-K# 3or his report on the murder of 'ucaris see a*ove. p# 5ML. n# "# GGI ee a*ove. p# 5H5# GKJ ee *elo+. p# FJM# GK" 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. n. pp# "GM. "MM-IF#

Greeks. appealed to the Privy Council for permission to erect a church in the City. apparently on condition that they *ecame En$lish su*/ects# Nul$aris +as naturali2ed the follo+in$ &arch# But no site had yet *een found# Geor$irenes made contact +ith a leadin$ *uilder-speculator. 0icholas Bar*on. +ho promised his co-operation. and then approached the Bishop of 'ondon. %enry Compton. +ho +as most sympathetic# But Compton had his o+n favourite *uilder. !ichard 3irth. +ho offered a piece of land in %o$ 'ane Dno+ Charin$ Cross !oadE. +hich he su*-leased from a *re+er. 9oseph Girle. +ho held it from the Cro+n lessee. the Earl of aint Al*ans# It +as in the parish of aint &artin in the 3ields, and Compton persuaded the parish to take over Girle1s lease and assi$n it to the Greeks# But. thou$h Geor$irenes. +hose kno+led$e of En$lish +as. as he admitted. faulty. did not reali2e it. the parish authorities so +orded the document that they could take *ack the land +hen they chose# The site +as officially $iven to the Greeks in the summer of "LHH# Geor$irenes had already raised sufficient money for the +ork to *e$in, and 3irth had already started on the *uild in$# ^in$ Charles II $ave w"JJ. and his *rother 9ames. 4uke of Rork. thou$h an ackno+led$ed Catholic. +as particularly $enerous# In a fe+ months Geor$irenes raised w".KJJ# Thou$h 3irth +as fined for usin$ *ad *ricks. supplied *y his former landlord Girle. the *uildin$ +as ready for use *y the end of "LHH# Geor$irenes then raised further sums for its decoration and upkeep *y pu*lishin$ in "LHM a short *ook on amos and on other parts of Greece that he kne+. translated into En$lish *y 6 one that kne+ the author in Constantinople1 7 actually a former 'evant Company chaplain. %enry 4enton# The *ook +as dedicated to the 4uke of Rork. in reco$nition of his $enerosity. even thou$h the preface emphasi2ed the differences *et+een the !oman and Greek Churches# It +as hoped to raise a re$ular income for the upkeep throu$h a relative of Geor$irenes. one 'aurence Geor$irenes. +ho came to En$land +ith a special method for picklin$ mackerel# The En$lish $overnment +as interested and +as prepared to $ive 'aurence a patent, *ut the scheme came to nothin$# The church +as not fully complete till early in "LMJ# &ean+hile thin$s +ere $oin$ *adly# A Greek servant of Geor$irenes called 4ominico Cratiana a*sconded +ith some of the church funds and fled to Bristol# The Arch*ishop follo+ed to *rin$ a case a$ainst him. *ut. hampered *y his *ad En$lish. he made a poor impression on the Bristol /ustices, and Cratiana +as acquitted# Cratiana then accused Geor$irenes of *ein$ a secret Papist and of havin$ *oasted that mass +ould soon *e sun$ in Bristol Cathedral and that. +hen the 4uke of Rork *ecame kin$. he +ould *e $iven an En$lish *ishopric# The accusation +as +ell timed. as the e(citement en$endered *y the 6Popish plot1 unearthed *y Titus )ates had reached a clima( o+in$ to the murder of )ates1s confidant. ir Edmund Godfrey# At Geor$irenes1s request the accusations +ere e(amined *y the %ouse of 'ords. and he +as cleared# But suspicions rose a$ain +hen the informer. Prance. declared that Godfrey1s corpse had *een moved from a sedan-chair to the *ack of a horse /ust outside of the Greek Church# Geor$irenes must have re$retted his $rateful dedication to the 4uke of Rork# This crisis +as *arely over *efore the arch*ishop had to +arn the pu*lic a$ainst a Greek priest called Ciciliano +ho +as collectin$ funds nominally for the church *ut actually for his o+n le+d purposes# But +orse +as to follo+# Bishop Compton and the Nicar of aint &artin1s. *oth stron$ Protestants. o*/ected to some of the usa$es of the Greek church as *ein$ too papistical# They +ere pro*a*ly shocked *y the presence of icons and the devotions sho+n to them# 3oreseein$ some such trou*le. the Patriarch had asked the Am*assador at Constantinople. ir 9ohn 3inch. that the church in 'ondon should *e put directly under the Patriarchate. as +as the Greek church at Nenice# 3inch. hearin$ from Compton of the practices in the church in 'ondon. reported in a dispatch dated 3e*ruary "LHI. that he considered this undesira*le# Compton. +hose suspicions had perhaps *een first aroused *y Cratiana1s li*els and +ere *ein$ fanned. it seems. *y the Nicar of aint &artin1s. felt himself entitled to interfere in the Greek services#

&ean+hile Geor$irenes. +ho +as pro*a*ly a+are of the vicar1s hostility. decided that the church +ould *e *etter sited in the City of 'ondon. +here the ma/ority of the Greeks lived. than in oho# Bishop Compton $ave his approval# But +hen the Greeks tried to sell the *uildin$. on +hich they had already spent uMJJ. they found that their title to it +as le$ally unsound# The parish +as ready at first to appoint assessors /ointly +ith Geor$irenes# But. +hen these assessors valued the *uildin$ at wL5L. the vicar produced other assessors +ho valued it at Q"LM. +hich he offered to the Greeks for the conveyance of their 6pretended ri$hts1# Geor$irenes. +ho had found a purchaser +illin$ to pay u5FJ in spite of the le$al uncertainty. refused this# The parish then offered u5JJ# When this too +as refused. the vicar turned the Greeks out of the *uildin$ and anne(ed it. early in "LM5# Geor$irenes could not o*tain any redress# Bishop Compton supported the parish for fear. he said. that the Greeks mi$ht sell the *uildin$ to 4issenters: +hich +as e(actly +hat the parish proceeded to do# In the summer of "LM5 the *uildin$ +as leased to 3rench %u$uenots. +ho held the lease until "M55# It then *ecame an En$lish 4issenters1 chapel. *ut reverted to the Church of En$land in "MGI and +as pulled do+n in "IFG#GK5 The Greeks +ere a$ain +ithout a church until "H"H. +hen Tsar Peter of !ussia a$reed to provide funds for a ne+ )rthodo( church in 'ondon# After "HF". +hen there +as re$ular !ussian diplomatic representation in 'ondon. it served also as the !ussian Em*assy chapel, *ut for several decades the priests +ere Greek and the Greek litur$y +as used# Even after !ussian priests and the lavonic litur$y +ere introduced the Greek colony made use of it until +ell into the nineteenth century. +hen they +ere a*le to *uild another church of their o+n#GKF The Arch*ishop of amos left the country disappointed and indi$nant soon after+ards. certainly *efore "LMK# %e had already proposed another scheme# In an undated letter. +ritten pro*a*ly in "LM5. he sent a petition to the Arch*ishop of Canter*ury. William ancroft. to *e transmitted to the Bishop of 'ondon. to ask that up to t+elve Greek theolo$ical students should 6 *e constantly here to *e instructed and $rounded in the true 4octrine of the Church of En$land. +here*y D+ith the *lessin$ of GodE they may *e a*le 4ispensers thereof. and so return into Greece to preach the same. *y +hich means your petitioner conceives the said people may *e edified1# %e asked the Arch*ishop to set aside funds for the purpose#GKG 0o ans+er from ancroft survives# But in "LI5 a distin$uished Classical scholar. 4r Ben/amin Woodroffe. *ecame Principal of Gloucester %all. )(ford. a *ankrupt and empty institution +hich +as to *e refounded in "H"G as Worcester Colle$e# A fe+ months after his appointment he appeared in person *efore the Board of the 'evant Company in 'ondon. on FJ Au$ust "LI5. to ask the Company to $ive a free passa$e on its ships to Greek students visitin$ En$land# The Company +as not unsympathetic *ut told 4r Woodroffe to +ork out a full scheme# It took him some time# %is treatise. A %odel of a College to $e settled in the Ini&ersity for the Education of some Youths of the 2ree, Church. of +hich the ori$inal manuscript is in the 'i*rary of 'am*eth Palace. *ears no date, *ut it +as only on F &arch "LIK that 4r Woodroffe +as a*le to +rite to the Patriarch of Constantinople. Callinicus II. +ith a definite invitation to send some *oys#
GK5

9# Geor$irenes. A Description of the -resent State of Samos# 0icaria# -atmos and %ount Athos D"LHME. and 63rom the Arch*ishop of the Isle of amos in Greece. an account of his *uildin$ the Grecian Church in o-hoe fields. and the disposal thereof *y the masters of the parish t &artins in the fields.1 a *roadsheet *ound in Tracts relating to London# "KIM-"HLJ. in British &useum 'i*rary. M"L# m# I# D""ME# 3or the full history of the Greek Church in %o$ 'ane see the admira*le account $iven in the Greater 'ondon Council. Sur&ey of London. (((iii D"ILLE. pp# 5HM-MH. FFK-L. $ivin$ sources. in manuscript and printed. from the Pu*lic !ecord )ffice. the 9ournal of the %ouse of 'ords. the Westminster Pu*lic 'i*rary. the %istorical &anuscripts Commission. the Bodleian and other collections# I am $rateful to the author of the chapter. &r P# A# Be2odis. for havin$ allo+ed me to see the chapter *efore pu*lication# GKF 3or the history of the )rthodo( church founded in "H5" I am inde*ted to &r I$or Nino$radoff for a resume sup plied *y him in !ussian from the records of the !ussian church in 'ondon# GKG 'etter from Geor$irenes to Arch*ishop ancroft. in the Bodleian. Tanner & # (((in. fol# KH. printed in G# Williams. The Orthodox Church of the East in the Eighteenth Century. p# l(vi#

Accordin$ to the &odel the Greek Colle$e +as to *e in a *uildin$ attached to Gloucester %all# When complete it +as to house t+enty students comin$ in yearly *atches of four and remainin$ there for five years# The Patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch +ere to choose the candidates in consultation +ith the 'evant Company1s representatives at Constantinople. myrna and Aleppo# The Company +as to make the final decision, *ut no directions +ere $iven on ho+ to assess rival candidates from different districts# )n their arrival at )(ford the students +ere to converse in Ancient Greek for the first t+o years and then in 'atin# They +ere first to study Plato and Aristotle and other Classical authors. and then the early Greek 3athers. particularly those +ho +rote commentaries on the *ooks of the Bi*le# As for their dress. 6their ha*it is to *e the $ravest +orn in their country1# Rearly reports +ere to *e sent on each of them to the Bishop of 'ondon and to the Governor of the 'evant Company# The financial provisions +ere left unfortunately va$ue# 4r Woodroffe1s letter to the Patriarch. +hich enclosed a copy of the %odel# +as +ritten in ele$ant Classical Greek# In it he spoke +armly. even fulsomely. of the de*t o+ed *y En$land to Classical and Christian Greek learnin$. in the arts. the sciences and theolo$y# In an attempt to repay the de*t 6+e have1. he +rote. 6esta*lished a common colle$e at )(ford. that famous academy of ours. /ust as Athens +as once your famous academy1# The Patriarchate and the 'evant Company +ere ready to co-operate# The Patriarch +as flattered, and the Company seems to have thou$ht that even if the students failed to *ecome priests they +ould *e useful as dra$oman-interpreters. a class of men much needed# The first students arrived in )cto*er "LIM# There +ere pro*a*ly only three of them. as in the follo+in$ &arch the 'evant Company voted the sum of forty pounds for the passa$e of five Greek youths to set out that summer# T+o at least of the first *atch did +ell# They applied to return home at the end of "HJ5 and +ere allo+ed t+enty-five dollars each for their passa$e and the transport of their *ooks# At the end of "HJF another three +ere allotted a similar sum. to$ether +ith t+enty-seven pounds. +hich had *een advanced to them +hen they had *een arrested at Gravesend for money o+in$ on their ori$inal passa$e from 'e$horn# A fe+ days later a fourth student +as allo+ed a free passa$e home# But already the Greek Colle$e +as runnin$ into difficulties# The 'evant Company +as $ro+in$ less enthusiastic# It +as hard to find suita*le students, and +hen they arrived at )(ford they soon ran out of money and *e$an to run up de*ts +hich the Company had to pay# 4r Woodroffe. +ho financed the Colle$e lar$ely from his o+n purse. seems to have supposed that *ecause they +ere receivin$ free *oard and lod$in$ and tuition at )(ford they +ould need no other money# The *uildin$ +hich he had erected for them +as shoddy and *arely fit for human occupation# It +as kno+n locally as 64r Woodroffe1s 3olly1# &any of the students resented its discomforts and +ere *ored *y +earin$ $rave ha*its at )(ford. and made their +ay to 'ondon to en/oy a little $aiety# They +rote discoura$in$ letters home, and Greek parents *ecame un+illin$ to send their sons to En$land# The 9esuits. +ho had vie+ed the foundation of the Colle$e +ith alarm. made strenuous efforts to pervert the *oys# In "HJF 4r nWoodroffe reported the case of t+o of them. *rothers called Geor$e and 9ohn Aptolo$i. +ho +ere offered *y mysterious friends in 'ondon money for their home+ard /ourney. and. +hen they accepted and set sail. +ere kidnapped and taken to Ant+erp and thence to !ome. their captors re$rettin$ not to have taken the star pupil of the Colle$e. a *oy called %omer. +hom the 'evant Company +ished to secure as a dra$oman# 0e(t. the 9esuits persuaded 'ouis QIN to esta*lish a Greek Colle$e in Paris# The 3rench are al+ays ready to spend money $enerously on cultural propa$anda, and the Paris colle$e +as +ell endo+ed and comforta*le# But. thou$h it accepted non-Catholic students and thou$h the $lamour of Paris attracted *oys +ho mi$ht other+ise have *een ornaments to )(ford. it sou$ht to convert its pupils# The Greek Church authorities could not approve of it# They preferred a competent and +ell-run seminary founded for Greek students a fe+ years later *y the

'utherans at %alle. even thou$h it emphasi2ed philosophy rather than theolo$y# It seems to have *een the most successful of these institutions# But in fact most *ri$ht Greek *oys continued. if they +ent a*road. to $o to Italy. to Nenice or to Padua# It +as closer to their homes, and financial arran$ements +ere easier# 4r Woodroffe mean+hile +as soon over ".JJJ in de*t as a result of his venture# %is only assets +ere salt-mines that he o+ned in Cheshire, *ut the Treasury refused to release him from the e(cise-duty due on his salt# fueen Anne1s Bounty soon after its institution provided GJJ, *ut that +as soon used# %e spent the ne(t fe+ years continually petitionin$ the Treasury to stay the proceedin$s threatened a$ainst him for his de*ts# )n L 9uly "HJG. the 4irectors of the 'evant Company +rote to ir !o*ert utton. the Am*assador at Constantinople. to say that they did not intend to send any more students to )(ford# 6Those +ho have already *een there1. they said. 6do not $ive us encoura$ement enou$h to make further trial of that kind. havin$ no prospect of advanta$e. *ut the e(perience of a $reat deal of trou*le and char$e over them. for +hich reason +e are resolved to have nothin$ more to do +ith them#1 The Patriarch of Constantinople shared their attitude# )n 5 &arch "HJK. the !e$istrar of the Great Church +rote on *ehalf of the Patriarch Ga*riel III. Callinicus II1s successor. to say that: 6 The irre$ular life of certain priests and lay-men of the Eastern Church livin$ in 'ondon is a matter of $rave concern to the Church# Wherefore the Church for*ids any to $o and study at )(ford. *e they never so +illin$#1 It seems unfair that )(ford should thus *e *lamed for the shortcomin$s of 'ondon, *ut it is clear that the students +ere all driftin$ to 'ondon and *ehavin$ very *adly there# We do not kno+ ho+ 4r Woodroffe took the failure of his scheme# %e had *een too hopeful# An )(ford education. ho+ever admira*le it mi$ht *e. +as hardly a suita*le trainin$ for a priest +ho +as to spend his life ministerin$ to a Christian minority in the )ttoman Empire# And it +as hardly reasona*le to e(pect that Greek *oys comin$ from oriental homes +ould readily adapt themselves to a so*er academic life at )(ford# 0one of the students at the Greek Colle$e made any mark in later life# Apart from the 9esuits1 victims. the name of only one has survived. 3rancis Prossalenos. +ho several years later pu*lished a friendly little *ook descri*in$ 4r Woodroffe1s quirks and foi*les#GKK But 4r Woodroffe had had his moment of $lory. especially +hen in "HJ" 0eophytus. &etropolitan of Philippopolis and E(arch of All Thrace and 4ra$ovia. came +ith his suite to En$land and +as $iven the honorary de$ree of 4octor of 4ivinity at a special encaenia at )(ford# The Archdeacon Athanasius. the Archimandrite 0eophytus and the Protosyncellus Gre$ory. +ho accompanied him. +ere all $iven honorary &asterships of Arts. and his doctor. +hose name is not kno+n. received a 4octorate of &edicine# &r# Ed+ard Th+aites. +ho +as present. noted that the &etropolitan 6made us a very e(cellent speech. all in plain proper %ellenistick Greek1. and that 64r Woodroffe has e(erted himself and sho+n us that he does understand Greek1# The &etropolitan +ent on to Cam*rid$e. +here. at the request of Arch*ishop Tenison of Canter*ury. he +as received *y 4r Covel. no+ &aster of Christ1s# But Cam*rid$e $ave no special honour to the distin$uished visitor. no dou*t o+in$ to the influence of 4r Covel. +ho +as less starry-eyed a*out Greece than +as 4r Woodroffe# Besides. 4r Covel +as not $oin$ to enGKK

3or 4r Woodroffe1s Greek Colle$e see 'am*eth Palace 'i*rary. Codices & # Gi*soniani. (. IFM. FM Dmodel of Colle$e *y 4r WoodroffeE. and (iv. IK". I D4r Woodroffe1s letter to the PatriarchE, Calendar of Treasury (oo,s# (i(. p# GGL. ((. pp# "GI. 5. ((ii. pp# "IG.G5F. and Calendar of Treasury -apers. iii D"HJ5-HE. pp# G5. 5JH-I. FL5# FII-G-. GH D4r Woodrofie1s e(penses and de*tsE, W# %# %art. 6Gleanin$s from the !ecords of the Treasury.1 no# vi, 0otes and fueries D5nd seriesE. i(. pp# GKH-M, G# Williams. op# cit# pp# (i(-((ii, W# P# Courtney. 6Ben/amin Woodroffe.1 in Dictionary of 0ational (iography. '(ii: A# C# Wood. op# cit# p# 55H: 9# B# Pearson. A (iographical S,etch of the Chaplains to the Le&ant Company maintained at Constantinople# Aleppo and Smyrna# pp# GF-K#

coura$e any move to+ards inter-communion until he +as satisfied a*out certain doctrines held *y the Greek Church# And he +as *e$innin$ to +onder. also. +hat e(actly some of these visitin$ prelates +ere doin$#GKL In eptem*er "LMI. to complete the !evolution settlement. a !oyal Commission +as set up to look into the prayer-*ook# The !ev# 4r Geor$e Williams. +ritin$ in "MLM. claims to have seen at 'am*eth a folio prayer-*ook of the "LMF-L edition. used *y the Commissioners. +ith interleaved *lank sheets for their notes# )pposite the +ords in the 0icene Creed on the %oly Ghost 6 Who proceedeth from the 3ather and the on1 +as a note sayin$: 6It is hum*ly su*mitted to the Convocation +hether a 0ote ou$ht not here to *e added +ith relation to the Greek Church. in order to our maintainin$ Catholic Communion#1 The note sho+s that there +ere responsi*le mem*ers of the Church of En$land +ho +ere prepared to humour the Greek disapproval of the fil' io.ue clause in the Creed# They no dou*t held the vie+. re/ected *y the Greeks. that the addition merely clarified the sense and therefore could *e omitted# GKH But there +ere other doctrines held *y the Greeks +hich. some +ondered. mi$ht prove a *ar to inter-communion# The An$licans had sympathi2ed +ith Cyril 'ucaris and had deplored his martyrdom# But they had not inquired too deeply into his doctrine# It +as perhaps as +ell that he +as dead and his Calvinistic leanin$s repudiated *efore any of them *e$an seriously to study )rthodo( theolo$y# The first An$lican to make a direct inquiry +as a priest of 3rench ori$in. 4r Isaac Basire# %e had *een one of Charles I1s chaplains, and. +hen the Common+ealth drove him into e(ile. he +andered round the East as an apostle of An$licanism. 6plantin$ the Church of En$land in divers parts of the 'evant and Asia1. as Evelyn reports# %e en/oyed a success amon$ the Greeks# %e +as t+ice invited *y the &etropolitan of Achaea to preach *efore an assem*ly of *ishops, and he *ecame a close friend of the Patriarch of 9erusalem. +hom he thou$ht to *e ready for union# 6It hath *een my constant desi$n1. he +rote. 6to dispose and incline the Greek Church to a communion +ith the Church of En$land. to$ether +ith a canonical reform of some $rosser errors#1 When he returned to En$land he +as hailed as an authority on the East# Evelyn heard him preach in Westminster A**ey in "LL" and +as much impressed# But in fact 4r Basire never returned to the East# The $rosser errors remained unreformed#GKM What +ere these $rosser errorsS Basire +as no dou*t distressed *y the prevalence of icons and. perhaps. of monks# %e does not say if he ever discussed the Procession of the %oly Ghost# But he +as certainly interested in a question that +as trou*lin$ many theolo$ians in Western Europe# What +as the actual Greek do$ma a*out the !eal Presence at the eucharistS Attention had *een dra+n to the question in a*out "LLJ. in the course of a controversy *et+een the 3rench %u$uenots. led *y 9ean Claude. and the Port-!oyal school. led *y Antoine Arnauld# They +ere disputin$ over the nature of the eucharist, and each party hoped to have the
GKL GKH

Williams. op# cit# p# ((ii# I*id# p# (viii# The 'i*rarian of 'am*eth has had the kindness to inform me that no such copy of the prayer-*ook e(ists in the 'i*rary at present. nor can he trace any reference to sho+ that such a copy ever e(isted# I have seen in the 'i*rary an undated manuscript entitled 6A Good and 0ecessary Proposal for the !estitution of Catholick Com munion *et+een the Greek Churches and the Church of En$land1 +hich seems to *elon$ to the same period and +hich takes the same line D& # Gi*soniani. vn. IFKE# GKM 4r Isaac Basire1s 6A 'etter. Written *y the !everend 4r Basier `sica !elatin$ %is Travels. and Endeavours to propa$ate the ^no+led$e of the 4octrine and 4iscipline. esta*lished in the Britannick Church. amon$ the Greeks. Ara*ians. etc1 is pu*lished as part of his The Ancient Li$erty of the (ritannic, Church D"LL"E. and. more accessi*ly. in The Correspondence of +saac (asire. 4#4# Ded# 0# 4arnell. "MF"E# I quote from the latter. pp# ""K-"L# ee also 9ohn Evelyn. 4iary. "J 0ovem*er "LL" DEveryman editionE. ". p# FLF# Williams. op# cit# p# (i. quotes a letter from Basire to Antoine 'e$er. in +hich he says that he sent a translation in 6!omaic1 of the An$lican catechism to the four Eastern Patriarchs# The Patriarch of Ale(andria seems not to have replied. *ut the other three $reatly praised it#

support of Eastern Christian tradition# Anyone acquainted +ith the $eneral attitude of the )rthodo( to+ards the niceties of do$ma +ould have reali2ed that a cate$orical ans+er +ould not *e easy to o*tain# 9eremias II1s attitude on the su*/ect had *een deli*erately va$ue# %e had *elieved in a chan$e in elements. effected *y the appeal to the %oly pirit. *ut he had *een shy of usin$ the +ord 6transu*stantiation1# Cyril 'ucaris had flatly denied transu*stantiation# But *efore his time Ga*riel everus had accepted it, and. in the reaction a$ainst 'ucaris. the Church of Constantinople had recently accepted the Confession of &o$hila. +ho had stated it +ith confidence# Consequently. +hen the 3rench disputants referred the question to the 3rench Am*assador to the u*lime Porte. the &arquis de 0ointel. %is E(cellency replied. +ith some hesitation. that a study of recently pu*lished Confessions inclined him to *elieve that the Greeks accepted the doctrine of transu*stantiation, and eventually. in "LH". he o*tained a statement from the Patriarch Parthenius IN that that +as indeed the official doctrine of the Church#GKI The An$licans had hoped to find that the )rthodo( +ould a$ree +ith their doctrine of consu*stantiation: that is. that thou$h the *ody and *lood of Christ are really present at the acrifice. there is no material chan$e in the elements# The An$lican chaplains at Constantinople +ere asked to make further researches# Thomas mith. +ho +as there from "LLM to "LHJ. said that the +ord XBY[]AW@AWC had only recently *een introduced and that the doctrine had only *een endorsed as yet *y a Council held in "LGF in 6the lesser !ussia1# %e +as pro*a*ly thinkin$ of the Councils of ^iev D"LGJE and of 9assy D"LG5E. neither of +hich +ere in any sense )ecumenical, thou$h the findin$s of the Council of 9assy had *een confirmed *y the %oly ynod under Parthenius II#GLJ Covel. +ho succeeded mith. noted that 9eremias Germanus +hen visitin$ )(ford had assured everyone that 6 the Greeks *elieved no such thin$1# But Germanus +as +ron$, for Covel had himself o*tained from the Patriarch. at the request of the Bishops of Chester and Chichester and the future Arch*ishop ancroft. a statement called A Synodical Ans/er to the Vuestion# *hat are the Sentiments of the Oriental Church of the 2recian OrthodoxG sent to the Lo&ers of the 2ree, Church in (ritain in the Year of Our Lord JTNX # It +as si$ned on "J 9anuary "LH5 *y the Patriarch 4ionysius IN. four e(-Patriarchs of Constantinople and the Patriarch of 9erusalem and thirty-one other metropolitans. and contained a clear statement of *elief in the !eal Presence in a full material sense. as +ell as insistin$ on the infalli*ility of the Church. the mediation of saints and seven acraments#GL" ir Paul !icaut. secretary at the Constantinopolitan Em*assy from "LL" to "LLM and then Consul at myrna. +as not so positive# In the very perceptive and sympathetic +ork on the Greek Church that he pu*lished in "LHL. at the request of Charles II. he a$reed +ith mith that the +ord 6XBY[]AW@AWC1 +as comparatively modern# 6The question a*out Transu*stantiation1. he +rote. 6hath not *een lon$ controverted in the Greek Church. *ut. like other a*struse notions. not necessarily to *e determined. hath lain quiet and dissentan$led ` sica. +ound upon the *ottom of its o+n thread. until 3action. and &alice. and the chooles. have so ravelled and t+isted the t+ine. that the end +ill never *e found#1 This +as a fair description of the situation, and !icaut shre+dly attri*utes the prevalence of the doctrine in his o+n time to the influence of1such as have had their education in Italy1# GL5 The pious ir Geor$e Wheler. +ho travelled +idely in Greek lands in the "LHJs and pu*lished an account of his travels in "LM5. *elieved that the averGKI

3or the de*ate *et+een Claude and Arnauld see A# Arnauld. La -erpetuitH de la foy. and Claude1s reply. !eponse au Li&re de %r. Arnauld entitulH La -erpetuitH de la foy , also 9# Aymon. %onuments authenti.ues de la religion des 2recs et de la faussetH de plusieurs confessions de foi des Chretiens# pp# FMff#: Thomas mith. An Account of the 2ree, Church# pp# 5HH-I# The %u$uenots seem to have derived their information from &eletius Panto$alos. a disciple of 'ucaris. +ho spent several years in %olland and pu*lished there a declaration of faith in support of 'ucaris1s Confession, Claude quotes it as supportin$ his contentions op# cit# pp# GGF-GE# ee ^# !o2emond. op# cit# pp# FJ-"# GLJ mith. Account of the 2ree, Church. pp# "GM-KF# ee a*ove. p# 5IF# GL" This statement +as e(tracted from the 6Confession of 4ositheus1 Dsee helo+. PP- FKJ-FE# and is si$ned *y the si$ natories of the Confession# It is $iven in fuE *y G# Williams. op# cit# pp# LH-HL#

a$e Greek did not hold +ith the doctrine# It had its supporters such as Anthimus. the cultured &etropolitan of Athens. +hose li*rary Wheler1s fello+-traveller. the 3renchman pon. $reatly admired# Anthimus told Wheler that he had *een present +hen the Patriarch Parthenius had si$ned his declaration for the &arquis de 0ointel. and added that he fully endorsed the doctrine# But the Bishop of alona. +hom Wheler met at the &onastery of %oly 'uke in tyris. insisted that the Greek vie+ +as e(actly that +hich Wheler enunciated, and Wheler found many other Greek clerics +ho a$reed# %e himself +as of the opinion that the doctrine prevailed only amon$ Greeks livin$ in centers +here the !oman Church e(ercised some influence. in particular in Constantinople itself and in islands under Nenetian rule#GLF All these pundits +ere ri$ht# There +as no dou*t that at the time the Church authorities at Constantinople. in reaction a$ainst 'ucaris and under the influence of Italian ideas. did accept the doctrine, *ut the acceptance +as not universal throu$hout the Church# Wheler +as perhaps the nearest to the truth# The avera$e Greek preferred to treat the matter as a mystery, and in the lon$ run that vie+ prevailed# Today the Greek Church fi$hts shy of the +ord XBY[]AW@AWC# 0ineteenth-century catechisms merely declare that the *read and +ine *ecome the *ody and *lood of Christ *ut. in the +ords of a modern historian of Eastern Christendom. the )rthodo( 6are reluctant to define either the character or the e(act moment of the chan$e1#GLG Thus Greek clerics +ho came to En$land and denied that their Church *elieved in transu*stantiation +ere not tellin$ lies to please their hosts# They pro*a*ly did not *elieve that the doctrine +as o*li$atory# Germanus1s denial mi$ht have *een too cate$orical# But 9oseph Geor$irenes +as pro*a*ly quite honest +hen he +rote in the preface to his *ook on Greece that: 6In the acrament of the Eucharist. the Greek Church doth not *ear that conformity +ith the !omish Church. as the $reat champions for Popery +ould affi( upon them#1GLK All the same. the An$licans +ere left +ith the nasty suspicion that the Greeks did in fact su*scri*e to transu*stantiation# When the &etropolitan of Philippopolis told 4r Covel at Cam*rid$e in "HJ" that the Greeks did not hold the doctrine. Covel frankly did not *elieve him# 8nder such circumstances it +as difficult for the An$lican hierarchy to pursue discussions on intercommunion#GLL There +ere. nevertheless. elements in the An$lican Church +hich still thou$ht that union +ith the ancient Church of the East +ould *e *oth spiritually and politically advanta$eous# The 0on-9uror cler$y +ere never very numerous. *ut they had vi$orous and enterprisin$ leaders# They disliked the path that the Church of En$land had *een takin$ since the !evolution settlement# Thou$h they a*/ured the Papacy they did not care for Protestantism# In their o+n eyes they formed the )ld Catholic Church# Thomas ^en. former Bishop of Bath and Wells and last survivor of the 0on-9urin$ *ishops of the seventeenth century. +ho died in "H"". +rote in his +ill:1 I die in the holy and apostolic faith professed *y the +hole Church *efore the division of East and West#1 To his follo+ers it +as therefore almost a sacred duty to try to achieve union +ith the )rthodo(#GLH Their opportunity came in "H"L# The Patriarchate of Ale(andria +as in financial difficulties# Cosmas. Arch*ishop of inai. had offered hu$e *ri*es to the Governor of E$ypt and to the Grand Ni2ier at Constantinople to secure the Patriarchal throne, and the actual Patriarch. amuel
GL5

ir Paul !icaut Dor !ycautE. The -resent State of the 2ree, and Armenian Churches# Anno Christi JTNZ D"LHIE# ir Paul also +rote The istory of the Tur,ish Empire from JTXK to JTNN and The -resent State of the Ottoman Em' pire# the former pu*lished to continue the second volume of !# ^nolles. The Tur,ish istory DLth edition. "LHIE. and a supplementary volume. The istory of the Tur,s. "LHI-IIE D"HJJE# GLF ir Geor$e Wheler. A "ourney into 2reece D"LM5E. pp# "IK. "IL. "IM# GLG 3or the catechisms see *elo+. p# FKF# GLK 9# Geor$irenes. A Description# Epistle to the !eader. Ith pa$e Dunnum*eredE# GLL G# Williams. op# cit# pp# li(-l(# GLH Thomas ^en1s +ill. $iven in W# %a+kins. Short Account of 3ens Life. p# 5H#

Capasoulis. had *orro+ed still lar$er sums to out*id him# %e +as no+ FJ.JJJ dollars in de*t# Believin$ the En$lish to *e rich and charita*le. he sent to En$land Arsenius. &etropolitan of the The*aid. and the senior a**ot of the Patriarchate. the Archimandrite Gennadius. a Cypriot *y *irth# They travelled in style. +ith four deacons. a reader and a cook. and arrived in En$land in the summer of "H"G. armed +ith letters to fueen Anne# Thou$h they +ere em*arrassed for a time *y a rumour. put a*out. they said. *y the 9esuits. they +ere +ell received# They made friends +ith the antiquary. %umphrey Wanley. +ho had recently retired from the post of ecretary of the ociety for the Promotion of Christian ^no+led$e, and he and his circle entertained them hospita*ly# Arsenius +rote /oyfully to his friend Chrysanthus. Patriarch of 9erusalem. to report in +hat favour he and Gennadius +ere held# %e told of parties $iven in their honour. and he *oasted of the +onderful effect that they made on the British pu*lic *y al+ays +earin$ their ro*es +hen they +ent a*out#GLM In "H"K Arsenius pu*lished a touchin$ tract entitled Lacrymae et Suspiria Ecclesiae 2raecaeG or the Distressed State of the 2ree, Church# hum$ly represented in a Letter to er late %aFesty# Vueen Anne. In response the Bishop of 'ondon. 9ohn !o*inson. sent them a fe+ months later [5JJ provided from fueen Anne1s Bounty and "JJ $iven *y ^in$ Geor$e I. *ut +ith the e(pressed hope that they +ould then leave the country# %e had procured another "JJ for them. *ut held it *ack until they should announce their departure# They +ere. ho+ever. en/oyin$ themselves too +ell to take this clear hint that they had outstayed their +elcome# Wanley still entertained them. even thou$h 4r Covel +rote to him sternly from Cam*rid$e to +arn him that they +ould *e no more relia*le theolo$ically than previous Greek visitors and +ould *e certain to say that they did not *elieve in transu*stantiation# Arsenius avoided that trap# Wanley +rote *ack to Covel to say that the Greek hierarchs modestly declared that: 6they *elieved as aints Basil and Chrysostom *elieved. and they +ould not meddle in +hat did not concern them1# Their ans+er satisfied Wanley. +ho +rote three days later. on 5G 4ecem*er "H"K. to Cam*rid$e to his friend. 4r Tud+ay. to ask him to tell 4r Covel that the Greeks +ere comin$ to visit him there# We do not kno+ ho+ they +ere received#GLI &ean+hile they made other friends# Arsenius reported to Chrysanthus of 9erusalem that not only had t+o &em*ers of Parliament offered to help in the *uildin$ of a ne+ Greek church in 'ondon. *ut also that many En$lishmen +ere seekin$ to *e received into the )rthodo( communion# This surprisin$ remark is to *e e(plained *y the fact that the Greeks +ere *e$innin$ to repay the $enerosity of their hosts *y intri$uin$ +ith the 0on-9urors# Accordin$ to Thomas Brett. +ho had recently *een consecrated a 0on-9urin$ *ishop. and +ho later recorded the transactions. it +as in 9uly "H"L that the cottish 0on-9uror. Archi*ald Camp*ell. happened to meet Arsenius and spoke to him of the possi*ilities of a closer connection# 6%avin$1. as the historian kinner records. 6 a schemin$ turn for everythin$ +hich he thou$ht of the $eneral usefulness for the Church. `Camp*ella took occasion in conversation to hint somethin$ of this kind#1 Arsenius +as sympathetic# o Camp*ell and 9eremy Collier. primus of the En$lish 0on-9urors. to$ether +ith Thomas Brett. 0athaniel pinkes. 9ames Gadderer and a fe+ others. met to prepare proposals for transmission to the Eastern Patriarchs#GHJ It +as pro*a*ly early in "H"H that a copy of the proposals +as $iven to Arsenius. +ho dispatched it to Constantinople# It +as a len$thy document. translated into ele$ant Greek *y
GLM

&# Constantinides. The 2ree, Orthodox Church in London . pp# I-"J# The archives of the !ussian church in 'ondon Dsee a*ove. p# FJJ. n# "E report that the 9esuits put it a*out that they +ere Papal spies# GLI G# Williams. op# tit# pp# l(-l(i, T# 'ath*ury. istory of the 0on'"urors. p# FKL# GHJ The history of the 0on-9urors1 dealin$s +ith the )rthodo( +as first told *y T# 'ath*ury in "MGK Dop# tit#. pp# FJIL"E# %e derived his information from Bishop 9olly1s manuscript records# It +as told more fully *y G# Williams. in "MLM Dop# cit#E. +hich is entirely concerned +ith the transactions and their *ack$round# ome minor corrections to Williams1s narrative are $iven in 9# %# )verton. The 0on'"urors# their Li&es# -rinciples and *ritings D"IJ5E. pp# GKiff# ee also 9# kinner. Ecclesiastical istory of Scotland. n. pp# LFG-GJ#

pinkes. +ith the help of &r# Thomas !attray of Crai$hall# The proposals num*ered t+elve. *ut they +ere supplemented *y a list of t+elve points on +hich the 0on-9urors *elieved themselves to *e in complete a$reement +ith the )rthodo( and five points on +hich they disa$reed and on +hich discussion +ould *e necessary# The t+elve proposals +ere: first. that 9erusalem *e reco$ni2ed as the mother-church of Christendom. and. secondly. that the Church of 9erusalem *e $iven precedence over all others# Thirdly. the canonical ri$hts of the Ale(andrian. the Antiochene and the Constantinopolitan Patriarchates should *e reco$ni2ed. and. fourthly. that Constantinople1s equality of honour +ith !ome *e accepted# 3ifthly and si(thly. the Catholic remnant of the British Churches Das the 0on9urors called themselvesE should reco$ni2e that they had received Christianity from 9erusalem and should return to that 6ancient $odly discipline1# eventhly. conformity of +orship throu$hout the Churches should *e as near as possi*le# Ei$hthly. the British should restore the old En$lish litur$y# 0inthly. the homilies of 9ohn Chrysostom and other +orks *y Greek 3athers should *e translated into En$lish# Tenthly. the Bishop of 9erusalem should *e e(pressly commemorated in the prayers for the Patriarchs in the Communion service# Eleventhly. the Britannick Churches should *e prayed for# 3inally. letters should *e e(chan$ed to confirm acts of mutual concern# The t+elve points of mutual a$reement +ere stated to *e: first. the t+elve articles of the Creed are accepted as laid do+n in the first t+o )ecumenical Councils# econdly. the Trinity is con-su*stantial and the 3ather the fount and ori$in from +hich the %oly Ghost proceeds# Thirdly. the %oly Ghost1s procession 6from the 3ather *y the on1 means no more than that# 3ourthly. the %oly Ghost has spoken throu$h the Prophets and the Apostles and is the only true author of the criptures. and. fifthly. that it assisted the )ecumenical Councils# i(thly. *oth parties share the same *elief in the num*er and nature of the charismata of the pirit# eventhly and ei$hthly. Christ is the only founder and only head of the Church# 0inthly. all Christians must *e su*/ect to the Church. +hich can censure and discipline its ministers# Tenthly. the eucharist is to *e $iven in *oth kinds to all the faithful# Eleventhly. *aptism is necessary. the other holy mysteries *ein$ not so $enerally necessary *ut to *e cele*rated *y all# 'astly. the doctrine of Pur$atory is erroneous# 4isa$reement +as admitted on five points# The 0on-9urors could not accept that the canons of the )ecumenical Councils commanded the same authority as the criptures# Thou$h they considered the &other of God to *e *lessed. she could not as a creature *e $iven the $lory due to God# &ediation could not *e made throu$h the saints. not even throu$h the &other of God. as that +ould detract from Christ1s mediation# They could accept the Epiklesis as part of the communion service. *ut insisted that the chan$e in the elements *e reco$ni2ed as takin$ place 6after a manner +hich flesh and *lood cannot conceive1# They also +ished the ninth canon of the eventh )ecumenical Council to *e e(plained so as to make it clear that no +orship +as $iven to pictures#GH" The 0on-9urors had to +ait a lon$ time for an ans+er# 9eremias III of Constantinople pro*a*ly received their proposals a*out the end of "H"H# %e then had to consult +ith his fello+-Patriarchs *efore draftin$ a reply# The Patriarchal ans+er is dated "5 April "H"M# But three more years elapsed *efore it reached En$land# In the meantime Arsenius had at last left En$land. to try to raise more money in !ussia# The date of his departure 7 +e may hope. +ith the money held *ack *y Bishop !o*inson 7 is unkno+n# The !ussian Tsar had already sent him KJJ rou*les to En$land, and in "H"H he +as in %olland. to meet Tsar Peter on his return from a state visit to Paris# It +as on that occasion that the arran$ements +ere made for the *uildin$ of a ne+ Greek church in 'ondon# Arsenius had pro*a*ly told the Patriarchs to send their ans+er to !ussia to a+ait him there, and the delay +as due to the postponement of his /ourney# By "H5" he
GH"

G# Williams. op# cit# pp# F-""#

+as installed in t Peters*ur$# In the meantime. no dou*t on his su$$estion. the 0on-9urors decided to interest the Tsar in their scheme# A letter +as sent to him. dated M )cto*er "H"H. +hich referred to %is Imperial &a/esty1s +ell-kno+n interest in unionist movements and asked for his help# Anyone +ho really kne+ Peter the Great mi$ht have +ondered +hether his interest +as due to anythin$ *ut purely political considerations# But he seems to have sent *ack a *enevolent reply#GH5 The 0on-9urors1 letter to the Tsar had pro*a*ly *een conveyed *y one of Arsenius1s deacons. the Pro- yncellus 9ames. +ho had /oined the Tsar1s suite in %olland# In the autumn of "H5" 9ames returned to 'ondon +ith the Patriarchal ans+er and a coverin$ letter from Arsenius. dated "M Au$ust# The Patriarchal comments +ere friendly *ut not very encoura$in$# )n the first five of the 0on-9urors1 proposals the Patriarchs inquired +hy the order of Patriarchal precedence laid do+n *y the )ecumenical Councils needed any alteration# If the British +ish to put themselves under 9erusalem. let them do so, *ut +hatever does their reference to 6ancient discipline1 meanS Their +ish for a close conformity of +orship +as admira*le if o*scure, *ut the Patriarchs could not $ive their approval of1the old En$lish 'itur$y1 as they had never seen it# They naturally commended the proposal to translate +orks of the Greek 3athers into En$lish# As for the desire for mutual commemoration and consultation. that +as admira*le 6if so *e that the querents +ill consent to the divine and holy articles of our pure faith1# The Patriarchs concurred +ith the points on +hich the 0on-9urors claimed to *e in a$reement +ith the )rthodo(# But they remarked. on the procession of the %oly Ghost. that it +as un necessary to add to the Creed and that the prepositions BZ and \WU Dthe latter *ein$ the preposition used *y 9ohn of 4amascusE +ere not the same# They commented also that. +hile Christ +as indeed sole head of the Church. for practical and mundane purposes the prince could *e re$arded as actin$ head 7 an idea that did not commend itself to the 0on-9urors# 3inally. +hile not admittin$ the e(istence of Pur$atory. they *elieved in the validity of prayers for the dead# )n the five points of disa$reement the Patriarchs +ere unyieldin$# The )ecumenical Councils must *e re$arded as *ein$ fully inspired. they said# They +ere $lad to hear that the British +ere +illin$ to insert the Epiklesis into the Communion service. *ut they insisted on the full doctrine of transu*stantiation# As for the honour paid to the &other of God and the saints. they quoted the Psalmist: 6Then +ere they in $reat fear +here no fear +as#1 The $lory $iven to the &other of God is 6hyperdulia1. not 6latreia1. +hich is $iven to God alone# After all. +e are told to honour the kin$. +hich is. to $ive him 6dulia1# As for mediation. do +e not ask the faithful to pray for usS Even aint Paul did so# Is it not *etter. then. to ask the saints to pray for usS A$ain. the +orship of icons is not 6latreia1 *ut relative +orship# As Basil says. the honour paid to the ima$e ascends to the prototype# The Patriarchs then referred the 0on-9urors to the Synodical Ans/er $iven *y the Patriarch 4ionysius IN to 4r Covel# They added a short encyclical statement si$ned in "LI" *y Callinicus II of Constantinople and 4ositheus of 9erusalem. e(plainin$ that the elements at the eucharist are 6truly the very Body and Blood of Christ under the visi*le sym*ols of *read and +ine1. there havin$ *een a material chan$e: +hich is +hat is meant *y transu*stantiation#GHF The 0on-9urors +ere disappointed *y this ans+er# The moderates amon$ them. led *y 0athaniel pinkes. refused to continue +ith the ne$otiations# But Camp*ell. Gadderer. Collier and Brett met to compose a reply# In it they modified their ori$inal proposals# They +ould not ask for a chan$e in the precedence of the Patriarchs. merely that the British *ishops should *e under none of them. e(cept for disciplinary po+ers to *e $iven to 9erusalem# They accepted the )rthodo( rulin$s a*out the other proposals# )n the points of a$reement and disa$reement they required some details. not stated. to *e ad/usted on the procession of the %oly Ghost and felt that
GH5 GHF

+$id# pp# "5-"G: T# 'ath*ury. op# cit# pp# F"M-"I: archives of the !ussian church in 'ondon# G# Williams. op# cit# pp# "K-MF, T# 'ath*ury. op# cit# pp# F"I-FK#

there +as still some diver$ence in the interpretation of its role# They a$reed. *ut +ith qualifications. a*out the inspiration of the )ecumenical Councils, *ut they could not accept any form of +orship *ein$ $iven to the saints or to icons# They ventured to remind the Patriarchs that there +as no such thin$ as $radual reli$ion# The faith +as perfect from the *e$innin$# Therefore the earliest traditions +ere *est# They could accept decisions reached in the first four centuries of Christendom, *ut +hy should they *e *ound *y a decision of the late ei$hth centuryS They also could not accept transu*stantiation, and to support their vie+ they added a num*er of apposite quotations from 9ohn Chrysostom. Cyril of 9erusalem. Epiphanius and Theodoret. as +ell as from Tertullian and Au$ustine. sho+in$ that the early 3athers did not *elieve in a su*stantial chan$e in the elements# It may *e remarked that. +hile their ar$ument that earliest doctrines +ere *est +ould not have convinced the )rthodo(. +ho *elieve that the %oly pirit can at any time add to the revelation of divine truths. the evidence that they cited on the doctrine of the acraments held *y the 3athers +as less easy for the )rthodo( to ans+er#GHG This document +as dated 5I &ay "H55# It +as sent to Arsenius. +ho +as no+ at &osco+. +ith a letter. dated FJ &ay. askin$ him to transmit copies to the Patriarchs. to the Tsar and to the !ussian ynod# Another letter of the same date +as sent directly to the !ussian ynod. and one dated F" &ay to the Imperial Grand Chancellor. Count Golovkin D+hom they called Galo+skinE. askin$ for their co-operation# The letters +ere entrusted to 9ames the Pro- yncellus. +ho +rote on I eptem*er to announce his safe arrival in !ussia# Arsenius +rote on I 4ecem*er to say that the documents had *een for+arded and that all +as $oin$ +ell in !ussia# %e also sent some litur$ical *ooks. for +hich the 0on-9urors thanked him on 5M 9anuary "H5F. addin$ a tri*ute to the Archimandrite Gennadius. +ho had remained in 'ondon. apparently as priest at the ne+ )rthodo( church# In 3e*ruary Theodosius. Arch*ishop of 0ov$orod. representin$ the !ussian ynod. +rote to ask the 0on-9urors to send t+o of their num*er to !ussia for discussions +ith the ynod# The 0on-9urors then +rote to Arsenius to ask that his kinsman. Bartholome+ Cassano. +ho +as in En$land. mi$ht *e allo+ed to accompany the dele$ates as interpreter# Then thin$s *e$an to $o *adly# It +as not easy to find dele$ates +illin$ and a*le to $o to !ussia. especially as the ne$otiations +ere *ein$ kept secret from the British $overnment# In 9uly "H5G they had to apolo$i2e to Arsenius and the !ussians for the delay# In the meantime they received from Constantinople a copy of the 6Confession of 4ositheus1. +ith a letter si$ned *y each of the Eastern Patriarchs sayin$ that it em*odied his *eliefs and that he had no further o*servations to make# The Confession contained a clear statement of the honour to *e paid to saints and icons and of transu*stantiation# Then came ne+s of the death of Tsar Peter in 9anuary "H5K# %is +ido+ and successor. Catherine I. +as not interested in the affair#GHK The final *lo+ soon follo+ed# Thomas Payne. the 'evant Company1s chaplain at Constantinople. discovered a*out the +hole correspondence and reported it to Arch*ishop Wake of Canter*ury# The arch*ishop +rote in eptem*er "H5K to Chysanthus of 9erusalem. +hom he kne+ to *e a friend of Arsenius, and. after thankin$ him cordially for a copy of Adam :oernikoff1s +ork on the 4ual Procession. +hich the Patriarch had sent throu$h the British Em*assy to )(ford. he +arned him sternly that Arsenius and his friends had *een intri$uin$ +ith a small and schismatic *ody in Britain +hich in no +ay represented the An$lican Church# %e added that his 6faithful pres*yter Thomas Payne1 +ould inform %is Illustrious !everence a*out the true position in En$land#GHL This letter ended the affair# The Eastern Patriarchs had never *een enthusiastic, and the !ussians had lost interest# The Catholic !emnant of the British Churches +as left in isolation# Indeed. the $eneral temper of the An$lican Church in the ei$hteenth century +as not likely to
GHG GHK

G# Williams. op# tit# pp# MF-"J5, T# 'ath*ury. op# tit# pp# F"". FFL-G"# G# Williams. op# cit# pp# "JF-LM, T# 'ath*ury. op# cit# pp# FG5-KH# GHL G# Williams. op# cit# pp# (((viii-(((i(#

produce any sympathy +ith Greek )rthodo(y# 4r Covel1s *ook on the Greek Church had appeared in "H55# While not +holly unfriendly. it stressed the i$norance and corruption of the )rthodo( cler$y. and discoura$ed the fe+ En$lish clerical philhellenes that remained# )ver a century had to pass *efore there +as any revival of oecumenism alon$ such lines# 'ookin$ *ack from the vanta$e-point of later centuries. +e can see that attempts to *rin$ the )rthodo( and Protestant Churches into communion +ith each other +ere premature# The only stron$ common *asis +as a mutual fear and dislike of !ome# But the Protestants. even the An$licans. +ere nervous of anythin$ that mi$ht *e la*elled as superstition# They had not freed themselves from the superstitions of !ome in order to ally themselves +ith a Church that must have seemed to them equally enslaved to holy pictures and relics and monasteries# &oreover. thou$h they had reacted from !ome. there +as still a cholastic *ack$round to their theolo$y# They +anted clear-cut definitions and lo$ical ar$uments. even +hen they +ere dealin$ +ith the pro*lem of $race# The )rthodo(. +ith their mysticism. their taste for the apophatic approach and their loyalty to their old traditions. *elon$ed to a different +orld. a +orld +hich the West could not understand# The Protestant overtures offered to the )rthodo( an opportunity to revivify their +hole attitude to reli$ion# But it +as an opportunity that none of the )rthodo( really +ished to take. +ith the e(ception of Cyril 'ucaris and his disciples, and. for all Cyril1s personal qualities. his efforts ended in failure# The )rthodo( +ere +illin$ to make use of the Protestants *ut not to /oin up +ith them# With the comin$ of the ei$hteenth century the West lost interest in the )rthodo( faith. e(cept to denounce it as o*scurantist and de*ased# Even the !oman missionary effort +as reduced# The )rthodo( Greeks +ere left to turn in a$ain on themselves. or to seek protection from an )rthodo( po+er more traditionally hostile to the West than ever they had *een. the Empire of %oly !ussia#

4$ Constantinople and )osco2$

The proudest achievement of the old By2antine Church had *een the conversion of the !ussians# The political calculations of the !ussian princes had played their part in producin$ the happy result, and on the By2antine side the element of politics had not *een lackin$# But it +as also the product of a $enuine missionary spirit, and By2antine churchmen al+ays retained a special affection to+ards their !ussian $odchildren. +hile to the !ussians By2antium lon$ remained the source of civili2ation and li$ht# With the close of the middle a$es the relations *et+een By2antium and !ussia *e$an to alter# The &on$ol occupation of !ussia. +hich lasted from the mid-thirteenth to the mid-fifteenth century. put a *rake on !ussian civili2ation# !ussia +as cut off from most of Europe. and her o+n internal development +as distorted# The educated laity +hich had *e$un to emer$e disappeared# The various princely courts +hich. quarrelsome thou$h they had *een. provided vitality and enterprise. +ere disrupted# When the &on$ol tide *e$an to e** there +as /ust one $reat prince in !ussia. the Grand Prince of &oscovy. a crude autocrat +hose court +as closer in outlook to that of the &on$ol ^han of the Golden %orde than to that of the Emperor at Constantinople# Thou$h trade connections +ith the Baltic +ere precariously maintained. it +as the Church alone +hich preserved a tradition of culture throu$hout the dark a$es and +hich *y its connection +ith Constantinople kept a door open to Europe# But at the same time By2antium +as rapidly declinin$. +hereas *y the *e$innin$ of the fifteenth century &oscovy had *e$un to shake off the &on$ol yoke# With the shrinkin$ of the By2antine )ecumene there +ere already many more )rthodo( in !ussia than in all the Greek +orld# Inevita*ly. the Grand Prince of &oscovyo+as *e$innin$ to +onder +hether he. and not the impoverished Basileus at Constantinople. +ere not the proper head of the )rthodo( )ecumene. as the stern letter from the Patriarch Antony to the Grand Prince Nasssily I. +ritten in a*out "FIK. *ears +itness# GHH The !ussians had mean+hile *ecome more )rthodo( than the Greeks in that they +ere even more hostile to other forms of Christianity# The !oman Church meant to them hostile Poles. %un$arians and +edes alon$ the +estern frontiers# They +ere passionately indi$nant at the crime of the 3ourth Crusade. thou$h it had no direct effect on them# The West had done nothin$ to preserve them from the &on$ols, and no+ they +ere rescuin$ themselves +ithout its help. indeed. in spite of its hostility# In consequence !ussia had no sympathy +ith those By2antines +ho sou$ht aid from the West and +ere ready to pay the price of Church union# By2antium still kept a direct control over the !ussian Church# Whether *y chance or *y desi$n. every alternate &etropolitan of !ussia seems to have *een appointed *y the Emperor at Constantinople, and the others. appointed *y the Grand Prince. had to *e confirmed *y the Patriarchate# GHM The last of these Constanti-nopolitan appointments +as that of Isidore of &onemvasia. +ho. +hen metropolitan. had *een one of the most ea$er advocates of the 8nion of 3lorence# When he returned to !ussia the +hole !ussian Church and people repudiated his +ork. and he +as forced to leave the country# 0ot only had he let them do+n. *ut it +as felt that the By2antines +ho had appointed him and had accepted union at his side had *een traitors to )rthodo(y# When Constantinople fell to the Turks a fe+ years later. all !ussia +as sure that this +as the divine punishment for the crime#GHI The fall of Constantinople entirely altered the situation# The !ussians +ere already feelin$ self-ri$hteously disillusioned *y the Greeks# 0o+. as a result of Greek *ackslidin$. there +as no lon$er a %oly Emperor rei$nin$ at Tsari$rad. the Imperial City, and the %oly Patriarch. thou$h he had reverted to true )rthodo(y. +as the slave of infidel masters# )ne *y one the )rGHH GHM GHI

ee a*ove. p# H"# ee a*ove. p# HL# ee a*ove. pp# "JM-""J#

thodo( monarchs of the old By2antine sphere +ere *ein$ eliminated or reduced to vassala$e. till. +ith the e(ception of the distant and isolated ^in$ of Geor$ia. the Grand Prince of &oscovy +as left the only independent )rthodo( soverei$n in the +orld# And. +hile other )rthodo( princes +ere totterin$. his po+er +as steadily increasin$# The &on$ol ^hanate +as in decline# The &uscovite prince +as unitin$ the !ussians under his rule. till in "GMJ Ivan III could declare himself independent of the Golden %orde and soverei$n of All the !ussias# %encefor+ard he *ore the title of Tsar#GMJ In "GG" Prince Nassily II had +ritten a letter to the Emperor 9ohn to seek confirmation from the By2antine authorities of the &etropolitan 9onah. +hom he had appointed to succeed Isidore# In it he *oasted of !ussia1s lon$ tradition of )rthodo(y since the days of1the $reat ne+ Constantine. the pious Tsar of the !ussian land. Nladimir1# The phrase is ominous, it sho+s that Nassily +as prepared to claim the inheritance of the successors of Constantine# %e did not send the letter *ecause he heard a rumour. +ithout foundation. that 9ohn had fled to !ome# But a fe+ years later he +rote a$ain. to announce that he had appointed 9onah +ithout +aitin$ for By2antine confirmation# 6We have done this1. he +rote. 6from necessity. not from pride or insolence# Till the end of time +e shall a*ide in the )rthodo(y that +as $iven to us, our Church +ill al+ays seek the *lessin$ of the Church of Tsari$rad and +ill *e o*edient in all thin$s to the ancient piety1, and he $oes on to *e$ 6Thy %oly &a/esty1 to *e +ell inclined to+ards the metropolitan# The deference +as still there, *ut the Prince had decided to act on his o+n#GM" In a letter +ritten in "GK" the &etropolitan 9onah predicted the fall of Constantinople. the econd !ome# We are movin$ to+ards the notion of &osco+ as the Third !ome and the Grand Prince of &oscovy as %oly Emperor#GM5 There +as still enou$h respect for the By2antine past for the move not to *e rapid# Thou$h hencefor+ard the Grand Prince al+ays appointed the &etropolitan of !ussia. after a nominal election in the By2antine manner. and thou$h in "GHJ Ivan III declared the Patriarchate as *ein$ deprived of any ri$ht over the !ussian Church. the elected metropolitan still sou$ht confirmation from the Patriarch. +hom he reco$ni2ed as his superior# But the a*sence of an )rthodo( Emperor had to *e filled# The Greeks mi$ht *e o*li$ed to re$ard the ultan as heir to the Caesars# The !ussians had no such o*li$ation# In "GI5 +e find the &etropolitan :osimus +ritin$: 6The Emperor Constantine *uilt a 0e+ !ome. Tsari$rad, *ut the soverei$n and autocrat of All the !ussias. Ivan Nassilievitch. the ne+ Constantine. has laid the foundation for a ne+ city of Constantine. &osco+#1GMF This ne+ Constantine. Ivan III. had married in "GH5 :oe Palaeolo$aena. niece of the last By2antine Emperor# he had *een *rou$ht up as a Catholic, and her marria$e had *een arran$ed *y the Pope. +ith the intention of +innin$ &oscovy over to !ome# But the princess. rechristened ophia on her marria$e. +ent over +holeheartedly to )rthodo(y# Ivan thus connected himself +ith the last Imperial dynasty, thou$h. curiously. he and his descendants claimed Imperial descent not from this marria$e *ut from the far-distant marria$e of Nladimir. the first Christian prince of ^iev. +ith the Porphyro$ennete Anna. sister of Basil II. a marria$e +hich had in fact *een childless#GMG In 3e*ruary "GIM Ivan III had himself cro+ned *y the &etropolitan imon as 6Tsar. Grand Prince and Autocrat of All the !ussias1. at the same time co-optin$ his $randson and heir. 4mitri. as Grand Prince# In the coronation ceremony. +hich +as a
GMJ

# &# oloviev. istory of !ussia from the Earliest Times Din !ussianE. v. coll# "GMF-K, N# avva. %usco&ite Tsars and (y)antine Emperors Din !ussianE. pp# GL-I. KG-K. 5H5-F, "ournal of the +mperial !ussian istorical Soci' ety Din !ussianE. (li. no# "I. p# H"# Ivan did not ho+ever venture to use the title of Tsar +hen +ritin$ to his former overlord. the ^han of the Golden %orde. till "GIF# I*id# no# GM. pp# "MJ-"# GM" istorical Acts# collected and edited $y the Archaeographical Commission D t Peters*ur$, in !ussianE. r. no# FI. p# H5. no# G". p# M5, E# Golu*inski. istory of the !ussian Church D5nd edition, in !ussianE. n. ". p# GHM# GM5 istorical Acts. ". no# GH. p# IG# GMF ee W# ^# &edlin. %osco/ and East !ome# p# HM# GMG # 9# Pierlin$. La !ussie et le Saint'Siege. ". pp# IK5ff#, &edlin. op# cit# pp# HL-H, avva. op# cit# p# 5H#

rou$h copy of the By2antine. the metropolitan char$ed the Tsar 6 to care for all souls and for all )rthodo( Christendom1# The title of Tsar had no+ *ecome the official title and *rou$ht +ith it the implication that the !ussian monarch +as. *efore God. the head of the )rthodo(. that is. of the true Christian +orld#GMK The Greeks +ere not entirely averse to the idea of a po+erful monarch +hose duty it +as to care for the )rthodo(# In "K"L the Patriarch Theoleptus I +rote to Nassily III as 6 the most hi$h and *enevolent Tsar and Great ^in$ of all the )rthodo( lands of Great !ussia1. and hinted that a !usso-By2antine Empire mi$ht soon *e created# GML The !ussians themselves +ent further# It +as a monk of Pskov. called Philotheus. +ho in an address to the Tsar. delivered in "K"". made the most complete statement of !ussian claims# 6It is1. he declared. 6throu$h the supreme. all-po+erful and all-supportin$ ri$ht hand of God that emperors rei$n### and It has raised thee. most erene and upreme overei$n and Grand Prince. )rthodo( Christian Tsar and 'ord of all. +ho art the holder of the dominions of the holy thrones of God. of the sacred. universal and apostolic Churches of the most holy &other of God### instead of !ome and Constantinople### 0o+ there shines throu$h the universe. like the sun in heaven. the Third !ome. of thy soverei$n Empire and of the holy synodal apostolic Church. +hich is in the )rthodo( Christian faith### )*serve and see to it. most pious Tsar. that all the Christian empires unite +ith thine o+n# 3or t+o !omes have fallen. *ut the third stands. and a fourth there +ill not *e, for thy Christian Tsardom +ill not pass to any other. accordin$ to the mi$hty +ord of God#1 The pious monk added to his treatise a list of rules accordin$ to +hich the Tsar should $overn# The Tsar +as to o*ey Christian principles. of +hich the Church +as $uardian, he +as to respect the ri$hts. the privile$es and the authority of the Church# %is state +as to *e a theocracy. after the model of By2antium# But the By2antines. +ith their Greek common sense. had *een chary of ideolo$y# Their Emperor had *een the representative of God *efore the people, *ut he +as also the representative of the people *efore God# The ultimate soverei$nty of the people had never *een for$otten# At the same time centuries of secular education had prevented the By2antine Church as an or$ani2ation from dominatin$ By2antine life# &any mem*ers of the laity had considered themselves to *e as learned in theolo$y as any ecclesiastic# There had al+ays *een. too. an element +ithin the By2antine Church +hich had passionately disliked the po+er and pomp of the hierarchy and its connection +ith the $overnment# Philotheus and the !ussian theorists. ho+ever. kne+ nothin$ of the democratic traditions that stemmed from ancient Greece and !ome# To them the authority ow the !ussian monarchy came entirely from a*ove# They added to By2antine theory an eschatolo$ical precision that +as far more e(treme# !ussia +as the kin$dom mentioned *y the Prophet 4aniel 6+hich shall never *e destroyed1# It +as in !ussia that the +oman clothed +ith the sun had sou$ht refu$e# The !ussian theocracy. +ith Tsar and Church +orkin$ in harmony. +as instituted *y God and a*ove all earthly criticism#GMH This vie+ did not triumph +ithout a stru$$le# At the *e$innin$ of the si(teenth century there +ere t+o distinct parties in the !ussian Church# They are usually called the 6Possessors1 and the 60on-Possessors1. *ecause the one. to +hich the &onk Philotheus *elon$ed. *elieved that the Church in order to fulfil its mission should hold property of its o+n, +hile the other *elieved that it should *e free from the ties of property and from the connections +ith the tate +hich property involved# The Possessors are sometimes called the 9osephians. from their first $reat leader. 9oseph Nolotski D"GGJ-"K"KE founder and a**ot of the monastery of Nolokolamsk. a stern. uncompromisin$ man devoted to the cause of makin$ the Church the chief or$an in a
GMK

Collection of State Charters and Treaties D&osco+. "M"F-5M, in !ussianE. ii. no# 5K. pp# 5H-I, &edlin. op# at# pp# HM-MJ# GML istorical Acts. ". no# "5"# GMH istorical Acts# Supplements. I. no# 5F, oloviev. op# cit# v. col# "H5K, &edlin. op# cit# pp# IF-G# ee 4aniel ii# GG. and !evelation (ii# ". K. L#

theocratic tate# The 0on-Possessors are sometimes called the :avol$hetsi. the men from *eyond the Nol$a, for it +as there. +here the monarch1s po+er +as +eaker. that they sou$ht refu$e#GMM The 0on-Possessors derived their tradition from &ount Athos. not from the Athos of rich monasteries +ith +ide mainland estates and +ith splendid churches and refectories and +ellstocked li*raries. *ut from the sterner Athos of the ascetes and eremites. of the %esychasts and Arsenites# Their spiritual ancestor +as Gre$ory of inai. +ho had left the %oly &ountain *ecause it +as too socia*le. preferrin$ to live a life of $reater solitude in the Balkan hills# Gre$ory1s leadin$ pupil had *een the Bul$arian Euthymius. an erudite scholar +ho had *ecome the last Patriarch of Tirnovo. *ut +ho had used his authority to enforce poverty and asceticism on the Bul$arian Church# After the Turks occupied Bul$aria many of his disciples mi$rated to !ussia. *rin$in$ +ith them not only a kno+led$e of Greek mystical and hesychastic literature *ut also a close connection *et+een the ascetic elements on &ount Athos and the !ussian Church# The tradition that they introduced +as akin to that of the Arsenites of By2antium and the old tradition +hich had al+ays opposed state control# Its first $reat e(ponent in !ussia +as 0il. A**ot of or# %e +as a fierce enemy to any form of state intervention in Church matters# %e particularly disliked any attempt to use the arm of the tate a$ainst heretics# %eresy. he maintained. +as the affair of the Church alone, and the Church1s +eapons should *e education and persuasion# 3or a time he e(ercised an influence over Ivan III, *ut he +as no match politically for 9oseph Nolotski. +hose ideas +ere far more attractive to an autocrat# %e had fallen into disfavour some time *efore his death in "KJM#GMI The 0on-Possessors +ere soon to find a $reater leader in &a(imus. surnamed the %a$hiorite. or sometimes simply the Greek. +ho. as +e have seen. +as sent *y the Patriarch Theoleptus I to !ussia in response to Nassily Ill1s request for a skilled li*rarian# &a(imus. +hose ori$inal name +as &ichael Trivolis. had *een *orn in Epirus. at Arta. in "GMJ# 4urin$ his travels throu$h 3rance and Italy in search of education he had arrived in 3lorence +hen it +as under the influence of avonarola. +hom he $reatly admired and in +hose memory he /oined the 4ominican )rder# But he +as not happy in !enaissance Italy# After a short time he returned to Greece and settled on Athos. +here he occupied himself principally +ith the li*raries of the &ountain# When he came to !ussia the Tsar employed him not only to *uild up li*raries for the !ussian Church *ut also to translate Greek reli$ious +orks into lavonic. a lan$ua$e +hich he had actually learnt from the 'atin. not the Greek# %is literary output. *oth of translations and ori$inal +orks. +as enormous# &ore than anyone else he +as the father of later !ussian theolo$y# But politically he +as steadfast 0on-Possessor# Nassily III. +ho at first sho+ed him hi$h favour. *ecame irritated *y his refusal to admit the spiritual authority of the Tsar, and in "K5K the &etropolitan 4aniel arrested him for heresy on this count# After a series of trials he +as condemned and spent t+enty years in imprisonment in the monastery of Nolokolamsk. his opponents1 headquarters# %e continued to produce theolo$ical +orks +hile in detention, and +hen he emer$ed. in "KK". five years *efore his death. his personal presti$e +as immense# Even the Tsar. Ivan IN. the Terri*le. +ent out of his +ay to sho+ him honour# But his political influence +as $one#GIJ The Tsar placed complete reliance in the metropolitan. &acarius of 'u2hetski. a prominent 9osephian. +ho +as determinedly drivin$ the 0on-Possessors under$round# In By2antium the +hole tradition of the Church. $oin$ *ack to the days of 9ohn Chrysostom. had required it to keep a moral check upon the Emperor. +hile +hole monasteries and even hi$h clerics had kept
GMM GMI

Golu*inski. op# cit# n. ". pp# L5J ff#: &edlin. op# cit# pp# MJ-K. IG-L# 3or Gre$ory of inai and Euthymius of Tirnovo see a*ove. pp# "KK-H# 3r 0ilus of or. Golu*inski. op# cit# pp# KKK-L. KH". KM" ff# GIJ 3or &a(imus the Greek see a*ove. p# 5"F, E# 4enissoff. %axime le 2rec et +Occident. and 6'es Editions de &a(ime le Grec.1 !e&ue des etudes sla&es. ((i DIIGGE. pp# """-5J, G# Papamichael. {UsWX[C [ >VUWZ[C, and Golu*inski. op# cit# pp# LHK-H"5#

up a runnin$ fi$ht a$ainst state control# This opposition +as quelled at times. *ut it +as never silenced for lon$# &acarius +as determined to silence all opposition# %e sa+ that it +as in the smaller and poorer monasteries that the 0on-Possessors flourished# %e therefore for*ade monasteries of the smaller type. +hether coeno*itic or of the older la&ra type. +hich seems to have found its +ay to !ussia. to operate# They +ere either closed or mer$ed into lar$er units +ith a ti$hter or$ani2ation. itself strictly controlled *y the hierarchy, and the hierarchy +as to +ork in close co-operation +ith the soverei$n Prince, +hich meant that it follo+ed the Prince1s orders#GI" The immediate result of &acarius1s policy +as seen in "KLI. +hen the &etropolitan Philip. *raver than his predecessors. ventured to reprove Ivan the Terri*le for his notorious cruelty and oppression# A su*servient synod deposed Philip and handed him over for punishment to the Tsar. +ho put him to death#GI5 There +ere further results +hich made nonsense of the Possessors1 claim that &osco+ +as the Third !ome# The Third !ome. for the nature of the claim. should have *een an empire +ith an oecumenical outlook# But the policy of su*ordinatin$ the Church to the lay ruler could not fail to make it a nationalistic policy# It +as anyho+ difficult for the adherents of the Third !ome theory to retain any alle$iance to the Patriarch of the econd !ome. or even to pay much deference to the Pentarchy of Patriarchs 7 no+ a Tetrarchy. since !ome had lapsed into heresy# !ussian cler$y *e$an to resent and despise their Greek *rothers and the mem*ers of any Church that mi$ht seem to challen$e their transcendental divine mission# They *e$an to close their frontiers intellectually and temperamentally# %oly !ussia *ecame a land apart from the rest of the +orld# 0evertheless the presti$e of Constantinople could not *e for$otten, and. in spite of &acarius1s reforms. +anderin$ monks +ent to and fro to visit Athos and to remind the !ussians of the holy Greek tradition# The Patriarch of Constantinople +as still )ecumenical Patriarch and senior official in the )rthodo( Church# Even the most passionate advocate of the Third !ome did not quite kno+ ho+ to de$rade him# The Tsar himself not only desired reco$nition from the Patriarch *ecause of his traditional presti$e. *ut he also reali2ed that he could not *ecome the heir of the By2antine Caesars and lay head of the )rthodo( oecumene +ithout the Patriarch1s $ood +ill and support# The Patriarch on his side could not afford to alienate +hat +as no+ the lar$est. richest and most po+erful section of the )rthodo( Church, and. thou$h in virtue of the arran$ement made +ith &ehmet the Conqueror the )ttoman ultan +as lay protector of the Church and the Patriarch himself +as the administrative and /uridical head of the )rthodo( +ithin the )ttoman Empire. yet he could not *ut +elcome a $reat lay potentate +ho mi$ht *e a*le to alleviate *y his influence the lot of the captive )rthodo( and mi$ht some day perhaps *e ready to rescue them from *onda$e# 9ust as in the middle a$es the )rthodo( Christians under Ara* rule looked to the By2antine Emperor for protection and the ultimate hope of freedom. so the )rthodo( under Turkish rule *e$an to look to the !ussian Tsar# In "KGH Ivan IN +as cro+ned *y his metropolitan in a ceremony +hich +as a closer copy of the By2antine than that of his $randfather half a century earlier# %e +as anointed +ith holy oil and under+ent a form of semi-ordination. honours +hich Ivan III had not received# GIF In "KK" the Tsar summoned a synod of the !ussian Church to discuss the ritual practices that had $ro+n up in !ussia +hich did not conform +ith those of the Greek Church# The decrees issued *y the ynod. kno+n as the to$lav. or %undred Chapters. rule that they +ere all correct# This unilateral decision shocked many of the )rthodo(# The monks of Athos protested and the !ussian monks there re$arded the decisions of the synod as invalid# GIG The Patriarch of Constantinople
GI" GI5

&edlin. op# cit# pp# II-"JJ# oloviev. op# at# NI. col# "H"# GIF &edlin. op# At# pp# "J"-G# GIG E# 4uchesne. Le Stogla&#passim, Golu*inski. op# At# n. i. pp# HHF ff#, 0# ^apterev. The Character of !ussian !e' lations /ith the Orthodox East in the JTth and JNth Centuries Din !ussianE. pp# FMGM#O It is interestin$ that the

*e$an to *e alarmed *y the hi$h-handed actions of the Tsar# In "KL" the Patriarch 9oasaph II. to +hom Ivan IN had sent a num*er of handsome $ifts. +rote to confirm his title of Tsar *ut deli cately su$$ested that he should send a le$ate to perform a ne+ coronation in the Patriarch1s name# The Tsar i$nored the proposal. +hich 9oasaph did not venture to press# GIK Instead. the !ussians put for+ard +ith increasin$ vi$our a demand that their metropolitan *e raised to the rank of Patriarch# It +as. ho+ever. difficult to achieve this am*ition if the !ussian Church adopted a policy of isolationism# If the elevation +as to *e reco$ni2ed *y the )rthodo( +orld it could not *e done *y the !ussians alone, it +ould need the co-operation and approval of the e(istin$ Patriarchates# erious ne$otiations +ere only opened in "KMH. +hen Ivan the Terri*le had *een dead for three years# %is heir. 3eodor. +as a less truculent character. +hile the Patriarch of Constantinople. 9eremias II. +as a su*tle and realistic diplomat# A prudent declaration *y the Tsar e(plicitly denied the implication $iven *y the ynod of "KK" that the !ussian Church +as more )rthodo( than that of Constantinople# Instead. his Church sent a deferential request to Constantinople askin$ that its ne(t metropolitan should *e raised *y the ancient Patriarchs to Patriarchal rank. addin$ the hope that he should rank third in the list. after Constantinople and Ale(andria. *ut *efore Antioch and 9erusalem# The Patriarchates hesitated# 9eremias first su$$ested throu$h his a$ent at &osco+ that the Patriarch of 9erusalem should $o to !ussia to perform the ceremony of elevation. thus delicately indicatin$ that &osco+ +ould have to rank *elo+ 9erusalem# 0othin$ came of the su$$estion, *ut the follo+in$ autumn 9eremias himself came to !ussia on an alms-$atherin$ mission# %e +as promptly invited to &osco+. and early ne(t year he presided over a ceremony in +hich the &etropolitan 9o* +as raised to Patriarchal rank# After $ivin$ the ne+ Patriarch his personal *lessin$ 9eremias added a $eneral *lessin$ 6for all Patriarchs of &osco+ hereafter. appointed +ith the sanction of the Tsar. accordin$ to the election of all the holy ynod of the !ussian Church1# That is to say. Constantinople reco$ni2ed the permanence of the &osco+ Patriarchate as +ell as the ri$ht of the !ussian *ishops to elect him in independence of Constantinople and of the !ussian ruler to control the election# In the e(chan$e of instruments that follo+ed the election the Tsar addressed 9eremias as 6Patriarch *y the $race of the holy and life-$ivin$ pirit. comin$ from that most e(alted apostolic throne. heir and pastor of the Church of Constantinople. 3ather of 3athers1# In reply 9eremias addressed the Tsar as 6)rthodo( and Christ-lovin$. God-cro+ned Tsar. honoured of God and God-adorned### most serene and $lorious of soverei$n rulers1, and he added: 6 ince the first !ome fell throu$h the Apollinarian heresy and the second !ome. +hich is Constantinople. is held *y infidel Turks. so then thy $reat !ussian Tsardom. pious Tsar. +hich is more pious than previous kin$doms. is the third !ome### and thou alone under heaven art no+ called Christian Emperor for all Christians in the +hole +orld, and therefore our act to esta*lish the Patriarchate +ill *e accomplished accordin$ to God1s +ill. the prayers of the !ussian saints. thy o+n prayer to God. and accordin$ to thy counsel#1 9eremias thus makes it clear that he reco$ni2es !ussia1s claim to *e the third !ome politically *ut not ecclesiastically# The ri$hts and duties of the secular head of the )ecumene have passed from the Emperors of )ld !ome and the Emperors of 0e+ !ome to the Emperors of &oscovy# But the supreme ecclesiastical authority is still the Pentarchy of Patriarchates. +ith Constantinople at its head. and &osco+ added at the *ottom of the list. to make up the pentad. no+ that !ome had *een removed for heresy#GIL
to$lav makes use of the 64onation of Constantine1# The letter is $iven in !ussian istorical Li$rary D t Peters*ur$, in !ussianE. ((ii. 5. coll# LH-HK# GIL The ne$otiations and ceremonies are $iven in Collection of State Charters and Treaties Ded# A# &alinovskyE. n. no# KI. pp# IK-"JF# ee also ^apterev. Character of !ussian !elations /ith the Orthodox . pp# KK ff# An account in verse *y Arch*ishop Arsenios. +ho +as on 9eremias II1s staff. is $iven in C# athas. Bioypo+pi^iv I ia. pp# FK-M"#
GIK

9eremias1s solution +as in$enious and intelli$ent# It provided the )rthodo( +ith a po+erful lay protector in terms sufficiently flatterin$ for the protector to a*andon $reater ecclesiastical claims# The !ussians did not entirely $ive up their *elief in their o+n superior holiness, *ut their relations +ith the Greeks hencefor+ard improved# The )rthodo( under Turkish domination felt no+ that they +ere not entirely friendless# Their confidence revived# This friendship did not. it is true. facilitate their relations +ith their Turkish masters. +ho naturally looked upon it +ith suspicion. nor did it in the future help them in their dealin$s +ith the Western po+ers# But it helped to preserve )rthodo(y# 8nfortunately the accord +as soon follo+ed *y evil days for !ussia# The old dynasty of !urik came to an end +ith the death of Tsar 3eodor in "KIM# The trou*led rei$ns of Boris Godunov. of Nassily hiusky and of the 3alse 4mitri led to a period +hen it seemed likely that the country +ould *e overrun *y the Catholic Poles# 4urin$ those trou*led years it +as the Church that held the !ussian people to$ether# The Patriarch appeared at first as the deputy head of the tate# The Patriarch 9o* secured the succession of Boris Godunov to the throne in "KIM. and the Patriarch %ermo$enes D"LJL-"5E attempted even to act as re$ent durin$ the Polish +ars# But on his death the Patriarchate fell into a*eyance# GIH In "L"F the !ussian *oyars met to elect a ne+ Tsar. &ichael 3eodorovitch !omanov. a youn$ no*le of a rich and +ell-connected *ut some+hat parvenu family# &ichael1s father 3eodor. after a distin$uished lay career. had *een o*li$ed to enter the Church. under the name of Philaret. in order to avoid prosecution *y Boris Godunov# %e had done +ell there# Basil hiuski had thou$ht of makin$ him Patriarch in "LJL *ut had chan$ed his mind, and Philaret had *ecome anti-Patriarch under the ae$is of the 3alse 4mitri# But the Poles mistrusted him and put him in prison# The youn$ Tsar +as determined to have Philaret as his Patriarch# After a peace-treaty +ith Poland +as si$ned at 4eulino in 4ecem*er "L"M. Philaret +as released. and arrived in &osco+ the follo+in$ 9une# The Patriarch of 9erusalem. Theophanes. happened to *e in !ussia at the time. *e$$in$ for alms# %e presided over a ceremony in +hich the Tsar first announced his choice of Philaret as Patriarch and. on Philaret1s acceptance. asked Theophanes to consecrate him# A messa$e from the Patriarch of Constantinople +as read out. $ivin$ his *lessin$ and confirmin$ the ri$ht of1the !ussian throne of God1s Church1 to appoint Patriarchs in the future#GIM 3rom "L"I till "LFF. +hen Philaret died. !ussia en/oyed the spectacle of a father and son as Patriarch and Tsar# As Philaret not only possessed his son1s filial respect *ut also had far the stron$er personality. the Church $ained enormously in po+er# Acts +ere passed in the Patriarch1s as +ell as the Tsar1s name, and the Patriarch in fact presided over the $overnment# GII Philaret1s successors. 9oasaph and 9oseph. +ere mild and pious men +ithout political am*itions, *ut the presti$e of the Church remained hi$h#KJJ This mi$ht have led to a rene+al of the claim that &osco+ should *e the Third !ome ecclesiastically. to the detriment of Constantinople# But. o+in$ to the international position. even Philaret found that he needed the +hole-hearted $ood +ill of his Greek collea$ues# The period of trou*les had left the Poles in control of the +hole 8kraine. includin$ the holy city of ^iev. the cradle of !ussian Christianity# The Poles. +ith 9esuit help. +ere determined to *rin$ the Churches of the conquered provinces of !uthenia and the 8kraine into the !oman fold# Where they found local traditions too stron$ they set up 8niate Churches. +hich should keep their litur$y and ritual and lavonic lan$ua$e unchan$ed. so lon$ as they admitted the complete supremacy of the !oman Pontiff# &osco+ needed the help of the other )rthodo( Patriarchates to meet the attack# The careers of &eletius Pe$as of Ale(andria and of Cyril 'ucaris illustrated ho+ Greek prelates. from E$ypt as +ell as from Constantinople. ocGIH GIM

ee &edlin. op# dt# pp# "5H-I# I*id# pp# "FJ-G# GII I*id# pp# "FK-M# KJJ I*id# p# "FI#

cupied themselves +ith the task of rescuin$ these threatened )rthodo(# The 9esuits +ere +ell a+are of the position# Their sedulous intri$ues in Constantinople +ere lar$ely aimed at neutrali2in$ these efforts and at drivin$ a +ed$e *et+een the uncompromisin$ )rthodo(y of &osco+ and the more elastic faith of the seventeenth-century Greeks# The Church of ^iev +as saved more *y its o+n efforts than *y those of the Greeks# The need of the Greeks to find allies a$ainst !oman infiltration. *acked as it +as *y the $reat Catholic po+ers. had o*li$ed them to seek the friendship of the Protestants# Cyril 'ucaris. +hen +orkin$ in Poland. had definitely co-operated +ith Protestants# But Protestantism +as no more attractive to the 8krainians than +as Catholicism# Greek help *ecame sli$htly suspect#KJ" It had nevertheless *een of some value# The Poles had arrested or e(iled all the )rthodo( prelates +ho +ould not su*mit to !ome# The Patriarch of 9erusalem. Theophanes. passed soon after+ards throu$h the 8kraine on his +ay to induct Philaret at &osco+# %e paused at ^iev. +here he secretly ordained seven )rthodo( *ishops# When the Poles discovered a*out the ordination they attempted to arrest the *ishops# But the )rthodo( found an une(pected ally# The Cossacks of the 4nieper and the 4on. semi-nomadic free*ooters +ho lived on the frontier-lands *et+een lav and Turco-Tatar territory and +ho had never hitherto sho+n si$ns of piety. came out fiercely in favour of )rthodo(y and threatened to attack the Poles# The Poles needed the $ood +ill of the Cossacks to preserve their south-eastern frontier# The persecution of the )rthodo( in the 8kraine ceased# They +ere allo+ed to reopen their schools and reor$ani2e their church life#KJ5 At this /uncture they found a leader# Peter &o$hla +as the son of a &oldavian prince and had *een educated at Paris. *ut had then taken orders in the )rthodo( Church# %e came to ^iev in a*out "LFJ and in "LFF. at the a$e of thirty-seven. +as elected to its &etropolitan see# 4urin$ the fourteen years of his episcopate he chan$ed the +hole attitude of the 8krainian Church# !eali2in$ that to com*at the Catholics it +as necessary to understand their theolo$y and practices. he founded schools for the )rthodo( cler$y and laity +here 'atin +as tau$ht as +ell as Greek and lavonic and Western lay and clerical +ritin$s and modern science +ere studied# 8nder his vi$orous $uidance the Theolo$ical Academy at ^iev *ecame one of the *est schools of the time. and +as to play an important part in the future, for many of the reformers of Peter the Great1s time +ere educated +ithin its +alls# &o$hla had tried to persuade Philaret to esta*lish a similar academy at &osco+# %ad Philaret lived lon$er the school mi$ht have come into *ein$, *ut +hen in "LGJ &o$hla approached the ne+ Patriarch +ith definite proposals. they +ere politely shelved#KJF &o$hla had little use for the Church of Constantinople. distracted as it +as in his time *y the stru$$le *et+een Cyril 'ucaris and his enemies# %e +as far *etter $rounded in 'atin than in Greek theolo$y, and his trainin$ had left him +ith a sympathy for the doctrinal outlook of the !omans# Cyril1s Calvinism +as a*horrent to him# As +e shall see later. he tried to introduce into )rthodo( *elief a de$ree of precision that +as some+hat alien to its spirit# KJG But. apart from the theolo$ical details of his reforms. he had a $reat effect on the +hole !ussian Church# The youn$ Tsar Ale(is &ikhailovitch D"LGK-HLE. +hose rei$n sa+ the recovery of ^iev and the 8kraine for !ussia. +as deeply interested in them# %e +as devoutly reli$ious *ut no o*scurantist# The most influential man at his court +as his confessor. tephen Nonifatiev. +ho *elieved that the !ussian Church should not *e allo+ed to sta$nate in isolation# The Tsar not only snu**ed the efforts of his Patriarch. 9oseph. to cur* tephen and the reformers. *ut sent to ^iev for teachers to translate *ooks of all sorts. historical and scientific as +ell as theolo$ical and litur$ical. into !ussian# But
KJ" KJ5

ee a*ove. pp# 5L5-L. and *elo+. pp# FFI-GJ# ee a*ove. p# 5LG# KJF ^apterev. Character of !ussian !elations /ith the Orthodox. p# GM5# KJG ee *elo+. pp# FGJ-F#

he found that &o$hila1s pupils +ere most of them insufficiently $rounded in Greek and too deeply affected *y 'atin scholasticism# %e came to the conclusion that it +ould *e *etter to emphasi2e the Greek *ack$round of )rthodo(y and to *rin$ his Church into line +ith the older Patriarchates#KJK In this he +as influenced *y a learned Greek. the Patriarch Paisius of 9erusalem. +ho visited &osco+ in "LGI# While in &osco+ Paisius +as $reatly impressed *y a priest called 0ikon. *orn 0ikita &inin. +hom he persuaded the Tsar to make &etropolitan of 0ov$orod in "LGI. and +ho *ecame Patriarch of &osco+ in "LK5# In si( years. until he +as forced to a*dicate in "LKM. 0ikon reformed the +hole !ussian Church# The details of his reforms. most of them concerned +ith ritual practices. do not concern us here. e(cept in so far as they *rou$ht the !ussian Church once more into line +ith Constantinople# As a result the Tsar *ecame once more accepted as the $reat lay protector of all the )rthodo(, and the Greeks +ere no lon$er tempted to flirt +ith the Protestants or +ith !ome in their search for friends# Amon$st the !ussians themselves the reforms roused passionate opposition in many quarters. especially in the monasteries# The )ld Believers. as they +ere called. a*ly led *y the saintly Arch-priest Avvakum. held that %oly !ussia had no need for forei$n-inspired reforms# he +as the Third !ome and the sole recipient of divine $uidance# By a curious t+ist of history the spiritual heirs of the 0on-Possessors of the si( teenth century. +ho had *een driven under$round for their attachment to Greek +ays. +ere these pious monks and holy men +ho +ere driven under$round for refusin$ to countenance a revived association +ith the Greeks# Even the !ussians esta*lished on &ount Athos amon$st Greeks 7 *ut Greeks +ho +ere themselves suspicious of Constantinople 7 felt little sympathy for 0ikon1s pro$ressive activities# But 0ikon himself +ent too far. not in his ritual or administrative reforms. *ut in an attempt to assert the supreme authority of the Church to an e(tent more akin to the spirit of the medieval Papacy than that of By2antium# %e forced Tsar Ale(is to do penance for Ivan the Terri*le1s murder of the &etropolitan Philip nearly a century *efore, *ut. +hen he *e$an to call himself Great !uler DNeliki GossudarE of !ussia. a title that had *een $iven to Philaret. *ut only *ecause he +as the physical as +ell as the spiritual 3ather of the Tsar. Ale(is. $ro+n self-reliant in his middle a$e. +ould not endure it# 0ikon fell# But his reforms lasted#KJL The Patriarchate of &osco+ +as never a$ain to en/oy such po+er# Ale(is1s son. Peter the Great. sa+ in it too $reat a potential challen$e to his authority# )n the death of the Patriarch Adrian in "HJJ he refused to appoint a successor. merely nominatin$ an 6E(arch in char$e of the Patriarchal see1# A fe+ years later he formally a*olished the Patriarchate, +hich +as not revived till after the Communist revolution# The a*olition of the Patriarchate had no effect on the relations *et+een !ussia and the Greeks# By strict canonical la+ the !ussian Church should have come a$ain under the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate, *ut in fact the &etropolitan of &osco+ +as held to *e the locum tenens of the Patriarchal see. in independence of Constantinople# &ean+hile the Tsar. +ith his $ro+in$ po+er and the title of Emperor that he had assumed. +as re$arded more than ever as the Protector of the )rthodo( Churches, +hile the conquest of Constantinople. the city of the Patriarchs. *ecame a dominant aim of Tsarist policy# !ussia +as hencefor+ard to play a dominant role in the history of the Greeks#KJH
KJK

^apterev. -atriarch 0i,on and his (eginnings Din !ussianE. pp# "LG ff#. and pp# "I-55: W# ^# &edlin. op# cit# pp# "GM-KF# KJL The earliest life of 0ikon +as +ritten *y his disciple I# husherin. Life of the oly -atriarch 0i,on Din !ussianE. pu*lished *y the Imperial Academy of ciences. t Peters*ur$. in "M"H# 3or his career see also 0# ^apterev. P atri' arch 0i,on and his (eginnings# and -atriarch 0i,on and Tsar Alexis D*oth in !ussianE, William Palmer1s L-volume The -atriarch and the Tsar, and the +ell-referenced account in &edlin. op# cit# pp# "K5-5"J# 3or the )ld Believers see the auto*io$raphy of the Archpriest Avvakum. La 1ie de lQArchipretre A&&a,um# Hcrit par lui'meme . translated and edited *y P# Pascal# ee also 3# C# Cony*eare. !ussian Dissenters. pp# HI ff# 3or a description of the !ussian Church in 0ikon1s time see Paul of Antioch. The Tra&els of %acarius. selected *y W# '# !iddin$. pp# 5L-IJ# KJH &edlin. op# cit# pp# 5""-5F, !# Wittram. 6Peters des Grossen Nerhaltnis 2ur !eli$ion und den ^irchen.1

5$ The 6efinition of 6octrine$

-e$otiations +ith the $reat Protestant Churches of the West and the need to meet the attack of
the Church of !ome o*li$ed the )rthodo( to $ive thou$ht to their o+n doctrines# Their potential friends as +ell as their enemies continually asked them for precise information a*out details of their *elief# It +as em*arrassin$. at times even humiliatin$. to have so often to reply that there +as no authori2ed doctrine on these points# There +as no dou*t that relations +ith the An$lican Church +ere seriously dama$ed *y the variety of ans+ers $iven *y responsi*le Greek ecclesiastics +hen questioned on transu*stantiation# It +as not surprisin$ that the questioners. ho+ever +ell disposed they mi$ht *e. *e$an to suspect the honesty of the Greek episcopate# Confronted *y theolo$ians +ho liked clarity and accuracy. the )rthodo( found that their traditional apophatic avoidance of precision +as out of date and harmful to themselves# The West did not share their spiritual modesty# It considered their ans+ers dusty, it +as hot for certainties# Amon$ the Greek divines there +ere no+ many +ho had received their hi$her education in Italian or other Western universities, and this education predisposed them to+ards the Western attitude# In spite of the traditions of their Church they *e$an to search for a more systematic and philosophical pattern# Their searchin$ took forms that +ere all the more varied *ecause of the lack of definitions in the past# We find Cyril 'ucaris on the one hand and Peter &o$hila on the other *oth sincerely *elievin$ that they +ere interpretin$ )rthodo( doctrine alon$ le$itimate lines# There +as nothin$ inherently +ron$ in this# Indeed. )rthodo(y o+ed much of its po+er of endurance to the *readth of its *asis# But in a +orld of reli$ious polemics this *readth mi$ht *e a +eakness# The )rthodo( could not defend their doctrines if they did not kno+ +hat they +ere# There arose a demand for reli$ious Confessions +hich should $uide them in their relations +ith others# %itherto the only summa of theolo$y accepted *y the )rthodo( had *een the Fountain of 3no/ledge# +ritten in the ei$hth century *y 9ohn of 4amascus# KJM It had *een +ritten at a time +hen Christolo$ical pro*lems +ere the chief concern of theolo$y, it omitted to pronounce on many of the pro*lems that +orried the theolo$ians of the seventeenth century# And. even thou$h 9ohn +as $enerally held to *e the last of the inspired 3athers of the Church and his opinions +ere deeply respected. they did not constitute essential articles of faith# It +as possi*le for a divine as learned and pious as &ark Eu$enicus to su$$est a doctrine of predestination that +as not quite consonant +ith the 3ather1s# )thers of the 3ather1s rulin$s could *e interpreted in a num*er of +ays# After all. the Church of !ome. too. re$arded the Fountain of 3no/ledge as *ein$ theolo$ically correct# It did not ans+er the present need# 'ater By2antine scholars had produced short summaries of )rthodo( theolo$y. nota*ly the Emperor &anuel II and the Patriarch Gennadius# But *oth had *een +ritin$ to e(plain Christianity to a &uslim pu*lic, they had avoided controversial details#KJI The first attempt to e(plain )rthodo( *elief to a non-)rthodo( Christian audience. apart from the detailed polemical ar$uments of anti-!oman theolo$ians. is found in the ans+ers that the Patriarch 9eremias II sent to the 'utherans# 9eremias *elon$ed to the old school +ith its apophatic traditions. and at the same time he +anted to assure the 'utherans that even thou$h he disa$reed +ith them he +ished them +ell# %e +as therefore less concerned in makin$ a full

istorische Oeitschrift. C'QQII D"IK5E. pp# 5L"-IL# 9ohn of 4amascus. De Fide Orthodoxa D;<=< >?@AB[CE. in &#P#G#. (crv# KJI ee a*ove. p# "IF#
KJM

statement of his o+n theolo$y than in pointin$ out courteously *ut firmly the points on +hich he could not accept 'utheran theolo$y#K"J Cyril 'ucaris1s Confession. issued some thirty years later. +as intended to cover the +hole ran$e of his *elief# But. thou$h Cyril hoped for its acceptance *y the Church. it +as a personal statement. unlike 9eremias1s. +hich had *een issued +ith the concurrence of the %oly ynod, and its Calvinistic tendencies raised such a storm that an authoritative Confession seemed more than ever necessary#K"" It +as such a Confession that Peter &o$hila. &etropolitan of ^iev. hoped to provide. *oth to check the controversies that Cyril had aroused. and to keep his o+n !uthenians and 8krainians firm in the 3aith# But &o$hila. thou$h a &oldavian *y *irth. had *een educated in the West# %e +as stron$ly opposed to the !oman Church. *ut his opposition +as political rather than theolo$ical# %e sa+ the !oman cler$y as the instruments of Polish imperialism, he disliked Papal supremacy *ecause of the political activities of the Papacy# It is possi*le that he +ould have *een quite +illin$ to accept some sort of 8niate status for his Church had he not *een convinced that the Papacy +ould use su*mission to enforce its inte$ration +ith some Catholic po+er# 4octrinally he +as far more in sympathy +ith !ome than +ith any Protestant Church or even than +ith the old traditions of )rthodo(y# %is +hole trainin$ inclined him to+ards a scholastic definition of the 3aith#K"5 Peter &o$hla composed his Orthodoxa Confessio Fidei some time *efore "LGJ# %e +rote it in 'atin. +hich he kne+ far *etter than Greek, indeed. he +as an indifferent Greek scholar# As in the case of Cyril 'ucaris and his Confession. attempts have *een made to sho+ that it +as not his o+n +ork# But. thou$h he may have consulted +ith such men as Isaiah ^o2lovsky. hi$oumene of the monastery of t 0icholas at ^iev. he +as too self-confident and domineerin$ a man not to have taken full personal responsi*ility for it# In "LGJ he summoned a Council to meet at ^iev. in order to decide +hat litur$ical and educational *ooks should *e circulated amon$st the cler$y of his metropolitan see. to counter the +orks in Polish circulated *y the 9esuits# Narious *ooks +ritten *y his pupils and friends +ere officially recommended# But the main purpose of the Council +as to approve and adopt &o$hila1s Confession# &o$hila did not have the complete success that he desired# There +ere points in the Confession +hich trou*led many mem*ers of the Council# At the end of the discussions it +as decided to accept the Confession provisionally. *ut to send a copy to Constantinople for confirmation *y the Patriarch#K"F The Patriarch at the time +as Parthenius I. a man of *road sympathies +ho +as desperately tryin$ to restore peace to the Church after the disputes that had arisen out of Cyril 'ucaris1s career# %e reserved /ud$ment over &o$hila1s Confession# Instead. he sent *ack to ^iev a treatise. dra+n up *y the %oly ynod. dealin$ only +ith the Calvinistic errors in 'ucaris1s Confession# %e asked the Council to study and endorse it# But &o$hila +anted more definite support# %e had recourse to his friend Basil. Prince of &oldavia#K"G Basil. surnamed 'upul. the Wolf. +as the son of an Al*anian adventurer and a &oldavian heiress. +ho had secured the &oldavian throne in "LFG after a series of complicated intri$ues and mana$ed to hold it for t+enty years# %e +as a capa*le administrator and a *rilliant financier and soon +as the richest man in the Christian East# 9udiciously placed $ifts kept him on $ood
K"J K""

ee a*ove. pp# 5GM-KG# ee a*ove. pp# 5HL-M"# K"5 The *est +ork on Peter &o$hila and his Confession is A# &alvy and &# Niller. La Confession Orthodoxe de -ierre %oghila# Orientalia Christiana# Analecta x D"I5HE. $ivin$ the full te(t# 3or his life see i*id# pp# i(-(vii# ee also E# 'e$rand. (i$liographic elleni.ueP description raisonneH des ou&rages pu$liHs en 2rec par des Crecs au JNe siecle. iv. pp# "JG-LJ, A# 3lorovski. Le Conflit de deux traditions# pp# KJ-L# K"F &alvy and Nl8er. op# cit# pp# (lv-(lvii, 'e$rand. Bi*lio$raphie %ellenique an "He siecle. pp# "JG-"J# K"G &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# liiff#, 9# Par$oire. 6&eletios yri$os.1 Echos dOrient. (ii D"I5JE. p# 5G#

terms +ith the )ttoman authorities# Partly from am*ition and partly from $enuine piety he +as ready to sho+ $enerosity to+ards the )rthodo( Churches# %is chief reli$ious adviser +as Cyril 'ucaris1s opponent. &eletius yri$os. +ho pre/udiced him a$ainst 'ucaris# o. till 'ucaris1s death. he +ould not help the Church of Constantinople. thou$h he $ave lavish presents to the Eastern Patriarchates# But since "LFM he had not only paid off all the de*ts of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate *ut had reor$ani2ed the mana$ement of its finances# %e sa+ himself no+ as the chief lay patron of )rthodo(y and even dreamed of revivin$ By2antium# It +as said that at his request the Patriarch Parthenius had prepared a ritual for his Imperial coronation and that his cro+n had already *een made# %is pretensions +ere naturally resented *y the Tsar of !ussia, *ut &ichael !omanov. after the death of his forceful father. Philaret. Patriarch of &osco+. +as too ineffectual to make any successful protest# &ichael1s resentment +as all the more *itter *ecause the Church of ^iev. under &o$hila1s leadership. looked to the Prince of &oldavia rather than to the Tsar for lay support# This did not improve the relations *et+een ^iev and &osco+#K"K Basil +ished the Church that he patroni2ed to *e orderly and united# 8r$ed *y &o$hila and supported *y yri$os he demanded that a Council should *e summoned +here a definitive Confession should *e authori2ed# )n his insistence a Council +as convened to meet at his capital. 9assy. in eptem*er "LG5# The Church of Constantinople +as represented *y &eletius yri$os and *y the e(-&etropolitan of 0icaea. the Church of ^iev *y Isaiah ^o2lovsky and t+o other prelates# The Church of &osco+ sent three dele$ates. and the )riental Patriarchs. all of them on Basil1s pay-roll. +ere also represented. thou$h they +ere careful to maintain that this +as only a local Council. +ithout )ecumenical si$nificance# The Prince of &oldavia presided#K"L yri$os +as an astute politician# 3earin$ trou*le. he insisted that the deli*erations of the Council should *e held in private# In consequence our only relia*le information a*out its meetin$s comes. une(pectedly. from a Protestant. a 4anish su*/ect of Italian ori$in called co$ardi. +ho +as Prince Basil1s private physician and +as in his employer1s confidence# Accordin$ to his account. the first item on the a$enda +as the condemnation of Cyril 'ucaris1s Confession# The &uscovites at once protested. no dou*t more from contrariness than from any love for 'ucaris# The Confession. they said. +as irrelevant, it +as a personal statement +ith nothin$ to do +ith )rthodo(y in $eneral and +as pro*a*ly anyho+ a for$ery# To avoid an open quarrel Basil supported the !ussian request that the item *e passed over# Instead. the Council condemned as heretical a short Catechism attri*uted to 'ucaris *ut in fact +ritten *y one of his follo+ers. +ithout makin$ any mention of the late Patriarch himself# The ne(t. and chief. item +as a discussion of &o$hila1s Confession. +hich &eletius yri$os had translated from 'atin into Greek and +hich he had undertaken to present to the Council# But yri$os shre+dly suspected that much of &o$hila1s doctrine mi$ht *e a little too 'atin for )rthodo( tastes# In makin$ the translation he had therefore made certain emendations and omissions in the te(t# &o$hila himself seems to have accepted some of the alterations. +hile. +ith his imperfect kno+led$e of Greek. he may not have noticed others of them#K"H In a horter Catechism +hich he prepared later for the *enefit of !ussian readers some of the alterations appear *ut others are omitted#K"M The Council of 9assy endorsed &o$hila1s Confession in the form su*mitted *y yri$os. and concluded its *usiness +ith recommendations for a fe+ minor administrative reforms# oon after+ards the Patriarch Parthenius II of Constantinople summoned a special meetin$ of the %oly ynod. +hich $ave its approval to the decrees passed at 9assy# They +ere also endorsed *y the
K"K K"L

3or Basil 'upul see 0# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "LF-M"# 9# 4# &ansi. Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio. ((iv. p# "H5J# K"H co$ardi1s account is $iven in E# de %urmu2aki. 4ocutnente Priuatore la Istoria !omdnilor. rv. i. p# LLM, &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# (li(-li# K"M 3or the catechism see &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# c(lv-c(((#

Patriarchs 9oannicius of Ale(andria. &acarius of Antioch and Paisius of 9erusalem#K"I All this approval did not. ho+ever. raise the Confession into *ecomin$ part of the official do$ma of the Church# )nly an )ecumenical Council could have done so, the Council of 9assy +as not )ecumenical. and the support of the various Patriarchal ynods could not make it so# Thus. thou$h +e find the Patriarch Paisius of Constantinople +ritin$ in "LKG to 0ikon of &osco+ recommendin$ the Confession. t+o years later the Patriarch Parthenius III held a synod at Constantinople +hich denounced it as *ein$ tainted +ith !oman doctrine# But Parthenius III. +ho respected Cyril 'ucaris1s memory sufficiently to $ive his remains decent re*urial and +ho +as an(ious to please the &uscovite Church and support it in its disputes +ith ^iev. +as put to death *y the Turks in "LKH on the $rounds that he +as intri$uin$ +ith the Tsar# K5J There +as a reaction in favour of the Confession# In "LL5 the Patriarch 0ectarius of 9erusalem declared that it 6is a*solutely pure in doctrine and contains no novelty taken from another reli$ion1,K5" and in "LLH a Greek edition +as printed in yri$os1s version at Amsterdam and +as circulated round the )rthodo( Churches +ith the full approval of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate#K55 But its doctrines have never *een re$arded as essential articles of faith# As a complete compendium of do$ma &o$hila1s Confession is full of deficiencies# 0evertheless. if +e e(clude 'ucaris1s personal Confession. it represents the first attempt since the days of 9ohn of 4amascus to $ive precision to the main *eliefs of the Church, and it tries to ans+er questions that had recently arisen durin$ discussions +ith the Western Churches# )n the question of the Procession of the %oly pirit &o$hila1s formula runs that: 6the %oly pirit proceeds from the 3ather alone. in so far as the 3ather is the source and principle of divinity1# This is a formula +hich many !oman divines had *een prepared to accept at the Council of 3lorence and +hich many today have pronounced to *e uno*/ectiona*le# It is also the formula +hich +as accepted +hen the An$lican Church had discussions +ith the )ld Catholic communities and the )rthodo( at Bonn in "MHK#K5F But to many )rthodo( the qualifyin$ clause has al+ays seemed to *e unnecessary and undesira*le. even thou$h not actually heretical, indeed. it is open to a num*er of interpretations# &o$hila himself is kno+n to have accepted the !oman doctrine of Pur$atory and the immediate entry into Paradise of the souls of the saints# At the Council of ^iev Isaiah ^o2lovsky. actin$ as his spokesman. advocated *oth doctrines, *ut. after a lon$ discussion the matter +as referred to the decision of the Patriarch of Constantinople. +ho avoided a direct ans+er# yri$os foresa+ that the doctrines +ould arouse *itter controversy at 9assy and +hen translatin$ the Confession entirely altered the te(t. so as to deny the e(istence of Pur$atory and any kno+led$e of the fate of the souls of the saints# When preparin$ his o+n horter Catechism later. &o$hila prudently omitted the +hole question#K5G )n Predestination and the 3orekno+led$e of God the Confession follo+s the doctrine of Geor$e cholarius Gennadius. itself *ased on that of 9ohn of 4amascus# This represented the $eneral vie+ of the )rthodo(# )n the question of 3aith and Works the Confession adopted ver*ally the doctrines enunciated *y the Patriarch 9eremias II in his reply to the 'utherans. *ut added cate$orically: 6They sin +ho hope to *e saved *y 3aith alone. +ithout $ood +orks# 6K5K
K"I K5J

I*id# pp# li-liii. l(ii, C# 4elikanis. ;UYVWUVTWZU j==VU_U. iii. pp# F"-5# 4elikanis. op# cit# p# FI# K5" The te(t of 0ectarius1s commendation is $iven in the preface to The Orthodox Confession of the Catholic and Apostolic Eastern Church# faithfully translated from the Original from the &ersion of -eter %ogila Ded# 9#9# )ver*eckE. pp# L-I# 0ectarius admits that he has not read the 'atin version so cannot pronounce on it# K55 3or the various editions see &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# lvii-li(# K5F &alvy and Niller. op# of# pp# "5H-M and notes# K5G +$id# pp# "GG-K5. (lvi-(lvii. c(vii# K5K +$id# pp# "I-5". "JH-M#

)n Transu*stantiation *oth &o$hila and yri$os in his translation accepted a doctrine similar to the 'atin. interpretin$ it in a definitely material sense# K5L But the Greek doctrine of the Epiklesis. the *elief that the chan$e in the *read and +ine +as only completed *y the invocation to the %oly pirit. +as re/ected *y &o$hila. +ho took the 'atin vie+ that it +as completed +hen the +ords of Christ +ere repeated# This aroused fierce ar$ument at the Council of ^iev, and the matter +as included +ith those to *e referred to the Patriarch# In his translation of the Confession yri$os altered the te(t to include the doctrine of the Epiklesis# %ad it *een re/ected it is dou*tful +hether the Confession +ould have *een endorsed# But &o$hila. +hen he discovered the alteration. +as not pleased# %e held to his vie+. +hich he restated in his horter Catechism#K5H Certain phrases in the Confession +hich yri$os allo+ed to remain indicate that &o$hila did not accept Palamas1s doctrine of the Ener$ies, *ut it +as no+here cate$orically denied and did not come up for discussion#K5M Narious minor points on +hich the Confession1s formulae +ere perhaps a little more precise than the Greeks +ould have preferred. +ere accepted +ithout opposition# There had *een some discussion at the Council of ^iev over the ori$in of the human soul, *ut this +as *ecause some of the !uthenian divines had traducianist notions# &o$hila1s formula. that the soul +as created *y God and immediately infused into the *ody as soon as the *ody +as formed *y $enera tion. +as accepted *y the Council of 9assy#K5I To a student of )rthodo(y Peter &o$hila1s Confession has a curiously alien rin$# It +as clearly inspired *y a 'atin-trained mind# The e(planation of the Creed and the even acraments. the listin$ and arran$ement of the Three Theolo$ical Nirtues and the even 4eadly ins. as +ell as much of the actual phrasin$. sho+ ho+ deeply &o$hila +as steeped in scholastic theolo$y# ome )rthodo( theolo$ians have *elieved that the Confession is little more than an adaptation of the Catechism pu*lished a fe+ decades earlier *y the 'atin saint. Peter Canisius# &eletius yri$os had done his *est to render it into a more accepta*le form, and at the time it seemed to ans+er a need# It +as difficult for the )rthodo( to re/ect it. after the approval $iven to it *y so many Patriarchs and synods# Even the !ussians. in spite of their coolness to+ards &o$hila. si$nified their acceptance# The Patriarch 9oachim of &osco+ ordered in "LMK its translation into lavonic. a translation that +as eventually pu*lished in "LIL. *y order of Tsar Peter and his mother. the Tsaritsa Eli2a*eth, and the Patriarch Adrian pronounced it to *e divinely inspired# Peter the Great himself. +ith his likin$ for Western modes of thou$ht. ranked it +ith the +orks of the old Church 3athers#KFJ But there +as al+ays a current of reserve a*out it in the East# In the tradition of the )rthodo( Church &o$hila1s Confession ranks as a personal e(pression of faith +hich is perfectly )rthodo( *ut +hich carries no o*li$atory authority# KF" By "LI" criticism of the Confession +as $ro+in$ a$ain# The Patriarchs Callinicus of Constantinople and 4ositheus of 9erusalem tried to check the critics *y pronouncin$ it to *e orthodo( and irreprehensi*le,KF5 +hile 4ositheus sho+ed his approval still further *y +ritin$ a lon$ preface to an edition pu*lished in Greek in "LII at na$ov *y the hieromonk Anthimus of I*eria#KFF But it seemed clear that a +ider e(position of the 3aith +as needed and that 4ositheus +as the ri$ht man to prepare it# %e +as a Peloponnesian. *orn near Corinth in "LG#" into a family that claimed descent from the 0otaras family of Constantinople# The Patriarch Paisius of 9erusalem. himself also a Peloponnesian. had *een a friend of his parents and offered to arran$e
K5L K5H

I*id# pp# FG. LJ-"# &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# ". l(((viii# ee co$ardi1s account. a*ove. p# FGF. n# I# K5M &alvy and Niller. op# cit# pp# H"-5# K5I +$id# pp# "5-"F# KFJ +$id. p# l(vii# ee &ansi. op# at# (((vn. pp# 5H-M# KF" E#$# # Bul$akov. The Orthodox Church Dtrans# E# # CramE. p# GH# KF5 &ansi. op# cit# (((vn. pp# GLK-L# KFF 'e$rand. (i$liographie elleni.ue au lNe siecle. iii. pp# LM-I. iv. pp# "K"-5#

for his education at Constantinople. +here his chief teacher +as the philosopher 9ohn Caryophyllus# Caryophyllus. +ho +as a close friend of Cyril 'ucaris and shared many of his unorthodo( vie+s. +as a *rilliant teacher +ho. in spite of his personal taste for 0eo-Aristotelianism. inspired many of the *est Greek theolo$ical *rains of his time# In Constantinople 4ositheus learnt 'atin and Italian as +ell as Turkish and Ara*ic# Paisius took him into his service# When he +as nineteen he accompanied Paisius as his secretary on a voya$e to the Caucasian countries. and +as +ith him +hen he died at Castelori22o in "LLJ# Paisius1s successor on the Patriarchal throne of 9erusalem. 0ectarius. appointed him soon after+ards to *e his representative in &oldavia. a post of responsi*ility. as the Patriarchate +as endo+ed +ith lar$e estates there# In "LLM he +as raised to the metropolitan see of Caesarea in Palestine# 0e(t year. +hen 0ectarius a*dicated. he *ecame at the a$e of t+enty-seven Patriarch of 9erusalem# %e rei$ned there for thirty-nine years. until his death in "HJH# 4urin$ these years his learnin$. his ener$y and his hi$h pro*ity made him the most influential and revered fi$ure in the Christian East#KFG 4ositheus +as deeply +orried a*out the state of the )rthodo( Church# It had. as he indicated in his preface to &o$hila1s Confession. four out+ard dan$ers to face# 3irst there +as 'utheranism and. secondly. Calvinism. *oth of them attractive *ecause they shared +ith )rthodo(y the enmity of !ome. and *oth of them +ith many +orthy adherents. *ut *oth of them frankly heretical# Thirdly there +as the reform of the calendar. carried out *y Pope Gre$ory QIII in "KMF# 4ositheus disliked this reform. not only *ecause it altered in the name of science a traditional and hallo+ed system. *ut also. and perhaps still more. *ecause it had *een imposed unilaterally *y the Papacy, and one *y one the countries of the +orld +ere *e$innin$ to accept it# 3ourthly. and +orst of all. there +as the 9esuit )rder# 4ositheus +as frankly terrified of the 9esuits# When he had *een +orkin$ in &oldavia he had learnt a*out their operations in nei$h*ourin$ countries and had *een told horrifyin$ tales of their *ehaviour. many of +hich he noted do+n. such as the story of the !uthenian princess +hom they had converted and then persuaded to e(hume the rottin$ corpse of her father so as to have him *apti2ed in the 'atin rite# %e +as particularly alarmed *y the success of their propa$anda +hich hinted that the )rthodo( hierarchy +as tin$ed *y Protestant heresies# %e even suspected them of havin$ altered if not entirely re+ritten Cyril 'ucaris1s famous Confession to prove their point# KFK It +as to prove that his Church +as clear of such Protestant tendencies that he $ave his support to &o$hila1s Confession# But the 9esuits1 e(ample sho+ed him +hat +as the $reatest internal need of his Church# The 9esuits +ere successful *ecause of their e(cellent educational system# It +as in their education that the )rthodo( +ere most deficient# 4ositheus encoura$ed the creation and reform of schools and academies# In "LMJ he erected at the e(pense of his Patriarchate a printin$-press at 9assy in &oldavia. +here he had funds at his disposal and +here it +ould *e free from the difficulties +hich the Turkish authorities +ould have created at 9erusalem or Constantinople# %itherto. since the destruction of the short-lived press that 'ucaris had instituted at Constantinople. the )rthodo( had *een o*li$ed to have their *ooks printed a*road. mostly at Nenice. Geneva or Amsterdam. or
KFG

There is a vast literature a*out 4ositheus# %is nephe+ and successor. Chrysan-thos 0otaras. inserted a short and eulo$istic *io$raphy at the *e$innin$ of his istory of the -atriarchs of "erusalem . +hich Chrysanthos edited after his death# 3or summaries of his career see T# %# Papadopoullos. Studies and Documents relating to the istory of the Cree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domination# (i$liotheca 2raeca Ae&i -osterioris# ". pp# "KG-L, &#9u$ie. Theologia Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium a$ Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium . i. pp# K"L-"H# ee also A# P# Palmieri. 4ositeo. -atriarca 2reco di 2erusalemme# passim. a full *io$raphy from a 'atin point of vie+# KFK E# 'e$rand. (i$liographic ellHni.ue an lNe siecle. iii. pp# LM-I D4ositheus1s 6four dan$ers1E# 4r 9# Covel. Some Account of the -resent 2ree, Church. p# liv. says that he had received letters from 4ositheus in +hich the Pope is called 6 ava$e Beast. +ild Bear. the A*omination of 4esolationg.1 and the 3ranciscans 6+ild Beasts. most unmer ciful &urderers. 4evils1# 3or 4ositheus1s dou*ts over 'ucaris1s authorship of his Confession see his AY[VWU. p# ""HJ#

in the 8kraine. +here the standard of printin$ +as lo+# The 9erusalem Press at 9assy no+ *ecame the most important printin$ house in the )rthodo( +orld#KFL %e himself +rote many of the Press1s pu*lications# %is literary activity +as unendin$# %e prepared editions of a num*er of the 3athers of the Church as +ell as of +orks *y more recent theolo$ians. such as his predecessor 0ectarius# Indeed. he rescued many +orks from *ein$ entirely lost# )f his o+n +orks three treatises. stron$ly attackin$ the Church of !ome. +ere pu*lished in his lifetime. the Tomos 3atallagis. the Tomos Agapis and the Tomos Charas. the last appearin$ t+o years *efore his death# These +ere short *ut clearly e(pressed homilies. lar$ely compiled from earlier theolo$ical +orks# %is $reatest +ork did not appear until "H"K. ei$ht years after his death. edited and produced *y his nephe+ and successor. Chrysanthos 0otaras# It is called a istory of the -atriarchs of "erusalem *ut is in fact a history of the +hole Eastern Church. its councils. its schisms and its leadin$ fi$ures. +ith comparatively little a*out 9erusalem itself# It contains numerous di$ressions on theolo$y and history# 4ositheus made full use of his +ide readin$. not only in the Church 3athers and the By2antine and neo-By2antine historians *ut also in the Ara*ic chroniclers and in nWestern +riters such as Gre$ory of Tours# It is a frankly polemical +ork. missin$ no opportunity for underlinin$ the errors of the 'atins# 4ositheus dates the *e$innin$ of the schism +ith the West. +ith some reason. *ack to the days of the early Church# %is standards of scholarship +ere not perhaps those of today, and a num*er of his statements can *e proved to *e inaccurate in the li$ht of modern research# But he +as the equal of any scholar of his time# If his interpretation of events +as never very o*/ective. he +as no less o*/ective than +ere. in their different +ays. +riters such as Noltaire or even Gi**on# %e deserves to rank as a $reat historian#KFH 4ositheus *elieved that the Church +as in need of a +ider statement of doctrine than that provided *y &o$hila1s Confession# In "LH5. early in his Patriarchate. he asked his *rother of Constantinople. 4ionysius IN. surnamed 6The &uslim1. *ecause he had a num*er of &uslim relatives. to send him an encyclical letter +hich he could present to the ynod of 9erusalem as a statement of the true faith# 4ionysius therefore composed a statement +ith the help of three of his predecessors. Parthenius IN. Clement and &ethodius III. +ho countersi$ned it, and he dispatched it to 9erusalem to *e read out to the synod +hich 4ositheus had convened# The ynod of 9erusalem endorsed it# 4ositheus then edited it for pu*lication# A fe+ years later it appeared as one of the first productions of the 9erusalem Press at 9assy# It *ecame $enerally kno+n as the 6Confession of 4ositheus1#KFM The 6Confession of 4ositheus1 lacks the neat scholastic arran$ement of &o$hila1s Confession# It treats each essential doctrine one *y one *ut not in any lo$ical order, and the treatment is discursive# There is a tendency to qualify do$matic definitions +herever possi*le. in the old tradition +hich holds that our kno+led$e a*out theolo$y must necessarily *e incomplete apart from +hat has *een already divinely revealed# 0evertheless the Confession did attempt to $ive clear ans+ers on the main do$mas that had recently *een in dispute# In opposition to the 'atins it declared cate$orically that the %oly pirit descended from the 3ather alone. +ithout the qualifyin$ phrase inserted in &o$hila1s Confession# It disallo+ed the doctrine of Pur$atory# It insisted on the use of leavened *read in the acrament and stated that the Epiklesis +as necessary to complete the chan$e in the elements# It maintained that only the )rthodo( calendar of fasts and feasts +as correct# It e(plicitly denied the claim of the !oman see to have any superior position
KFL KFH

Papadopoullos. op# cit# pp# "KK-L: T# Ware. Eustratios Argenti# pp# F"-5# The %istory +as pu*lished at Bucharest in "H"K# 3or its contents see 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "IL- # KFM The full Greek te(t of the 6Confession of 4ositheus1 is $iven in 9# 0# ^armiris. kU [=XUYWU ]X}[cWZU {?<XBWU Y<C ~Ve[\[s[] qUe# jZZ#. n. pp# HGL-HF# ee also 9# 0# W# B# !o*ertson. The Acts and Decrees of the Synod of "erusalem# sometimes called the Council of (ethlehem# +hich contains an En$lish translation of the Confession Dpp# ""J-L5E#

in the Church# 8nlike &o$hila1s Confession. +hich implicitly denied Palamism. its phraseolo$y on the Nision of God +as Palamite# But it +as equally outspoken in denyin$ aspects of Protestant theolo$y# It came out firmly in favour of transu*stantiation. usin$ the +ord XB][]AW@AWC. and declarin$ that the *read and +ine of the acrament *ecame truly and fully the *ody and *lood of Christ# It approved the intercession of saints and the plenary remission of sins *y a ceremony of e(treme unction# The num*er of acraments +as definitely stated to *e seven# It laid do+n that reverence should *e paid to holy ima$es. alon$ the lines fi(ed *y the econd Council of 0icaea# Indeed. it +ent further than the Council of 0icaea in permittin$ icons of the 3ather and the %oly pirit. +hereas the By2antines had held that only the Incarnate 4ivinity could *e depicted# It denied Predestination in the Calvinist sense. insistin$ on the freedom of the human +ill and follo+in$ the doctrine laid do+n *y 9ohn of 4amascus and Gennadius# It opposed the doctrine of 9ustification *y 3aith alone# alvation. it declares. is achieved 6*y faith and charity. that is. *y faith and +orks1# The ynod of 9erusalem +as not an )ecumenical Council, and neither 4ionysius nor 4ositheus +ould have claimed that the Confession +as a*solutely correct in all details. *ut merely that it represented +hat. +ith their human limitations. they *elieved to *e correct# Taken in its entirety it represented the $eneral vie+ of the )rthodo( of the time. and. apart from its pre cise definition of transu*stantiation. it is still $enerally valid today# When the 0on-9uror An$lican divines needed an authoritative statement on )rthodo( doctrine. it +as a copy of the 6 Confession of 4ositheus1 +hich the Patriarch 9eremias III sent to En$land. politely su$$estin$ that An$licans should su*scri*e to it *efore any discussions a*out union could *e profita*ly held# KFI But even +ith all its qualifyin$ clauses the Confession +as a little too precise for many of the )rthodo(# The formula on transu*stantiation +as soon to cause trou*le# In "LMJ. at the request of the Patriarch 9oachim of &osco+. 4ositheus sent to !ussia t+o of his most learned follo+ers. the Cephallonian *rothers 9oannicius and ophronius 'ikhoudes# The Church of ^iev +as makin$ strenuous efforts to impose its 'atini2ed doctrine of the Eucharist on the +hole !ussian Church# )ne of Peter &o$hila1s pupils. the 8krainian monk ymeon Polotsky. had settled in &osco+ and *y his charmin$ and courtly manners had made himself a favourite in the Tsar1s household# Tsar Ale(is entrusted him +ith the education of his children. includin$ his youn$ son Peter, thou$h. as the future Peter the Great +as only a$ed ei$ht +hen ymeon died. ymeon1s direct influence on him cannot have *een $reat# ymeon kne+ no Greek *ut +as fluent in 'atin and Polish, and his kno+led$e of Western scientific discoveries and methods $reatly impressed the &oscovites# %e had nothin$ *ut contempt for the !ussian cler$y, and. relyin$ on the Tsar1s friendship. he attempted to secure an official rulin$ that the !ussian Church accepted the full doctrine of transu*stantiation and re/ected the doctrine of the Epiklesis# The Patriarch 9oachim and his cler$y +ere alarmed, they therefore sent to 4ositheus for help# The +orst of the crisis +as over *y the time that the 'ikhoudes *rothers arrived at &osco+. as ymeon had /ust died# %is friend and disciple. ylvester &edvedev. +ho carried on his cause. +as less erudite and less a*le# %e +as no match for the 'ikhoudes *rothers. +ho themselves had received an e(cellent Western education at Padua and Nenice. and kne+ 'atin and Italian and all the up-to-date trends in philosophy and science# The Tsar *e$an to +ithdra+ his favour from &edvedev and to reali2e ho+ stron$ly pu*lic opinion disliked the 8krainian doctrines# At a Council held in &osco+ in "LIJ. /ust *efore the Patriarch 9oachim1s death. ymeon Polotsky1s teachin$s +ere repudiated# The do$ma of the Epiklesis +as esta*lished, and a deli*erately imprecise phrase a*out transu*stantiation +as approved# Narious theolo$ical te(t*ooks pu*lished at ^iev +ere +ithdra+n# In their place ne+ te(t*ooks +ere compiled *y the 'ikhoudes
KFI

ee %# T# 3# 4uck+orth. 2ree, %anuals of Church Doctrine. summari2in$ four nineteenth-century Greek catechisms#

*rothers# They re-edited &o$hila1s Confession. so that the edition +hich appeared in "LIL contained a num*er of modifications on the Persons of the Trinity and on the doctrine of the acrament# In spite of their Western education the 'ikhoudes *rothers *elon$ed to the old apophatic tradition# They seem even to have found the 6Confession of 4ositheus1 a little too cataphatic for their tastes# They represent a movement *ack from the search for precision that characteri2ed the seventeenth century into the older traditional lines# In the nineteenth century. +hen fresh catechisms +ere prepared. in !ussia as +ell as in Greece. the phraseolo$y on the acrament. on free +ill and /ustification *y faith. +ere deli*erately va$ue. stressin$ the mystery of God#KGJ The ei$hteenth century +as not in any part of die +orld a $reat a$e of theolo$ians# In !ussia the secular control of the Church instituted *y Peter the Great. and *ased on 'utheran rather than on By2antine models. discoura$ed theolo$ical enterprise# The Imperial court *e$an to associate itself more and more +ith lay Western culture# )f the three remarka*le +omen +ho dominated the destinies of !ussia durin$ the century t+o. Catherine I and Catherine II. +ere *orn Protestants. and their conversion to )rthodo(y +as political rather than spiritual. +hile the third. Eli2a*eth Petrovna. +as superstitious rather than pious and had no taste for theolo$ical niceties# Catherine II deli*erately filled the hi$h positions in the Church +ith free-thinkers and tended to re$ard the monasteries as *ein$ inimical to the tate# !ussian holy men. such as Tikhon. Bishop of Norone2h. +hom 4ostoievsky +as $reatly to admire. or the mystic monk Paisy Nelichkovsky. received no support or approval from the $overnment#KG" Amon$st the Greeks. o+in$ to the influence of the Phanariot no*ility. lay learnin$ *ecame the fashion. at the e(pense of reli$ious learnin$# )ne of the fe+ men to com*ine the t+o learnin$s +as 0icodemus of the %oly &ountain. +hose -idalion. pu*lished in "MJJ at 'eip2i$. is still the chief authority on the duties and ran$e of Greek canon la+. *ut +ho +as also a mystic in the old tradition. thou$h the mystical e(ercises that he recommended o+ed more to 'oyola and the Western mystics than to the %esychasts# But he stood alone as a spiritual fi$ure# KG5 There +as no lon$er any interest in de*ates +ith divines of other faiths# The )rthodo( had a protector of their o+n faith in !ussia. thou$h !ussia +as not al+ays so helpful or quite as disinterested as they had hoped# The one constant dan$er +as still the propa$anda of the !oman Church# The 9esuits had lost some of their influence, many potentates +ere turnin$ a$ainst them in the West# But they +ere still active in the East. as +ere the 4ominican and 3ranciscan )rders, and the Catholic po+ers. in particular 3rance. ho+ever much they mi$ht disapprove of them at home. +ere ready to make use of them for political purposes +ithin the )ttoman Empire# The dispute over the custodianship of the %oly Places in Palestine continued +ithout ceasin$# The 3ranciscans claimed to *e special $uardians of the sites, and the Catholic po+ers +ould *ack their claims# The ultan. thou$h for administrative convenience he preferred to leave them under )rthodo( control. +as often ready for diplomatic reasons to promise concessions to the 3ransciscans# %e also had his Coptic. 9aco*ite and Ara*ian su*/ects to consider# In the later seventeenth century the influence of the eminent Phanariots at the u*lime Porte secured for the Greeks the most favoured position at the %oly Places# But the 'atin rivalry could not *e eliminated# 'ater it +as to *e one of the causes of the Crimean War# KGF At the same time 'atin propa$anda never ceased at Constantinople. even invadin$ the Patriarchal court# The Patriarch Athanasius N. a distin$uished musicolo$ist +ho rei$ned from "HJI to "H"". +as stron$ly suspected of !omani2in$ tendencies, and similar suspicions +ere har*oured a$ainst one or t+o of his succesKGJ

3or the 'ikhoudes *rothers see &# mertsovsky. The (rothers Li,hudy Din !ussianE. $ivin$ a full account of their career and +ritin$s# ee also 9u$ie. op# tit# ". pp# K"H-"M# KG" 3or the later !ussian mystics see E# Behr- i$el. -riere et saintetH dans lEglise russe# KG5 ee Ware. Eustratios Argenti. pp# "J"-5. "HJ-5. also &# Niller. 60icodeme l1A$iorite et ses emprunts a la litterature spirituelle occidentale.1 !e&ue dAsceti.ue et de %ysti.ue. v D"I5GE. pp# "HG-H# KGF ee a*ove. p# 5FL#

sors# 3inally the rivalry *et+een the Churches $ave rise to the one $reat theolo$ical controversy +ithin )rthodo(y durin$ the ei$hteenth century# There had al+ays *een discussion on the proper procedure for receivin$ into the Church converts from the !oman or other Churches# The pro*lem often arose *ecause of the num*er of Greeks *orn in Nenetian territory. such as the Ionian islands. +ho. either *ecause they came to settle +ithin the )ttoman Empire or *ecause they married )rthodo( spouses. +ished to return to the Church of their forefathers# The Council of "GMG. the first council to *e held at Constantinople after the fall of the city. had dealt +ith that very question# It had ordained a ritual in +hich the convert a*/ured his doctrinal errors and +as reconfirmed, *ut he did not have to *e re*apti2ed# But as time +ent on dou*ts arose +hether this +as sufficient, +as a heretic *aptism validS These dou*ts +ere not purely occasioned *y dislike for the 'atins. thou$h that motive +as certainly not a*sent. *ut from a $enuine suspicion that the 'atin ritual of *aptism +as not canonically correct# The )rthodo(. follo+in$ the practice of the early Christians. *apti2ed *y immersion# The Church allo+ed that in an emer$ency any *apti2ed Christian. +hatever his sect. could perform a valid *aptism. so lon$ as the %oly Trinity +as invoked, *ut the ritual should include immersion in so far as it +as physically possi*le# The 'atins *apti2ed *y aspersion# &any of the )rthodo( considered this to *e uncanonical# They demanded that the convert *e re-*apti2ed. not *ecause he had already *een *apti2ed *y a heretic *ut *ecause. in their opinion. he had not really *een *apti2ed at all# Ecclesiastical opinion amon$ the )rthodo(. particularly in monkish circles. had for some time *een movin$ in this direction# Baptismal practices +ere not mentioned in the seventeenth-century Confessions, *ut *y the *e$innin$ of the ei$hteenth century there +as a definite move to insist upon re-*aptism# It is pro*a*le that the !ussians. al+ays more )rthodo( than the )rthodo(. +ere the prota$onists# In "H"M Peter the Great +rote to ask the Patriarch 9eremias III of Constantinople +hether he should re*apti2e converts and +as told that it +as unnecessary# But in sayin$ so 9eremias did not speak for the +hole of his Church# %e had on his side the Pha nariot aristocrats and intellectuals. +ho prided themselves on their Western culture and their freedom from *i$otry. and most of the upper hierarchy. men many of +hom o+ed their posts to Phanariot influence and many of +hom came from the Ionian Islands. +here the )rthodo( lived on $ood terms +ith the Catholics and conversion +as frequent# uch men sa+ no need for chan$in$ the e(istin$ practice# There +as nothin$ in the Canon 'a+. as derived from the criptures and the )ecumenical Councils. +hich insisted on immersion as the only valid form of *aptism or in any +ay demanded the re*aptism of anyone *apti2ed in the name of the Trinity# )n the other side +ere ran$ed most of the monasteries. +hich al+ays sa+ themselves as the $uardians of Tradition. the )rthodo( in !ussia and the )rthodo( in yria and Palestine. +here feelin$ a$ainst the Catholics ran hi$h and +here fe+ converts +ere ever made. and the lo+er cler$y in $eneral. nearly all of them influenced *y the monasteries# In the middle of the ei$hteenth century this second party found leaders in t+o remarka*le men# )ne of them. Eustratios Ar$enti. +as a layman from Chios. *orn in a*out "LIJ and educated in philosophy and medicine in Western Europe# %e *ecame one of the *est-kno+n physicians in the 0ear East, *ut he +as also a passionate theolo$ian# %is readin$ convinced him that in fact immersion +as the only canonical form of *aptism# It +as. he thou$ht. +orldly and +ron$ to countenance other forms# %e received no sympathy from the intellectual circles in +hich he moved, *ut he convinced one eminent divine. Cyril. &etropolitan of 0icaea# Cyril +as a Constantinopolitan of hum*le *irth *ut of $ood education +ho had risen in the hierarchy on his merits# %e +as considered to *e very a*le *y his fello+-metropolitans *ut +as not popular amon$st them# %o+ever the Patriarch Paisius II +as still more unpopular# Paisius. +ho had already *een deposed once. +as a+are that the synod +as intri$uin$ a$ainst him and +as said to have made all his metropolitans s+ear on oath that if he +ere deposed a$ain none of them +ould replace him# Cyril s+ore +ith the rest. *ut. only a fe+ days after Paisius1s deposition in eptem*er "HGM.

he +as appointed to the Patriarchal throne# The story that Cyril *roke his oath +as only circulated some years later *y his enemies, and they offered no e(planation for his easy succession to the throne# As Patriarch. Cyril had three o*/ects in vie+. to improve monastic education. to reform the finances of his office. and to esta*lish the need for the re*aptism of converts# %is first o*/ect. +hich culminated in an attempt to found an academy on &ount Athos. ended in failure# %is strin$ent financial measures had some success# %e laid heavy ta(es on the metropolitanates and richer *ishoprics and relieved the *urden on the poorer con$re$ations# This increased his popularity +ith the Greek populace in Constantinople. +hich already sympathi2ed +ith his kno+n vie+s on re*aptism, *ut it infuriated the metropolitans# Before he could implement his reli$ious policy they secured his deposition. in &ay "HK". and reinstated Paisius# Paisius seems to have *orne no rancour a$ainst Cyril and +as himself mildly in favour of the need for re*aptism, *ut he +as in no position to enforce his vie+s or to prevent a num*er of metropolitans from openly denouncin$ them# There +as at the time in Constantinople a monk called Au(entius. +ho +as considered *y the populace to possess thaumatur$ical po+ers and +ho +as certainly an effective dema$o$ue# Thou$h Cyril denied. pro*a*ly truthfully. any connection +ith him. he roused feelin$ a$ainst Paisius and the metropolitans and insti$ated such riots in favour of Cyril that in eptem*er "HK5 the Turkish authorities felt it necessary to insist on Paisius1s deposition and Cyril1s reinstatement# After such a demonstration of his popularity Cyril could defy the metropolitans# In "HKK he issued an encyclical. +ritten in colloquial Greek. pro*a*ly *y himself. in +hich he advocated re*aptism in the case of converts from the !oman and Armenian Churches# %e follo+ed this a month later *y an official order. kno+n as the )ros. in +hose draftin$ Ar$enti had a hand. +hich insisted on canonical $rounds that re*aptism should *e applied in the case of every convert# The Patriarchs of Ale(andria and 9erusalem countersi$ned the order# The Patriarch of Antioch +ould have done so. had he not *een on an alms-seekin$ visit to !ussia and had his throne not *een snatched in his a*sence *y a usurper# The )ros +as met +ith an an$ry outcry from the metropolitans, *ut. some+hat to their em*arrassment. they found that they had *ecome the allies of the envoys of the Catholic po+ers. +ho at once protested to the Porte a$ainst this insult to the Catholic 3aith# It +as am*assadorial pressure rather than that of the ynod +hich led to Cyril1s deposition in 9anuary "HKH# But +hen his successor Callinicus IN. formerly &etropolitan of Braila in !oumania. attempted to annul the )ros si( months later. there +ere such riots that the Turks demanded his a*dication# The ne(t Patriarch. erapheim II. +as too prudent to repeat the attempt# o. thou$h for some time to come Cyril1s memory +as su*/ected to *itter a*use. re*aptism for converts is to this day the official rule in the )rthodo( Church# Whether. as some of Cyril1s opponents have claimed. it +as a piece of reactionary o*scurantism. or. as others have claimed. an act of reli$ious chauvinism. or +hether. as is more likely. it +as a result of a sincere conviction. Cyril1s )ros is still re$retted *y many of the )rthodo( and has proved a *ar to any possi*le reunion of the Churches# It +as the last theolo$ical enterprise of the )rthodo( Church until +e come to the controversies of the nineteenth century# In the meantime the Church had *een cau$ht up in the political strivin$s of the Greek people#KGG

KGG

The *aptism controversy has *een admira*ly covered *y Ware. Eustratios Argenti. pp# LK-"JH# 3or Cyril N1s career the *asic authority is the chronicle of er$ios &acraios. part " Din athas. {BAAUW@?WZ< |W}cW[e<Z< iii. pp# 5JF-FHE# ee also Papadopoullos. op# tit# pp# "KI-5LG#

%7$ The Phanariots$

It +as fortunate for the Church in its stru$$le to maintain its standards a$ainst oppression and
increasin$ de*t that there +ere classes amon$st the Greeks to +hom )ttoman rule had *rou$ht prosperity# The spread of one $reat Empire over the 0ear East had *roken do+n national trade*arriers# In spite of local octrois and the rapacity of individual $overnors commerce flourished throu$hout the Empire, and more and more merchants from the West came to Turkish ports to *uy the silks and carpets. the olives and dried fruits. the her*s and spices and to*acco +hich the Empire produced# The Turks themselves had no taste for trade. and they had e/ected the Italians +ho in the old days had dominated 'evantine commerce# They left tradin$ activities to their su*/ect races. to 9e+s. Armenians. yrians and Greeks, and the Greeks. lar$ely *ecause they +ere the *est sailors. +ere the dominant $roup# There +as al+ays $reat poverty amon$st them# The ma/ority of Greek peasants. +hether in Europe or in Asia. *arely scraped a livin$ from the *arren soil# But +here nature had *een kinder. as on &ount Pelion +ith its $ushin$ streams. flourishin$ communities arose. +ith small industrialists *anded to$ether in associations or corporations# The silks of Pelion +ere famous *y the end of the seventeenth century. and the $ro+ers en/oyed special privile$es from the ultan# At Am*elakia in Thessaly and 0aoussa in Western &acedonia there +as a flourishin$ cotton-makin$ industry# KGK A*out the same time the fur-trade of the Empire +as centered round the &acedonian to+n of Castoria. +hose citi2ens *ou$ht furs in the distant north and made them up into pelisses and caps in their o+n +orkshops# KGL In the to*acco lands of &acedonia. thou$h the *i$ money +ent to the Turkish landlords. the peasants +ho +orked the fields +ere not do+ntrodden# KGH 0ot only +as local shippin$ round Constantinople and the flourishin$ fishin$ industry lar$ely manned *y Greeks or *y Christian 'a2es. +ho *ein$ )rthodo( ranked as Greeks. *ut the carryin$-trade in the Eastern &editerranean +as in the hands of Greek shipo+ners livin$ in the Ae$ean islands. in %ydra or in yra# KGM Greek merchants carried &almsey +ine to the markets of Germany or Poland or collected cottons and spices in the further East for re-e(port#KGI But it +as in the lar$er seaport cities. in myrna or in Thessalonica or. a*ove all. in Constantinople itself. that $reat fortunes could *e made# ^oranic la+ as +ell as
KGK

ee A# %ad/imichali. 6Aspects de reor$anisation economique des Grecs dans l1Empire )ttoman.1 Le Cin.'cen' tieme anni&ersaire de la prise de Constantinople# L ellenisme contemporain Dfascicule hors serie, "IKFE. pp# 5LGM, 0# G# voronos. Commerce de Saloni.ue an 41+++e siecle# p# 5KJ# 4# icilianos. i {UZVW?WYlU ZUW Y[ ;<cW[?. pp# I5-G# KGL 3or the fur-trade see %ad/imichali. art# cit# pp# 5H5-K, C# &ertsios. %onuments de +histoire de la %acedonie . pp# 5JI ff# KGH !eports *y the 3rench Consuls Arasy. de 9onville and Beau/our. in &# 'ascaris. Saloni.ue a la fin du 41+++e siecleP voronos. op# cit# pp# 5L"-G# KGM 3or maritime trade +ithin the )ttoman Empire in the seventeenth century see !# &antran. +stan$ul dans la sec' onde moitiH du 41++e siecle. pp# G5K ff#. esp# pp# GMH-I5# 3or the part played *y Greeks see Eremiya Cele*i ^omiircuyan. +stan$ul TarihiG 41++ asirda +stan$ul Dtrans. into Turkish *y %# 4# AndreasyanE. p# GH Dthe account of a contemporary Armenian travellerE. and &antran. op# cit# pp# KK-H# There is no $ood $eneral survey of the trade of the Ae$ean islands in the ei$hteenth century. +hen the islanders took over most of the 'evantine trade# Accordin$ to '# # Bartholdy D1oyage en 2rece fait dans les annees JZMK'JZM\ . II. p# LFE the islands of %ydra. petsai. Psara and Chios o+ned from FJJ to GJJ ships# 3or %ydra the *est mono$raph is still G# 4# ^rie2is. AY[VWU Y<C y<A[] \VUC dV[C Y<C jdU?UAYUAB@C Y[] "M5"# ee also. for the islands1 privile$es. 9# :# tephanopoli. Les +les de +EgeHG leurs pri&ileges# passim. KGI ee 0# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# 5FG-K: also T# toianovic. 6The conquerin$ Balkan )rthodo( &erchant.1 9ournal of Economic %istory. ((. pp# 5FG-F"F- There +ere chapels for the use of Greek merchants at 'eip2i$. Breslau and Posen: &# Gedeon. ;UYVWUVTWZ[W dW?UZBC. pp# LFM. LG". LLI#

their natural distaste kept the Turks from takin$ an interest in *ankin$# oon it +as the 9e+s and. still more. the Greeks +ho *ecame the *ankers and financiers of the Empire# In the East money-makin$ has never. as it +as in the feudally minded West. *een considered to *e incompati*le +ith aristocracy# A moneyed no*ility *e$an to emer$e amon$ the Greeks. closely knit *y common aims and interests and *y intermarria$e. *ut open to ne+comers# These rich families +ere am*itious# Authority amon$ the Greeks +as in the hands of the Patriarch# It therefore *ecame their o*/ect to control the Patriarchate# Callin$ themselves the 6Archontes1 of the Greek nation. they *uilt their houses in the Phanar quarter of Constantinople. to *e close to the Patriarchal *uildin$s# They o*tained for their sons positions in the Patriarchal court, and one *y one the hi$h offices of the Great Church passed into lay hands# Their mem*ers did not enter the Church itself# That +as considered to *e *eneath their di$nity# The *ishops and the Patriarch himself continued to *e dra+n mainly from *ri$ht *oys of hum*ler classes +ho had risen throu$h intelli$ence and merit# But *y the end of the seventeenth century the Phanariot families. as they +ere usually called. dominated the central or$ani2ation of the Church# They could not control it completely# )ccasionally. as in the case of the Patriarch Cyril N. they +ould *e overridden *y pu*lic opinion# But the Patriarchate could not do +ithout them, for they +ere in a position *oth to pay its de*ts and to intri$ue in its favour at the u*lime Porte#KKJ It +as a matter of pride amon$st the Phanariots to claim for their families a hi$h By2an tine ancestry or at least a descent from one of the ei$hteen no*le provincial families +hich &ehmet II had transported to Constantinople. or even from some $reat Italian house# The claims +ere hard to prove in a society +here a +hole household usually took its master1s surname. *ut they +ere impressively put for+ard, and ne+comers into the $roup hastened to ally themselves *y marria$e to these illustrious names#KK" The Phanariots thus impre$nated themselves +ith memories of By2antium# While they sou$ht to increase their riches and throu$h their riches to o*tain influence at first the Patriarch1s and then the ultan1s courts. they dreamed that the influence mi$ht ultimately *e used to recreate the Empire of By2antium# It had taken rou$hly a century for the Greek laity to recover from the shock of the conquest# Then +e come to the first Greek millionaire of the )ttoman era. &ichael Cantacu2enus. haitan-o$lu. 6the devil1s son1. as the Turks called him# Thou$h he +as put to death and his vast possessions confiscated. other mem*ers of the family kept their +ealth and ranked hi$h in Phanariot circles#KK5 %is sli$htly youn$er contemporary. 9ohn Carad/a. a man of hum*ler ori$in. made vast sums as caterer to the )ttoman army. a re+ardin$ post to +hich his son-in-la+ carlatos. surnamed Be$litsi. succeeded# carlatos *ecame even richer than haitano$lu *ut +as more prudent# %e too died a violent death. murdered *y a /anissary in "LFJ, *ut his heirs succeeded to all his possessions#KKF These si(teenth-century millionaires *uilt up their fortunes as merchants, *ut they learnt that +ealth could *est *e +on and maintained *y co-operation +ith the )ttoman $overnment# By the *e$innin$ of the ne(t century rich merchants *e$an to send their sons. to$ether +ith youn$ scholars and theolo$ians. to study at the universities of Italy. mainly at Padua. thou$h some +ent to !ome or to Geneva or to Paris# There the *oys tended to concentrate on medical studies# There +ere very fe+ Turkish doctors, and the *est +ay of +innin$ the confidence of an eminent Turk
KKJ KK"

3or the 6archontes.1 see 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# IJ-". ""F-5K# 3or these claims see Le Li&re dOr de la no$lesse phanariote par un -hariote Ded# E# !# !han$a*eE. passim# The Cantacu2eni. pro*a*ly correctly. and the Ar$yropouli. the Aristarchi and the !han$a*e. less convincin$ly. claimed By2antine Imperial descent# The &ouroussi and the Rpsilanti claimed to *e families transported *y &ehmet II from Tre*i2ond and to *e related to the Grand Comneni# The &ano came from icily via Genoa, the &avroyeni claimed descent from the Nenetian &orosini, die carlati came from 3lorence# The &avrocordato +ere to claim descent from )thello in the male line and 3a*ius &a(imus Cunctator in the female# ee *elo+. p# FLH# KK5 ee a*ove. pp# "IH-M# KKF 3or carlatos Be$litsi see Gerlach. op# cit# pp# 5HJ. 5IL, 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# ""I. "5F#

+as to cure him of some disease. pro*a*ly the indi$estion +hich his inordinate love of s+eetmeats. com*ined often +ith a surreptitious indul$ence in alcohol. invaria*ly *rou$ht on# Greek doctors en/oyed a hi$h reputation# As +e have seen. ^in$ Charles II of En$land1s favourite physician +as a Greek. 4r !odocanaki#KKG The system soon proved its value# In a*out "LKJ there arrived *ack in Constantinople from the West a youn$ Chiot doctor called Panayoti 0icoussios &amonas. nicknamed the 6Green %orse1. *ecause of a sayin$ that you could as easily find a $reen horse as a +ise man in Chios# %e had *een educated *y 9esuit fathers in Chios, *ut they had not converted him. and he had $one on to study philosophy under &eletius yri$us at Constantinople and from there to the medical school at Padua# )n his return he attracted the attention of the $reat Al*anian-*orn vi2ier. Ahmet ^oprulu. +ho employed him first as his family doctor *ut then. notin$ his $eneral a*ility and his remarka*le $ifts as a lin$uist. found him still more useful in draftin$ forei$n dispatches and intervie+in$ forei$n envoys# In "LLI ^oprulu created for him the post of Grand 4ra$oman of the u*lime Porte. that is to say. interpreter-in-chief and actin$ permanent head of the 3orei$n &inistry# In that capacity Panayoti +as allo+ed to $ro+ a *eard. a privile$e hitherto denied to Christian laymen in Turkey. to ride in pu*lic +ith four attendants. and to +ear. to$ether +ith his servants. *onnets trimmed +ith fur# KKK At the same time the post of 4ra$oman of the 3leet +as created. reserved for Phanariots# In spite of its name. the office really $ave its holder authority over the Greek laity. to the detriment of the Patriarch1s po+er#KKL o +ell did Panayoti serve the vi2ier that the system +as continued after his death four years later. +hen ^oprulu1 appointed to the office of Grand 4ra$oman a rich youn$ Greek called Ale(ander &avrocordato. +ho *elon$ed to the innermost circle of the Phanariot aristocracy# With his appointment there opened a ne+ chapter in the history of Phanariot po+er and aspirations#KKH In their desire to consolidate their position *oth economically and politically the Phanariots looked for land in +hich they could invest their +ealth and +hich could *e a *ase for the re*uildin$ of By2antium# 3ortunes could easily *e made in Constantinople *ut as easily lost or could *e suddenly confiscated, and it +as difficult for a Christian to acquire lands +ithin the )ttoman Empire. and the lands mi$ht at any time *e e(propriated# There +ere. ho+ever. *eyond the 4anu*e territories +hich admitted the ultan1s su2erainty *ut +hich +ere self-$overnin$# The Principalities of Wallachia and &oldavia. +hich +e no+ collectively call !oumania. +ere inha*ited *y an indi$enous race speakin$ a 'atin lan$ua$e +ith Illyrian forms and lavonic intrusions. +ith a Church that +as lavonic-speakin$ and had earlier *een under the er*ian Church *ut no+ depended upon Constantinople# 3rom the fourteenth to the seventeenth century the rei$nin$ princes of *oth Principalities. +ho succeeded each other +ith startlin$ rapidity. had *een connected *y *irth. often ille$itimate. or *y marria$e to the family of Bassara*a. +hich $ave its name to Bessara*ia# Wallachia had accepted Turkish overlordship in the fourteenth century, *ut in the late fifteenth century Prince tephen the Great of &oldavia had conquered Wallachia and had *een the main *ul+ark of Christendom a$ainst the Turks# %is successors had not *een a*le to maintain the stru$$le# They su*mitted voluntarily to the ultan and +ere permitted to rei$n on autonomously as his vassals# The t+o provinces +ere divided a$ain. under princes of the dynasty +ho +ere nominally elected *y the *oyars. the heads of the local no*le families. and +hose elections +ere su*/ect to the ultan1s confirmation# Nassals thou$h they +ere. the Princes
KKG KKK

ee a*ove. p# 5IL# ^# 4aponte. zV[?[=VU_[C. in athas. {BAUW@?WZ< |W}cW[e<Z<. iii. pp#L. "J. "5. "K# Anastasius Gordius says that he +as a pupil of &eletius yri$us DBios 6Euyevlau AitcoAou. in athas. op# tit# m. p# GMFE# ee also 9# von %ammer-Pur$stall. 2eschichte des Osmanischen !eiches. vi. pp# "". 5H# KKL ee Papadopoullos. op# cit# pp# GM-I# KKH ee *elo+. pp# FLM-I#

of Wallachia and &oldavia +ere the only lay Christian rulers left +ithin the sphere of the old By2antine +orld# They sa+ themselves as *ein$ in some +ay the heirs of the By2antine Caesars# ome of the more am*itious even took the title of (asileus, and all of them modelled their courts on the lines of the old Imperial court#KKM Their am*itions disposed them favoura*ly to+ards the Greeks# They liked to receive special notice from the Patriarchate, and they reali2ed that it +as advisa*le to have friends in Constantinople +ho could intri$ue for them at the ultan1s court. the more so as the ultan increasin$ly nominated the princes for election# )n their side the Phanariots sa+ that here +as territory in +hich they could entrench themselves# &ore and more Greeks *e$an to flock across the 4anu*e and to marry into the &oldavian and Wallachian no*ility# The Princess Chia/na of Wallachia. tephen the Great1s $randdau$hter. +as famed for the num*er of handsome Greek $entlemen that she collected at her court# )ne of her dau$hters married the Patriarch1s nephe+. the other a Cantacu-2enus. the *rother of haitan-o$lu# %er *rother. Prince Iancu of &oldavia. married a Greek +ido+ and $ave his stepsons hi$h posts in his administration# &ichael the Brave. Prince of Wallachia at the end of the si(teenth century. +as the son of a Greek +oman and employed Greek poets to sin$ his praises#KKI The Cantacu2eni +ere the first $reat Phanariot family to interest itself in the Principalities# haitan-o$lu1s youn$est son. like his uncle. married a Wallachian princess, and. of his eldest son1s children. the dau$hter *ecame Princess of &oldavia and the youn$est son married tanca Bassara*a. heiress of the senior *ranch of the princely line# KLJ The Greek Cantacu2eni thus *ecame the leadin$ family in the Trans-4anu*ian no*ility# Their cousins. the !osetti. soon /oined them. +ith the Chrysosculei and lesser families such as the Carad/a and the Pavlaki# KL" Their e(ample +as follo+ed *y )rthodo( Al*anian families +ho had settled in Constantinople and had married Greek +ives# At their head +as Geor$e Ghika. the head of a family connected +ith the ^opriilus and +isely on $ood terms +ith his &uslim cousins#KL5 carlatos Be$lit2i follo+ed the same policy# %e had no sons. and of his four dau$hters it +as the youn$est. !o(andra. to +hom he left the *ulk of his fortune# %e determined that she should make a match suita*le to her +ealth and her linea$e, for carlatos claimed to *elon$ to a no*le 3lorentine family that had come to Greece +ith the Acciaiuoli# In "L5F. +hen !o(andra +as a$ed fourteen. she +as married to the only son of !udolph Bassara*a. Prince of &oldavia. a *oy of seventeen +ho himself had /ust *een elected to the &oldavian throne# But the youn$ Prince Ale(ander died in "LFJ. havin$ for one year *een Prince also of Wallachia# carlatos +as murdered that same year, and !o(andra +as left a childless +ido+ a$ed t+enty-one# he +as not *eautiful, and an attack of smallpo( left her marked and *lind in one eye# But she had *een super*ly educated, Italian as +ell as Greek +riters paid tri*ute to her culture, and she +as immensely +ealthy# he refused to marry the ne(t Prince of Wallachia. her late hus*and1s cousin. &atthe+ Bassara*a Dthou$h unkind rumour said that it +as he +ho re/ected the marria$e. on hearin$ of her pock-marksE# Instead. she fi(ed her choice on a youn$ merchant from Chios. named 0icholas &avrocordato# %is father claimed descent from a Greek $eneral in Nenetian service. &avros. +hose name +as distorted in drama to )thello. the &oor of Nenice. +hose heiress had married into the Genoese-Chiot family of the Cordati# %is mother +as also a Genoese Chiot *y ori$in. *elon$in$ to the Genoese *ranch of the !oman family of the &assimi. descended from
KKM KKI

9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "5L-KG# 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "FK-L. "GM-I# 3or Chia/na1s e(cessive love for Greek $entlemen. see poem *y Geor$e the Aetolianin0# Banescu. In-oeme grec &ulgaire, and poem *y tavrinos the Nestiary. p?\VU=UeWBC Y[] B]AB}BAYUY[? ZUW U?\VBW[YUY[? {WTU<c }[B}[\U. in E# 'e$rand. !ecueil des poems histori.ues# KLJ 3or die Cantacu2ene family. see a*ove. p# "IH# KL" 4aponte. zV[?[=VU_[C. p# "H# KL5 4aponte. AY[VWZ[C qUYUc[=[C. in athas. op# tit# m. pp# "H5-K#

3a*ius &a(imus Cunctator# 4espite his *oasted linea$e it +as his marria$e to !o(andra that made the fortune of the &avrocordato family, and his descendants for several $enerations $ratefully added the surname of carlatos to their o+n#KLF Ale(ander. the youn$er *ut only survivin$ son of the marria$e. +as *orn in "LG5# %is father died ten years later, and his mother. +ho seems to have had Catholic sympathies. sent him +hen he +as fifteen to !ome. to the 9esuit Colle$e of aint Athanasius# Three years later he +ent on to the 8niversity of Padua. +here he studied philosophy and medicine# !iotous *ehavior caused him to *e sent do+n from Padua, and it +as at Bolo$na that he o*tained his doctoral de$ree. +ith a thesis on the circulation of the *lood# %e returned to Constantinople soon after+ards. and in "LLL. +hen he +as t+enty-four. he +as appointed Grand )rator of the Great Church and 4irector of the Patriarchal Academy# There. influenced *y the e(-4irector. 9ohn Caryophyllus. he lectured on 0eo-Aristotelian philosophy as +ell as on ancient Greek philolo$y, *ut he continued to practice medicine, and it +as as a physician that he attracted the notice of Ahmet ^opriilu. +ho +as lookin$ for a replacement for Panayoti. recently elevated to *e Grand 4ra$oman# %e +as an e(cellent doctor# The ultan and many of the forei$n am*assadors +ere his patients# But. as in the case of Panayoti. the vi2ier decided to make fuller use of his a*ilities# )n Panayoti1s death Ale(ander &avrocordato +as appointed Grand 4ra$oman. at the a$e of thirty-one# Three years previously he had married a Phanariot lady. Charis Chrysoscoleo. +hose mother Cassandra +as a &oldavian princess# Ale(ander +as Grand 4ra$oman for t+enty-five years. +ith a *rief interval early in "LMG. +hen he +as cast into prison as one of the scape$oats for the Turkish failure *efore Nienna# %is mother. +ho /oined him in prison. died soon after their release. in Au$ust "LMG# Ale(ander +as soon reinstated# In "LMM he led an )ttoman em*assy to Nienna# In "LIM a still hi$her post +as created for him# %e *ecame E(aporite. &inister of the ecrets. Private ecretary to the ultan. +ith the title of Prince and Illustrious %i$hness# In "LIM he +as chief Turkish dele$ate at the peace conference of Carlo+it2. +here the %a*s*ur$ Emperor $ave him the title of Prince of the %oly !oman Empire# %e died in "HJI. honoured and immensely rich# %is career had opened up ne+ vistas for Greeks of am*ition# Thou$h none of the later Phanariots quite measured up to Ale(ander &avrocordato1s stature. he set the pattern for them# %e +as remarka*ly intelli$ent and hi$hly educated. and al+ays ea$er to maintain intellectual contacts +ith the West# The 9esuits *elieved him to *e a secret Catholic, *ut his actions scarcely confirmed their *elief# %e took an active part in the affairs of the )rthodo( Church. fi$htin$ for its ri$hts# As Grand 4ra$oman he secured a rela(ation of the rules restrictin$ the *uildin$ of ne+ churches. and he arran$ed for the transference of many of the %oly Places at 9erusalem from 'atin to Greek o+nership. in co-operation +ith the $reat Patriarch 4ositheus of 9erusalem# But he +as far from fanatical# %e $ave strict orders to the Greeks at 9erusalem that they +ere to +elcome and aid Christians of all sects +ho visited the shrines under their care, and he seems to have *elieved that it mi$ht *e possi*le to reunite the Churches of Christendom on a ne+ philosophical *asis. restin$ on the foundation of the unity of the old Graeco-!oman +orld# %is attitude revealed his 9esuit trainin$# %e +as a philosopher and an intellectual. ea$er to *e an up-to-date European. +ith little sympathy +ith the old apophatic
KLF

4aponte. zV[?[c[=[C. pp# "K-"L. and AY[VWZ[C qUYUc[=[C. pp# "LL-H# 4emetrius Cantemir. The istory of the 2ro/th and Decay of the Othtnan Empire Dtrans# 0# TindalE. pp# FKL-M. tells of !o(andra1s pockmarks and of &atthe+ of Wallachia1s refusal to marry her, *ut his evidence is suspect. as he hated the &avrocordato family and +as +ritin$ some seventy years later# 4aponte speaks hi$hly of her erudition. as does the scholar 9ames &anos of Ar$os Din his preface to her son Ale(ander &avrocordato1s AY[VWU Y@? []\UW?@# ee A# tourd2a. LEurope Ori' entate et le role histori.ue des %aurocordato . pp# F5-G. GJM-I. +hich cites all the relevant sources *ut is careless over dates and names# 3or a romantici2ed account of !o(andra. +ritten *y a descendant and *ased on the family pa pers. see Princesse Bi*esco. La 0ymphe Europe. I. pp# LF-H"#

traditions of )rthodo(y# %e did much in practice for his Church, *ut the school of thou$ht that he represented +as to add to its pro*lems#KLG The Phanariots had mean+hile consolidated their hold upon the Principalities# The local Church helped in the helleni2ation of the country# It continued to use a lavonic litur$y until the end of the seventeenth century. +hen the !oumanian lan$ua$e +as introduced. thou$h the lavonic script +as not replaced *y a 'atin script till +ell into the nineteenth century# But. +hatever the lan$ua$e of the litur$y. the upper cler$y +ere Greek or Greek-educated, and Greek schools and seminaries +ere founded in *oth Principalities# This did not represent a crude e(ploitation of the natives# !ather. it +as the voluntary +ork of the native Church in order to secure the support of Greek learnin$ and Phanariot money and influence and to stren$then itself a$ainst 'atin missionaries operatin$ from the %a*s*ur$ dominions and from Poland# The Greek academies at Bucharest and 9assy +ere esta*lished not for racial purposes *ut in the $eneral interest of )rthodo(y#KLK The Bassara*a dynasty had *ecome thorou$hly helleni2ed *efore its e(tinction. at a*out the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century# When it +as $one the princely thrones +ere left open to adventurers +ho could com*ine local connections +ith influence at the Phanar and the ultan1s court# There +ere t+o main factions. on the one hand families such as the Cantacu2eni and the !osettis +ho had acquired *y purchase or *y marria$e lar$e estates in the Principalities and made their homes there. and on the other families such as the Ghikas and the &avrocordatos. +ho +ished to control the Principalities from the Phanar and used their !oumanian estates chiefly as sources of income# )f the outstandin$ princes +ho succeeded to the Bassara-*as the first +as an Al*anian +ith a &oldavian mother. Basil. surnamed the Wolf. +ho rei$ned in &oldavia from "LFG to "LKG# %e +as. as +e have seen. the friend of Peter &o$hila and a $reat fi$ure in )rthodo( politics# After payin$ the de*ts of the Patriarchate and the yearly ta(es due from the communities on &ount Athos he +on such presti$e that he +as employed to ar*itrate in ecclesiastical quarrels. such as that *et+een the Patriarch of Ale(andria and the autonomous monastery of aint Catherine on &ount inai# The Constantinopolitan e(-Patriarch Athanasius Pattellaras called him the 0e+ Achilles and the heir of all the Emperors, and he secretly planned his Imperial coronation# But +hen he plotted to anne( Wallachia to his throne the u*lime Porte +as alarmed. and he +as deposed#KLL 3our years later Gre$ory Ghika intri$ued himself on to the &oldavian throne and ne(t year secured the Walachian throne also# %e had no !oumanian *lood in his veins, and his success +as due to his influence at Constantinople. in particular +ith his ^opriilu cousins# KLH 3or the ne(t half-century the thrones passed +ith *e+ilderin$ rapidity alternately *et+een the Ghikas and their connections and the Cantacu2eni and theirs# The three eminent princes of the time *elon$ed to the latter faction# her*an Cantacu2enus. the son of a Bassara*a heiress. *ecame Prince of Wallachia in "LHI# %e +as a local patriot +ho did much to encoura$e local industry and art, and it +as he +ho esta*lished the litur$y in !oumanian# Thou$h out+ardly loyal to the ultan he dreamed of independence and intri$ued +ith the %a*s*ur$ and !ussian Emperors. the former $ivin$ him the title of Prince of the %oly !oman Empire# But he moved faster than +as prudent# When he died suddenly in "LMI rumour said that he had *een poisoned *y his more cautious
KLG

There is no satisfactory life of the $reat E(aporite# %e is frequently mentioned in the Constantinopolitan sources of the time. in particular 4aponte and Can-temir. and in all contemporary +orks dealin$ +ith the 'evant. and +ith the diplomacy of the period# ee 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# 5JF-H, tourd2a. op# cit# pp# FKff#, E# 'e$rand. 2HnHalogie des %aurocordatos de Constantinople. pp# io ff# ee also the romantici2ed account in Princesse Bi*esco. op# cit# pp# H5-""G# 3or his educational reforms see a*ove. pp# 555-F# KLK 3or the Church in the Principalities see 0# 9or$a. +storia la (iserica !omanilor# passim. KLL 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "LF-HI# ee a*ove. pp# FG"-F# KLH 4aponte. zV[?[=VU_[C. pp# I-"H#

*rother and nephe+#KLM %is *rother *arely survived him, and his nephe+. Constantine Bran-covan. +hose mother. %elena Cantacu2ena. had thus inherited all the Bassara*a and Cantacu2enus estates. succeeded to the Wallachian throne# %e ruled prosperously for t+enty-five years# 'ike his uncle he did much for his country and its culture and +as himself in close touch +ith the intellectual life of the Phanar and of Italy# But he too +orked secretly +ith forei$n po+ers and dreamed of *ecomin$ the Christian Emperor of the East# Eventually his personal enemies +arned the ultan of his am*itions, and one day in "H"G the Prince and his sons +ere haled off to Constantinople to *e *eheaded#KLI %is contemporary and rival. 4emetrius Cantemir. had a shorter princely career. thou$h he escaped e(ecution# 4emetrius Cantemir +as a remarka*le man# %is father1s family +as Tatar in ori$in. *ut his mother +as Greek. and he himself married into the Cantacu2enus family# %e spoke eleven lan$ua$es# %e +rote a standard history of the )ttoman Empire. +hich is still useful. a history of &oldavia. a Greek translation of the ^oran. a dialo$ue on 4ualist philosophy and a treatise on )riental music, and he composed popular son$s +hich can still sometimes *e heard in the streets of Istan*ul# %e +as a trained la+yer and for many years acted as le$al adviser to the Patriarchate# It +as his intervention that saved for the Christians the church of aint &ary of the &on$ols# %e secured the throne of &oldavia in "H"J and at once *e$an ne$otiations +ith Peter the Great of !ussia. encoura$in$ him to invade the province# But the invasion +as a fiasco# There +as no popular support# Peter +as surrounded near the river Pruth and only escaped captivity o+in$ to the venality of the )ttoman vi2ier# Cantemir had to flee to !ussia. +here he ended his days#KHJ uch careers fri$htened the ultan and played into the hands of the Phanariots +ho +ished to $overn the Principalities from Constantinople# The Phanar disliked any sort of !oumanian separatism# It +ished to keep the )ttoman Empire intact until the +hole could *e transferred to the Greeks of Constantinople# Its influence at the u*lime Porte secured the esta*lishment of a ne+ policy# %encefor+ard Phanariots from Constantinople should $overn the Principalities# This had *een the aim of the $reat E(aporite# hortly *efore his death he had o*tained the &oldavian throne for his eldest son. 0icholas. +hose +ife. Cassandra Cantacu2ena. had Bassara*a *lood# 0icholas had *een displaced soon after+ards *y Cantemir, *ut in "H"L he +as appointed to the Wallachian throne and proved his loyalty to the ultan *y spendin$ t+o years in captivity in an Austrian prison# The Porte +as impressed# It decided to entrust the thrones to the &avrocordato clan and their kinsmen the Ghikas and the !akovit2as#KH" 3rom "H"" to "HKM in &oldavia and from "H"L to "HLI in Wallachia mem*ers of these three families follo+ed each other as princes. in rapid succession# After "HF" the farce of election *y the local *oyars +as dropped# %encefor+ard the ultan frankly appointed the Prince himself. in return for payments in cash to himself and to his ministers# %encefor+ard. therefore. as +ith the Patriarchate. it +as in the ultan1s interest to make as many chan$es as possi*le. to depose a Prince. then o*li$e him to *uy *ack his throne. or to transfer him from one Principality to the other. or to threaten the Prince of Wallachia +ith transference to the poorer throne of &oldavia unless he paid an indemnity# It +as usual for the Prince to have previously held the office of Grand 4ra$oman. as the ultan then had some idea of his capa*ilities and he +ould pro*a*ly have made enou$h money to afford the position# The titles of the princely family +ere re$ulated. descendants in the male line *ein$ allo+ed to use the title of Prince# The court and the adminisKLM KLI

+$id. pp# H-G", Cantemir. op# cit# pp# FHJ-"# 3or the career of Constantine Brancovan see tourd2a. op# cit# pp# GH ff#. $ivin$ references to ori$inal !oumanian sources# Cantemir. op# cit# pp# FH"-5. $ives a $ossipy and pre/udiced account of his life and family# KHJ 3or 4emetrius Cantemir1s life and +ritin$s see Cantemir. op# cit# pp# GKK-LJ# The istory naturally $ives a rather *iased account of his career# KH" 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# 55G-K# ee also A# C# %ypsilantis. kU XBYU Y<? pc@AW? D"GKF-"H IE. pp# F5Jff#

tration +ere reor$ani2ed in imitation of the Patriarchal court, *ut it included a Turkish !esident +hose duty it +as to see to the +elfare of the &uslims in the Principality. and also to spy upon the Prince# The most important of the Prince1s officials +as the ^apikehaya. his a$ent at Constantinople. upon +hose loyalty. influence and tact his tenure of office depended# The Prince +as appointed at Constantinople and consecrated there *y the Patriarch# %e had to arrive at his ne+ capital +ithin thirty days. or else pay a fine of some si(teen $old pounds to the A$a of the 9anis saries for every day over the thirty till he arrived# Tactful princes +ere never over-punctual# )n his arrival he +as ceremonially *lessed *y the local metropolitan# Grounds for his deposition could easily *e found# %e +ould *e accused of intri$ues +ith forei$n po+ers or of +itholdin$ revenue or of maltreatin$ his su*/ects# A firman +ould then *e sent from the ultan to the metropolitan to announce the deposition# The metropolitan communicated it to the assem*ly of *oyars and +as himself responsi*le to see that the Prince did not a*scond# As soon as possi*le the Prince +ould *e sent under $uard to Constantinople and +as usually *anished for a +hile to a specified place of e(ile, *ut very often after a fe+ months he *ou$ht *ack the throne# 'ocal $overnment +as in the hands of the *oyars. +ith Phanariot officials re$ularly inspectin$ them and $ivin$ them advice# Any Greek +ho had married into a *oyar1s family and possessed land ranked as a *oyar#KH5 Phanariot rule in the Principalities compared +ell +ith that of most Pashas in other parts of the Empire and +ith the rule of the last native princes# The corruption +as not e(cessive *y ei$hteenth-century standards# 9ustice +as fairly honestly administered. +ithout e(cessive delays# But the Princes +ere hampered *y their uncertainty of tenure# 3or e(ample. Constantine &avrocordato. the E(aporite1s $randson. +as a conscientious and enli$htened ruler +ho issued a reformed constitution for each Principality. makin$ the incidence of ta(ation fairer and its collection less +asteful, and he improved the lot of the serfs. +hom he planned entirely to li*erate# But. thou$h *et+een "HFJ and "HLI he rei$ned for si( periods in Wallachia and four in &oldavia. the lon$est of these periods lasted for only si( months# uch frequent comin$ and $oin$ made $ood $overnment and a consistent policy almost impossi*le# KHF In particular the uncertainty encoura$ed the Princes to e(tract all the money that they could from their su*/ects# The Principalities +ere naturally rich and the princely income lar$e, *ut &oldavia had to pay a yearly tri* ute of some H.JJJ $old pounds to the ultan. and Walachia a yearly tri*ute of some "G.JJJ $old pounds# By "HKJ the &oldavian throne cost the successful candidate rou$hly FJ.JJJ $old pounds. and the Wallachian rou$hly GK.JJJ# Transference from one throne to the other cost a*out 5J.JJJ $old pounds# In a $ood year &oldavia mi$ht produce up to "MJ.JJJ $old pounds in ta(es and Wallachia up to FJJ.JJJ# But the Prince had not only to recover his outlay and pay the annual tri*ute# %e had to maintain his court and administration, he had constantly to *ri*e Turkish officials. and he +as e(pected to $ive $enerous financial support to the Patriarchate# In consequence he ta(ed his people to the utmost# If he remitted one ta(. he invented another# The !oumanians *e$an to si$h nostal$ically for the less efficient *ut less e(actin$ rule of their native princes# Ei$hteenth-century travellers all commented on the oppressive ta(ation and the harm that it +as doin$ to the Principalities1 prosperity# Ret every Prince ended his rei$n a poorer man#KHG By the middle of the ei$hteenth century the &avrocordato family. rich thou$h it had
KH5

The *est account of Phanariot rule in the Principalities is $iven *y William Wilkinson D An Account of the -rinci' palities of *allachia and %olda&ia# pu*lished in "M5JE. +ho +as for several years previously British Consul at Bucharest. a post +hich in the mid-seventeenth century had *een held *y the historian 4aponte# ee also the very hostile account in &# P# :allonis. Essai sur les Fanariotes. and 9# '# Carra. isioire de la %olda&ie et de la 1alachie D"HM"E# KHF Wilkinson. op# tit# pp# IK-M, A#4#Qenopol. istoire des !oumains# ii. pp# 5JH-"5# 3or Constantine &avrocordato see %ypsilantis. op#cit# pp# FGJ-I, 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# 5F"-5# ee the list of Princes $iven in tourd2a. op# cit# pp# MI-IJ# KHG Wilkinson. op# cit# pp# LJ-H"#

*een. could no lon$er afford to provide princes, and the !akovitsas +ere ruined# 4ifferent Phanariot clans. the Rpsilanti. the &ouroussi and the Callimachi. took their place# In "HHG. to ensure more continuity. the ultan a$reed to restrict the princedom to mem*ers of these three families and the Ghikas# In "MJ5 each Prince +as promised a rei$n of at least seven years#KHK In vie+ of the financial *urden +hy did anyone ever +ish to *e PrinceS Partly the desire came from a love of pomp and of titles and a taste for po+er. even thou$h the po+er +as limited# A British visitor in "M"H remarked on 6the e(traordinary phenomenon of a pure despotism e(ercised *y a Greek prince +ho is himself at the same time an a$Fect sla&e1#KHL But chiefly it +as in pursuit of the Imperial idea. the re*irth of By2antium# 8nder Phanariot princes a neo-By2antine culture could find a home in the Principalities# A Greek-*orn no*ility could root itself in lands there, Greek academies could educate citi2ens for the ne+ By2antium# There. far *etter than in the shado+y palaces round the Phanar. +ith Turkish police at the door. By2antine am*ition could *e kept alive# In !oumania. in !um *eyond the 4anu*e. the revival of 0e+ !ome could *e planned# But the plans needed the co-operation of the Church# The Patriarch had *ecome the pensioner of the Phanariots. *ut he +as still the head of the )rthodo( community# The Patriarchate $ained much from the connection# If from "LIK to "HIK there +ere only thirty-one Patriarchal rei$ns. in contrast +ith the si(ty-one *et+een the years "KIK and "LIK. this +as due to Phanariot influence at the u*lime Porte# Thou$h the sum to *e paid to the ultan for the confirmation of a Patriarchal election +as still hi$h. the Phanariots sa+ to it that it +as not no+ increased and they paid the $reater part of it# They used their po+er and their +ealth to ease the *urden on the Great Church# But the Great Church had to repay them for their help# The reforms of "HG" and "HKK. *y reducin$ the po+er of the synod and therefore of the lay officials that dominated it. freed the Church to some e(tent from their influence over appointments# But they imposed their ideas upon it, they forced it to *ecome an instrument of their policy# KHH &any of the Phanariots1 ideas +ere e(cellent# They had a hi$h re$ard for education# There had *een several scholars and distin$uished authors amon$st them, and many of the princes. especially those of the &avrocordato family. +ere men of +ide culture. a*le to converse on equal terms +ith the most sophisticated visitors from the West# 8nder their influence the Patriarchal Academy at Constantinople had *een revitali2ed# The academies founded at Bucharest and 9assy *y the helleni2ed princes of the seventeenth century +ere encoura$ed and enlar$ed# Greek scholars flocked to them. preferrin$ to teach there rather than in the restricted atmosphere of Constantinople# The Bucharest Academy +as moderni2ed at the close of the seventeenth century *y the learned evastus ^ymenites, and his +ork +as carried on *y other scholars. Geor$e %ypomenas. Geor$e Theodorou of Tre*i2ond. 4emetrius Pamperis Procopius. 9ames &anos of Ar$os. and others# evastus1s contemporary. the Cretan 9eremias ^akavala. similarly moderni2ed the Academy at 9assy# The Phanariot e(ample +as copied *y +ealthy patrons throu$hout Greek lands. +ho founded academies at myrna. in Chios. at 9anina. at :a$ora on Pelion and at 4imitsana in the Peloponnese. and else+here# These schools +ere devoted to the necessary task of improvin$ Greek lay education, and their founders and patrons +ere most of them men +ho
KHK

ee !# W# eton-Watson. A istory of the !oumanians. pp# "5L-GF# m the early nineteenth century 4r !o*ert Walsh says that ei$ht Phanariot families +ere allo+ed the title of Prince. the &avrocordato. &ouroussi. the Rpsi lanti. the Callimachi. out2o. Carad/a. %antcherli and &avroyeni families D !esidence at Constantinople during the 2ree, and Tur,ish !e&olutions# n. pp# GJ5-FE# %e omits the Cantacu2eni. Ghika and !akovitsa families. +ho also had princely ancestors# KHL W# &ac&ichael. "ourney from %osco/ to Constantinople. p# "JH# %e descri*es the pomp and lu(ury of the Phanariot courts. i*id# pp# I5L#O Comte de %auterive made a similar comment on a prince1s $lory thirty years earlier D1oyage en %olda&ieE. p# FLM# KHH 3or the reforms see T# %# Papadopoullos. Studies and Documents relating to the istory of the 2ree, Church and -eople under Tur,ish Domination# (i$liotheca 2raeca Ae&i -osterioris. ". pp# GM-KH# ee a*ove. p# "HL#

had themselves *een educated in the West# Their model +as more the 8niversity of Padua than anythin$ in the old By2antine tradition# The Greek 3athers of the Church mi$ht still *e studied, *ut the emphasis +as. rather. on Classical philolo$y and ancient and modern philosophy and science# The professors +ere loyal mem*ers of the )rthodo( Church. conscientiously opposed to 'atins and Protestants alike, *ut they +ere themselves affected *y the occidental fashions of the time. the tendency to+ards rationalism and the dread of anythin$ that mi$ht *e la*elled as superstition# They +anted to sho+ that they and their pupils +ere as enli$htened as anyone in the West#KHM It +as $ood for the Church to have to meet an intellectual challen$e, *ut the challen$e +as too a*rupt# The stren$th of the By2antine Church had *een the presence of a hi$hly educated laity that +as deeply interested in reli$ion# 0o+ the laity *e$an to despise the traditions of the Church, and the traditional elements in the Church *e$an to mistrust and dislike modern education. retreatin$ to defend themselves into a thickenin$ o*scurantism# The cleava$e *et+een the intellectuals and the traditionalists. +hich had *e$un +hen 0eo-Aristotelianism +as introduced into the curriculum of the Patriarchal Academy. $re+ +ider# 8nder Phanariot influence many of the hi$her ecclesiastics follo+ed the modernist trend# In the old days )rthodo(y had preferred to concentrate on eternal thin$s and modestly to refuse to clothe faith in the trappin$s of modish philosophy# The Phanariots in their desire to impress the West had no use for such old-fashioned notions# Instead. seein$ the hi$h presti$e of ancient Greek learnin$. they +ished to sho+ that they +ere. *y culture as +ell as *y *lood. the heirs of ancient Greece# Their sons. lively laymen educated in the ne+ style. +ere no+ fillin$ the administrative posts at the Patriarchal court# As a result the Patriarchate *e$an to lose touch +ith the $reat *ody of the faithful. to +hom faith meant more than philosophy and the Christian saints more than the sophists of pa$an times# A*ove all. the Phanariots needed the support of the Church in the pursuit of their ultimate political aim# It +as no mean aim# The %egali +dHa. the Great Idea of the Greeks. can *e traced *ack to days *efore the Turkish conquest# It +as the idea of the Imperial destiny of the Greek people# &ichael NIII Palaeolo$us e(pressed it in the speech that he made +hen he heard that his troops had recaptured Constantinople from the 'atins, thou$h he called the Greeks the !omaioi# In later Palaeolo$an times the +ord %ellene reappeared. *ut +ith the conscious intention of connectin$ By2antine imperialism +ith the culture and traditions of ancient Greece# KHI With the spread of the !enaissance a respect for the old Greek civili2ation had *ecome $eneral# It +as natural that the Greeks. in the midst of their political disasters. should +ish to *enefit from it# They mi$ht *e slaves no+ to the Turks. *ut they +ere of the $reat race that had civili2ed Europe# It must *e their destiny to rise a$ain# The Phanariots tried to com*ine the nationalistic force of %ellenism in a passionate if illo$ical alliance +ith the oecumenical traditions of By2antium and the )rthodo( Church# They +orked for a restored By2antium. a 0e+ !ome that should *e Greek. a ne+ center of Greek civili2ation that should em*race the )rthodo( +orld# The spirit *ehind the Great Idea +as a mi(ture of neo-By2antinism and an acute sense of race# But. +ith the trend of the modern +orld the nationalism *e$an to dominate the oecumenicity# Geor$e cholarius Gennadius had. perhaps unconsciously. foreseen the dan$er +hen he ans+ered a question a*out his nationality *y sayin$ that he +ould not call himself a %ellene thou$h he +as a %ellene *y race. nor a By2antine thou$h he had *een *orn at By2antium. *ut. rather. a Christian. that is. an )rthodo(# 3or. if the )rthodo( Church +as to retain its spiritual force. it must remain oecumenical# It must not *ecome a purely Greek Church# The price paid *y the )rthodo( Church for its su*/ection to its Phanariot *enefactors +as heavy# 3irst. it meant that the Church +as run more and more in the interests of the Greek people
KHM KHI

ee a*ove. pp# 5FJ-F. and 9or$a. By2ance apres By2ance. pp# 5F"-GJ# ee 9# Noyat2idis. 6'a Grande Idee.1 Le Cin.'centieme anni&ersaire de la prise de Constantinople# L ellenisme contemporain Dfascicule hors serieE. pp# 5HI-MK#

and not of )rthodo(y as a +hole# The arran$ement made *et+een the Conquerin$ ultan and the Patriarch Gennadius had put all the )rthodo( +ithin the )ttoman Empire under the authority of the Patriarchate. +hich +as inevita*ly controlled *y Greeks# But the earlier Patriarchs after the conquest had *een a+are of their oecumenical duties# The autonomous Patriarchates of er*ia and Bul$aria had *een suppressed +hen the t+o kin$doms +ere anne(ed *y the Turks, *ut the t+o Churches had continued to en/oy a certain amount of autonomy under the &etropolitans of Pec and of Tirnovo or )chrid# They retained their lavonic litur$y and their native cler$y and *ishops# This did not suit the Phanariots# It +as easy to deal +ith the Churches of Wallachia and &oldavia *ecause of the infiltration of Greeks into the Principalities. +here anyho+ the medieval dominance of the er*ian Church had *een resented# The Phanariot Princes had not interfered +ith the vernacular litur$y and had. indeed. encoura$ed the !oumanian lan$ua$e at the e(pense of the lavonic# The upper cler$y +as Graeci2ed, so they felt secure# The Bul$arians and the er*s +ere more intransi$ent# They had no intention of *ecomin$ Graeci2ed# They protested to some effect a$ainst the appointment of Greek metropolitans# 3or a +hile the er*ian Patriarchate of Poc. +as reconstituted. from "KKH to "HKK# The Phanariots demanded ti$hter control# In "HLL the autonomous &etropolitanate of Pec +as suppressed and in "HLH the &etropolitanate of )chrid# The er*ian and Bul$arian Churches +ere each put under an e(arch appointed *y the Patriarch# This +as the +ork of the Patriarch amuel %antcherli. a mem*er of an upstart Phanariot family. +hose *rother Constantine +as for a +hile Prince of Wallachia until his financial e(tortions alarmed not only the ta(payers *ut also his ministers. and he +as deposed and e(ecuted *y the ultan1s orders# The e(archs did their *est to impose Greek *ishops on the Balkan Churches. to the $ro+in$ an$er of *oth er*s and Bul$arians# The er*s recovered their reli$ious autonomy early in the nineteenth century +hen they +on political autonomy from the Turks# The Bul$arian Church had to +ait till "MHJ *efore it could thro+ off the Greek yoke# The policy defeated its o+n ends# It caused so much resentment that +hen the time came neither the er*s nor the Bul$arians +ould cooperate in any Greek-directed move to+ards independence, and even the !oumanians held *ack# 0one of them had any +ish to su*stitute Greek for Turkish political rule. havin$ e(perienced Greek reli$ious rule#KMJ )nly the Church of &ontene$ro. the tiny mountain-land into +hich the Turks never mana$ed to penetrate. kept its reli$ious freedom. under a dynasty of episcopal $overnors +hose title descended from uncle to nephe+# The Prince-Bishop Peter I Petrovitch 0ie$och +as reco$ni2ed as an independent ruler *y ultan elim III in "HII, and thencefor+ard even the Phanar admitted &ontene$ro1s complete reli$ious autonomy# KM" The !ussian Church +as in a different position# Even the most imperially minded of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchs could not hope to control it. administered as it +as *y the Tsars practically as a department of tate# Peter the Great1s a*olition of the &osco+ Patriarchate +as not displeasin$ to Constantinople. as it restored. nominally at least. the overridin$ ecclesiastical authority to the )ecumenical Patriarch# But the Patriarchs kne+ *etter than to try to interfere uninvited into !ussian Church affairs# KM5 0or could they hope to $overn the autonomous Church of Geor$ia. thou$h its metropolitan ackno+led$ed the Patriarch as his superior and officially had his appointment confirmed from Constantinople#KMF ince the )ttoman conquest of yria and E$ypt the Greeks had dominated the older Patriarchates of the East# The Patriarch of Constantinople officially e(ercised no authority over his
KMJ

3or the Bul$arian Church see I# ne$arov. istory of the Arch$ishopric'-atriarchate of Ohrid Din Bul$arianE. passim# 3or the er*ian Church see '# &adrovics. Le -euple ser$e et son Hglise sous la domination tur.ue# passim # Both # &acraios. d[X?<XUYU jZZc<AWUAYWZ<C AY[VWUC. in athas. op# cit# pp# 5KJ-5. and %ypsilantis. op# cit# p# G"J. declare that the authorities of *oth sees asked for their autonomy to *e a*olished# This +as no dou*t *ecause the hi$her cler$y. +ho +ere Greek. needed support a$ainst $ro+in$ Balkan nationalism# KM" 3or the &ontene$ran Church see &adrovics. op. cit# KM5 ee a*ove. pp# FFK-H# KMF ee a*ove. pp# HK-L#

fello+-Patriarchs. *ut from his position at the capital of the Empire he tended to act as their a$ent *efore the ultan and could lar$ely control them. all the more easily *ecause their hierarchies +ere almost entirely Greek# This +as reasona*le enou$h in the case of the Ale(andrian Patriarchate. +hose con$re$ation +as mainly composed of Greek traders and industrialists settled in E$ypt. the native Christians *elon$in$ almost all of them to the separated &onophysite Church of the Copts# In "LK" the +hole )rthodo( con$re$ation in Cairo +as estimated at only LJJ, and !oman propa$anda in the Patriarchate +as very active there in the ei$hteenth century# But the Greeks remained faithful to )rthodo(y. lar$ely o+in$ to the intervention of Eustratios Ar$enti# KMG In the Patriarchates of Antioch and 9erusalem the ma/ority of the )rthodo( *elon$ed to local races. no+ Ara*ic-speakin$ and usin$ in their villa$e churches an Ara*ic litur$y# They tended to resent the superimposed Greek hierarchy# Thou$h they en/oyed a sli$htly superior position in comparison +ith the other reli$ious minorities o+in$ to Phanariot influence at the u*lime Porte. they +ere listless in their loyalty. and many slipped over to !ome or to other sects# The Patriarch of Antioch. no+ seated at 4amascus. +as closer in touch +ith the Ara*s than his *rother of 9erusalem# %is upper cler$y contained a lar$er proportion of indi$enous mem*ers# But he +as the poorest and the least influential of the Patriarchs and +ould never venture to oppose his *rother of Constantinople. especially after a schism *e$innin$ in "H5G +hen pro-!oman *ishops in 4amascus elected a pro-!oman Patriarch. erapheim DCyril NIE. and the remainin$ mem*ers of the synod fled to Constantinople and there elected a Greek. ylvester# It +as over forty years *efore the )rthodo( party prevailed# ylvester himself paid due attention to his Ara*ic con$re$ation, *ut his successors tended to spend most of their time at Constantinople# KMK The Patriarch of 9erusalem. thou$h the lo+est in rank. +as the least indi$ent of the Patriarchs# %e en/oyed special presti$e as *ishop of the holiest of cities and the custodian of the chief shrines of Christendom# ince the si(teenth century the Princes of Wallachia and &oldavia had sho+ered $ifts on the Patriarchate and endo+ed it +ith lar$e estates in the Principalities, and the !ussian Tsars had *een almost as $enerous# The Patriarch of 9erusalem could afford to finance schools not only in Pales tine *ut also in other parts of the )rthodo( +orld# %e ran his o+n printin$-press. safely located a+ay from &uslim interference in the &oldavian capital of 9assy# But its or$ani2ation +as entirely Greek# If any )rthodo( Palestinian +ished for advancement he had to learn Greek and entirely identify himself +ith Greek interests, and the Patriarch himself spent much of his time at Constantinople or in the Principalities# The Greeks +ere not prepared to let this luscious plum fall into other hands#KML Ret it is dou*tful +hether in the lon$ run the Greek nationalism that +as *ein$ increasin$ly infused into the +hole )rthodo( or$ani2ation +as *eneficial to )rthodo(y# It +as not in the old By2antine tradition# Thou$h +ithin the Empire itself a kno+led$e of Greek +as necessary for any official position. there had *een no distinction of race, and the By2antines had encoura$ed vernacular litur$ies and had *een cautious in tryin$ to impose a Greek hierarchy
KMG

3or the Church of Ale(andria see ^# A# 8spenski. The -atriarchate of Alexandria Din !ussianE. r. pp# FGJ ff#, C# A# Papadopoulos. AY[VWU Y<C jZZc<AWUC pcBsU?\BWUC. passim: and Ware. op# cit# pp# KJ-I# )ne Patriarch. amuel Capasoulis. made a secret su*mission to !ome D%ofmann. 2riechische -atriarchen und !omische -apste# Orien' talia Christiana# (iii. no# GH. passim. and (((vi. no# IH. pp# G"-LJE# Eustratios Ar$enti also tried to set the finances of the Patriarchate on a *etter footin$ DWare. Eustratios Argenti# pp# K5-FE# %ypsilantis says that in "HGG the Patriarch1s income +as insufficient to pay the interest on his de*ts Dop cit# p# FK5E# KMK 3or the Church of Antioch see C# A# Papadopoulos. AY[VWU Y<C jZZc# p?YW[TBWUC. passim: Ware. op# cit# pp# FLG"# KML 3or the properties of the 9erusalem Patriarchate in the Principalities see 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance# pp# "F5. "KI-LJ. "MM. "IF# The Patriarch Chrysanthos 0otaras. 4ositheus1s nephe+ and successor. spent most of his time in &oldavia and Wallachia Di*id# p# 55HE# 9ames 4alla+ay. in his Constantinople# Ancient and %odern Dpu*lished in "HIHE. p# FMJ. says that the Patriarchs of Antioch and 9erusalem have to live at Constantinople *ecause their poverty o*li$es them to depend upon the *ounty of the Patriarch of Constantinople# This is not quite accurate +ith re$ard to the Patriarch of 9erusalem. +ho liked to live in Constantinople in order to keep in touch +ith his properties in the Principalities#

upon other peoples# But the Great Idea encoura$ed the Greeks to think of themselves as a Chosen People, and chosen peoples are seldom popular. nor do they fit +ell into the Christian life# This attempt to turn the )rthodo( Church into an e(clusively Greek Church +as one of the outcomes of Phanariot policy# It led also to a decline in spiritual values. *y stressin$ Greek culture as a$ainst )rthodo( traditions and seekin$ to turn the Church into a vehicle of nationalist feelin$. $enuine and democratic up to a point. *ut little concerned +ith the spiritual life# At the same time it placed the Patriarchate on the horns of a moral dilemma# It involved the Church in politics. and su*versive politics# Was it not the duty of the Church to render unto Caesar the thin$s +hich +ere Caesar1sS Could a Patriarch /ustifia*ly /ettison the a$reement reached *et+een the ultan and his $reat predecessor GennadiusS Could he a*/ure the oath that he had s+orn to the ultan +hen his election +as confirmedS )n a more practical level. had he the ri$ht to indul$e in plots +hich if they failed +ould undou*tedly su*/ect his flock to $hastly reprisalsS The more thou$htful hierarchs could not li$htly support revolutionary nationalism# Ret if they failed to /oin in the movement from a sense of honour or from prudence or from spiritually minded detachment. they +ould *e *randed as traitors to %ellenism# The Church +ould lose its hold over the livelier and more pro$ressive elements of its con$re$ation# The re*irth of Greece +as to involve a $allo+s erected at the $ate of the Patriarchate and a Patriarch1s corpse s+in$in$ thereon#

%%$ The Church and the Greek People$

The Phanariots +ith their political and intellectual am*itions threatened to dama$e +hat had
hitherto *een the $reatest asset of the )rthodo( Church# If there +as no !eformation in Eastern Christendom. nor even any heretical movement as po+erful as that of the Cathars in the medieval West. it +as *ecause the Church had never lost touch +ith the people# The rule that chose the villa$e priest from amon$ the villa$ers. so that he differed from them only in havin$ received the education and trainin$ needed to perform the &ysteries. meant that there +as never a serious cleava$e *et+een him and his con$re$ation# %e could never *e an a*sentee# %e could not aspire to a hi$her place in the hierarchy, he had no reason to $o off to intri$ue for preferment at the *ishop1s palace# %e +as hum*le and content +ith his lot# If he felt the need for spiritual $uidance he could seek it at some near*y monastery# The con$re$ation respected him *ecause he +as empo+ered to conduct the services of the Church# But his material lot +as so little *etter than that of his parishioners that none of them could resent him# The parish +as a united +hole. derivin$ its stren$th from the communal readin$ of the Gospels and cele*ration of the eucharist, and. after the Turkish conquest. the sense of unity +as enhanced *y a+areness of the infidel oppressor# These Christian villa$es. *y the very simplicity of their Christianity. could maintain their inte$rity a$ainst the local Turkish lando+ner or a$a or the envoys of the ultan from distant Istan*ul# There +as al+ays a dan$er in this simplicity that the reli$ious ceremonies of the villa$e +ould *ecome mere ma$ical practices. mi(ed up +ith superstitions inherited from old pa$an days# If villa$e reli$ion +as to mean more than ma$ic. if it +as to keep a real spiritual force. it must *e supervised# The villa$e mi$ht *e fortunate enou$h to have in the nei$h*orhood a monastery that +as a center of active spiritual life# But even the monasteries needed supervision if their standards +ere to *e maintained# The local *ishop must *e in touch +ith the parishes and monasteries of the diocese, and he himself must *e +orthy# The metropolitan must supervise the *ishop, and his +orthiness depended upon the summit of the Church hierarchy. the Patriarchal court# The local parish or monastery mi$ht *e so self-sufficient that it could survive even if connection +ith the hi$her authorities +as interrupted, *ut unless the hi$her authorities took a constant interest in its +elfare it +ould sta$nate#KMH This interest lessened as time +ent *y# It had never *een part of the villa$e priest1s duties to *e a scholar, *ut morally he +as e(pected to $ive an e(ample to the parish# While forei$n travellers in the seventeenth century lament the i$norance of the priests and monks. *y the end of the ei$hteenth century visitors to Greek lands +ere reportin$ instance after instance of $reed and e(tortion of +hich not only priests and monks *ut even *ishops +ere $uilty# nWilliam Turner. for instance. tells of the Arch*ishop of Cos refusin$. in his presence. to send a priest to a dyin$ +oman *ecause she could not pay the sum that he demanded# To many of the Greeks themselves it *e$an to appear that the +hole ecclesiastical or$ani2ation +as rotten to the core#KMM In the si(teenth century. as in By2antine times. the Patriarchal Court had *een filled *y earnest clerics. most of +hom came from the provinces and had started their careers in some provincial monastery# As they mounted up the hierarchy they mi$ht learn the value of intri$ue and of *ri*ery. *ut they +ere essentially men of reli$ion. and most of them remem*ered their provincial ori$ins# But the Turkish conquest had o*li$ed the Patriarchate to take on secular duties# Its hi$h officials had to *e administrators# nWorldly laymen +ere more useful for the +ork than
KMH

3or the or$ani2ation of the parish. +hich has remained unaltered to the present day. see P# %ammond. The *aters of %arah. pp# 5M ff# KMM W# Turner. "ournal of a Tour in the Le&ant# in. pp# KJI-"J#

spiritually minded ecclesiastics# 3rom the seventeenth century on+ards. under the influence of the Phanariots. this laici2ation +as increased# The rich merchants of Constantinople. on +hose *enefactions the Patriarch depended for his financial security. coveted posts at his Court for their relatives and *e$an to use the offices for their political ends# These ne+ ministers had nearly all *een *orn and *rou$ht up in Constantinople# They re$arded the provinces as *ein$ uninterestin$ and *ar*arous# Their attention +as concentrated on Constantinople itself or on the rich lands of the Principalities. +here many of them no+ o+ned estates# Their education made them unsympathetic +ith the older traditions of the Church# By the ei$hteenth century it +as a matter of pride for them to *e versed in Western philosophy and the rationalism fashiona*le at the time# The improvement in educational facilities provided *y the schools and academies that they patroni2ed meant a correspondin$ decline in reli$ious education# 3e+ of the hierarchs at the Patriarchal court ventured to *rave Phanariot contempt *y protestin$ a$ainst the fashions# But amon$st the pious in the provinces there +as a reaction a$ainst this ne+-fan$led learnin$. +hich led to a suspicion of all learnin$. and to a defiant o*scurantism# If studyin$ *ooks led to such $odless rationalism. then surely it +as *etter not to study *ooks at all#KMI It +as in the monasteries that the decline in learnin$ +as most clearly apparent and most harmful, for the reli$ious standards of a district depended mainly on its monasteries. +hich provided the spiritual advisers and confessors on +hom the country-folk. the priests amon$ them. depended# Even in By2antine times many of the provincial monasteries had *een hum*le and unpretentious and their monks simple men +ithout much *ook-learnin$# But a monastery +as required to have a li*rary. even thou$h it mi$ht contain little more than a fe+ litur$ical *ooks and lives of saints# By the end of the si(teenth century li*raries in the smaller monasteries *e$an to *e ne$lected. chiefly from lack of funds# By the end of the ei$hteenth century. +ith indifference and even hostility added to the poverty. these small li*raries had virtually disappeared# In such that remained the *ooks +ere undusted and unread. if they had not *een lost or sold# With fe+ e(ceptions the avera$e monk had for$otten ho+ to read# Ei$hteenth-century travellers remarked that often +hen a monk seemed to *e readin$ out the Gospels he +as merely repeatin$ +hat he had learnt *y heart# The monks +ent throu$h their litur$ical rites devoutly enou$h *ut mechanically# )ther+ise they tilled their fields and orchards or felled their tim*er like co-operative farmers# Their esta*lishments could hardly $ive a spiritual direction to the nei$h*orhood#KIJ
KMI

ee a*ove. pp# 55J-5# 9# Pitton de Tournefort. !elation dun &oyage du Le&ant# fait par ordre du roi# i. p# IM. says that the Greek cler$y cannot really read the service-*ooks and do not understand +hat they are repeatin$. and. p# ""G. that they are no lon$er capa*le of preachin$ sermons# Even the sympathetic !icaut had complained that En$lish mechanics +ere 6 more learned and kno+in$ than the 4octors and Cler$y of Greece1 D The -resent State of the 2ree, and Armenian Churches# Anno Christi JTNZ# preface. p# 5ME# 9# pon. 1oyages d+talie# de Dalmatic# de 2rece# et du Le&ant . II. pp# 5JJ-5. had *een impressed *y the li*rary of the Arch*ishop of Athens. Anthimos III. in "LHG# But Athens +as e( ceptional in its cultural traditions# En$lish travellers of the early nineteenth century. such as W# &# 'eake. Tra&els in 0orthern 2reece# pu*lished in "MFM *ut *ased on travels made in the early years of the century. %# %olland. Tra&els in the +onian +slands# Al$ania# Thessaly# %acedonia# etc.# during the years JZJX and JZJK . and 4r %unt. %ount AthosG An Account of the %onastic +nstitutions and Li$raries . pu*lished in "M"M in !# Walpole. %emoirs relating to European and Asiatic Tur,ey D5nd editionE. all continually accuse Greek monks of utter i$norance and +orthlessness. as do later !# Cur2on. 1isits to %onasteries in the Le&ant D"MGME. and Ed+ard 'ear. +ho refers to the monks of Athos as 6these mutterin$. misera*le. mutton-hatin$. man-avoidin$. &iso$ynic. morose and merriment-marrin$. monotonin$. many-mule-makin$. mockin$. mournful. minced fish and marmalade-masticatin$ &on(1 Dletter to C# 3ortescue D"MKLE. quoted in A# 4avidson. Life of Ed/ard Lear DPen$uin editionE. p# IME# But it must *e remem*ered that most of these travellers equated learnin$ +ith Classical learnin$ and +ould have *een annoyed had the monks *een sufficiently sophisticated to prevent their purloinin$ of Classical manuscripts# )n the other hand 4ean Waddin$ton in his *ook on The -resent Condition of the 2ree, or Oriental Church . *ased on his travels to Greece in "M5F-G. +rote +ith some respect of the monasteries Dpp# HI-IGE. thou$h he +as shocked *y the i$norance of the parish priests Dp# "JME#
KIJ

The $reater monasteries preserved their cultural life for lon$er# The esta*lishments in the Constantinopolitan su*ur*s +ere still centers for study# KI" The $reat Politic monasteries of umela. Na2elon and Piristira maintained and added to their li*raries. +hich +ere still +ell tended in the nineteenth century#KI5 The &eteora monasteries in Thessaly. +hich had suffered terri*ly at the time of the Turkish conquest. +ere restored in the late si(teenth century *y a Wallachian prince. +ho provided them +ith collections of *ooks#KIF In the seventeenth century many other monasteries +ere re*uilt or founded *y rich patrons and +ere attached to a rich institution. such as the 9erusalem Patriarchate or a monastery of princely foundation in the Principalities. +hich +ould *e responsi*le for maintainin$ its standards#KIG But *y the ei$hteenth century the foundation of monasteries +as no lon$er fashiona*le# The decline +as particularly noticea*le on &ount Athos# The dis$runtled Catholic traveller. Pierre Belon. +ho disliked the Greeks. declared that in the si(teenth century it +as impossi*le to find more than three or four literate monks in any of the monasteries there# KIK This is hard to *elieve +hen +e remem*er that the Athonite monasteries co-operated in "KHM to *uy &ichael Cantacu2enus1s splendid li*rary# In "LJ5 &ar$unios *equeathed nine cases of *ooks to the monastery of Iviron on Athos, and in "LMG the Patriarch 4ionysius IN *equeathed his many *ooks to the same monastery# Catalo$ues sho+ that throu$hout the seventeenth century the other $reater Athonite houses +ere also addin$ to their li*raries#KIL Even in the ei$hteenth century Patriarchs such as 9eremias III or erapheim II. men used to educated surroundin$s. +ere happy to retire there# KIH But Cyril N1s *rave attempt to found an Athonite academy sho+ed *y its failure that the monks refused to accept the intellectualism of the Phanar#KIM There +as a $ro+in$ lack of sympathy *et+een the monasteries even on Athos and the Greeks of Constantinople# With the monastic atmosphere $ro+in$ hostile to culture. Athos lost its appeal to men of education# The monasteries received cruder and less +orthy recruits# By the end of the ei$hteenth century the rate of literacy on the %oly &ountain had seriously declined, and *y the early nineteenth century the monks had sunk into the state of *oorish i$norance so *rilliantly and maliciously descri*ed *y travellers such as !o*ert Cur2on#KII These travellers +ere not $uiltless of e(a$$eration# They remarked on the e(ploitation *y the cler$y. *ut seldom mentioned that there +ere also kindly and saintly priests# They noticed ho+ narro+ +ere the interests of the monks and ho+ ne$lected +ere most of their li*raries# But there +ere still houses on Athos. such as the Grand 'avra. +here the treasures of the past +ere still tended +ith care. as they +ere. too. in monasteries such as umela or aint 9ohn on Patmos# &oreover. this distressin$ anti-Western anti-intellectualism +as in its +ay an e(pression of inte$rity# The !epu*lic of the %oly &ountain +as tryin$ to avoid the infection of +orldly pride
KI"

'i*raries of monasteries in the outskirts of Constantinople no+ transferred to die Phanar contain a num*er of Classical +orks copied after the conquest. especially the ^amariotissa. +hich had & of 4emosthenes. %omer. Theocritus and 'ucian. copied in the si(teenth century and later# ee the draft catalo$ue in the Phanar li*rary# The catalo$ue of the monastery of A$ia Triada on %alki has a note remarkin$ that many of the *est & +ere taken a+ay *y ir Thomas !oe in "L5M and are no+ at )(ford# ee a*ove. p# 5HI# KI5 ee 3# and E# Cumont. 1oyage dexploration archHologi.ue dans le -ont et la -etite ArmHnie. pp# FH"-5# KIF ee4# &# 0icol. %eteora# the !oc, %onasteries of Thessaly . pp# "LI-HJ, 0#9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "FJ. "G5-F# KIG 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance. pp# "G5. "KM-LJ# KIK P# Belon. Les O$ser&ations de plusieurs singularitH et choses memora$les trou&Hes en 2rece# Asie# +ndie# Ara$ic et autres pays estranges D"KMF editionE. p# MF# KIL 3or &ichael Cantacu2enus1s *ooks. see a*ove. p# "IH, for a full account of &ar$unius1s *equests see 4# 9# Geanakoplos. (y)antine East and Latin *est . pp# "M"-IJ, for 4ionysius IN see Gedeon. ;UYVWUVTWZ[W ;W?UZBC. p# KIF# %is +ill is dated "LHM# KIH Gedeon. op# tit# pp# LF"-5. LKJ# KIM ee a*ove. p# 55J# KII Cur2on. op# cit# pp# 5HI-F"". FKH-GGI#

and am*ition +hich seemed to *e pervadin$ Greek society# It +as tryin$ to keep alive the true )rthodo( tradition of concentration on the eternal verities unharmed *y man-made philosophies and scientific theories# The monks had *een made to listen to Nul$aris1s lectures on German philosophy in the days of the Athonite academy, and they had *een shocked# Ret this +as +hat they +ere no+ offered +hen they sou$ht for spiritual $uidance from Constantinople# Their resentment +as deplora*le and uncreative, *ut it represented a positive strivin$ to preserve the essence of the 3aith# Ret even on Athos nationalism reared its head# The Greek monasteries *e$an to sho+ hostility to the er*ian and Bul$arian houses and soon. also. to the !oumanian and the !ussian, and the hostility +as to $ro+ in the nineteenth century# LJJ 0ationalism on &ount Athos +as self-contained. an e(pression of rivalry *et+een Christian peoples# )utside of the &ountain it +as directed a$ainst the infidel oppressor# The Greek in the provinces could not understand the su*tle politics of the Patriarchate# %e could not appreciate the delicacy that the Patriarch and his advisers had to sho+ in their dealin$s +ith the u*lime Porte# %e looked to his villa$e priest or to the local a**ot or the *ishop to protect him a$ainst the Turkish $overnmental authorities. and he $ave his support to anyone +ho +ould champion him a$ainst the $overnment# In the $reat days of the )ttoman Empire. +hen the administration had *een efficient and on the +hole /ust. Greek nationalism could *e kept under$round# But *y the ei$hteenth century the administrative machinery +as *e$innin$ to run do+n# Provincial Turkish $overnors *e$an to revolt a$ainst the ultan and could usually count on the support of the local Greeks# A $ro+in$ num*er of outla+s took to the mountains# In lav districts they +ere kno+n *y the Turkish name of haidou,s, in Greece they +ere called the ^lephts# They lived *y *anditry. directed mainly a$ainst the Turkish lando+ners, *ut they +ere quite ready to ro* Christian merchants or travellers of any nationality# They could count on the support of the local Christian villa$ers. to +hom they +ere latter-day !o*in %oods, they could almost al+ays find refu$e from the Turkish police in some local monastery# LJ" At the same time a spirit of revolt +as $ro+in$ in more educated Greek circles# There +as a closer contact *et+een )ttoman Europe and the rest of the continent# The Ionian Islands had remained under Nenetian rule, and. after the close of the last +ar *et+een Nenice and the Turks early in the ei$hteenth century. it +as easy to $o to and fro *et+een the islands and the mainland# The 3rench conquest of Nenice at the end of the century *rou$ht 3rench revolutionary ideas +ithin the reach of the Greeks# The spreadin$ interest in Greek antiquities *rou$ht travellers of all nationalities to Greece, and the 3rench !evolutionary +ars. +hich made travel in Italy difficult for the British. resulted in num*ers of them makin$ their +ay to Athens# &ean+hile the Greeks in the Principalities +ere in constant touch +ith Austria and !ussia# )n the +hole the Greeks +ere no more illiterate than any other European people of the time# In the villa$es only the priest. the schoolmaster and one or t+o farmers could read, *ut in the to+ns. small as +ell as lar$e. literacy +as $eneral# Nisitors to modern Greece al+ays remark upon the inordinate passion of the Greeks for readin$ ne+spapers# In the late ei$hteenth century hand-*ills and tracts took their place# It +as an a$e all over Europe of secret societies, in particular it sa+ the spread of 3reemasonry# 3reemasonry appealed to the Greeks of the time# Thou$h there does not seem to have *een any 'od$e +ithin the )ttoman Empire. a num*er of Phanariots and of other Greeks *ecame &asons in the course of /ourneys to the West, and in "M"" a lod$e +as founded at Corfu# The ideas of ei$hteenth-century 3reemasonry +ere hostile to the old-esta*lished
LJJ LJ"

ee 3# W# %asluck. Athos and its &onasteries. pp# KK-LJ# 3or the ^lephts see A# Phrant2is. jdWY[X< Y<C AY[VWUC Y<C U?U=B??<eBWA<C jccU\[C. ". pp# GJ ff# ee also Papadopoullos. tudies and 4ocuments relatin$ to the %istory of the Greek Church and People under Turkish 4omination. Bi*liotheca Graeca Aevi Posterioris. ". pp# "GH-I#

Churches# There +ere even a fe+ Greek ecclesiastics amon$ the &asons, *ut the effect of the movement +as to +eaken the influence of the )rthodo( Church#LJ5 The prophet of the ne+ dispensation amon$st the Greeks +as a remarka*le man called Adamantios ^orais# %e +as *orn at myrna in "HGM and +ent as a youn$ man to Paris. +hich he made his headquarters for the rest of his life# There he made contact +ith the 3rench Encyclope' distes and their successors# 3rom them he learnt a dislike for clericalism and for tradition# 3rom readin$ Gi**on he came to *elieve that Christianity had ushered in a dark a$e for European civili2ation# %is friend ^arl chle$el tau$ht him to identify nationality +ith lan$ua$e# 6'an$ua$e is the nation.1 he +rote, 6for +hen one says la langue de France one means the 3rench nation#1 The Greeks of his time +ere therefore of the same race as the ancient Greeks# But to make the identification closer he sou$ht to reform the lan$ua$e so that it +ould *e nearer to the Classical forms# %e +as. in fact. primarily responsi*le for the ,athare&ousa. that artificial lan$ua$e +hich has had even to this day a disastrous effect in inhi*itin$ the development of modern Greek literature# 3or the By2antine past of Greece and for the )rthodo( Church he had no use at all# %is +ritin$s +ere ea$erly read *y the youn$ intellectuals at the Phanar and *y men of education all over Greece#LJF Almost more influential +as the poet !hi$as. +ho +as *orn. pro*a*ly in "HKH. at Nelestino in Thessaly and +hose real name +as pro*a*ly Antonios ^yria2is# !hi$as1s stirrin$ son$s continually reminded the Greeks of their $lorious past and ur$ed them to rise a$ainst the Turks, and he himself developed schemes for li*eratin$ the +hole of Turkey-in-Europe. +orkin$ out a constitution +hich should safe$uard the interests of the Balkan lavs and Nlachs and Al*anians. and foundin$ a secret society for the furtherance of his aims# 8nfortunately he and some fello+-conspirators +ere arrested *y the Austrian police at Trieste in "HIM and handed over to the Turks. +ho put him to death#LJG The Church authorities +ere +ell a+are of these schemes. +hich en/oyed the sympathy of many of the youn$er Phanariots, and they +ere a+are that the liveliest minds amon$ the Greeks +ere thus turnin$ a+ay from reli$ion. and that many even of the cler$y +ere hi$hly critical of the hierarchy# There appeared in Nienna in "HI" a *ook in Greek entitled The 0e/ 2eog' raphy. It had *een +ritten *y t+o Greek monks. 4emetrius Philippides and Geor$e Constantas. +ho had smu$$led the manuscript out of the )ttoman Empire# It contained a violent diatri*e a$ainst the Church. accusin$ the upper ranks of venality and servility to the Turks and the lo+er ranks of o*scurantist i$norance#LJK An equally *itter +ork. pu*lished anonymously in Italy in "MJL. called The ellenic 0omarchy or a *ord a$out Freedom. repeated the char$es a$ainst the +hole ecclesiastical or$ani2ation# uch attacks convinced many mem*ers of the Patriarchal court that may*e Turkish rule +as more conducive to a true reli$ious life than +as this ne+ spirit of revolt# In "HIM there +as pu*lished at Constantinople a +ork called The -aternal Exhortation. the author1s name *ein$ $iven as Anthimus. Patriarch of 9erusalem# Anthimus +as a sick man at the time and not e(pected to survive, *ut +hen he surprised his doctors *y makin$ a recovery he indi$nantly repudiated the authorship# The true identity of the author is unkno+n. *ut there is reason to *elieve that he +as the Patriarch Gre$ory N. then enterin$ on his first spell at the Patriarchate# Gre$ory. or +hoever the author +as. clearly kne+ that the *ook +ould arouse an$ry criticism and hoped that the critics +ould *e checked *y the saintly reputation of the mori*und Anthimus# The -aternal
LJ5

3or 3reemasonry in Greece see 0# Bot2aris. 1isions $al,ani.ues dans la preparation de la re&olution grec.ue . pp# H"-M".E#G# Protopsaltis. i xWcWZ< jYUWBWU.pp# "I-5J LJF The *asic +ork on ^orais is 4# Thereianos. Adamantios 3oraes DF vols#E# ee P# herrard. The Greek East and the 'atin West. pp# "HI-ML# LJG ee A# 4askalakis. Les OEu&res de !higas 1elestinlis# passim , # 'ampros. pd[ZUc]WC dBVW Y[] XUVY]VW[] Y[] <=U, ^# Amantos. p?BZ\[YU B==VU_U dBVW <=U |BcBAYW?c<# LJK 4# Philippides and G# Constantas. >B@=VU_WU yB@YBVWZ<. 5 vols#. passim Dfor e(tracts see Papadopoullos. op# cit# pp# "FL-HE# jcc<?WZ< y[XUVTWU ]Y[W [=[C dBVW jcB]eBVWUC Ded# TomadakisE. passim#

Exhortation opens *y thankin$ God for the esta*lishment of the )ttoman Empire. at a time +hen By2antium had *e$un to slip into heresy# The victory of the Turks and the tolerance that they sho+ed to their Christian su*/ects +ere the means for preservin$ )rthodo(y# Good Christians should therefore *e content to remain under Turkish rule# Even the )ttoman restriction on the *uildin$ of churches. +hich the author reali2ed mi$ht *e hard to e(plain as *eneficial. is e(cused *y the remark that Christians should not indul$e in the vain$lorious pastime of erectin$ fine *uildin$s, for the true Church is not made *y hands. and there +ill *e splendour enou$h in %eaven# After denouncin$ the illusory attractions of political freedom. 6an enticement of the 4evil and a murderous poison destined to push the people into disorder and destruction1. the author ends +ith a poem *iddin$ the faithful to pay respect to the ultan. +hom God had set in authority over them#LJL Tactless thou$h it +as. the -aternal Exhortation +as not theolo$ically unsound# It +as not the *usiness of the Church to indul$e in su*versive nationalistic activities# Christ %imself had distin$uished *et+een the thin$s +hich are Caesar1s and the thin$s +hich are God1s# Paul had ordered Christians to o*ey the kin$. even thou$h the kin$ +as the pa$an !oman Emperor# The early Church had only defied authority +hen its freedom of +orship +as for*idden or its mem*ers +ere required to follo+ practices that +ere a$ainst a Christian conscience# The Turks had made no such demands# Good churchmen should surely *e $ood citi2ens. not revolutionary plotters# 3rom the practical point of vie+ also the Exhortation +as not un/ustified# The Turkish Empire mi$ht *e in decadence, *ut it had succeeded so far in crushin$ every revolt a$ainst its authority# The Cyprus re*ellion of "HLG had fi22led out# The &orean revolt +hich Catherine II of !ussia had encoura$ed in "HHJ had ended in disaster and the re*els sternly punished# The treason of the nWallachian and &oldavian Princes in "MJL +as to *e ruthlessly crushed# The revolt of the er*s +hich *roke out under ^ara$eor$e in "MJK +as to dra$ on for many years *efore it achieved success# Another unsuccessful risin$ could *rin$ intermina*le misery to the Christians# It +as. perhaps. unnecessary for the author of the -aternal Exhortation to sho+ so much deference to the ultan, *ut his vie+s +ere not unreasona*le for a devout prelate +ho *elieved that the Church should *e kept free from politics and +ho from the terms of his o+n appointment had solemnly s+orn to $uarantee the loyalty of his flock to the ultan1s $overnment. and +ho for humanity1s sake +ished it not to run the risk of self-destruction# 0evertheless it +as a document +hich found little sympathy +ith its Greek readers# ^orais hastened to reply in a tract called the Fraternal Exhortation. in +hich he declared that the -aternal Exhortation in no +ay represented the feelin$ of the Greek people *ut +as the ridiculous ravin$ of a hierarch 6+ho is either a fool or has *een transformed from a shepherd into a +olf1#LJH It also em*arrassed the Phanariots# The older amon$st them +ere a+are of the dan$ers of a premature revolt# Constantine Rpsilanti. +ho +as to *e many times Prince of &oldavia and +ho had kno+n !hi$as since their youn$ days to$ether. pursued an aim like that of !hi$as. a reformed Balkan Empire. *ut it +as to include the Turks and to *e inau$urated under the ultan1s su2erainty# 'ater. so he hoped. the Greeks +ould take over the $overnment from Turkish hands# %is opinion carried +ei$ht amon$st the older Phanariots. thou$h many of them felt that he +as movin$ a little too fast for safety# Time. they thou$ht. +as on their side# The )ttoman Empire +ould soon collapse from its o+n +eakness# The reforms +hich ultan elim III *ravely attempted to introduce to *rin$ it up to date +ere over-hastily conceived and un+isely e(ecuted#
LJL

The full title of the pamphlet is W\UAZUcWU ;UYVWZ<# ]?YBeBWU dUVU Y[] {UZ# ;UYVWUVT[] Y<C U=WUC BV[]AUc<X g . printed in Constantinople in "HIM# ee also 4# :akythinos. i k[]VZ[ZVUYWUp# M5. for a version of the te(t# # &acraios. d[X?<XUYU jZZ# AY[VWUC. in athas. {BAUW@?WZ< |W}cW[e<Z<. p# FIG. accuses Gre$ory. +hom he did not like. of havin$ taken advanta$e of Anthimus1s mori*und state to issue the pamphlet in his name# LJH A# ^orais. p\Bc_WZ< W\UAZUcWU dV[C Y[]C B]VWAZ[XB?[]C ZUYb dUAU? Y<? ~e@XU?WZ<? BdWZVUYBWU? >VUWZ[]C g#

Thou$h the po+er of the 9anissaries +as destroyed. instead there +as chaos in the army, and a num*er of local pashas. led *y Ali Pasha at 9anina and )sman Pasvano$lu at Nidin. +ere in open revolt# elim himself +as deposed in "MJH and murdered the follo+in$ year# oon. the older Phanariots hoped. there +ould *e such disorder in the central administration that even the Turks +ould *e content to let the Greeks take over the $overnment# This +as a policy +hich the Patriarchate could *less, for it avoided sedition# But it did not satisfy the youn$er Phanariots# They +ere impatient# The time +ould soon *e ripe# They pinned their faith on the !ussian soverei$n. the enli$htened Tsar Ale(ander I#LJM But. in spite of the enthusiasm of its youn$er mem*ers. the Phanar +as not popular amon$st the Greeks as a +hole# To men like ^orais it seemed to *e movin$ still in the corrupt and shameful atmosphere of By2antium# Its +ealth roused /ealousy. +hich its arro$ance did not allay# The financial e(actions of the Phanariots in the Principalities had *een noticed +ith disapproval *y every Western traveller, *ut their severest critics +ere the Greeks themselves# There is a *ook. an Essai sur les Fanariotes. +ritten in a*out "M"J in 3rench *y a Greek called &ark :allonis. *ut not actually pu*lished till "M5G. at &arseilles. +hich is almost hysterical in its denunciation *ut tells some *itter truths a*out the effect of Phanariot domination#LJI :allonis tended to confuse the Phanariots +ith the Patriarchate# Pious Greeks +ere ri$ht to condemn the effects of the Phanariot control of the Church# It undou*tedly suited the Phanariots that the Church should *e in de*t and therefore dependent upon their aid# To some e(tent. therefore. they encoura$ed and perpetuated its corruption# But they did not control it a*solutely. for they themselves +ere divided# Their older and more conservative mem*ers a$reed +ith the Patriarch in +ishin$ to discountenance open re*ellion# A test came early in the nineteenth century +hen ultan elim made a serious effort to suppress *ri$anda$e# The ^lephts in Greece. thanks to the spirit of revolt and to the hymns of !hi$as. had *ecome popular heroes# It +as a patriotic duty for a Greek to $ive them shelter a$ainst the police, and the villa$e priest and the monks of the country monasteries +ere ea$er to help them# But they +ere a menace to orderly rule, and +hen the ultan demanded of the Patriarch that he should issue a stern decree threatenin$ +ith e(communication any priest or monk +ho +ould not aid the authorities in their suppression. the Patriarch could not +ell refuse# The decree +as pu*lished in the Peloponnese, and. thou$h most of the hi$her cler$y sullenly o*eyed it. the villa$es and the poorer monasteries +ere outra$ed, and even at the Phanar there +as open disapproval# It *ecame clear that +hen the moment for revolt arrived the Patriarch +ould not *e at its head#L"J
LJM

Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# MF-"JJ# 4alla+ay. +ho kne+ Constantine Rpsilanti. thou$ht him +ise and estima*le Dop# cit# p# "JFE# The historian. A# C# %ypsilantis. kU XBYU Y<? pc@AW?. +ritin$ in "HMI. *elieved that the Greeks had forfeited their chances of li*erty o+in$ to their evil +ays and only the !ussians could save them Dop# cit# p# KFGE# LJI An En$lish translation of the Essai is pu*lished in C# +an. 1oyage up the %editerranean D"M5LE# There is also a Greek translation *y someone +ho $ives his name as 60# i\UWB_U} Dsic. o*viously a code of some descriptionE entitled ]==VUXXUYU Y@? Ud Y<? q@?AYU?YW?[]d[cW? dVW=ZWd@? Y<C |=UT[X[c\U}WUC. Y@? cB=[XB?@? U?UVW@Y@?. dUVU Y[] {UVZ[] xWcWdd[e Ucc@?< g DParis. "MF"E# It is likely that the translator +as ^orais# :allonis often makes false accusations. as +hen he accuses the Phanariots for the )rthodo( Church1s hostility to !ome Dpp# IFMff# of 3rench editionE# The En$lish traveller Thornton is almost as scathin$ a*out Phanariot rule DT# Thornton. The -resent State of Tur,ey# II. pp# 5IH-FMJ. pu*lished in "MJIE, *ut Thornton disliked all Greeks# W# Wilkinson. An Account of the -rincipalities of *allachia and %olda&ia# passim . is fairer-minded and $ives the Phanariots credit for their efforts to improve education# 4r Adam 0eale. passin$ throu$h &oldavia in "MJK. thou$ht +ell of the $overnment of Ale(ander &ouroussi. *ut re$arded him as an e(ception D Tra&els through some parts of 2ermany# -oland# %olda&ia and Tur,ey# p# "LGE# L"J A# Phrant2is. op. cit.# he. cit# Phrant2is. a Peloponnesian +ritin$ a*out events that took place +ithin his lifetime. and himself a mem*er of the %etaireia. is a relia*le source# When 'eake visited the Great &eteoron in "M"J. the a* *ot and t+o of his monks +ere a+ay in prison at 9armina for havin$ sheltered some ^lephts. a little un+illin$ly. from Ali Pasha1s police D'eake. op# cit# IN. p# KG5E#

In spite of the Patriarch the plots continued# At the end of the ei$hteenth century there +ere several secret societies in e(istence. +ith names such as the Athena. +hich hoped to li*erate Greece +ith 3rench help and +hich counted ^orais amon$ its mem*ers. or the -hoenix. +hich pinned its hopes on !ussia#L"" In "M"G three Greek merchants at )dessa in !ussia. 0icholas kouphas. Emmanuel Qanthos and Athanasius Tsakalof. the first a mem*er of the -hoenix and the latter t+o freemasons. founded a society +hich they called the etaireia ton -hili,on. the ociety of 3riends# Thanks chiefly to the ener$y of kouphas. +ho unfortunately died in "M"H. it soon superseded all the previous societies and *ecame the rallyin$ point of re*ellion# kouphas +as determined to include in the society patriots of every description, and soon it had amon$st its mem*ers Phanariots such as Prince Constantine Rpsilanti and his hot-headed sons. Ale(ander and 0icholas. all no+ livin$ in e(ile in !ussia. and mem*ers of the &avrocordato and Carad/a families. or hi$h ecclesiastics such as I$natius. &etropolitan of Arta and later of Wallachia. and Germanus. &etropolitan of Patras. intellectuals such as Anthimus Gha2is. and *ri$and leaders such as the armatolos Geor$e )lympios and ^olokotronis# It +as or$ani2ed partly on masonic lines and partly on +hat the founders *elieved to have *een the early Christian or$ani2ation# It had four $rades# The lo+est +as that of Blood-*rothers. +hich +as confined to illiterates# 0e(t +ere the !ecommended. +ho s+ore an oath to o*ey their superiors *ut +ere not permitted to kno+ more than the $eneral patriotic aims of the society and +ere kept in i$norance of the names of their superiors and +ere supposed not even to kno+ of the e(istence of the Blood-*rothers# A*ove them +ere the Priests. +ho could initiate Blood-*rothers and !ecommendeds and +ho. after solemn oaths. +ere allo+ed to kno+ the detailed aims of the society# A*ove them a$ain +ere the Pastors. +ho supervised the Priests and sa+ that they only initiated suita*le candidates, a suita*le !ecommended could *ecome a Pastor +ithout passin$ throu$h the $rade of Priest# 3rom the Pastors +ere chosen the supreme authorities of the society. the Arche# The names of the mem*ers of the Arche +ere unkno+n e(cept to each other. and their meetin$s +ere held in a*solute secrecy# This +as thou$ht necessary not only for security a$ainst e(ternal po+ers *ut also for the presti$e of the society# %ad the names of its directors *een kno+n. there mi$ht have *een opposition to several of them. particularly amon$ such a faction-lovin$ people as the Greeks, +hereas the mystery surroundin$ the Arche ena*led hints to *e dropped that it included such mi$hty fi$ures as the Tsar himself# All $rades had to s+ear unconditional o*edience to the Arche. +hich itself operated throu$h t+elve Apostles. +hose *usiness it +as to +in recruits and to or$ani2e *ranches in different provinces and countries# They +ere appointed /ust *efore the death of kouphas, and their names are kno+n# It +as first decided to fi( the headquarters of the society on &ount Pelion. *ut later. after the initiation of the &aniot chieftain. Peter &avromichalis. it +as moved to the &ani. in the south-east of the Peloponnese. a district into +hich the Turks had never ventured to penetrate#L"5 There +ere ho+ever t+o distin$uished Greeks +ho refused to /oin the ociety# )ne +as the e(-Patriarch Gre$ory N# %e had *een deposed for the second time in "MJM. and +as livin$ on &ount Athos. +here the Apostle 9ohn Pharmakis visited him# Gre$ory pointed out that it +as impossi*le for him to s+ear an oath of unconditional o*edience to the unkno+n leaders of a secret society and that anyho+ he +as *ound *y oath to respect the authority of the ultan# The rei$nin$ Patriarch. Cyril NI. +as not approached# till more disappointin$ +as the refusal of the Tsar1s forei$n minister. 9ohn Capodistrias. to countenance the %etaireia#L"F
L"" L"5

Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# H"-M", Protopsaltis. op# cit# pp# "K-"M# Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# MF-"JJ, E# G# Protopsalti. i xWcWZ< jYUWVBWU. pp# 5" ff# A $ood contemporary account of the ociety is $iven *y 4ean Waddin$ton in his 1isit to 2reece. "M5F-G. pp# (vi-(((# Protopsalti. op# cit# pp# 5GK-KK. reproduces the constitution and oaths of the ociety# L"F 9# Philemon. [ZWXW[? AY[VWZ[? dBVW Y<C jcc<B?WZ<C jdU?UAYUAB@C. ". pp# "KH-M: Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# IK-L: T# ^andiloros. AY[VWU Y[] je?[XUVY]VU >V<=[VW[] Y[] j1. pp# "5F-FG#

9ohn Antony. Count Capodistrias. had *een *orn in Corfu in "HHL. and as a youn$ man had +orked for the Ionian $overnment there. *efore $oin$ to !ussia at the time of the second 3rench occupation of the Ionian Islands in "MJH# %e +as $iven a post in the !ussian diplomatic service and +as attached to the !ussian Em*assy at Nienna in "M"". and ne(t year +as one of the !ussian dele$ates at the treaty ne$otiations at Bucharest# %is remarka*le a*ilities impressed Tsar Ale(ander. +ho in "M"K nominated him ecretary of tate and Assistant 3orei$n &inister# In his youth Capodistrias had made contact +ith many of the Greek revolutionary thinkers. and he +as +ell kno+n to *e a Greek patriot# In the past many Greeks had looked to 3rance to deliver them from the Turks, *ut after 0apoleon1s collapse the +hole Greek +orld turned to !ussia. and Capodistrias1s accession to po+er $ave them confidence# The !ussian soverei$n +as the $reat patron of )rthodo(y# The Greeks for$ot ho+ little they had $ained from Catherine the Great. the imperialistic German free-thinker. +ho had incited them to revolt in "HHJ and then had a*andoned them# But at the Treaty of ^ucuk ^ainarci in "HHG !ussia had acquired the ri$ht to intervene in Turkish internal affairs in the interest of the )rthodo(# Catherine1s son. the madman Paul. +as clearly un+illin$ to help the Greek cause, *ut +hen Ale(ander I succeeded his murdered father in "MJ" hopes rose# Ale(ander +as kno+n to have li*eral vie+s and mystical )rthodo( sympathies# Belief in his aid had encoura$ed the Princes of &oldavia and Wallachia to plot a$ainst the ultan in "MJL, and. +hen they +ere deposed *y the ultan. the Tsar cited his ri$hts under the Treaty of ^ucuk ^ainarci and declared +ar on Turkey# The only outcome of the +ar had *een the anne(ation *y !ussia of the &oldavian province of Bessara*ia# But the Greeks +ere not discoura$ed# 0o+. +ith a Greek as the Tsar1s ecretary of tate. the time had surely come for the War of 'i*eration# The plotters refused to reali2e that Capodistrias +as the Tsar1s servant and a practical man of the +orld, and they did not kno+ that the Tsar himself +as *ecomin$ more reactionary and less +illin$ to countenance re*ellion a$ainst esta*lished authority#L"G The planners of Greek independence could not count on the open support of the Patriarchate# They should have reali2ed that they also could not count on the support of !ussia# And the nationalist ecclesiastical policy of the Church durin$ the last century deprived them of the friendship of the other peoples of the Balkans# The leaders of the %etaireia +ere a+are of this# They made earnest attempts to enroll er*ian. Bul$arian and !oumanian mem*ers# When ^ara$eor$e revolted a$ainst the Turks in er*ia Greek armatoles and klephts came to /oin him# Even the Phanariot princes had offered support, *ut they +ere re*uffed# 6The Greek Princes of the Phanar1. ^ara$eor$e +rote. 6can never make common cause +ith people +ho do not +ish to *e treated like animals#1 ^ara$eor$e1s revolt +as put do+n *y the Turks in "M"F# T+o years later the er*s revolted a$ain. under &ilos )*renovitc. a far su*tler diplomat. +ho secured Austrian support and eventually induced the ultan to accept him as a relia*le vassal-prince# &ilos had no contact +ith the Greeks# The %etaireia therefore pinned its faith on ^ara$eor$e. +ho +as persuaded to *ecome a mem*er in "M"H# As ^ara$eor$e +as $reatly admired *y the Bul$arians it +as hoped that num*ers of them +ould no+ /oin the movement# ^ara$eor$e +as then sent *ack to er*ia# But the er*s. +ho +ere satisfied +ith &ilos1s achievements. offered him no support, and &ilos re$arded him as a rival to *e eliminated# %e +as assassinated in 9une "M"H# With his death any hope of interestin$ the er*s in the comin$ Greek re*ellion faded out, and there +as no one capa*le of rallyin$ the Bul$ars to the cause# ^ara$eor$e alone could have $iven the %etaireia the air of not *ein$ e(clusively Greek#L"K The %etaireia had hi$her hopes of the !oumanians# There a peasant leader. Tudor Nladimirescu. +ho had led a *and to help the er*s. +as defyin$ the Turkish police in the
L"G

There is as yet no $ood life of Capodistrias# 3or his early career and his relation to the ociety. see Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# HK. HH. ML-H. IH-"JJ# L"K Bot2aris. op# tit# pp# "FF-G5#

Carpathian mountains and had $athered to$ether a considera*le company# %e +as in close touch +ith t+o leadin$ hetairists. Geor$e )lympius and Phokianos a+as. and he himself /oined the society. promisin$ to co-ordinate his movements +ith the Greeks1# But he +as an unrelia*le ally, for he +as *itterly opposed to the Phanariot princes. +ho. he considered. had *rou$ht ruin to his country#L"L By the end of "M5J everythin$ seemed to *e ready# Ali Pasha of 9anina +as in open revolt a$ainst the ultan, and had promised help to the Greeks, and. thou$h )sman Pasvano$lu +as dead. his pashalik of Nidin +as in disorder. tyin$ up Turkish troops south of the 4anu*e# The Arche of the etaereia had a fe+ months previously elected a Captain-General. choosin$ a youn$ Phanariot Ale(ander Rpsilanti. son of the e(-Prince Constantine of &oldavia# It is interestin$ to note that the plotters considered that only a Phanariot had sufficient e(perience and presti$e for the post# Ale(ander Rpsilanti +as *orn in "HI5 and spent his youth in !ussia# %e had +on a reputation for $allantry and military skill +hen servin$ in the !ussian army and had lost an arm at the *attle of ^ulm. fi$htin$ a$ainst the 3rench# %e +as kno+n to *e an intimate friend of the Tsar and the Tsaritsa and of Capodistrias# %e made it his first task to improve the efficiency of the ociety and summoned the one and only plenary meetin$ of the Arche. +hich +as held at Ismail in southern !ussia in )cto*er "M5J# The ori$inal plan had *een to start the revolt in the Peloponnese. +here there +ould *e a secure *ase in the &ani and +here the sympathy of the inha*itants +as assured# Ale(ander no+ chan$ed his mind# It +ould *e *etter to start the main campai$n in &oldavia# By the Treaty of Bucharest the Turks had undertaken not to send troops into the Principalities +ithout !ussian consent# Nladimirescu +ould distract +hat Turkish militia +as there already, and a successful army s+eepin$ throu$h Wallachia and across the 4anu*e +as the only thin$ that mi$ht induce the Bul$arians and the er*ians to /oin in# &ean+hile a su*sidiary risin$ in the Peloponnese. +hich Ale(ander1s *rother 4emetrius +as sent to or$ani2e. +ould further em*arrass the Turks#L"H The invasion of &oldavia +as timed to *e$in on 5G 0ovem*er D)# #E "M5J# Ale(ander had already $athered to$ether a small army of Greeks and Christian Al*anians on the !ussian side of the frontier# Almost at the last moment Capodistrias counselled delay# The Austrian secret police had discovered the plans and had sent to +arn the ultan, and the Tsar +as nervous of in ternational reactions# But. in 9anuary "M5". Nladimirescu. encoura$ed *y Geor$e )lympius. a$ainst the advice of Phokianos avvas. *e$an to attack Turkish police posts and +as scornful of Rpsilanti1s hesitation# A*out the same time the Prince of Wallachia. Ale(ander out2o. died. poisoned it +as rumoured *y the %etaireia. of +hich he +as kno+n to disapprove# 4emetrius Rpsilanti reported from the Peloponnese that everyone there +as impatient of further delays# Ale(ander Rpsilanti decided that the time had come to act# %e sou$ht an audience of the Tsar *efore leavin$ t Peters*ur$. *ut it +as refused# The Tsaritsa. ho+ever. sent him her *lessin$, and he +as assured that the Tsar +ould personally protect his +ife# )n 55 3e*ruary D)# #E Ale(ander and his little *and crossed over the river Pruth into &oldavia# In his desire to prevent a leaka$e of ne+s Ale(ander had not +arned his fello+-plotters# When ne+s of his advance reached the Peloponnese. his *rother 4emetrius hesitated. fearin$ that it mi$ht *e a false rumour# But the people +ould not +ait# They found a leader in Germanus. &etropolitan of Patras. +ho. in defiance of the Patriarchate and of )rthodo( tradition. raised the standard of revolt at the monastery of A$ia 'avra. near ^alavryta. on 5K &arch# The &ani had already risen# The islands of petsai and Psara and a little later %ydra rose in early April# By the end of April all central and southern Greece +as up in arms#
L"L

ee 0# 9or$a. +)&oarele contemporane asupra miscarii lui Tudor 1ladimirescu . introduction. passim: Bot2aris. op# cit# pp# "GF ff# L"H Protopsaltis. op# cit# pp# HJ-MG. +ith documents#

But it +as no+ too late for Ale(ander Rpsilanti# %e had marched unopposed on Bucharest# But there +as no ne+s of any risin$ amon$ the Bul$arians or the er*s, and +hen he reached Bucharest he found that Tudor Nladimirescu and his troops +ere there *efore him, and they refused to let him into the city# 6I am not prepared to shed !oumanian *lood for Greeks.1 said Nladimirescu# There +ere skirmishes *et+een the t+o forces# Then came ne+s that the Tsar had repudiated the +hole re*ellion at the Con$ress of 'ai*ach. and +ith his permission a hu$e Turkish army +as approachin$ the 4anu*e. ready to invade the Principalities# Rpsilanti retired north-east. to+ards the !ussian frontier# Nladimirescu. after lin$erin$ for a fe+ days in Bucharest tryin$ to make terms +ith the Turkish commander. moved *ack on "K &ay into the Carpathians# But he had lost control over his o+n follo+ers# They allo+ed Geor$e )lympius to take him prisoner and to put him to death. on the evenin$ of 5L &ay. for his treason to the cause# Phokianos avvas and a $arrison of Al*anians held Bucharest for a +eek. then also retired into the mountains# The Turks entered Bucharest *efore the end of &ay. then moved in pursuit of Rpsilanti# )n H 9une D)# #E they routed his army at a *attle at 4ra$asani# %is *est troops perished# %e himself fled over the Austrian frontier into Bukovina. +here *y &etternich1s orders he +as arrested# %e spent the remainder of his life in an Austrian prison# The remnant of his army +as rallied *y Geor$e Cantacu2enus. +ho led them *ack to+ards the !ussian frontier# But the frontier +as closed to them# The Turks cau$ht up +ith them at culeni on the Pruth and massacred them there. on "H 9une. in si$ht of !ussian territory# avvas surrendered to the Turks in Au$ust and +as put to death *y them# Geor$e )lympius held out till eptem*er in the monastery of ecu# When all hope +as lost he fired his po+der stores and *le+ up the monastery +ith himself and all his $arrison +ithin it#L"M The ultan had already taken ven$eance at Constantinople# The ne+s that Ale(ander Rpsilanti had invaded &oldavia reached the city in early &arch# The Patriarch and his advisers +ere taken *y surprise# Gre$ory N. +ho had *een restored to the Patriarchal throne in 4ecem*er "M"M. hastened to summon the synod# But. +ith the Turkish police all around them there +as nothin$ that they could do *ut pray and keep silence# )ne or t+o *ishops slipped quietly out of the city to /oin the re*els. to$ether +ith a fe+ of the Phanariot no*ility# %ad Gre$ory *een a*le to *rin$ himself to denounce the revolt he mi$ht have saved his life# As it +as. Turkish police en tered the Patriarchate and kept him a prisoner there till 55 April. +hen he +as han$ed at the $ate of his palace# T+o metropolitans and t+elve *ishops follo+ed him to the $allo+s# Then it +as the turn of the laymen# 3irst the Grand 4ra$oman. &ouroussi. and his *rother. then all the leadin$ Phanariots# By the summer of "M5" the $reat houses in the Phanar +ere empty# A ne+ Patriarch had *een appointed. a harmless nonentity called Eu$enius II# There +as a ne+ Grand 4ra$oman. unrelated to any of the Phanariot clans, and he +as e(ecuted on the merest suspicion of treason a fe+ months later, and the post +as a*olished# The po+ers of the Patriarchate +ere severely curtailed# The contract made *et+een the Conquerin$ ultan and Gennadius had *een *roken *y the Patriarchate# The Turks +ere no lon$er prepared to trust the )rthodo(#L"I With the holocaust at the Patriarchate the old dispensation +as ended# The )rthodo( Church had to reor$ani2e itself to face up to a nationalistic +orld#

L"M

The *est contemporary account of the revolt. as seen from Constantinople. is $iven in !# Walsh. !esidence at Constantinople during the 2ree, and Tur,ish !e&olutions# ". pp# 5II-FFF# Events in the Principalities are $iven *y t+o contemporary !oumanian +riters. Ivan 4ar2eanu. Cronica !e&olutiei din JZXJ. and &ihai Cioranu. !e&olutia lui Tudor 1ladimirescu. *oth pu*lished in 9or$a. (y)ance apres (y)ance# There is a vast literature dealin$ +ith the risin$ in Greece itself# L"I The actions of the %oly ynod and the Patriarch and Gre$ory1s death are $raphically descri*ed *y Walsh. op# cit# ". pp# F"" ff# %e actually +itnessed the Patriarch1s han$in$# ee also ^andiloros. op# cit# pp# 5"G ff#

%'$ Epilo&ue$

The Patriarchate of Constantinople never recovered from the events of "M5"# The Patriarch still
remained at the head of the )rthodo( milet, *ut his administration +as supervised more closely and his po+ers +ere steadily curtailed# %e could still appear in "IJM. at the openin$ of the Parliament +hich ultan A*dul %amit +as forced to summon. to$ether +ith his fello+-hierarchs. as a hi$h official of the )ttoman Empire# But the triumphant Roun$ Turks had no use for the milet system and planned its a*olishment# The victory of the Allies in "I"M raised hopes in Patriarchal circles# But they hoped not that the previous po+er should *e restored to the Patriarchate. *ut rather that Constantinople should *e $iven to the Greeks. in consummation of the Great Idea# It +as a vain hope. ruined *y the $enius of ^emal Ataturk# The Greek defeat in Asia &inor meant that the Turks +ould recover Constantinople, and Ataturk1s conception of $overnment had no place for the milets# %encefor+ard the Patriarch1s authority +as purely ecclesiastical# %e *ecame merely the chief *ishop of a d+indlin$ reli$ious community in a secular state. +hose rulers mistrusted and disliked him for his faith and for his race# %is flock. restricted no+ +ithin Turkey to Istan*ul 7 the name Constantinople +as for*idden 7 and its su*ur*s. could look to him for moral $uidance and spiritual comfort# But that +as all that he could $ive them# %is condition in no +ay improved in the follo+in$ decades# Throu$hout the nineteenth century. after the close of the Greek War of Independence. the Greeks +ithin the )ttoman Empire had *een in an equivocal position# !i$ht up to the end of the Balkan War in "I"F they +ere far more numerous than their fello+-Greeks livin$ +ithin the *oundaries of the ^in$dom of Greece. and on an avera$e more +ealthy# ome of them still took service under the ultan# Turkish $overnment finances +ere still lar$ely administered *y Greeks# There +ere Greeks in the Turkish diplomatic service. such as &usurus Pasha. for many years )ttoman Am*assador to the Court of t 9ames# uch men served their master loyally, *ut they +ere al+ays conscious of the free Greek state. +hose interests often ran counter to his# 8nder the easy$oin$ rule of ultans A*dul &ed/it and A*dul A2i2. in the middle of the century. no $reat difficulties arose# But the Islamic reaction under A*dul %amit led to rene+ed suspicion of the Greeks. +hich +as enhanced *y the Cretan question and the +ar. disastrous for Greece. of "MIH# The Roun$ Turks +ho dethroned A*dul %amit shared his dislike of the Christians. +hich the Balkan War seemed to /ustify# Participation *y Greeks in Turkish administrative affairs declined and eventually +as ended# 3or the )rthodo( Patriarch of Constantinople the position throu$hout the century +as particularly difficult# %e +as a Greek *ut he +as not a citi2en of Greece# By the oath that he took on his appointment he undertook to *e loyal to the ultan. even thou$h the ultan mi$ht *e at +ar +ith the ^in$dom of Greece# %is flock. envious of the freedom of the Greeks of the ^in$dom. lon$ed to *e united +ith them, *ut he could not la+fully encoura$e their lon$in$# The dilemma that faced Gre$ory N in the sprin$ of "M5" +as shared. thou$h in a less acute form. *y all his successors# %e no lon$er had any authority over the Greeks of Greece# %ardly had the ^in$dom *een esta*lished *efore its Church insisted on complete autonomy under the Arch*ishop of Athens# It +as to Athens. to the ^in$ of Greece. that the Greeks in Turkey no+ looked for the fulfilment of their aspirations# %ad the Christian Empire *een restored at Constantinople the Patriarch +ould indeed have lost much of his administrative po+ers, *ut he +ould have lost them $ladly, for the Emperor +ould have *een at hand for him to advise and admonish. and he +ould have en/oyed the protection of a Christian $overnment# But as it +as. he +as left to administer. in a +orsenin$ atmosphere and +ith decreasin$ authority. a community +hose sentimental alle$iance +as $iven increasin$ly to a monarch +ho lived far a+ay. +ith +hom he could not pu*licly associate himself. and +hose kin$dom +as too small and poor to rescue him in

times of peril# In the past the !ussian Tsar had *een cast *y many of the Greeks in the role of saviour# That had had its advanta$es, for. thou$h the Tsar continually let his Greek clients do+n. he +as at least a po+erful fi$ure +hom the Turks re$arded +ith a+e# &oreover he did not interfere +ith the Greeks1 alle$iance to their Patriarch# Whatever !ussian am*itions mi$ht *e. the Greeks had no intention of endin$ as !ussian su*/ects# As it +as. the emer$ence of an independent Greece lessened !ussian sympathy# Greek politicians in$eniously played off Britain and 3rance a$ainst !ussia. and a$ainst each other, and !ussia found it more profita*le to $ive her patrona$e to Bul$aria: +hich +as not to the likin$ of the Greeks# We may re$ret that the Patriarchate +as not inspired to alter its role# It +as. after all. the )ecumenical Patriarchate# Was it not its duty to emer$e as leader of the )rthodo( )ecumeneS The Greeks +ere not alone in achievin$ independence in the nineteenth century# The er*s. the !oumanians. and. later. the Bul$arians all thre+ off the )ttoman yoke# All of them +ere alive +ith nationalistic ardour# Could not the Patriarchate have *ecome a rallyin$ force for the )rthodo( +orld. and so have checked the centrifu$al tendencies of Balkan nationalismS The opportunity +as lost# The Patriarchate remained Greek rather than oecumenical# We cannot *lame the Patriarchs# They +ere Greeks. reared in the %ellenic tradition of +hich the )rthodo( Church +as $uardian and from +hich it derived much of its stren$th# &oreover in the atmosphere of the nineteenth century internationalism +as re$arded as an instrument of tyranny and reaction# But the Patriarchate erred too far in the other direction# Its fierce and fruitless attempt to keep the Bul$arian Church in su*/ection to Greek hierarchs. in the "MLJs. did it no $ood and only increased *itterness# )n &ount Athos. +hose communities o+ed much to the lavish. if not disinterested. $enerosity of the !ussian Tsars. the feuds *et+een the Greek and lav monasteries +ere far from edifyin$# This record of nationalism +as to endan$er the very e(istence of the Patriarchate in the dark days that follo+ed "I55# 0o+. o+in$ to the very fact of these disasters. the Patriarchate can *e oecumenical once more# In the country of his residence the Patriarch1s con$re$ation is small, for the Greeks have almost all. +illin$ly or un+illin$ly. left Turkey for Greece. +here they are under the ecclesiastical rule of the Arch*ishop of Athens# The Patriarch of Ale(andria is responsi*le for the )rthodo( in Africa. and the Patriarchs of Antioch and 9erusalem for those in Asia# But the lar$e and +idespread )rthodo( con$re$ations in Western Europe. in Australia and in the Americas depend canonically on the Patriarch of Constantinople, and this $ives him no+ the authority to *e the real spokesman for )rthodo(y and. if God +ills. to play a leadin$ part in *rin$in$ closer friendship *et+een the $reat *ranches of the Church of Christ# 0evertheless the importance of the Greek tradition in the survival of )rthodo(y durin$ the )ttoman period must not *e for$otten# Throu$hout all its vicissitudes the Church +as determined to keep its flock conscious of the Greek herita$e# The monks mi$ht *e suspicious of pa$an learnin$ and of attempts to revive the study of philosophy, *ut everyone +ho called himself a Greek. +hatever his actual racial ori$ins mi$ht *e. +as proud to think that he +as of the same nation as %omer and Plato and Aristotle. as +ell as of the 3athers of the Eastern Church# This faith in the Greek $enius kept hope alive, and +ithout hope fe+ institutions can survive# The Greeks mi$ht *e lan$uishin$ *y the +aters of Ba*ylon, *ut they still had their son$s to sin$# It +as )rthodo(y that preserved %ellenism throu$h the dark centuries, *ut +ithout the moral force of %ellenism )rthodo(y itself mi$ht have +ithered# %ellenism provided hope for this earth# But the true stren$th of the )rthodo( lay in their conviction that so lon$ as they remained loyal to the teachin$ of Christ they +ould find *eyond this vale of tears real and eternal happiness# &ore than any other *ranch of the Christian Church the )rthodo( have *een mindful of the in/unction to render unto Caesar the thin$s +hich are Caesar1s# This has ena*led them to su*mit 7 too easily. critics have thou$ht 7 to the secular authority of infidel or $odless $overnments, *ut it has also ena*led them to keep apart the thin$s

+hich are God1s and to clin$ to them +ith inte$rity# It mi$ht have *een more heroic to protest and to face martyrdom, *ut. if all the mem*ers of a Church are martyred. there +ill *e no Church left on earth# As it +as. there +ere martyrs durin$ these centuries. +ho suffered in defense of their reli$ious inte$rity# But it +as not for men of reli$ion to plun$e into +orldly politics# The Patriarch +as. indeed. forced to assume a political role *y *ecomin$ ethnarch of the )rthodo( milet# But it +as his duty. *oth as a reli$ious leader and as an official of the )ttoman Empire. to discoura$e political activity in his flock, and this $ave him a difficult role to play at the time of the movement to+ards Greek independence# The Patriarchate +as *lamed for not *ein$ in the forefront of the movement# But it +as not in the )rthodo( tradition that prelates should *e +arrior politicians# The $reat 3athers of the Church. such as Basil. +ould have *een horrified *y the $allant Peloponnesian *ishops +ho raised the standard of revolt in "M5", nor +ould they have approved of the politically minded Cypriot ethnarchs of our o+n day# The *usiness of the Patriarch +as to see that his Church endured# 'i*erty of +orship +as more important to him than secular li*erty# )n the ecclesiastical front he could play politics. to preserve his Church from *ein$ a*sor*ed *y the $reat and am*itious Church of !ome. and to seek allies from amon$st the vi$orous ne+ Protestant Churches. and to ensure the loyalty of the dau$hter-Church in !ussia# Ret even on that front the )rthodo( remained on the defensive. seekin$ not to attack *ut to maintain +hat they *elieved to *e their traditions and their ri$hts# They +ere ready to listen to the overtures of the Protestants. *ut. e(cept in the eccentric case of Cyril 'ucaris and his school. they re$arded the Protestants as *rin$in$ possi*le aid a$ainst !oman a$$ression. and also as sources of material assistance# The inte$rity of the true faith +as not to *e touched: thou$h in fact the ne$otiations led to a desire to $ive to the articles of faith a precision alien to the old apophatic outlook# It +as a temporary desire# In the main the )rthodo( sa+ the truths of their faith as eternal# They +ere not $oin$ to alter them for any earthly advanta$e# The history of the )rthodo( Patriarchate durin$ the lon$ captivity of the Great Church is lackin$ in heroic *ravado# Its leaders +ere men +ho found it +ise to avoid pu*licity and out+ard splendour and $rand $estures# If they often indul$ed in intri$ue and often in corruption. such is the inevita*le fate of second-class citi2ens under a $overnment in +hich intri$ue and corruption flourish# The $rand achievement of the Patriarchate +as that in spite of humiliation and poverty and disdain the Church endured and endures as a $reat spiritual force# The Candlestick had *een darkened and o*scured. as the En$lishman Peter %eylyn. +ho disliked the Greeks. noted in the early seventeenth century. *ut God had not taken it a+ay# The li$ht still *urns. and *urns *ri$hter# The Gates of %ell have not prevailed#