The document discusses the Japanese tradition of obento, or boxed lunches prepared by mothers for their children to take to school. It describes how obento are intricately made and serve as a metaphor for the close mother-child bond in Japanese culture. The tradition plays an important role in shoku-iku, Japan's system of food education, which socializes children into collectivist values and behaviors from a young age. Mothers face pressure to create appealing and creative obento that uphold social and class expectations of their maternal role and commitment. While convenient alternatives now exist, obento remain a cultural symbol of motherly love and socialization in Japan.
The document discusses the Japanese tradition of obento, or boxed lunches prepared by mothers for their children to take to school. It describes how obento are intricately made and serve as a metaphor for the close mother-child bond in Japanese culture. The tradition plays an important role in shoku-iku, Japan's system of food education, which socializes children into collectivist values and behaviors from a young age. Mothers face pressure to create appealing and creative obento that uphold social and class expectations of their maternal role and commitment. While convenient alternatives now exist, obento remain a cultural symbol of motherly love and socialization in Japan.
The document discusses the Japanese tradition of obento, or boxed lunches prepared by mothers for their children to take to school. It describes how obento are intricately made and serve as a metaphor for the close mother-child bond in Japanese culture. The tradition plays an important role in shoku-iku, Japan's system of food education, which socializes children into collectivist values and behaviors from a young age. Mothers face pressure to create appealing and creative obento that uphold social and class expectations of their maternal role and commitment. While convenient alternatives now exist, obento remain a cultural symbol of motherly love and socialization in Japan.
The document discusses the Japanese tradition of obento, or boxed lunches prepared by mothers for their children to take to school. It describes how obento are intricately made and serve as a metaphor for the close mother-child bond in Japanese culture. The tradition plays an important role in shoku-iku, Japan's system of food education, which socializes children into collectivist values and behaviors from a young age. Mothers face pressure to create appealing and creative obento that uphold social and class expectations of their maternal role and commitment. While convenient alternatives now exist, obento remain a cultural symbol of motherly love and socialization in Japan.
From carefully measured proportions to refined visual presentations, Japanese cuisine is often recognized and favoured for their meticulous and elaborate foodwork. Such intricacy extends to the school lunches of Japanese preschoolers, most of whom carry an ornate, mom-made feast neatly organized in a box, known as the obento a custom that has become an integral part of Japanese education as it seeks to forge a bond between school and home whilst easing the childs anxiety of transition. By addressing the obento as a delicate microcosm of Japanese culture by its compartmentalized, palatable morsels of ideologies, the meal serves as a metaphor for the Japanese mother-child relationship, in which the pervasiveness of mother-child memories (fostered by the obento experience) is significantly intertwined with the socialization of Japans future generations.
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Shoku-iku: The Socialization of Children Shoku-iku, the Japanese term for "food education, has been widely employed ever since Shoku-iku Kihon Hou the Fundamental Law on Nutritional Education established by 12 central government ministries was implemented in 2005. Shoku- iku is defined, at present, as the cultivating of oneself by being aware of what one eats. From lessons on nutrition and food sources to the understanding of food history, Shoku- iku is integrated as a critical part of every Japanese childs preschool education.
Besides nutrition, the decree indoctrinates children into principles of Japanese living and in particular, the collectivist culture 1 and value of homogeneity. To reinforce the importance of the communal, lunch is declared over only when every child has finished his or her obento. Part of the mothers duty was therefore to whet the appetite of her child by making the obento as tempting and easily consumable as possible, as taking too long to finish ones obento would reflect poorly upon both the child and the mother. Similarly, both the parent and the child will be held accountable if the child fails to finish his or her entire obento. The obento then becomes a sign of a woman's commitment as a mother and her inspiring her child to being similarly committed as a student (Allison 200):
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As the famous Japanese proverb goes, the nail that sticks out gets hammered down. By gathering the children to eat their obento and recite gratuitous verses together in a single space, shoku-iku prepares the children for a group-focused social life, as it reduces their sense of individuality and pursuit of self-interest instilling them with concepts of being Japanese, by stressing on the collective and importance of meeting expectations, i.e. finishing ones obento within the time given. By receiving and carrying out instructions given during mealtimes, the child is exposed to the presence of hierarchy within the educational institution which, in turn, acculturates them into appropriate norms of behaviour, starting with the showing of respect for authoritative figures such as the sensei. 2
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Silver, or gold, or jade, what are they? Never could they be compared to one's precious child. (660-733) Yamanoue no Okura, Manyoshu
Of Class and Gender: Amae and the Japanese Mother Composed almost a millennium ago, the well-known poem by Okura conveys the parents unconditional love for their child a sentiment that continues to prevail in modern Japan an affection that is both furthered and complicated by Dois gendered theory of amae.
Amae, otherwise known as indulgent dependency, has been widely accepted by scholars as characteristic to the production and reproduction of Japanese culture. Assuming that Japanese socialization patterns are modeled after the fundamental mother-child experience, the Japanese mother is responsible for protecting and pampering the child in order to fulfill the expectations of amae. If efficacy is established, the mother will be rewarded with identity confirming responses from her child (Smith and Nomi 2000). In Japanese culture, the frequency of physical endearment declines as the child enters pre-school, and physical contact is usually confined to domestic functions like grooming (Lebra 75). The mother will then seek for alternative means to foster intimacy and convey her affections, one of which is the making of the obento an activity that not only shapes the childs dependency, but also the mothers identity as it is the sign of a woman's commitment as a mother (Allison 200).
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Empress Michiko, acknowledged as the first empress to nurture her children herself, had a clip of her making obento for her children broadcasted repeatedly across the nation. This not only situated her role as a model mother, but also promoted foodwork as a gauge of a womans dedication to her mothering role. Obento cookbooks and magazines were titled with these ideals in mind, bearing captions of Mamas love or Mamas idea that designate the obento as a metaphor and measure of motherly love (Lebra 77). The effect is perceptible as Japanese mothers are estimated to spend nearly an hour a day making an obento, which excludes the time spent on planning and picking out ingredients (Allison 1991).
Mothers are often expected to engage in obento artistry to create an obento that was visually appealing, appetizing, and creative all at the same time. The ideal, as revealed by mothers and cookbooks, is to assemble the food into a scene recognizable by the child (235) and to transform and disguise foods in order to encourage the child to eat ingredients that he or she may dislike:
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Here we are able to conclude, with regards to the observation on the redundancy of aestheticization, that much of the womans responsibility in making obento has little to do with stimulating the childs appetite. Instead, what we have is a derivation of the states agenda in keeping the women contained within a subservient, domestic sphere and under close scrutiny. By examining the obento against a larger backdrop of Japanese culture namely the societal expectations for mother-child relationships and motherhood allows for the appreciation of obento as an important cultural site of discourse, and raising questions about the cultural digestibility that the obento can offer.
7 Keeping up with the Mrs. Tanakas Besides the pressure from societal expectations of motherhood, Japanese mothers are often burdened by the silent competition between the mothers themselves. Besides the fear that their child might not be satisfied with their obento, mothers are also troubled by the paranoia of competition as they take their childs innocent expressions of envy or desire for anothers obento to heart. (Nancy 2011) Such cognitive responses could be attributed to the amae, whereby the mother may view the childs affections for anothers obento as an engagement or identity confirming response to another mother a threat to the mother-child relationship and a hint at her failure in establishing amae.
Similarly, the amae can also be translated as a reflector of class distinctions as observed via the aesthetics of Nonchan noriben (2009), a Japanese film about obento. Nonchan is the name of the protagonists daughter, whilst Noriben refers to a basic and inexpensive Japanese obento consisting of only rice, nori, soy sauce, and occasionally dried bonito flakes.
In the film, Nonchans noriben are portrayed to be awfully plain and were a stark contrast to the fancy and assorted kyaraben 3 that her classmates had. Aside from the films emphasis on Nonchans obento as being extremely delectable, the film makes the constant note that Nonchans mother, Komaki, was struggling to make ends meet. This brings us to Bourdieus Theory of Class Distinction, which suggests that the quality of a meal (in this case, the obento) mirrors ones societal and cultural standing. Bourdieus theory does ring true in the film for the plainness of Nonchans obento parallels the economic struggles of her home. The class inequality also becomes an indicator for gender struggles as it is the mother who is burdened with the task of upholding the status of the household in having to produce an obento that is presentable by school and societal standards.
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Konbini Paradise: Seeking Alternatives The arduousness of this whole obento business may, however, seem like a superfluous attempt in modern Japan, a nation well-known for convenience living. From ready-made obento to precooked, vacuum-sealed side dishes, one might find the intricate planning and preparation of meals almost unnecessary.
One could argue that the Japanese, who are more often than not lauded for incredible knowledge of nutrition (as observed from their high life expectancy) and hence, would be more cautious about what goes into each convenient pack of pre- prepared fare. Despite the accessibilities provided by retail institutions such as the konbini (Japanese contraction of the English term convenience store), the convenient foods available are severely lacking in nutritional quality and the popular, readymade obento offered by konbini are essentially unhealthy products of a nutritional wasteland. Despite the fact that proportions remain well-controlled, most konbini obento are generously filled with deep fried or otherwise, high-fat foods, rendering it a recipe of preservatives, additives, high sodium, high sugar high starch, high calories (Wilk 125).
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The persistence of a state gendered ideology upon the obento can be observed from the advent of the konbini-housewife syndrome a derogatory term projected at housewives who are dependent on the foodstuff provided by konbinis and reproving them for having failed in performing their socially prescribed role as a good wife and wise mother. This directs us back to Japans patriarchal system, in which the konbini- housewife would be perceived as a potential threat to the system that clearly establishes the familial role of the woman as a caregiver, proving that the obento culture is markedly gendered.
It is also crucial to note the significance of konbinis in Japan, where they are heralded as reizouko no kawari (replacement refrigerators) by locals who live by themselves, particularly those without a mom around the house. The prominence of the mom-made meal is being emphasized once again as konbini are often seen to be aligning and marketing themselves to their suggested role as surrogate mother. Most Japanese continue to associate the obento with the idea of home and the presence of the mother, underscoring the pervasiveness of amae as it sprawls beyond the grounds of preschools. To address this, we will first need to disassemble the obento (literally) and direct our focus on the key component: rice, or rather onigiri, Japanese sticky rice balls.
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When I was a child I would never eat the rice served to me in the chawan but when my mom made that same rice into an onigiri I would love it.
Mai Kelly, creator of The Japan Food Channel
Into the Obento: Onigiri as Japanese Soul Food The onigiri, in lieu of its size, relative ease of preparation, and the possibilities for value-added innovation through fillings, shapes and flavours (Wilk 134), is not just valued by retail institutions but also by obento makers who mark the sticky rice balls as an indispensable component of their repertoire. But why the need to specify onigiri? Is it not just rice? Indeed, onigiri is largely made of rice, but what renders its distinctiveness to the Japanese lies in the preparation of the onigiri by the hands of ones mother.
The symbolic parent-child connotation is often highlighted by the presentation of the onigiri in Japanese media, along with the emotions that they evoke. In Miyazaki Hayaos acclaimed anime, Sen to Chihiro no Kamikakushi (2001) is a pivotal scene which encapsulates the Japanese affection for the onigiri: the heroine, Chihiro, upon realizing her predicament in an unfamiliar world without her parents, refuses to eat anything but two onigiri offered by her friend, Taku, which she consumes in tears.
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Accompanying the release of the film, the studio produced plastic replicas of the onigiri which circulated as a mini-fad for months. The packaging includes a quote by Hayao Miyazaki, in which the producer shares his opinion on the pathos evoked by the onigiri by describing it as a powerful reminder of commensality and human interdependence:
As a child or a parent, you understand that the onigiri is a food sculpted by the hands of someone you know and whose tireless efforts give you life.
A similar connection is illustrated by Kamome shokud (2006), a film which concerns itself with a Japanese woman, Sachie, and her attempts to introduce the culture of onigiri to the residents of Helsinki. For Sachie, onigiri is Japanese soul food, and the director, Naoko Ogigami, emphasizes that philosophy by packing the film with a fair amount of close ups on the rice being molded tenderly by the warm hands of the motherly Sachie.
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By setting the narrative in Helsinki, Kamome shokud not only presents the onigiri as a food charged with a sense of national identity but most importantly, as a emblem of home. Imbuing the onigiri with the power to convey a sense of care and familiarity in a foreign setting, the film shows both the omnipresence of the parent-child relationship and fondness for the motherland.
Obento and the Construction of Home The numerous takes on Sachies relaxed expression while she rolls and pats the onigiri aligns with the conception of comfort food as having the capacity to offer a sense of comfort in unfamiliar settings. The emphasis on the sculpting action further proves that the emotions evoked are not merely by taste but the actual foodwork itself in the case of the film, it is the mobilization of the entire body (Abdullah 2010).
Despite its popularity worldwide, the obento has yet to lose its cultural significance and is still valued by the Japanese as a continuation of traditional ideals and the promotion of an unbreakable familial bond especially for those residing far away from the comforts of home: through the making of obento, one would be able to indulge in a shared imagination of space and experience a temporal fulfillment of their desire for amae. As both the symbol of intimacy and manifestation of a mothers love, there is no question as to why the obento is still cherished today.
15 References
Allison, Anne. Enchanted Commodities, Millennial Monsters: Japanese Toys and the Global Imagination. University of California Press, 2006..
Allison, Anne. Japanese Mothers and Obentos: The Lunch- Box as Ideological State Apparatus. Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 64, No. 4, Gender and the State in Japan, 1991.
Itoh, Makiko. The best kindergarten lessons are at lunch time, The Japan Times Online; 7 April 2011.
Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. The Japanese Self in Cultural Logic. University of Hawaii Press, 2004.
Miyazaki, Hayao. Sen to Chihiro no Kamikakushi. Studio Ghibli, Nippon Television Network Corporation, 2001.
Nancy, Miss. The art of Obento its more than a lunch box. Kindermusik, Studio3Music. 28 Feb 2011.
Ogata, Akira. Nonchan Noriben. Kino International, 2009.
Ogigami, Naoko. Kamome shokud. Nippon Television Network Corporation, 2006.
Peak, Loius. Learning to Go to School in Japan: The Transition from Home to Preschool Life. University of California Press, 1993.
Smith, Herman W, and Takako, Nomi. "Is Amae the Key to Understanding Japanese Culture?" Electronic Journal of Sociology, 2000.
Wilk, Richard R. Fast Food/Slow Food: The Cultural Economy of the Global Food System.AltaMira Press, 2006.
Notes
1. Here I refer to Hofstedes definition of collectivism here as represent[ing] a preference for a tightly-knit framework in society in which individuals can expect their relatives or members of a particular in-group to look after them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty; and how the Japanese self image is often defined by we instead of I.
2. Sensei, literally meaning "former-born", refers to or addresses teachers, doctors, politicians, lawyers, and other figures of authority in an institution.
3. Kyaraben or charaben, is a shortened form of character obento a style of elaborately arranged obento which features food decorated to look like people, characters from popular media, animals, and plants