70<83 B707 70B7<8 M alala Yousafzai, the child advocate from across the border who gained respect world- wide for her activism in the field of girls education, was recent l y conferred wit h Pakistans Civil Awards. This 16-year-old human rights crusader, who now lives in Britain, was shot by a Taliban gunman in 2012 for her out- spoken views on childrens education in her home region in north-west Pakistan. Yet this near-fatal attack did not deter her from speaking about the importance of edu- cation especially for girls she is a firm believer that it takes merely one child, one teacher, one book and one pen to change the world. Malalas belief is shared by her peer, Shazia Kouser, a res- ident of this side of the Indian border. Hailing from the bor- der village Banloi, 15km from Mendhar tehsil of Poonch district in Jammu & Kashmir, Shazia has grown up with conflict. Coupled with isola- tion from rest of the country, this hostile environment has kept the inhabitants of this border village away from development. Struggling with basic facilities in addition to the fallouts of conflict has become a part of life for them. Worst affected is edu- cation more specifically, the education of girls. There were days when women were simply not allowed to pursue education. Militancy is considered to be the main reason for this trend. According to the 1981 Census Report, the female lit- eracy rate for Poonch district was only 11.24 per cent as compared to the male litera- cy rate of 34.20 per cent. The comparison is worse in rural Poonch with a mere 8.47 per cent women being literate against 32.19 per cent of men. Dogged efforts of the State made education the focus of development in spite of militancy being a constant fear in the backdrop, hinder- ing progress at every step. It was then, in 1980, that the first school was established in Banloi. Today, over three decades later, there are only three primary and one mid- dle school in this village catering to the needs of a population of approximately 3,500 people. Both boys and girls are encouraged to go to school. Still, the absence of a higher secondary school in the village has resulted in a high drop-out rate after class eight, especially among girls. The nearest higher sec- ondary school is in village Mankote, eight to nine kilo- metres from Banloi, making it difficult for girls to travel and attend school. Girls often drop out from school after completing class eight as there is no higher secondary school in our village. Boys are allowed to travel long dis- tances to other villages and continue their studies but girls do not have permission from their parents, rues 23- year-old Shazia. Another factor that plays an important role in the high drop-out rate is the close proximity of the village to the border. Villagers have been issued identity cards by the security forces and are allowed only restricted move- ment during the day that, after strict security checks each time they cross the gate. Parents do not like their girls subjected to such security checks thereby denying them the right to continue their studies. The only thing left in a girls life, despite an avid interest in education, is to take care of the household and rear the livestock. Poverty also plays a role in hindering the education of a girl child. According to Abdul Rehman, nai b sarpanch, Banloi, in addi- tion to fencing and road con- nectivity, poverty is also to be blamed. In the absence of any regular source of income, most parents cannot afford the transport fare. I wish to continue my studies even after class eight as my dream is to become a doctor and help the poor and disabled people living a miserable life in our village. I wish to provide them treat- ment free of cost but my dream looks like it will always remain a dream, says a sad- dened Saima, currently study- ing in class eight. There are many more Saimas in Banloi village who have compromised with their dreams and accepted the cur- rent situation as their fate. The Government has helped them till class eight; they can only hope that the State realises the fact that they aspire to a good education and need a higher secondary school to satiate their thirst for knowledge. These girls wish to change the world around them, just like Malala. Whether their dreams come true remains to be seen. There are many girls in Jammu & Kashmir who wish lo change lhe world around lhem, by gelling bellereducaled and sreading educalion across. Their dreams can come lrue i lhe Slale aulhorilies hel oul lhese bravehearls 9Rg`T Z_ _R^V `W UVgV]`a^V_e Srdeye 09 NEW DELH WEDNESDAY APRL 9, 2014 Our manifesto is not a paper document. t is for us a dream, aim and a commitment. We will meet our promises. ~BJP's prime ministerial candidate NARENDRA MOD BJP's manifesto is a laundry list of disconnected ideas. t shows how seriously they insult the intelligence of the people. ~Congress spokesperson ABHSHEK MANU SNGHV What has dictated ESZs are interests other than ecological. For instance, the ESZ proposal for Karlapat Wildlife Sanctuary in Kalahandi, Odisha, was limited to just one kilometre on one side due to bauxite deposits here, which mining giant Vedanta is said to be eyeing after it was denied Niyamgiri @?9>DCOUNTER@?9>D W hen the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests issued a notifi- cation in February 2014 for an eco-sensitive zone for Sikkims Khangchendzonga National Park considered one of the most important protected areas in the Himalayas it defied its own guide- lines which call for ESZs to be a shock-absorber for national parks and sanctuaries. Khangchendzongas ESZ spanned a mere 25 to 200 metres from the park boundary, and like other parks in Sikkim with equally miniscule pro- tective zones, it aimed to accommodate the States ambitious hydel dream, rather than safeguard the ecology of the protected areas. While one understands that a small State like Sikkim cannot afford the 10km ESZ that is advised, it is unac- ceptable that ESZs are deliberately manipulated to circumvent wildlife clearances for hydel projects. Particularly so, in the light of a recent National Board for Wildlife report which points out that at least five dams were being constructed in close prox- imity to national parks and sanctuar- ies in the State between 2006 and 2011 without mandatory NBWL permission- and asks for a probe into the same. Unfortunately, the Khangchendzonga fiasco is being replicated across many of Indias 600 odd protected areas, though there are a few noteworthy exceptions. According to a Supreme Court order in 2006, no major industry or infrastructure project can be allowed within 10km boundary of national parks and sanctuaries unless approved by the Standing Committee of the NBWL unless and until a site spe- cific ESZ has been notified by the State. In an ESZ, mining, hydel projects and heavily polluting industries are banned, while tourism, cutting of trees, electric power lines, etc are regulated. Few States enacted the apex court order, delayed demarcating these safety zones till a deadline was issued on December 31, 2012, by the Environment and Forests Ministry. Currently, about 400 such ESZs are being reviewed by the Centre, but the exercise, aimed to protect the ecology, environment and local livelihoods, appears to have been reduced to a sham. Worried about how the process would hit development and reported- ly under pressure from mining and industry lobbies, most States have excluded several ecologically important areas around the protected areas, thereby defeating the very purpose of the ESZ. Worse, the Centre seems to be colluding with the States in this process, so that development projects can bypass the mandatory wildlife clearance. Taking note of this, members of the NBWLs Standing Committee, pointed out in a meeting that the methodolo- gy of selection of many ESZs appears to be arbitrary, and at times, influenced by factors other than ecological and pressed for a careful oversight mech- anism. Yet, the process has been opaque, with negligible involvement of ecologists, conservationists or scientists outside of the Government either at the State or at the Centre. A case in point is the two kilome- tre-wide ESZ of Andhra Pradeshs Pulicat Bird Sanctuary, which was steered through in a hurry to accom- modate the upcoming Dugarajapatnam port, and thereby circumvent the wildlife hurdle. This, despite the fact that in 2007, the States chief wildlife warden had, in 2007, recommended a 10km ESZ for Pulicat, the second largest brackish water ecosystem in India and also a proposed Ramsar site. Lakhs of migratory waterfowl throng the lake in winter. The port and ship building centre will lead to massive dredging and development of ancillary industries will gravely damage the fragile ecosystem of the lake. According to the reports, a portion of the land from the 5,300 acres pro- posed for acquisition for the port is actually located within the northern boundary of the Pulicat lake and in its vicinity. Being a thriving wetland ecosystem, Pulicat also sustains the livelihood of thousands of fisherfolk with 46 villages depending on the lake directly or indirectly for their liveli- hood. Representatives of the Human Rights Forum, who visited the site, allege that the ESZ has been made with the intention of facilitating statutory clearances for the proposed port. Another such ill-conceived ESZ is of Gujarats Velavadar National Park (in the Bhal region), home to the critical- ly-endangered and endemic lesser flor- ican, Indian wolf and blackbucks, among other rare grassland fauna. It is also the worlds largest roosting ground for Montagus harriers. The park itself is small, just about 35 sq km, and much of its wildlife cranes, blackbucks, wolves, foxes etc use the adjoining grasslands and fields for denning and feeding. Velvadar and the larger Bhal landscape are threatened by the pro- posed Dholera Special Investment Region, reportedly a flagship project of the Chief Minister. The DSIR is being touted as a glob- al manufacturing and trading hub, and is envisaged to set up various industries including heavily polluting chemical factories, power project, highways, air- port, business hubs, etc. Such mega- scale activity will not just destroy the park, but also stands to obliterate nearly 1,000 sq km of fertile farmland with no less than 15,000 families dependent on it. Predictably, the pro- posed ESZ carefully circumvents the DSIR while leaving out many ecolog- ically-fragile areas which are the feed- ing grounds of the harriers and lesser floricans. The Environment Impact Assessment report of the DSIR states that the park is situated just to the south of DSIR boundary almost about 600 metres away and goes on to note the presence of wolf and fox dens in the area. It concludes that blackbucks are distributed in half of the villages com- ing under the DSIR. Scant regard has been paid to local sentiments as well. For instance, there has been strong public sentiment against hydel projects in Sikkim, as the dams are expected to drown sacred landscapes in West Sikkim, which is believed to be the cradle of the erstwhile Buddhist Kingdom. Nor do conse- quences matter as witnessed in the tragedy of Uttarakhand floods or the 2011 Sikkim earthquake, which accord- ing to some studies, could have been induced or triggered by the presence of multiple dams on the river Teesta and its tributaries. What has dictated ESZs instead, are interests other than ecological. For instance, the ESZ proposal for Karlapat Wildlife Sanctuary in Kalahandi, Odisha, was limited to just one kilome- tre on one side due to bauxite deposits here, which mining giant Vedanta is said to be eyeing after it was denied Niyamgiri. Kuldihas (Odisha) safety zone was reduced, reportedly at the intervention of the Chief Minister and at the behest of the mining, industries and revenue departments, in consider- ation of the stone quarries in the area. This, even when wildlife officials point- ed out that by prioritising the quarries and crushers frequently used migrato- ry paths of elephants (and tigers) between Kuldiha and Similipal Tiger Reserve were being sacrificed. This entire area, including the quarries, lie within the Similipal Biosphere Reserve and Mayurbhanj Elephant Reserve. In Jharkhand, too, it was largely the writ of the mining industry that dictat- ed the ESZs. The Telegraph reports that in 2011, steel major Tata wrote to the Centre, asking for the ESZ of Dalma Wildlife Sanctuary to be halved from the 10km proposed by the state, citing fears of adverse effects on its industri- al activities. Two years later in January 2013, a senior official of Tata Steel again appealed to the Centre to reduce the safety zone to a mere 500 metres, a move resisted by the concerned forest officers who called this demand unrea- sonable, and not in the interest of pro- tecting the parks biodiversity. (The writer is trustee, Bagh, mem- ber, State Board for Wildlife, Uttarakhand, and a former member of the National Board for Wildlife) Jle fearless Malalas of ]&K tlinl now C hildren are living beings ~ more living than grown-up people who have built shells of habit around themselves. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary for their mental health and development that they should not have mere schools for their lessons, but a world whose guiding spirit is personal love. ~Rabindranath Tagore DYZWeZ_X W`Tfd Wc`^ <RdY^Zc e` ;R^^f The hi/bul Mujahideen's recenl allack in Kalhua dislricl is a reminder lhal lhe YXWPSX grou has comelling reasons lo inlensiy ils camaign oulside lhe valley l is unaccelable lhal ecosensilive /ones should be deliberalely maniulaled lo circumvenl wildlie clearances or hydel rojecls. Bul il has haened, olen under lhe relexl lhal cerlain small Slales cannol aord large ESZs =8:78; A0H<>=3 ?DA8 FRST COLUMN 0 n March 28, mililanls launched a lworonged allack in Jammu & Kashmir's Kalhua dislricl. They irsl inlerceled and carjacked a vehicle on JammuFalhankole highway, killing lwo and injur ing lhree o ils (civilian) occuanls. They lhen migraled lowards an Army cam in Kalhua dislricl's Janglole area, where lhey killed one Army jawan and wounded several olhers. nilially, an organisalion called Shohada Brigade claimed reson sibilily or lhe allacks. A day laler, hi/bul Mujahideen suremo and uniled Jihad Council chie Syed Salahuddin declared lhal Shohada Brigade is a surrogale grou delermined lo increase mililancy in Jammu divi sion. while lhe seciic aellalion o lhis hM roxy merely serves lo dislracl, ils Jammucenlric urose is meaningul. There are lhree rea sons why Salahuddin and his uJC arlners may wanl lo escalale lheir oeralions in Jammu division. For a conglomerale claiming lo devole ilsel lo lhe "liberalion" o Jammu & Kashmir as a whole, uJC's oeralional oolrinl is concen lraled in Kashmir division. 0nly 12 er cenl o mililanl allacks since lhe beginning o 2O1O have occurred in Jammu while lhe overwhelm ing majorily (88 er cenl) have been direcled al largels in Kashmir. n order lo uhold Jammu & Kashmir's slalus as a uniormly "dislurbed area", lhe uJC needs lo dislribule ils allenlion more equilably. The uJC could ossibly osel lhe inrequency o ils allacks in Jammu by mak ing each allack more imaclul. This is somelhing il has ailed lo do. The uJC has soughl lo amliy lhe imacl o ils allacks lhrough liming. The imacl o lasl monlh's allacks in Kalhua dislricl was no doubl inlensiied by lhe ucoming Lok Sabha eleclion. Similarly, lhe allacks in Kalhua and Samba dislricls in Selember lasl year were dra malic because lhey reaced scheduled eace lalks belween ndia and Fakislan. Bul liming can only be a shorllerm laclic as il inevilably sub jecls uJC's oeralions lo somebody else's solly calendar. The second reason why lhe uJC mighl choose lo increase ils allacks in Jammu has lo do wilh lhe eleclion. while searalisls' calls or a oll boycoll are widely honoured in Kashmir, lhey are barely audible in Jammu. n lhe 2OOO Lok Sabha eleclion, or inslance, lurnoul in Kashmir's consliluencies was only 81 er cenl while nearly 48 er cenl o Jammu division's eleclorale lurned oul lo vole. The abilily o mili lanls lo dislurb lhe elecloral rocess in Kashmir is limiled by lhe acl lhal lurnoul in lhis region is already very oor. n Jammu, on lhe olher hand, lhe uJC has more olenlial lo alably dislurb elecloral roceed ings. From ils erseclive, lhis would be an oorlune lime lo recal ibrale ils geograhic ocus since lhe Lok Sabha and lhe Assembly elec lions are bolh scheduled or lhis year. The uJC may wanl lo reduce ils neglecl o Jammu division or a lhird reason. unlike Kashmir division - where Muslims conslilule more lhan O5 er cenl o lhe oulalion - Jammu division is diverse in religious lerms. This makes Jammu relalively rone lo communal len sions o lhe kind wilnessed in Kishlwar lasl year. Salahuddin has made no secrel o lhe acl lhal such unresl serves his YXWPSX camaign by ushing youlh lowards mililancy. uJC may lhus seek lo omenl ur lher disharmony by slaging allacks and increasing lhe likelihood lhal securily orces resond in ways lhal aear disroorlionale or rej udiced. Also, Salahuddin is aware lhal lhe increasingly oreign origin o his mililanls comromises hM's slalus as an indigenous orce. he may be willing lo give Jammu's dislricls more allenlion i lhis allows him lo reverse lhe lrend and secure more local recruils. Kashmir's dislricls - arlicularly Baramulla, Fulwama, and Srinagar - will remain lhe reerred sile o lhe uJC's mililanl camaign. Al lhe same lime, comelling reasons exisl or il lo shil gears. 0nly lime will lell whelher lhe mosl recenl allacks in Kalhua dislricl reresenl such a slralegic shil or jusl anolher exhibilion o 'good' liming. (CWT PdcW^a Xb P 3?WX[ RP]SXSPcT Pc cWT D]XeTabXch ^U >gU^aS)