Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2013 DOI: 10.

116318778372-13413404
Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 brill.comorie
Te

Hshiya in Islamic Law:

ASketch of the Shni Literature
Ahmed Ll Shamsy
C/:cagc, IL
Abstract
Tis essay presents a survey of legal

/aus/: (glosses) produced by Shani jurists between

the nneenth and twentieth centuries. I outline the particular features of the legal

/s/:ya,
the kind of legal reasoning that it promoted, and the structure of scholastic authority
within the legal school that it embodied. I argue that the rise and decline of the

/s/:ya
genre is renective of broader trends in the evolution of Islamic scholarship.
Keywords

/s/:ya, Islamic law, Shanism, commentary, authority

Following the establishment of German colonies in East Africa in 1885, the Ger-
man Orientalist Eduard Sachau (d. 1930) set out to translate a work of Islamic
law from Arabic into German with the aim of facilitating the emcient admin-
istration of the empire's newly acquired Muslim subjects.
1
A striking feature of
Sachau's project, which was published in 1897, was his choice of text. Sachau
explained in his introduction that he selected a work of Shani lawbecause most
East African Muslims followed this legal school; but instead of translating any
of the classics of Shani law that populate the modern literature on Islamic law,
he decided on the

/s/:ya (gloss or supercommentary, pl.

/aus/:) of Ibrahim
al-Bajuri (or al-Bayjuri). Al-Bajuri was an Egyptian scholar who had died in
12771860, only a few decades earlier; his work had been printed in 1889.
2
Sachau justined his choice by claiming that al-Bajuri's

/s/:ya was the latest

and most authoritative work in the Shani school. Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje
(d. 1936), in his review of Sachau's book published two years later, agreed on
'
Ahmed El Shamsy, Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Te University of
Chicago, 1155 E 58th St., Chicago, IL 60637, elshamsyuchicago.edu.
1)
Eduard Sachau, Mu/ammedan:sc/es Rec/t nac/ sc/a:t:sc/er Le/re (Stuttgart: W. Spemann,
1897).
2)
Ibrahim al-Bajuri,

Hs/:yat a/-//ma a/-Bayr: a/ S/ar

/ I/n Qs:m, 2 vols. (Bulaq: al-

Ma

tbaa al-kubra al-amiriyya, 13071889).

290 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
the primacy of the most recent Shani writings, although he granted the title of
most innuential work to the

/s/:ya of Abdal-

Hamidal-Daghistani al-Shirwani
(d. 13011884), a contemporary of al-Bajuri who completed his

/s/:ya in
1878.
3
Tese nineteenth-century European Orientalists, Sachau and Hurgronje, thus
encountered Islamic law as a contemporary discourse contained in the textual
formof

/aus/:, rather than as a medieval doctrine embedded in what we today

consider to be the classical legal works composed in the eighth to twelnh cen-
turies cv. Rather than renecting Orientalist myopia, this presentism points
toward a striking state of anairs in nineteenth-century Islamic legal thought,
which was dominated by the discourse of

/aus/:. Te nature of this dominance

helps to explain the vehement reaction against the

/aus/: by reformists at the

turnof the twentiethcentury andthe subsequent transformationof legal

/aus/:
into teaching texts that are cultivated in traditional centers of learning but are
otherwise irrelevant for the public perception of Islamic law. Tis essay focuses
on the Shani school, because the most interesting material and discussions on
the

/s/:ya that I have found generally pertain to this school, but I also make
brief comments on the Maliki and

Hanafi schools. I seek to showthat the domi-

nance of recent

/aus/: in nineteenth-century Islamic legal discourse was based

on a particular notion of authority within the legal school. I describe this notion,
howit was justined, and what enects it had on the horizons of the legal tradition
and on the writing of newworks on law. I then give a fewexamples of the way in
which this legal culture manifested itself in actual rulings of positive law. In con-
clusion, I oner some thoughts on the evaluation and reevaluation of the genre of

/aus/: by Muslimreformists as well as Western scholars and suggest the useful-

ness of a comparative perspective for understanding the emergence of the

/s/:ya
genre in Islamic legal literature.

Haushi and Authority

Te introduction to al-Bajuri's

/s/:ya provides a viewinto the intellectual foun-

dation of the

/s/:ya literature. Al-Bajuri, who served as the s/ay// a/-z/ar

from 1847 until his death in 1860, says that
:t:/d is the derivation of rules fromthe Quran and the Prophetic example. In this
sense, it ceased in the year 300 [early tenth century cv]. [ Jalal al-Din] al-Suyu

ti
[d. 9111505] claimed that it would continue until the end of time, based on the
Prophetic Hadith according to which God will send at the beginning of every cen-
3)
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, review of Mu/ammedan:sc/es Rec/t nac/ sc/a:t:sc/er Le/re by
Eduard Sachau, Ze:tsc/r: der Deutsc/en Mcrgen/nd:sc/en Gese//sc/a 53 (1899): 125-67.
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 291
tury a renewer to renewfor this community its religion. Tis argument, however, is
rejected by saying that the renewal of religion refers to establishing and fortifying
the law, not to unfettered :t:/d. But [the absence of unfettered :t:/d] does
not exclude the possibility of :t:/d within the school, that is, the derivation of
rules from the principles of the founding Imam, as was done by [Ismail b. Ya

hya]
al-Muzani [d. 264877], or :t:/d for the formulation of responsa ( atu), which
consists of weighing opinions (tar:

/), as was done by [Abu Zakariyya] al-Nawawi

[d. 6761278] and[Abdal-Karim] al-Rani [d. 6231226]. Te latter category does
not include [Shams al-Din] al-Ramli [d. 10041596] or Ibn

Hajar [al-Haytami,
d. 9741566], for they did not reach that level of weighing; rather, they are mere
followers (muqa//:dn). Some say, however, that these two could weigh opinions
and in fact that [Nur al-Din] al-Shabramallisi [d. 10781667] could also.
4
Al-Bajuri thus claims that in the millennium since the end of unfettered :t:/d,
jurists had been obliged to carry out their legal reasoning within the connnes
of the established schools of law. His classincation originates in the immensely
innuential hierarchy of :t:/d proposed by the thirteenth-century Syrian Shani
jurist and Hadith scholar Ibn al-

Sala

h al-Shahrazuri (d. 6431245), who had

proposed a slightly more detailed, but essentially similar list of gradations from
the fully independent muta/:d down to the simple follower.
5
According to al-
Bajuri, the famous early Mamluk-era jurist al-Nawawi, two generations aner Ibn
al-

Sala

h, was the last member of the Shani school to reach the level of a muta/:d
who could weigh opinions. Tis practice, known as tar:

/, involves selecting the

most authoritative out of a spectrum of divergent opinions within the school.
Al-Bajuri argues that in all of the six centuries since al-Nawawi, no Shani jurist
has risen above the level of a follower (muqa//:d). Te hierarchy of jurists that
al-Bajuri sets up is thus not synchronic, that is, it does not describe the levels of
Shani jurists at any specinc moment; rather, it is diachronic, mapping a steady
decline in interpretive maneuvering space within the school.
6
Tis view of the
history of the Shani school was exported into the other three schools of Sunni
law, which began to see themselves in a similar way.
7
4)
Al-Bajuri,

Hs/:ya, 1:24-5, translated into German by Hurgronje in his review of Sachau, 141;
English translations are mine throughout except where otherwise specined. Te innuence of al-
Bajuri's statement can be seen in the fact that it was reproduced as an authoritative position in
Abd al-Ra

hmanal-Mashhur (d. 13201902), Bug/yat a/-mustars/:d:n, 4 vols. (Tarim: Dar al-faqih,

2006), 1:155-57.
5)
See Norman Calder, Al-Nawawi's Typology of Mu:s and Its Signincance for a General Teory
of Islamic Law," Is/am:c Lauand Scc:ety 3 (1996): 137-64; Wael Hallaq, ut/cr:ty, Ccnt:nu:ty and
C/ange (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), ch. 1; Mu

hammad

HasanHitu, a/-It:/d
ua-

ta/aqt muta/:d: /-S/:yya (Beirut: Muassasat al-risala, 1988).

6)
For a less restrictive interpretation of this section, see Aaron Spevack, Te Archetypal Sunni
Scholar: Law, Teology and Mysticismin the Synthesis of al-Bajuri" (PhDdiss., Boston University,
2008), 133-46.
7)
For the

Hanafis, see Ibn Abidin (d. 12521836), Radd a/-mu//tr, ed. Ali Muawwad and
292 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
Te existence of such statements led an earlier generation of Orientalists to
draw a caricature of Islamic legal scholarship in the later period as an intel-
lectually dead enterprise, and this picture has been rightly challenged by more
recent scholarship.
8
Nevertheless, one must ask to what extent this schema is
representative of the actual structure of authority within the Shani school in
the last century, and what implications, if any, it had for the practice of legal
scholarship and the approach to real-world legal questions. Here I turn to the
innuential eighteenth-century Medinan jurist Mu

hammad b. Sulayman al-Kurdi

(d. 11941780) and his fatwa a/-Fau:d a/-Madan:yya : man yu /:-qau/:/:
m:n a:mmat a/-S/:yya, which was completed in 11791766. Tis standard
handbook has been printed several times
9
and was abridged by Shihab al-Din
al-Malibari (d. 13741954).
10
Al-Kurdi reports an overwhelming, though seem-
ingly not unanimous, agreement among scholars that al-Nawawi and his senior
contemporary Abd al-Karim al-Rani are indeed the highest authorities in the
Shani school. According to al-Kurdi, all Shani scholars aner al-Nawawi and al-
Rani nt into one of two categories: those who possess enough expertise to weigh
the opinions of these two authorities (so a kind of secondary tar:

/), and those

who do not and who consequently must rely on the commentaries (s/ur

/) of
Ibn

Hajar al-Haytami and Shams al-Din al-Ramli, two sixteenth-century jurists

who commented on al-Nawawi's M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n.
11
Al-Kurdi asserts that by his
time all scholars were of the second type, that is, they had to follow al-Ramli or
Ibn

Hajar.
12
Adil Abd al-Mawjud, 14 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ilmiyya, 1994), 1:179. For the Malikis, see
A

hmad al-

Sawi (d. 12411825),

Hs/:yat a/-

Su:, on the margins of A

hmad al-Dardir, a/-S/ar

/
a/-

sag/:r, ed. Mu

tafa Kamal Wa

sfi, 4 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-maarif, n.d.), 4:188. For the

Hanbalis, see
Ala al-DinAli al-Mirdawi (d. 8851480), a/-In

s : mar:at a/-r:

/ m:na/-//:/, ed. Mu

hammad

Hamid al-Fiqi, 12 vols. (Cairo: Ma

tbaat al-sunna al-mu

hammadiyya, 1955), 12:258-59.

8)
Agood example is Baber Johansen, Te Is/am:c Laucn Land Tax and Rent: Te Peasants Lcss c
Prcerty R:g/ts as Interreted :n t/e Hanate Lega/ L:terature c t/e Mam/u/ and Ottcman Per:cds
(London: Croom Helm, 1988).
9)
Most recently published as a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya (Cairo: Dar al-Faruq, 2008).
10)
Shihab al-Din al-Malibari, a/-u:d a/-d:n:yya : ta///:

s a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya (Cairo: Dar

al-bashair, 2010).
11)
Al-Kurdi, a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya, 53, 256-57; Hurgronje, review of Sachau, 142.
12)
For the widespread acceptance, dissemination, and adaptions of this hierarchy among Shanis in
the late nineteenth century, see Alawi b. A

hmad al-Saqqaf (d. 13351916), a/-Fau:d a/-ma//:yya

: /-mas:/ ua-/-

dau/:t ua-/-qau:d a/-/u//:yya (Cairo: al-Ma

tbaa al-ilamiyya, 1885); abridged

in Alawi b. A

hmad al-Saqqaf, Mu//ta

sar a/-Fau:d a/-ma//:yya (Mecca: al-Maktaba al-miriyya,

1899; new ed. by Yusuf al-Marashli, Beirut: Dar al-bashair, 2004); in the latter, see 43-9, 53-5,
and 79. See also al-Mashhur, Bug/yat a/-mustars/:d:n, 1:154-65. Te hierarchy remains prominent
in online expositions on the Shani school; see, for example, Guidelines for the Mutamad (Relied
Upon) Verdicts in the Shani Madhhab," http:www.shaninqh.comguidelines-for-the-mutamad
-relied-upon-verdicts-in-the-shani-madhhab (accessed February 5, 2013).
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 293
In this diachronic hierarchy of authority, then, al-Nawawi and al-Rani stand
at the pinnacle; they are the last jurists who could still engage directly with the
vast legal literature produced by the Shani school in the nrst nve centuries of its
existence. Te level below them is occupied by al-Ramli and Ibn

Hajar, who in
turn represent the sole portal to al-Nawawi and al-Rani. All subsequent jurists
can access the legal tradition only through the dual nlters of nrst al-Ramli and
Ibn

Hajar, and secondly al-Nawawi and al-Rani. Tese follower" scholars thus
represent a third layer in the hierarchy.
What gave al-Rani and al-Nawawi this dominant position over later Shanis
Historically speaking, this was not an arbitrary development. Al-Rani and al-
Nawawi were part of an encyclopaedic drive in the Mamluk era to gather and sin
all existing Islamic knowledge, a movement that animated all legal schools and
Islamic disciplines. Tis was particularly important for the Shanis in the thir-
teenth century because of the economic and then military destruction of their
eastern centers of learning in Transoxania, Khurasan, and Iraq and the accom-
panying innux of scholars and literature into the Mamluk realm. Al-Rani's and
al-Nawawi's achievement was to bring together and fuse into a unitary doctrine
the entire known intellectual legacy of the Shani school and to publicize and cir-
culate it in works ranging fromcompact compendia (mu//ta

sart) to huge com-

mentaries (al-Rani's Mu

/arrar, z:z, and S/ar

/ /a/:r, and al-Nawawi's M:n/

a/-

t/:/:n, Rau

dat a/-

t/:/:n, and Mam ). Te synthesizing function of these

two scholars explains why their works, and particularly al-Nawawi's, became the
authoritative lens through which later Shanis perceived the doctrinal history of
their school.
Tis development had two consequences, one for the past and one for the
future. Te nrst consequence was that the past became enectively irrelevant.
While al-Nawawi's works still circulatedintoto as part of the commentaries writ-
ten on them, works of the pre-Nawawi Shani school maintained a merely anti-
quarian value. Tis explains the following observation made by Eduard Sachau:
It is characteristic of the type of transmission of the legal sciences among the
Muhammadans that the works of this master [the school founder, al-Shani] have
become almost forgotten in favor of the commentaries of his students. While the
compendia and commentaries of late students are distributed in thousands of
printed copies every year, not even a single one of the master's works has been
printed, and manuscripts of his works are comparatively very rare.
13
Later Shanis justined their neglect of early works by referring to al-Nawawi's
warning that
13)
Sachau, Mu/ammedan:sc/es Rec/t nac/ sc/a:t:sc/er Le/re, xv.
294 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
a muni may not give anopinionbasedonone or two early works of the school, given
the many disagreements they contain and the dinerences in tar:

/; it might be that
ten works come down on one side of an issue, but this turns out to be an irregular
opinion that goes against an explicit text and the majority opinion.
14
Drawing on works that were temporally further removed thus risked the adop-
tion of positions that were or had become marginal within the school. Beyond
the question of authority, authenticity also played an important role in the
school's scepticismtoward earlier works: al-Kurdi stresses that one may cite only
works that one has studied with a teacher who possesses an uninterrupted chain
of transmission (:snd) back to the author. Te only exception is constituted
by the so-called relied-upon (mutamad) works, which are so widespread that
one can assume their reliability.
15
Al-Ramli's N:/yat a/-mu

/t had become the

most authoritative Shani school text in Egypt because al-Ramli had transmitted
it there to more than four hundred scholars in a single reading, thus establish-
ing countless chains of transmission and making well-edited copies of the work
so ubiquitous as to ensure the work's authenticity and accuracy.
16
For al-Kurdi,
therefore, authenticity, accuracy, and continuity characterized the Shani tradi-
tion that had accumulated in the

/aus/: of his time.

Te nip side of this attitude was an ambivalence toward the older part of the
school literature that was neither widely available nor possessed a continuous
chain of transmission and that was consequently disconnected from the living
tradition of the school. Tis scepticism about earlier works even caused later
Shanis to disregard an explicit statement in al-Shani's own works if it contra-
dicted al-Nawawi's position, with the justincation that al-Nawawi must have had
access to a more complete set of al-Shani's writings than was available to post-
Nawawi jurists, and any apparent discrepancy between al-Shani and al-Nawawi
was thus illusory.
17
When the Egyptian lawyer, jurist, and historian of Shani law
A

hmadBekal-

Husayni (d. 13321914) set out toedit andnnance the printing of

al-Shani's magnum opus, K:t/ a/-Umm, he encountered signincant opposition
from the Shani jurists of his time, who considered his venture a Quixotic quest
to revive a work that could not possibly serve any useful function.
18
Despite this
14)
Al-Kurdi, a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya, 37, quoting al-Nawawi's Mam s/ar

/ a/-Mu/ad/d/a/, 22
vols. (Beirut: Dar al-nkr, 1996), 1:47.
15)
Al-Kurdi, a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya, 36. Te same phenomenon can be observed among the
Malikis; see Abu sa al-Mahdi al-Wazzani (d. 13421923), a/-Nauz:/ a/-ad:da a/-/u/r, ed. Umar
b. Abbad, 12 vols. (Rabat: Wizarat al-awqaf, 1996-2000), 12:328.
16)
A

hmad Mayqarri Shumayla al-Ahdal, Su//ama/-mutaa//:m, in Abu Zakariyya al-Nawawi, M:n-

/ a/-

t/:/:n, ed. Mu

hammad Shaban, 611-64 (Beirut: Dar al-minhaj, 2005), at 628.

17)
Al-Kurdi, a/-Fau:d a/-madan:yya, 37-8, quoting Ibn

Hajar's still unpublished a/-I/.

18)
Al-

Husayni, Murs/:d a/-anm /:-/:rr Umm a/-Imm, manuscript (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-
Mi

sriyya, MS Fiqh Shani 1522, 24 vols.), 1:24-5.

/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 295
attitude, the later tradition had not forgotten the earlier jurists altogether: their
names and many of their opinions survived in the commentaries and

/aus/:.
But aner al-Nawawi and especially aner al-Ramli and Ibn

Hajar, Shani jurists

seemto have reproduced only those quotations fromearlier authorities that they
had received through al-Nawawi; they abstained from consulting pre-Nawawi
works directly and did not use themin their own writings. Al-

Husayni made the

following comment about the later Shanis, whom he called ar// a/-

/aus/:
(proponents of the glosses):
We knowthat they drewon the usual works, which can be counted on one's nngers,
and most, if not all, of what they cite is from later works. And what they cite from
earlier works they take second hand fromothers who have cited themand never cite
the earlier works directly, so we have found no one citing [al-Shani's] Umm or [al-
Muzani's] Mu//ta

sar, nor even one of Imam al-

Haramayn [al-Juwayni]'s [d. 478

1085] books or [Abu

Hamid] al-Ghazali's [d. 5051111] works, or those aner them,

except second hand through later sources.
19
Te Shani legal tradition had thus contracted signincantly in the post-Nawawi
period in terms of the works consulted and the range of opinions discussed in
Shani literature.
Te funneling of Shani school authority into the ngures of al-Ramli and
Ibn

Hajar also constricted the future scope of Shani scholarship-the second

signincant consequence of the hierarchy of authority embodied in the

/aus/:.
From the sixteenth century onward the writing of comprehensive treatments
of law in the Shani school was limited to the composition of

/aus/: on the
commentaries of al-Ramli and Ibn

Hajar (or, as in the case of al-Bajuri,

/aus/:
on post-Nawawi jurists' commentaries on older basic teaching texts). By the late
nineteenth century, according to Hurgronje, who studied Shani lawin Mecca in
1884-85, a jurist teaching Shani law had the following options:
1) to recite to his scholars one of the above mentioned commentaries with the
glosses of a famous bygone professor, so that the sole advantage of oral instruction
consists in precise vocalisation and occasional clearing up of small dimculties; 2)
to make the reading of the commentary fruitful by oral exposition which he derives
fromseveral of the best glosses; or 3) to make and publish out of those glosses a new
compilation.
20
Te

/s/:ya thus became both the central teaching text for Islamic law and the
one and only genre that allowed jurists to formulate comprehensive statements
19)
Al-

Husayni, N:/yat a/-:

//m -m /:-/-n:yya m:n a/-a

//m (Bulaq: al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya,
1903), 4.
20)
Hurgronje, Me//a :n t/e Latter Part c t/e 19t/ Century: Da:/y L:e, Custcms and Learn:ng, t/e
Mcs/:ms c t/e East-Ind:an-rc/:e/agc, trans. J.H. Monahan (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 204.
296 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
covering all topics of Islamic legal doctrine. It should be noted, however, that
there were other genres of legal writing that allowed jurists a wider scope for
legal reasoning. Particularly important among such genres were atu (legal
responsa) and ras:/, monographs on legal topics, especially those not treated
in the older school literature, such as Ottoman administrative practices, cash
endowments (auq ), land tax, tobacco, conee, and, in the nineteenth century,
sociopolitical issues such as educational reform.
21
Tese observations about the Shani school are to a large degree applicable also
to the Maliki school, where the Mu//ta

sar of Khalil b. Is

haq al-Jundi (d. 776

1374 or 1375) achieved a position similar to that of al-Nawawi's works among
the Shanis andbecame the foundationof countless commentaries and

/aus/:.
22
Te case of the

Hanafi school, however, appears slightly dinerent. Even though

Hanafi scholars alsocomposed

/aus/: inabundance, they seemtohave retained

a greater interest in the earlier works of the school. Tis is indicated by the
frequent direct quotations of early sources found in the most famous

Hanafi

/s/:ya, the Radd a/-mu//tr of the Syrian jurist Ibn Abidin (d. 12521836).
23
One might speculate that the imperatives of actual engagement inthe state anairs
of the Ottoman empire forced the

Hanafis to maintain as much doctrinal nex-

ibility as possible and therefore to preserve as broad a textual corpus for their
school as they could. Tis tentative hypothesis regarding the engagement of later

Hanafis with early works and the reasons for such engagement will need to be
tested through further research.
Te Structure and Contents of the Legal

Hshiya
Having sketched the framework of Shani school authority within which the
writing of the

/s/:ya was embedded, let us now examine the literary form and
structure of legal

/aus/:. First and foremost, the

/s/:ya is an exercise in a spe-

21)
On works discussing tobacco, opium, and conee, respectively, see Yahya Michot, ga:nst Smc/-
:ng: n Ottcman Man:estc (Oxford: Interface Publications, 2010); Yahya Michot, L c:um et /e
ca: d:t:cnet traduct:cnd untexte ara/e ancnyme rcdes d une rem:re ex/crat:cnde / c:c/a-
g:e Ottcmane et acccmagnes d une ant/c/cg:e (Beirut: Albouraq, 2008); and Ralph Hattox, Ccpee
and Ccpee/cuses: Te Or:g:ns c a Scc:a/ Be:erage :n t/e Med:e:a/ Near East (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1985).
22)
Abd Allah Mu

hammad al-

Habashi lists nny-two

/aus/: on the Mu//ta

sar in his ]m: a/-

s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3 vols. (Abu Dhabi: al-Majma al-thaqafi, 2004), 3:1595-619.

23)
In Radd a/-mu//tr, Ibn Abidin frequently quotes, for example, Mu

hammad b. al-

Hasan al-
Shaybani's (d. 189805) a/-

s/, the most extensive

Hanafi work from the nrst generation of the

school's literary production; see, e.g., 1:367 (aq/u /d/ yuayy:du m

/ama/n a/ay/: /a/m

Mu

/ammad : /-

s/ ." I say, this supports our interpretation of Mu

hammad's statement in a/-

s/ .").
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 297
cinc kind of erudition. When reading the underlying base text (matn) or com-
mentary (s/ar

/), one cannot predict which word or phrase will be picked up in

the gloss andwhat will be done withit, drawing onwhichneldof Islamic thought.
Te glosses conspicuously lackthe kindof coherence andargumentative continu-
ity that characterize earlier works of Islamic law, and they do not connne them-
selves to legal discourse. An illustrative example is provided by al-Bujayrami's
(d. 12211806 or 1807)

/s/:ya on al-Kha

tib al-Shirbini's (d. 9771570) a/-

Iqn. Whenal-Bujayrami encounters the wordrice" inal-Shirbini's text, he goes
through seven possible vocalizations of it-aruz, uruz, urz, etc.-and then unex-
pectedly quotes al-Shani's student Abu Yaqub al-Buway

ti (d. 231846) to the

enect that one should praise the Prophet when eating rice, because rice is cre-
ated fromthe light of the Prophet.
24
Al-Bujayrami comments that the claimthat
rice is created from the Prophet's light is problematic, because there is no evi-
dence for it. Al-Bujayrami provides no indication of the relevance of this report
to al-Shirbini's discussion of the obligatory alms due at the end of Rama

dan, the
context for the brief reference to rice. (In fact, no such statement is attributed to
al-Buway

ti in either biographical entries or in his own surviving work.

25
Rather,
the claimappears to originate in Shii circles and was attributed to Jafar al-

Sadiq;
it otherwise seems to have found no reception in Sunni thought.
26
)
Te second striking characteristic of

/aus/: in general is a linguistic preoccu-

pation. A signincant part of each

/s/:ya consulted for this article is dedicated

to extracting words fromthe underlying text and treating themlexicographically,
mentioning alternative vocalizations andquoting poetry that uses the terms. Tis
feature of the

/s/:ya emphasizes its didactic dimension: the students who stud-

ied a text were also improving their Arabic in the process. Whether this indicates
a greater divergence between spoken Arabic and classical Arabic or a decreasing
emphasis on learning Arabic before beginning the study of law is unclear.
Athird characteristic is the sheer scholasticismof many of the

/s/:ya authors'
concerns, as illustrated by the discussions surrounding the precise legal denni-
tion of prayer. In al-Ramli's N:/yat a/-mu

/t, for example, the dennition is

given as specinc words and deeds, began by the ta//:r [saying 'Allah akbar']
and concluded by the tas/:m [saying 'al-salam alaykum'], carried out aner the
24)

Hs/:yat a/-Buayram: a/ /-K/a

t:/, 5 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ilmiyya, 1996), 3:72-3.

25)
Abu Yaqub al-Buway

ti, Mu//ta

sar a/-Buuay

t:, manuscript (Istanbul: Sleymaniye, Murad

Molla, MS 1189, 196 folios, copied 6251228).
26)
A similar report is found in Qu

tb al-Din Said b. Hibat Allah al-Rawandi, a/-Daut (Qum:

Madrasat al-Imamal-Mahdi, 1407[1986 or 1987]), 149-50. Te only mention in the Sunni tradi-
tion that I have found is in a book listing fabricated Hadith; see Ra

di l-Din al-

Hasan b. Mu

hammad
al-

Saghani, a/-Mau

dt (Damascus: Dar al-Mamun, 14051985), 67. I amgrateful to Samer Tra-

boulsi for drawing the rice report attributed to al-Buway

ti to my attention.
298 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
fulnllment of a number of preconditions."
27
Te commentators spend more than
a page explicating the imperfection of this dennition, given that it both includes
actions that do not count as prayer (such as the thankfulness prostration, sud
a/-s/u/r) and excludes prayers performed by those unable to speak. At no point
is the substance of the rules governing prayer in question. Rather, the rules for
constructing a valid dennition are taken from logic and applied to law, and
the resulting tensions are discussed until al-Shabramallisi concludes that jurists'
dennitions are simply more pragmatic than those of logicians.
28
An even more
puzzling example is the issue of the nonexistent referent. Te basic texts andor
their commentaries onen contain a line early on declaring that this book (/d/
/-/:t/) is called such-and-such (sammaytu/u /ad/). Only rarely can authors of
legal

/aus/: resist the temptation to problematize, sometimes extensively, the

seemingly pressing question of what the pronouns in t/:s book" and I called
:t" refer to, given that they are found in the introduction, which is logically prior
to the book.
29
A fourth notable feature of the legal

/s/:ya is its Arabic style, which most of

the time resembles less Arabic prose and more a text message in its succinctness,
its staccato of micro-quotations, and its use of cryptic abbreviations (rumz).
Te latter refer to other jurists and their works and need to be deciphered; for
example, ayn s/:n denotes Nur al-Din Ali al-Shabramallisi, and m:m r means
Shams al-Din Mu

hammad al-Ramli.
30
Te enect of this style is to produce a
tightly packed miniature sketch of the post-Nawawi scholarly debate on each
legal issue. Given the frequency with which words from the underlying com-
mentary are glossed, the

/aus/: are onen long, typically between nve and ten

volumes. Te combination of the terseness of each gloss and the large mass of
glosses gives the legal

/s/:ya a baroque structure of countless small objects but

no extensive, sustained elaboration or argumentation.
To write a

/s/:ya thus undoubtedly required a signincant amount of eru-

dition within the orbit of post-Nawawi legal discussions in the Shani school.
Although it seems that the primary venue of legal innovation and change in the
27)
Shams al-Din al-Ramli, N:/yat a/-mu

/t :/ s/ar

/ a/-M:n/ ua-maa/u

/s/:yat a/-S/a/r-
ma//:s: ua-

/s/:yat a/-Mag/r:/: a/-Ras/:d:, 8 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ilmiyya, 2003), 1:360.
28)
Ibid.
29)
See, for example, Mu

hammad Ma

hfu

z al-Tarmasi,

Hs/:yat a/-Tarmas:, 7 vols. ( Jeddah: Dar

al-minhaj, 2011), 1:188-90.
30)
For a key to such abbreviations, see Mu

hammad Ibrahim al-

Hafnawi, a/-Fat

/ a/-mu/:n :

/a//
rumz a/-uqa/ ua-/-u

s/:yy:n (Alexandria: Maktabat al-isha al-fanniyya, 1999), 134-35, and

Ali Juma, Mad//a/ :/ d:rsat a/-mad//:/ a/-q/:yya (Cairo: Dar al-salam, 2007), 258-62. Te
decoding of these abbreviations is, however, not uncontroversial, and it has sparked continuing
heated discussions in scholarly chat rooms; see, for example, http:www.ahlalhdeeth.comvb
showthread.phpt=86774 (accessed February 5, 2013).
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 299
post-Nawawi era was represented not by

/aus/: but rather by ras:/ and atu,

it would be odd if the

/s/:ya tradition displayed no change over time. Yet evi-

dence of such change is dimcult to discern. Limited treatment of novel legal
issues (see below) notwithstanding,

/s/:ya works across the centuries maintain

a tone of timeless tradition, with only brief authorial asides allowing divergence
from this form. I suspect that the apparent lack of change is a function of the
extreme brevity of

/s/:ya prose, which is onen accompanied by great subtlety

on the part of the author in expressing and justifying his own position within the
forest of other opinions that he cites. I consequently rely on the guidance of the
already quoted A

hmad Bek al-

Husayni, a transitional ngure who was both a stu-

dent of one of the last Egyptian authors of tertiary commentaries (taqr:r, sing.
taqr:r) on

/aus/:,
31
the s/ay// a/-z/ar Shams al-Din Mu

hammad al-Anbabi
(in omce 1882-95), and also a trained lawyer, manuscript collector, editor, and
reformist.
As seen above, al-

Husayni criticized the proponents of

/aus/: for disregard-

ing the classical, pre-Nawawi legal tradition. In order to show the dangers of
this approach, he gives two powerful examples of the degenerating enect of the

/s/:ya-based legal culture in a work titled N:/yat a/-:

//mthat was published

in 1903. Te nrst example is the issue of :st:

dr, which refers to the Shani posi-

tion that someone beginning a prayer must nrst mentally evoke the prayer that
he is about to perform. Te Shani

/s/:ya tradition came to the conclusion that

a thing can be evoked properly only if all of its necessary components are evoked,
so someone beginning to pray has to mentally conjure up all eighteen integrals
of prayer simultaneously. Tis procedure is known as :st:

dr ta

s:/:,
32
and it is
clearly a dimcult if not impossible feat. Al-Husayni points out that the require-
ment of :st:

dr ta

s:/: was not yet present in Ibn

Hajar's and al-Ramli's works in

the sixteenth century; rather, it was a product of the subsequent

/s/:ya litera-
ture that was then attributed all the way back to al-Shani himself. Al-

Husayni
further notes that even in his day, some Shani jurists were stubbornly clinging to
the extreme position on :st:

dr ta

s:/:. Tis obduracy motivated him to author

the N:/yat a/-:

//m, which, inter alia, quotes forty-seven pre-

/s/:ya works
that demonstrate that the :st:

dr ta

s:/: was a recent innovation. Al-

Husayni
also shows that the authors of the

/aus/: were aware that this procedure was

almost impossible toperformevenfor scholars andthat they consequently hadto
develop arguments to the enect that in this situation necessity creates an excep-
tion to the general rule on :st:

dr that allows the worshipper simply to intend

in a summary fashion to pray.
31)
For a list of these, see his entry in Yusuf Sarkis, Muama/-ma

t/t a/-ara/:yya ua-/-muarra/a,

2 vols. (Cairo: Ma

tbaat Sarkis, 1928), 1:478-79.

32)
Al-

Husayni, N:/yat a/-:

//m, 22.
300 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
Te second point of degeneration that al-

Husayni highlights concerns the

question whether the ear represents an opening to the body in the sense that
if something enters it while one is fasting, the fast is rendered invalid.
33
In al-

Husayni's time, Shani jurists categorically considered the ear to be such an open-
ing, which was of course vigorously denied by scholars of anatomy. Al-

Husayni
identines the source of the Shani position in the step from al-Shabramallisi's

/s/:ya, which calls the ear an opening to the skull (manad/ :/ q:

/ a/-ras) but
clarines that it does not lead to the inside of the body, to later

/aus/:, which
drop the word skull" (q:

/ ) and thus claim that the ear is an entrance to the

body. Accordingly, for al-Shabramallisi the question whether substances enter-
ing the ear break the fast is still contested, since such substances can be said to be
inside the body even though they have entered neither the brain nor the torso;
but later

/aus/:, with their simplined position on the nature of the ear, cast
aside this diversity to propound a single authoritative school opinion according
to which anything entering the ear invalidates the fast.
Al-

Husayni uses these two examples to launch a fundamental critique of the

culture of

/aus/: in the late nineteenth century. He claims that the internal

logic of this culture is excessively formalistic, oblivious to human needs, and
mesmerized by scholastic ordering and reordering. As a consequence, he argues,
it produces positions that are unworkable (and thus must be circumvented by
legal stratagems) and that betray the lack of an overall vision of Islamic law and
its ethical content.
Afurther criticismleveled at the

/aus/: concerns their typically clumsy Ara-

bic; as RashidRi

da put it withregardto Indianscholars whose Arabic he deemed

insumcient to write books in Arabic, the most they can do is compose a com-
mentary (s/ar

/) or a gloss (

/s/:ya) on a known book."

34
Te disconnected
nature of the

/s/:ya prevents continuous stretches of prose and therefore the

emergence of an expositionary style encompassing the extended construction
of arguments and refutation of counterarguments. Consequently, much of the
reformist energy of late nineteenth- andearly twentieth-century Muslimscholars
was directed at editing and popularizing works that featured and even theorized
eloquent Arabic prose and poetry, with the explicit aim of creating a contrast
withthe stiltedArabic of the

/aus/:. Te reformists repeatedly emphasizedthat

the struggle to revive eloquent Arabic was an ethical project with wider ramin-
cations for public improvement.
35
33)
Al-

Husayni, N:/yat a/-:

//m, 8.
34)
Rashid Ri

da, Mu

sab al-Hind wa-l-alam al-islami," a/-Manr 18 (1915): 79-80, at 80.

35)
For revealing expositions of the reformist project of reviving classical Arabic literature champi-
onedby Mu

hammadAbduh, see Taha Hussein, Te Days, trans. Hilary Wayment (Cairo: American
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 301
Te

Hshiya in Perspective
It is necessary to see these critiques of the genre of

/aus/: intheir historical con-

text.

Hs/:ya-bashing has beena constant preoccupationof modernists, whether

in the West or in the East. Tomas Bauer has argued convincingly that the cate-
gorical devaluation of the literatures of the so-called postclassical era was a trope
developed within the nexus of Orientalist scholarship and colonialism in order
to justify colonial intrusion into the Islamic world as a reinvigoration of a mori-
bund and decadent civilization.
36
Te

/aus/: are a model case of this portrayal

of intellectual decadence, since they were routinely depictedas unoriginal, slavish
repetition of earlier authorities; diner[ing] fromone another only in amount of
detail and in small externals, and call[ing] for no further notice from us."
37
As the workshop
38
that gave rise to this article demonstrates, Westernscholars'
attitudes to

/aus/: are shining, exemplined by the non-dismissive treatment of

the phenomenon in Timothy Mitchell's Cc/cn:s:ng Egyt in the late eighties.
39
On the one hand, this renewed interest in

/aus/: is to be commended, because

this is a vast literature that surely holds many fascinating answers, if only we
have the imagination to come up with the right questions. For example,

/aus/:
represent a promising source for legal discussions of post-classical inventions,
such as hunting with nrearms;
40
and for social history, when jurists discuss the
position that leaving home to study at al-Azhar does not require one's family's
consent.
41

Haus/: are also onen very useful introductory texts, particularly

because of their lexicographic explanations. On the other hand, however, at least
in the neld of law the phenomenon of the

/s/:ya, with the particular system of

authority within the school that underpinned it, led to a signincant narrowing
of Islamic scholarly discourse. It did so nrst by enectively sidelining the nrst half-
millenniumof Islamic legal literature and then by whittling down the maneuver-
ing space available to jurists through the exclusion of many alternative positions
from the range of acceptable options. Furthermore, it gave rise to a particular
mode of reading, one that, instead of seeking to penetrate the meaning of a text
University in Cairo Press, 1997), bk. 2, ch. 19, and Albert Hourani, ra/:c Tcug/t :n t/e L:/era/
ge, 1798-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 141.
36)
Tomas Bauer, In Search of 'Post-Classical Literature': A Review Article," Mam/u/ Stud:es
Re::eu11, no. 2 (2007): 137-67, and D:e Ku/tur der m/:gu:tt: E:ne andere Gesc/:c/te des Is/ams
(Berlin: Verlag der Weltreligionen, 2011), 295-99.
37)
Hurgronje, Me//a, trans. Monahan, 205.
38)
Te

Hashiyah and Islamic Intellectual History," University of California, Berkeley, Oct. 12-4,
2012.
39)
Timothy Mitchell, Cc/cn:s:ng Egyt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 83-4.
40)
Al-Bajuri,

Hs/:ya, 2:370.
41)
Ibid., 2:336.
302 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
on its own terms, relies on already established patterns of commentary and gloss.
Taha Hussein memorably described his Azhari brother and his friends encoun-
tering Abu Tammam's

Hamsa collection of poetry. Teir instinctive reaction

was to buy a commentary on the work and read and study it exactly as if it
were a law-book or a primer of theology"; they were disappointed to nnd that no

/s/:ya had been written to elucidate the commentary in its turn.

42
Te

/s/:ya
genre thus appears to have produced a culture of reading in which readers sought
authoritative guidance instead of approaching texts as self-standing statements
that could be understood independently.
But rather than subscribing to the simple model of origin, golden age, and
decline, it might be helpful to analyze the

/s/:ya phenomenon in a comparative

setting. First Renaissance and then Reformation thinkers criticized much of the
Christian scholastic tradition in basically the same terms as those in which the
culture of the

/s/:ya has beenattacked. Tey decriedthe scholastics as bloodless,

narrow-minded, formalistic, unoriginal, and unable to inspire human life and
society; their commentaries and glosses were condemned as cramped, written in
barbaric Latin that stood in sharp contrast to the eloquence of the classics. It has
only really been in the last half a century that these accusations against European
scholasticismhave been revisited and partly revised, and some areas of the study
of logic and analytical philosophy inparticular have rediscovered the value of the
scholastic contribution to human thought.
43
Te shining reputations of various forms of thought are situatedwithina wider
cultural moment and therefore have their own history. It would seem reason-
able, then, to argue that the shin from modernity, with its preoccupation with
originality, to postmodernity and its fascination with quotation, the hermeneu-
tic circle, and language games has unsurprisingly created an atmosphere that is
much more sympathetic to the

/s/:ya. Te reevaluation of this genre thus says

as muchabout the observer as it does about the observedphenomenon; or, toput
it more provocatively, are we not all scholastics these days Has not the old opti-
mism regarding the transformative power of scholarship and thought given way
toanincreasingly narrowself-referential intellectual attitude, one that is obsessed
with language and signincation and therefore has developed terminological jar-
gons that make each neld unintelligible to all but the initiated Alternatively,
and less provocatively, could not this development be seen as an almost unavoid-
able outcome of growing specialization While Darwin's Te Or:g:n c Sec:es is a
42)
Hussein, Days, trans. Wayment, 215.
43)
For the scholasticismRenaissance juxtaposition and its recent rethinking, see, for example,
Lodi Nauta, In Deense c Ccmmcn Sense: Lcrenzc Ia//as Human:st Cr:t:que c Sc/c/ast:c P/:/csc/y
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 303
readable andnot inelegant expositionof what was thencutting-edge scholarship,
today's cutting-edge publications in the natural sciences are much more dimcult
for laypeople to understand. I would therefore suggest that the legal

/s/:ya is
best seen as a product of the logical development of a discipline, an attempt to
come to grips with the vastness of the available material by enectively shelving
half a millennium of its corpus, quite like many philosophy departments have
shelved ancient philosophy by relegating it to classics departments.
Within Islamic legal history, the

/s/:ya should be considered against the

background of a specinc theory of authority that in enect forbade jurists to
rethink established legal positions and pushed them to invest their intellectual
energies in the mastery and compilation of legal and law-related minutiae. How-
ever, faced with the dramatic social changes anecting Muslim societies from the
nineteenth century onward, this type of legal scholarship was incapable of fur-
nishing the stage for discussions of social utility and societal benent that could
provide principles to guide Muslimsocieties in an era of rapid change. Te delib-
erately pursued rediscovery of earlier legal works in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries represented a search for both an alternative corpus of intel-
lectual heritage and an alternative mode of reading that liberated the reader from
the predetermined paths of inquiry that had been set up by the literary frame-
work of commentaries, glosses, and taqr:r. Te early works onered a broader
spectrumof legal opinions, language that was easier to comprehend, and a struc-
ture of legal authority that was much more open to legal reasoning based directly
on the texts of revelation. Tis rediscovery would not have had the impact that
it did without the newly available tool of the printing press.
Didthe rediscovery of the classical heritage leadtothe endof the legal

/s/:ya
It appears at least to correlate with a decline in the production of

/aus/:. Of
the altogether ninety-three datable Shani

/aus/: that I have located, two were

produced in the nneenth century, eleven in the sixteenth century, twenty-eight
in the seventeenth, twenty-nine in the eighteenth, seventeen in the nineteenth,
and six in the twentieth century, the last one before 1956 (see the Appendix).
It would be wrong, however, to claim that the

/s/:ya is dead. Anyone visiting a

classical center of learning witha more or less continuous traditionof instruction
will still see

/aus/: used as the basis for learning q/, even though al-Azhar,
for example, outlawed the teaching of

/aus/: in the nrst four years of study

in its 1897 reform and even forbade the use of taqr:r, tertiary commentaries,
in the teaching process altogether.
44
What has changed is the status of

/aus/:,
which no longer represent either the undisputed pinnacle of learning or the sole
44)
For the text of the reform, see Pierre Arminjon, L Ense:gnement, /a dcctr:ne et /a ::e dans /es
un::ers:ts musu/manes d gyte (Paris: Alcan, 1907), 287-88.
304 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
fount of authoritative teaching. While the student handbooks that proclaimand
therefore reproduce the authority of the

/aus/: continue to be printed and

studied, Azhar-trained munis now draw on pre-Nawawi works, and professors
who teach

/aus/: have also read classical texts. Te

/s/:ya as a source of legal

thought thus remains, but the

/s/:ya as a unique phenomenonof legal authority

has largely disappeared.
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 305
Appendix: Shni

Haushi, Iineenth to Twentieth Centuries

I have identined ninety-three

/aus/: produced in the Shani school between

the nneenth and twentieth centuries.
45
At least twenty-four of these have been
printed; the majority of the others remain extant in manuscript form. Te works
glossed, identinedinthe list of

/aus/: only by their short titles, are the following

(ordered alphabetically by title):
sn /-ma

t/:/ by Zakariyya al-An

sari (d. 9261520), commentary on Ismail b. al-

Muqri's (d. 8371433 or 1434) abridgment Rau

d a/-

t/:/ of al-Nawawi's Rau

dat a/-

t/:/:n
Fat

/a/-mu:nby A

hmadZaynal-Dinal-Malibari al-Fannani (n. tenthsixteenthcentury),

commentary on his own Qurrat a/-ayn
Fat

/ a/-qar:/ by Mu

hammad b. Qasim al-Ghazzi (d. 9181512), commentary on a/-

G/ya ua-/-taqr:/ by Abu Shuja al-I

sfahani (d. nnheleventh or sixthtwelnh cen-

tury)
/-G/urar a/-/a/:yya by Zakariyya al-An

sari, commentary on a/-Ba/a a/-uard:yya by

Umar b. Muzanar al-Wardi (d. 7491349)
/-I// by Mu

hammad b. Qasim al-Ghazzi, commentary on al-Nawawi's M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n
/-Iqn by al-Kha

tib al-Shirbini, commentary on Abu Shuja's a/-G/ya ua-/-taqr:/

Kanz a/-rg/:/:n by Jalal al-Din al-Ma

halli (d. 8641459), commentary on al-Nawawi's

M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n
K:yat a/-a//yr by Taqi l-Din al-

Hi

sni (d. 8291426), commentary on Abu Shuja's

a/-G/ya ua-/-taqr:/
/-Man/a a/-qau:m by Ibn

Hajar al-Haytami, commentary on Mas:/ a/-ta/:m (better

known as a/-Muqadd:ma a/-

Ha

dram:yya) by Ba Fa

dl al-

Ha

drami (d. 9181512)

Man/a a/-

tu/// by Zakariyya al-An

sari, abridgment of al-Nawawi's M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n
Mug/n: /-rg/:/:n by Ibn Qa

di Ajlun (d. 8761472), commentary on al-Nawawi's M:n-

/ a/-

t/:/:n
N:/yat a/-mu

/t by Shams al-Din al-Ramli, commentary on al-Nawawi's M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n
Tu

/at a/-mu

/t by Ibn

Hajar al-Haytami, commentary onal-Nawawi's M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n
Tu

/at a/-

tu/// by Zakariyya al-An

sari, commentary on his own Ta

/r:r tanq:/ a/-Lu//

on a/-Lu// by Ibn al-Ma

hamili (d. 1024414 or 415)

Te following list of

/aus/: is ordered by the authors' death dates.

45)
Many of these are listed in Abd Allah Mu

hammad al-

Habashi's three-volume index of com-

mentaries and

/aus/: across disciplines, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:. For a discussion of several

of the

/aus/: mentioned here and their publishing histories, see Abd al-Aziz al-Qasim, al-Mutun
al-nqhiyya inda al-Shaniyya," http:www.ahlalhdeeth.comvbshowthread.phpt=299388 (ac-
cessed January 30, 2013). Chat rooms such as ahlalhdeeth.comfunction as venues for high-quality
Arabic research in the classical Islamic sciences today.
306 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
Te F:eent/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Jalal al-Din al-Bakri (d. 8911486) ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

46
2.

Hashiyat Abi Zura (d. 9021496 or 1497) ala K:yat a/-a//yr

47
Te S:xteent/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Ibn al-Suyuf [

Hasan b. Ali al-

Ha

skafi] (d. 9251519) ala Kanz

a/-rg/:/:n
48
2.

Hashiyat Abu l-

Hasan al-Bakri al-

Siddiqi (d. 9521545) ala Kanz a/-

rg/:/:n
49
3.

Hashiyat Umayra (d. 9571550) ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

50
4.

Hashiyat Abi l-Naja [Mu

hammad Mujahid] (d. 9721564 or 1565) ala

/-Iqn
51
5.

Hashiyat Ibn al-Mawqi [Kamal al-Din al-

Halabi] (d. 9731565 or 1566)

ala Mug/n: /-rg/:/:n
52
6.

Hashiyat Yunus b. Abd al-Wahhab al-thawi (d. 9761567 or 1568) ala

Mug/n: /-rg/:/:n
53
7.

Hashiyat Ibn Qasim al-Abbadi (d. 9941586) ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
54
8.

Hashiyat al-Abbadi ala /-G/urar a/-/a/:yya

55
9.

Hashiyat A

hmad b. A

hmad al-Sunba

ti (d. 9951587) ala Kanz a/-

rg/:/:n
56
10.

Hashiyat al-Ramli (d. 10041596) ala sn /-ma

t/:/
57
46)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1917.
47)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1261.
48)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1917.
49)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid.
50)
Published as Shihab al-Din al-Qalyubi and A

hmad al-Burlusi Umayra,

Hs/:yat /-Qa/y/:
ua-Umayra a/ s/ar

/ a/-Ma

/a//: a/ M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n, 4 vols. (Cairo: Mu

tafa al-Babi al-

Halabi,
1956).
51)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1265.
52)
See ibid., 3:1920.
53)
See ibid.
54)
Published as Ibn Qasimal-Abbadi and Abd al-

Hamid al-Shirwani,

Haus/:

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t,
10 vols. (Cairo: al-Maktaba al-tijariyya al-kubra, 1938).
55)
Published inZakariyya al-An

sari, a/-G/urar a/-/a/:yya : s/ar

/ man

zmat a/-Ba/a a/-uard:yya

maa

/s/:yat /da/-Ra

/mna/-S/:r/:n: ua-

/s/:yat I/nQs:ma/-//d:, ed. Mu

hammadA

ta,
11 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ilmiyya, 1997).
56)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1917-18.
57)
Published in Zakariyya al-An

sari, sn /-ma

t/:/ s/ar

/ Rau

d a/-

t/:/ ua-maa/u

/s/:yat a/-
s/ay// /: /-//s a/-Ram/: a/-/a/:r, ed. Mu

hammad Tamir, 9 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-

ilmiyya, 2001).
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 307
11.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad al-Karkhi al-Bakri (d. 10061597 or 1598) ala Kanz

a/-rg/:/:n
58
Te Se:enteent/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Ali al-Muniri (d. 10141604 or 1605) ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

59
2.

Hashiyat Zaynal-Abidinal-Minawi (d. 10221613) ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

60
3.

Hashiyat Ali b. Ya

hya al-Ziyadi (d. 10241615) ala Man/a a/-

tu///
61
4.

Hashiyat al-Ziyadi ala N:/yat a/-mu

/t
62
5.

Hashiyat al-Ziyadi ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

63
6.

Hashiyat Abd al-Rauf al-Minawi (d. 10311622) ala Mug/n: /-rg/:/:n

64
7.

Hashiyat Umar b. Abd al-Ra

him al-Ba

sri (d. 10371627) ala Tu

/at a/-
mu

/t
65
8.

Hashiyat al-

Hakami (d. 10411630 or 1631) ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
66
9.

Hashiyat Nur al-Din al-

Halabi (d. 10441634) ala Man/a a/-

tu///
67
10.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. Abd al-Munim al-

Taifi (d. 10521641 or 1642)

ala N:/yat a/-mu

/t
68
11.

Hashiyat Ismail b. Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi (d. 10621652) ala Tu

/at
a/-mu

/t
69
12.

Hashiyat Ibn al-Naqib [Mu

hammad b. Abd Allah al-Bayruti] (d. 1064

1654) ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n
70
13.

Hashiyat al-Qalyubi (d. 10691658) ala /-Iqn

71
14.

Hashiyat al-Qalyubi ala Tu

/at a/-

tu///
72
58)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1918.
59)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid.
60)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid.
61)
Extant in manuscript according to Khayr al-Din al-Zirikli, a/-/m, 8 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-ilm
li-l-malayin, 1979), 5:32.
62)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1926.
63)
See ibid., 3:1918.
64)
See ibid., 3:1920.
65)
See ibid., 3:1923.
66)
See ibid.
67)
Extant in manuscript according to al-Zirikli, a/-/m, 4:252.
68)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1926.
69)
See ibid., 3:1923.
70)
See ibid., 3:1918.
71)
Extant in manuscript:

Haus/: a/ Fat

/ a/-mu:/ ua-/-qau/ a/-mu//tr : s/ar

/ /: S/u
a/-musamm /:-/-Taqr:/ (Riyadh: King Saud University MS collection, no. 1173 [217.3

ha-qaf ],
184 fols., copied 11801669 or 1670).
72)
See Ismail al-Babani, Had:yyat a/-r::n: sm a/-mua//::n ua-t/r a/-mu

sann::n, 2 vols.
(Beirut: Dar i

hya al-turath al-arabi, n.d.), 1:161.

308 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
15.

Hashiyat al-Qalyubi ala Kanz a/-rg/:/:n

73
16.

Hashiyat Abd al-Barr b. Abd Allah al-Ujhuri (d. 10701660) ala Kanz
a/-rg/:/:n
74
17.

Hashiyat al-Ujhuri ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
75
18.

Hashiyat Nur al-Din al-Azizi al-Bulaqi (d. 10701660) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
76
19.

Hashiyat Ismail b. Abd al-Ghani al-Haytami (d. 10711660 or 1661) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
77
20.

Hashiyat Ibrahim b. A

ta al-Azhari al-Mar

humi (d. 10731662 or 1663)

ala /-Iqn
78
21.

Hashiyat al-Shabramallisi (d. 10781667) ala N:/yat a/-mu

/t
79
22.

Hashiyat Dawud b. Sulayman al-Ra

hmani al-Ulwani (d. 10781667 or

1668) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
80
23.

Hashiyat Abu l-Fay

d al-Ujhuri (d. 10841673 or 1674) ala /-Iqn

81
24.

Hashiyat Abd al-Ra

hman al-Dumya

ti al-Ma

halli (d. 10981687) ala Fat

/
a/-qar:/
82
25.

Hashiyat al-Rashidi (d. 10961685) ala N:/yat a/-mu

/t
83
26.

Hashiyat Shams al-Din al-Inani (d. 10981686) ala Tu

/at a/-

tu///
84
27.

Hashiyat Ibrahim al-Barmawi (d. 11061693 or 1694) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
85
28.

Hashiyat al-Barmawi ala /-Iqn

86
Te E:g/teent/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Abd Allah b. Abi Bakr Ba Shuayb al-

Ha

drami (d. 11181705 or

1706) ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
87
2.

Hashiyat

Hasan b. Ali al-Kafrawi (d. 11191707) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
88
73)
Published; al-Qalyubi and Umayra,

Hs/:yat /-Qa/y/: ua-Umayra.

74)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1918.
75)
See ibid., 2:1262.
76)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid.
77)
See ibid., 3:1923.
78)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1266.
79)
Published in al-Ramli, N:/yat a/-mu

/t.
80)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1262.
81)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1266.
82)
See ibid., 2:1262.
83)
Published in al-Ramli, N:/yat a/-mu

/t.
84)
See al-Babani, Had:yyat a/-r::n, 2:300.
85)
Publishedas

Hs/:yat I/r/:ma/-Barmu: a/-S/: a/s/ar

/a/-G/ya/:-I/nQs:ma/-G/azz:
(Bulaq: al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya, 1870).

86)
Published in Bulaq by al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya, 1879, according to al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/
ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1266.
87)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1924.
88)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1264.
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 309
3.

Hashiyat Ushri b. Ali al-

Saidi (n. 11191707) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
89
4.

Hashiyat Ali b. Abd al-Ra

him Ba Kathir (d. 11451731 or 1732) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
90
5.

Hashiyat A

hmad b. Umar al-Dayrabi al-Ghunaymi (d. 11511737 or

1738) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
91
6.

Hashiyat

Hasan al-Mudabighi (d. 11701756) ala /-Iqn

92
7.

Hashiyat al-Mudabighi ala Tu

/at a/-

tu///
93
8.

Hashiyat Yusuf b. Salim al-

Hafnawi (d. 11781763 or 1764) ala Fat

/ a/-
qar:/
94
9.

Hashiyat Ismail b. Abdal-Ra

hmanal-Bulbaysi (d. 11791764 or 1765) ala

Fat

/ a/-qar:/
95
10.

Hashiyat al-Bulbaysi ala /-Iqn

96
11.

Hashiyat sa b.

Sibghat Allahal-

Safawi al-

Haydari al-Kurdi (d. 11901777)

ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
97
12.

Hashiyat A

tiyya al-Ujhuri al-Burhani (d. 11901777) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
98
13.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. Sulayman al-Kurdi (d. 11941780) ala /-Man/a

a/-qau:m
99
14.

Hashiyat al-Kurdi ala /-Man/a a/-qau:m

100
15.

Hashiyat al-Kurdi ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
101
16.

Hashiyat al-Kurdi ala /-Iqn

102
17.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. A

hmad Abd al-Bari al-Ahdal (d. 11951781) ala

Man/a a/-

tu///
103
18.

Hashiyat A

hmad al-Nabulsi al-Baqani (d. 11951781) ala /-Man/a a/-

qau:m
104
89)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1263.
90)
See ibid., 3:1924.
91)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1263.
92)
Published as

Hs/:yat a/-Mud/:g/:, 2 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-maymaniyya, 1889 or 1890).

93)
See al-Babani, Had:yyat a/-r::n, 1:298.
94)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1263.
95)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1263-64.
96)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1267.
97)
See ibid., 3:1924.
98)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1264.
99)
Published as Mu

hammad b. Sulayman al-Kurdi, a/-

Haus/: a/-madan:yya a/ /-Muqadd:ma

a/-

/adram:yya, 2 vols. (Cairo: al-Ma

tbaa al-khayriyya, 1886 or 1887).

100)
Entitled a/-Mas/a/ a/-ad/ a/ s/ar

/ mu//ta

sar B Fa

d/; this is a dinerent work from the

previous one. See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1924.
101)
See ibid., 3:1804.
102)
See ibid., 2:1267.
103)
Entitled M:

/ a/-//; see A

hmad al-Ahdal, Su//am a/-mutaa//:m, 625.

104)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1804.
310 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
19.

Hashiyat A

hmad b. A

hmad b. Mu

hammad al-Sijai (d. 11971783) ala

/-Iqn
105
20.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. Ibrahim Bu l-Irsad al-Sijjini (d. 11971783) ala

/-Iqn
106
21.

Hashiyat Abd al-Ra

hman al-Suwaydi al-Baghdadi (d. 12001786) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
107
22.

Hashiyat al-Suwaydi ala /-Man/a a/-qau:m

108
23.

Hashiyat Abu l-

Hasan Ala al-Dini al-Salimi (d. 12001786) ala Fat

/ a/-
qar:/
109
24.

Hashiyat Najm al-Din al-Baghdadi (d. 12011786) ala /-Man/a a/-

qau:m
110
25.

Hashiyat Abd Allah b. Sulayman al-Jarhazi (d. 12011786) ala /-Man/a

a/-qau:m
111
26.

Hashiyat Iwa

d (n. 12031788) ala /-Iqn

112
27.

Hashiyat Sulayman al-Ujayli al-Jamal (d. 12041789) ala Man/a a/-

tu///
113
28.

Hashiyat al-Jamal ala /-Iqn

114
29.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. A

hmad al-Jawhari (d. 12141799 or 1800) ala

Fat

/ a/-qar:/
115
Te N:neteent/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Sulayman b. Mu

hammad al-Bujayrami (d. 12211806 or 1807)

ala /-Iqn
116
2.

Hashiyat al-Bujayrami ala Man/a a/-

tu///
117
105)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1267.
106)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid.
107)
See ibid., 3:1924.
108)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1263.
109)
See ibid.
110)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1804.
111)
Published as

Hs/:yat a/-]ar/az: a/ /-Man/a a/-qau:m a/ Mas:/ a/-ta/:m ( Jeddah: Dar

al-minhaj, 2012).
112)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1267.
113)
Published as Fut

/t a/-ua/// /:-tau

d:

/ s/ar

/ Man/a a/-

tu/// a/-mar /:-

Hs/:yat a/-
]ama/, 5 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-nkr, n.d.).
114)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1267.
115)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1264.
116)
Published as Tu

/at a/-

/a/:/ a/ s/ar

/ a/-K/a

t:/, 4 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-taqaddum, 1938).

117)
Published as

Hs/:yat Su/aymn a/-Buayram: a/ s/ar

/ Man/a a/-

tu///, 4 vols. (Bulaq:

al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya, 1875).

/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 311
3.

Hashiyat Abd Allah b.

Hijazi al-Sharqawi (d. 12271812 or 1813) ala

Tu

/at a/-

tu///
118
4.

Hashiyat Mu

tafa al-

Safawi al-Qalawi (d. 12301815) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
119
5.

Hashiyat

Husayn b. Ibrahimb. al-Qaid (d. 12351819 or 1820) ala Tu

/at
a/-mu

/t
120
6.

Hashiyat Khalid b.

Husayn al-Shahruzari al-Uthmani (d. 12421826 or

1827) ala N:/yat a/-mu

/t
121
7.

Hashiyat Ya

hya b. Khalid al-Marwazi al-Ammadi (d. 12551839) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
122
8.

Hashiyat al-

Husayn b. Ali al-Muni al-

Habashi (d. 12561840) ala Tu

/at
a/-mu

/t
123
9.

Hashiyat Ali b A

hmad Ba

Sabrayn (d. 12601844) ala Fat

/ a/-mu:n
124
10.

Hashiyat A

hmad b. A

hmad al-

Sabba

hi (n. 12701853) ala /-I// s/ar

/
a/-G/azz: a/ /-M:n/
125
11.

Hashiyat Rasul al-Lawdhai b. Mu

hammad al-Barzanji (n. 12721885) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
126
12.

Hashiyat A

hmad b.

Husayn al-

Tablawi (d. 12741857 or 1858) ala Fat

/
a/-qar:/
127
13.

Hashiyat Abd Allah al-Nabrawi (d. 12751859) ala /-Iqn

128
14.

Hashiyat al-Bajuri (d. 12771860) ala Fat

/ a/-qar:/
129
15.

Hashiyat al-Shirwani (d. 13011884) ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
130
16.

Hashiyat Abu Bakr Uthman b. Mu

hammad Sha

ta al-Dumya

ti al-Bakri
(d. 13101892) ala Fat

/ a/-mu:n
131
118)
Published as

Hs/:yat //t:mat a/-mu

/aqq:q:n a/-a//ma a/-s/ay// a/-S/arqu:, 2 vols.

(Bulaq: al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya, 1881).

119)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 2:1264.
120)
See ibid., 3:1924.
121)
See ibid., 3:1926.
122)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1924.
123)
See ibid.
124)
Extant inmanuscript: Inat a/-musta:n

/s/:yat Fat

/ a/-mu:n (Riyadh: King Saud University

MS collection, no. 19 [217.3 alif-ba], 316 pp., copied 12691853).
125)
Extant in manuscript; see al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1922.
126)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 3:1925.
127)
Extant in manuscript; see ibid., 2:1264.
128)
Published as

Hs/:yat a/-Na/ru:, 2 vols. (Bulaq: al-Ma

tbaa al-amiriyya, 1874).

129)
Published; al-Bajuri,

Hs/:ya.
130)
Published; al-Abbadi and al-Shirwani,

Haus/:

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t.
131)
Published as

Hs/:yat Inat a/-

t/:/:n a/

/a// a/

z Fat

/ a/-mu:n, 4 vols. (Damascus: Dar

al-fay

ha, 2006).
312 /med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313
17.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad al-Nawawi al-Jawi (d. 13161898) ala Fat

/ a/-
qar:/
132
Te Tuent:et/ Century:
1.

Hashiyat Mu

hammad b. Ibrahimal-

Haydari (n. fourteenthtwentieth cen-

tury) ala Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
133
2.

Hashiyat Abd al-Ra

hman al-Shirbini (d. 13261908) ala /-G/urar a/-

/a/:yya
134
3.

Hashiyat

Sali

h Ba Fa

dl (d. 13331915) ala /-Man/a a/-qau:m

135
4.

Hashiyat Alawi b. A

hmad al-Saqqaf (d. 13351916) ala Fat

/ a/-mu:n
136
5.

Hashiyat al-Tarmasi (d. 13381919) ala /-Man/a a/-qau:m

137
6.

Hashiyat Abd al-Ra

hman b. Ubayd Allah al-Saqqaf (d. 13751956) ala

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t
138
Bibliography
Al-Abbadi, Ibn Qasim, see a/sc al-An

sari, a/-G/urar a/-/a/:yya.

-- and Abd al-

Hamid al-Shirwani.

Haus/:

Tu

/at a/-mu

/t. 10 vols. Cairo: al-

Maktaba al-tijariyya al-kubra, 1938.
Al-Ahdal, A

hmad Mayqarri Shumayla. Su//am a/-mutaa//:m. In Abu Zakariyya al-

Nawawi, M:n/ a/-

t/:/:n, ed. Mu

hammad Shaban, 611-64. Beirut: Dar al-minhaj,

2005.
Al-An

sari, Zakariyya. sn /-ma

t/:/ s/ar

/ Rau

d a/-

t/:/ ua-maa/u

/s/:yat a/-s/ay//
/: /-//s a/-Ram/: a/-/a/:r. Ed. Mu

hammad Tamir. 9 vols. Beirut: Dar al-kutub

al-ilmiyya, 2001.
--. a/-G/urar a/-/a/:yya : s/ar

/ man

zmat a/-Ba/a a/-uard:yya maa

/s/:yat /d
a/-Ra

/mn a/-S/:r/:n: ua-

/s/:yat I/n Qs:m a/-//d:. Ed. Mu

hammad A

ta. 11
vols. Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ilmiyya, 1997.
Arminjon, Pierre. L Ense:gnement, /a dcctr:ne et /a ::e dans /es un::ers:ts musu/manes
d gyte. Paris: Alcan, 1907.
132)
Published as Qt a/-

/a/:/ a/-g/ar:/ taus/:

/ a/ Fat

/ a/-qar:/ a/-mu:/ (Cairo: Dar i

hya al-
kutub al-arabiyya, 1960).
133)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1925.
134)
Published in al-An

sari, a/-G/urar a/-/a/:yya.

135)
See al-

Habashi, ]m: a/-s/ur

/ ua-/-

/aus/:, 3:1804.
136)
Published as

Hs/:yat Fat

/ a/-mu:n a/-musamm Tars/:

/ a/-musta:d:n /:-taus/:

/ Fat

/ a/-
mu:n (Cairo: Mu

tafa al-Babi al-

Halabi, 1955).
137)
Published; al-Tarmasi,

Hs/:yat a/-Tarmas:.
138)
For the existence of this

/s/:ya, see Umar b.

Hamid al-Jilani, Musharakat fuqaha

Ha

dra-
mawt fi khidmat al-nqh al-Shani," http:www.feqhweb.comvbt6665.html (accessed January 30,
2013).
/med E/ S/amsy / Or:ens 41 (2013) 289-313 313
Ba

Sabrayn, Ali bA

hmad. Inat a/-musta:n

/s/:yat Fat

/a/-mu:n. Manuscript. Riyadh:

King Saud University MS collection, no. 19 (217.3 alif-ba). 316 pp., copied 1269
1853.
Al-Babani, Ismail. Had:yyat a/-r::n: sm a/-mua//::n ua-t/r a/-mu

sann::n. 2
vols. Beirut: Dar i

hya al-turath al-arabi, n.d.

Al-Bajuri, Ibrahim.

Hs/:yat a/-//ma a/-Bayr: a/ S/ar

/ I/n Qs:m. 2 vols. Bulaq:

al-Ma

tbaa al-kubra al-amiriyya, 13071889.

Al-Bakri, Abu Bakr Uthman b. Mu

hammad Sha

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