Northern Nigeria Document

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a
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NIGERIA - INFORMATION DATA
NORTH SOUTH
1. LAND MASS - 786
0
754Km
2
197,0 22 Km"
2. POPULATION (20 0 6)
.
75,0 25,166 64
0
973
o
376
3. REGISTERED VOTERS - 42
0
160
0
236 31
0
347
0
80 2
4.STATES- 19 17
5. L.G.A - 419 355
6. FEDERAL CONSTITUENCIES - 196 164
7. SENATORIAL DISTRICTS - 58 51
8.
LANGUAGES SPOKEN - 479 167
NORTHERN NIGERIA FOR EQUITY AND JUSTI
KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE
NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA
KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE
NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE
2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE
NORTHER NIGERIA THE BACK BONE
AND STRENGTH OF NIGERIA
APRIL, 2014
KEY ISSUES BEFORE NORTHERN DELEGATES
TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Introduction.... ... .. .......... ........ .......... .... as..... ....... ......... .n.. .IV
2 Derivation & Revenue Sharing ................................................................
3. Onshore/Offshore Dichotomy& Resource Control ............ ..................... 4-7
4. National Security .................................................................................... 8-12
S. States Creation & Geo-Political Zones...............................................
Is
6. Federalism, Fiscal Federalism, Regionalism etc ....................................... 15-30
7. Local Government Admninlstratlon ........................................................... 31
8. Social Welfare .........................................................................................
9. Traditional ....... .....*. .................... ........
10. Annezus
INTRODUCTION
In convening the 2014 National Conference, the President, Mr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, is
following on the footsteps of his predecessor in office, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo whose
earlier exercise was called National Political Reforms Conference, 2005. Unlike the familiar
"constitutional" conferences held both under the colonial period and military rule, the
motive or purpose for calling these 'National Conferences' by Nigeria's Presidents have
never been clear to all Nigerians. On the contrary, they have tended to be gimmick used by
the Presidents to push thro ugh certain agenda that they fear canno t po ssibly pass thro ugh
the Natio nal Assembly. Besides, the Presidents are quick to discard and abando n repo rts o f
these co nferences o nce they failed to get whatthey wanted.
The unmistakable conclusion to be drawn from the history of these exercises is thatthe 2014
National Conference, like its 2005 predecessor, is intended to permit Mr. President to take
certain actions and decisions which are not allowed without changing the constitution and
which the National Assembly may not otherwise endorse. In other words, the National
Conference is a device designed to blackmail the citizenry especially the National Assembly,
into a po sitio n where they may be powerless to prevent the introduction of certain policies
or changes no matter how obnoxious they may be to the majority of the population. Of
course, the President won't tell anyone in advance what the hidden agenda are with respect
to the Conference. One is therefore left to second guess his motives and to do so by analyzing
his pedigree, his speeches and actions as well as those of his supporters and advisers in the
five years he has been in office. On this score, the tell-tale signs of his secret ambitions are
unmistakable.
President Jonathan's supporters have missed no opportunity to remind everyone that he is
the first democratically elected president of Nigeria who is both from an ethnic minority and
from the oil rich Niger Delta. Both facts are pregnant with significance for what he might
want to do, particularly in the light of the endless agitation by people from that part of the
country to confiscate all revenue accruing from oil exploitation for themselves alone.
Whatever his motives might be, it behooves the Delegates to this Conference to 'shine their
eyes' and use a magnifying glass while looking at all proposals being brought for their
consideration. It is our hope that Northern Delegates would find the analysis and data
contained in this publication helpful in appreciating some of the issues likely to prove
contentious at the conference.
We wish to express our appreciation to the Northern Governors, the Arewa Consultative
Forum and the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation for their decision to constitute this
Think-Tank and to have found the membership suitable for the task of thinking-through the
key issues before the Conference. It is hoped that this intervention will help the Northern
Delegates assist the Conference move Nigeria forward not backwards.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 DERIVATION AND REVENUE SHARING
1.1. Under Nigeria's the Federal arrangement, the central government shares
responsibilities and resources in stipulated covenants (established by the colonial
masters at the inception and severally affirmed by Nigerians at different conferences
and Constitutions) that seeks to achieve equity, justice and fairness to all the units for
balanced development of the units and a strong enough centre for national security
and ensuring orderliness and managing international relations.
1.2. How much the regions have to contribute to the centre from revenues they generate
and how much they receive from revenue surpluses accrued to the centre (Federal
Government) and what resources should the units and the federal government have
control on, remained central issues in definingthe Nigerian federation.
1.3. Records show that the Northern region contributed 75.18% to the centre but it
received only 18.94% in services between 1914 and 1946, while the South that
contributed only 24.18% received 81.06%. The North clearly played a key role at
significant disadvantage so as to ensure a balanced development of the nation early in
its history. In fact, the contributions of the North were used for the development of
the oil sector and other regions whose contributions fell short of their needs as at
then. Similarly, agriculture in the North still contributes much more to the national
economy than is currently appreciated; the sector saves the nation billions in foreign
exchange which would otherwise have gone into food and raw materials importation.
1.4. The increasing role of petroleum oil in the national economy and a declined cash
contribution of the agricultural and other traditional factors (e.g. cattle tax) to the
central account have agitated the South, particularly the Niger Delta to demand for
new definition in revenue sharing and control of resources. The Federal government
since 1999 has taken steps which negated the principles of justice and equity to the
entire federating units, clearly threatening the balanced development of the country
for the common good of all. For example, the revenue received by the six states of the
south-South from the Federal allocation from 1999 to date amounted to N17.74
Trillion (each of the six states received on average N2.96 Trillion), while the 19 states of
the North received only N10.53 Trillion (an average of only N554 Billion per state). On
the other hand, the eleven states of the South-West and the South-East combined
together received N8.79 Trillion (an average of N799 Billion per state).
1.5. Itisthe position of this paper that the agitation made by the Niger Delta states for the
abrogation of the onshore/offshore dichotomy are uncalled for and did not
appreciate historical facts or meet the tenets of the federal system that we operate.
The Supreme Court ruling on the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy has settled the case.
1.6. Moves made by the Federal Government in awarding the contract for the protectic
of the pipelines and oil producing structures to ex-insurgents purportedly for great
involvement of citizens of the oil producing areas in the management of oil matters)
ill advised and in the light of subsequent events, a securitythreat to the whole nation
2.0 . Reco mmendatio ns
2.1. The paper, therefo re, reco mmends that the co untry takes the path o f equity and
justice and a co mmitment to a balanced develo pment o f every part o f Nigeria as
expected in a federal system.
2.2. The No rth also reco mmends the rejectio n o f claims to o il reso urces by o il pro duing
areas that led to the cancellatio n o f the o nsho re/ o ffsho re o il dicho to my which actio n
gave away a natio nal reso urce to litto ral state, serio usly ero ding revenue available fo r
distribution to all parts of the country. The North demands a reversal to status quo
ante. All mineral reso urces sho uld remain under the exclusive rights o f the Federal
Go vernment as pro vided fo r by the internatio nal law (1982 United Natio ns
Co nventio n o n the Law o f the Sea UNCLOS, Article 76) o n territo rial
waters/bo undaries which stipulated that 200 nautical miles off the continental
shelves belongs to the central government exclusively.
2.3. The derivation which is now at 13% should be reduced to at best 5% (0:55), and must
be limited only to oil on the onshore.
2.4. The North demands a new revenue sharing formula which seeks to empower the
strata of government closer to the people than the centre, i.e. the states, and the local
governments to be able to deliver on their governance responsibilities to the people.
The formula is also to ensure a strong enough Federal Government for the security of
the country, and give the co untry the stability o f directio n and fo cus o n human and
eco no mic develo pment.
2.5. Here, we recommend a vertical revenue sharing formula as follow: Federal
Government, 26%; States 39%; Local Government Areas, 35%. Also we recommend a
horizontal revenue sharing formula for the states and local government areas as
follow: equality 35%; population 30%; population density 2%; land mass 20%; terrain
5%; internal revenue generation effort 5%; and social development factor 3%. The
North rejects the frequent assertions by the South on the population figures of the
North and state clearly that the rate of population growth attributed to the North over
the years is extremely understated.
2.6.
The North recommends that all institutions and programmes established for the
benefit of a few states be abolished. These include the Niger Delta Development
Commission, the Ministry for Niger Delta, and the Amnesty Programme for the Niger
Delta militants and the component C of the SURE-P programme, the HYPADEC.
- KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE
2.7. The responsibility for the security of the Nation, including its territorial waters, and
national assets should be that of the recognised security outfits (Nigerian Army,
Nigerian Navy, Nigerian Police, and Nigerian Air Force) as enshrined in our
constitution. The engagement of the ex-insurgents as armed coast guards should be
i mmediately stopped while the Nigerian Navy should be adequately funded to
perform their functions.
2.8. The North recommends a multi-tier local government system that brings the people
closer to the government and increases their level of involvement in governance. The
revenue allocation formula review as recommended under item 4 above (FGN 26%,
States 39% and LGAs 35%) is to support the realignment of responsibilities of the tiers
of government, reducing allocation of the federal government in favour of the states
and the local governments. (For appreciation of the recommended formula, see the
detailed report).
CHAPTER TWO
1.0. RESOURCE CONTROL, ONSHORE/OFFSHORE DICHOTOMY, PIB BILL
2.1. The clamour for resources control has become heightened in recent years, especially
dueto:
i. The increase in the profile of petroleum oil in contribution to the national income.
ii. In addition, the agitation for resource control was affected by the growing sense of
ethnic chauvinism and waning attachment to the Nigerian federation in the real
patriotic sense, and,
iii. An overwhelming feeling that the oil producing areas are unduly contributing more to
the national coffers in relation to, particularlythe North.
iv. The fallacious assumption that oil is the major contributor to the national income.
2.2. While these assertions and assumptions have taken colossal proportions, the fact is,
agriculture is the main stay of the economy, providing over 60% of jobs and
contribution to the GOP. A simple exercise in per capita distribution of amounts
received from the monthly allocation of revenue from the centre in the average by a
northern state comes to a mere N600 per month per head. Kano State, for example,
with a population of about 15 million received the sum of N6,812,887,206.72 in
federally allocated revenue in February 2014. This amount distributed per head
among the population will give only N462 per person for the month. This is hardly
enough to feed anybody for a
day.
It is evident that other sources provide the bulk of
the revenue for sustenance than the revenue received from the centre.
2.3.
Therefore, this fervent increase in agitation for total resource control that
overemphasised revenue from oil minerals by the oil mineral producing states (the
Niger Delta) is a complete over hyping of the contribution of oil to keeping the nation
together. This is needless to say that the agitation is a complete negation of the tenets
of a brothers' keeper of a federal system of government which Nigeria had decided to
practice longtime ago.
2.4.
The demand for resource control is indeed also oblivious of other relevant facts:
i.
The Nigerian constitution gave the ownership of all mineral resources found in any
part of the country to the Federal Government of Nigeria. The history of revenue
sharing between the regions and the centre was 50:50, but limited to revenue derived
from activities that involved human effort. All mineral resources had belonged to the
centre, and this new adventure on resource control is totally new concept, and alien
to the practice in the Nigerian.
Therefore, unless the Constitution is amended to take away this ownership from the
Federal Government, total resource control by any Nigerian state is a breach of the
covenant of the federation as enshrined in the Constitution and hence, akin to claim
to pull out of the Nigerian Federation. Similarly, all regions of the federation are
stakeholders in the Nigerian oil. In particular with regards to petroleum oil:
a. The North played a key role in the financing of oil exploration in the Niger Delta;
b. And made sacrifices in resources and human life to develop the oil industry, and
protect the Niger Delta from total eclipsing by the protagonist of the Biafra
contraption;
2.4. The reasons for the hyped clamour for total resource control are, therefore,
untenable. Nevertheless, the country may be better off if all states took 100%
ownership of all natural resources buried under their lands.
2.6. Revenue derived from activities that have material and direct human effort in their
accumulation and or making should be shared in relation to the effort required in their
generation.
2.7. All royalties and taxes due to the Federal Government on all minerals resources, both
oil and non-oil should continue to be paid to the centre for the benefit of all the states.
2.8. The funding of the NDDC should revert to the Niger Delta states taking 100% control of
their resources. Thus, the NDDC shall totally be the responsibility of the states and not
the Federal Government. The Niger Delta States can, however, benefit from Ecological
Funds, just as all other states that have environmental challenges.
2.9. Other institutional support programmes established for the Niger Delta or specifically
the oil producing states should also be scrapped including the Ministry for the Niger
Delta.
3.0. Onshore/Off-Shore Oil Dichotomy
3.1. The basis for the abrogation of the laws that ensured the inclusion or otherwise of oils
extracted from offshore wells for the accruing of revenues earned from mineral oil for
the calculation of the percentage allocation on derivation (to take care of particular
developmental challenges) to oil mineral producing states has been subject of intense
debate. Clearly, the Supreme Court has ruled that revenues from oil gotten from deep
water seas and offshore wells should not be part of the sums available for calculation
of the derivation percentage to be given to coastal states.
tSt UKtI HE INLJKI r1LIc.IN LJnLr1Ut%Ir1a I 'JI nic hVI$ it%1 i juirt
3.2. The abrogation of the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy was at best done to bend to
undue, unjustifiable pressure and criminal militancy in the region led to the eventual
abrogation of the onshore/offshore dichotomy, the justification rested mainly on
moral justification ratherthan soundness of the arguments for the claims or the law.
3.3 Similarly, the international law is.very clear on the claim to ownership of resources
that lie outside of the continental shelf and or low water marks of the littoral states.
International law also gives us a guide as to really who a littoral state is. Clearly, the
coastal states of Nigeria where oil minerals are extracted are not "States"; rather, they
are part of the Nigerian State who is the littoral state by the definition in international
law. Therefore, in addition to the constitutional provision that all mineral resources in
the country belong to the Federal Government; the coastal states where oil mineral is
currently being extracted should not claim the resource as their own. International
laws (decided cases in the US, and Canada) include:
Article 27 of the International Convention on
United States vs. California
United states vs. Texas
Canada vs. the Province of British Colombia
3.4. By international conventions governing territorial waters and boundaries, all
territorial waters within 300 nautical miles off continental shelves, and resources
therein belong to the exclusive preserve of the central government (the State) not
regions or communities resident by such shores. That is why it is the responsibility of
the Federal Government to provide security and protect the integrity of the country,
not just of coastal communities.
3.5.
The adherence by Nigeria to principles, conventions and laws it has signed and ratified
cannot be selective, or at the convenience of local interests. If that is the case, then,
for example, Nigeria should not have agreed to hand over the Bakasi Peninsula to the
Cameroun.
3.6
Nigeria is bound by international laws and cannot, therefore, decide at will, on issues
decided by international laws and conventions to suit narcissistic purposes. The
Federal Government has no liberty to deliberately create social and economic
i mbalance between regions simply to please an agitated group.
3.7
The onshore/off shore case was merely addressed on moral grounds rather than on
the legality of the case or on soundness of argument. Therefore, there must also be a
moral argument, which is constitutional and more sacrosanct for engendering equity
in development effort, stability and national security for the return to status quo in
the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy.
O D
CHAPTER THREE
NATIONAL SECURITY
1.0. Introduction
National Security has to do with the protection of a country's core national interests
and values, the well-being of its people and institutions, as well as its sovereignty and
territorial integrity. The current threats to National Security have become too
numerous.
1.1. Threat Perception
Some of the threats to National Security include the following:
Insurgency (Terrorism, Kidnapping, Armed Robbery and Assassinations)
Cross Border Banditry
Trafficking in Persons and Child Labour
Poverty and social exclusion
Religious Fault Lines
Small Arms and Light Weapons
Herdsmen/ pastoralists conflicts
Economic Insecurity
Health Insecurity
The Practice of federalism in Nigeria
Leadership
-
AM-
manned. There are 85 routes in the Northeast with only five legal control posts. 80
illegal routes are unmanned.NIC is responsible for the issuance of various
I mmigration facilities; I mplementation of multilateral and bilateral agreements;
Manning of all airports, seaports and land borders for the purpose of control of
admission and departure of persons from Nigeria; Constant patrol of Nigeria's aerial,
coastal and land borders.
1.2.8. Nigeria Customs Service: The functions of the Nigeria Customs Service include, but
not limited to the following: Collection of Revenue (Import /Excise Duties & other
Taxes /Levies) and accounting for same; Anti-Smuggling activities; Security functions;
Generating statistics for planning and Budgetary purposes; Monitoring Foreign
Exchange utilization etc.; Engaging in Research, Planning and Enforcement of Fiscal
Policies of Government; Manifest processing; Licensing and registration of Customs
Agents; Registration and designation of collecting banks; and Working in
collaboration with other government agencies in all approved ports and border
station. Should it be under a Ministry of Finance or Interior? How can its security
function be enhanced and better projected?
2.0. Recommendations
2.1. There should be a dynamic but comprehensive national security policy and strategy
for Nigeria.
2.2. There should be a comprehensive National Counter-insurgency strategy for Nigeria.
2.3.
The military should introduce mobile active roadblocks to control the movement of
illegal arms and ammunitions, criminals/terrorists/insurgents.
2.4. Establish Army Headquarters Reserve Force.
2.5.
The Federal Government should acquire more advanced technological surveillance
equipment and infrastructure to respond more adequately to the issues of
insurgency, including the excessive congestion at traffic check points. The ONSA
should facilitate the introduction of more modern methods to replace current road
blocks.
2.6.
Agitations through insurgency in whatever guise should never be rewarded in the
Federal Republic of Nigeria by any level of government. While victims of insurgencies
could be adequately compensated, the perpetrators should be sufficiently punished.
Amnesty as a mechanism for appeasing insurgents or militancy should be stopped
henceforth. Thus, the current amnesty programme in the Niger Delta, along with the
Ministry of Niger Delta should be abolished forthwith.
2.7. The Federal Government should implement the reports of all Presidential
Panels/Committees on Security in the Northern states of the country.
2.8. Counterinsurgency (COIN) should be a blend of comprehensive civilian and military
efforts designed to simultaneously contain insurgency and address its root causes.
COIN approaches must be adaptable and agile.
2.9. At the strategic level, understanding is required of the population factors behind the
insurgency, its stage of progression, the reforms required to address its causes, and
the wiIlingnes and ability of the government to make those reforms. At the
operational level, understanding is required of the strengths and vulnerabilities of the
insurgent strategy, the strengths and weaknesses of the government and the
requirements of the population. Continuous feedback on the degree of success of on-
going COIN efforts is also critical. At the tactical level, understanding is required of the
identity of active insurgents, their networks, logistics, capabilities and intent.
2.10. A special border patrol outfit (with similar role as coast guards) may be formed; a
combined operation of military, immigration and customs may be trained to start
operations immediately to curtail the influx of dangerous weapons and foreign
insurgency elements into the country, particularly, the northern states. The Nigeria
I mmigration Service should be authorized to recruit at least 8,000 personnel annually
for the Nigeria Immigration Service for effective management of the entry routes into
the country. Communities around the porous borders could be recruited as border
guards and giving specific responsibility of patrolling the borders.
2.11. Incorporate, modern surveillance devices and improvement of technical intelligence.
Increase maritime and air domain Intelligence Surveillance & Reconnaissance (ISR)
awareness of Nigeria's maritime environment vis--vis the Gulf of Guinea. Provide
sufficient radars, navigational aids, control tower/base ops equipment, and
meteorological equipment. Community based intelligence systems such as
stakeholder forums and interaction with the traditional rulers should be commenced
by the security agencies in communities to empower the local communities in
information sharing and necessary actions.
2.12. Traditional rulers should remain insulated from partisan politics, in order to maintain
their moral standing to play a mediatory role during disputes, and to safeguard the
integrity of their offices and their independence. Traditional Rulers should be
accorded specific responsibilities with commensurate delegated authority for
security management, among other things, in their domains.
2.13. The traditional and religious institutions should be integrated into the security
system, particularly in the business of intelligence gathering. The traditional security
arrangement should be re-invented to complement the formal security arrangement.
This actio n wo uld give every
Nigerian a sense of responsibility in the administration of
national security.
2.14. There should be more stringent laws against corruption, including a consideration of
death sentence or Life Imprisonment to certain category of corrupt officials. Fighting
corruption require effective legislation, regulations and codes of conduct.
2.15. The country requires a comprehensive security secto r that takes into consideration
the multiplicity of actors interacting on different levels and a new framework of
decentralized law enforcement as well as security administration, while putting in
place institutional measures to protect the system from being appropriated by
politicians. In this regards, multi-level policing should be given a firm consideration in
a federal setting.
2.16. Federal Government should contribute more significantly to the maintenance and
equipping of the security agencies in the no rth so that state go vernment funds, which
are meant fo r infrastructural, so cial and human capital develo pment in the states, are
used solelyforthat purpose.
2.17. Nigeria and especially the Northern states need leaders that are knowledgeablethat
have vision and have the ability to think of the future; in terms of what needs to be
done now to cope successfully with what the future might bring; Leaders that are
fearless and are prepared to persevere and that are responsive and sensitive to the
feelings and perceptions of its followers. Nigeria, especially the northern states need a
leadership that is nationally accepted regardless of ethnicity, region, religion, and
where he/she comes from. Nigeria needs a leader that could., promote good
governance, forge national integration through deliberate and articulated policies.
2.18. Government should ensure that each State should define its own cattle grazing routes
which will then be harmonized with those of adjacent states. Governments should
secure existing grazing reserves and also consider cattle ranches with a view to making
the herdsmen less nomadic. State governments with capacity and who have need
should create new grazing reserves and cattle ranches. The FGN should come up with
a long term research-driven framework of settling nomadic Fulani pastoralists and
changing the methods of raising their livestock.
2.19. In order to stem the tide of threats to national security, Nigeria must take the
challenge of youth unemployment seriously by generating emplo yment and creating
multiple access to inco me generating activities fo r the yo uths. There sho uld be a fixed
o r reserved fund fo r yo uth empo werment activities o n a larger scale.
CHAPTER FOUR
1.0. States Creation and Geo-Political Zones
1. While one cannot doubt the contributions which the creation of states have done to
the Nigerian project, it is also true that too many states have tended to convert them
into mere cost or effort centers atthe expense of socio economic development. It is
against this backdrop that ACF believes that the creation of any additional states at
this point in time is counterproductive and, therefore, should be kept on hold until the
need can be justified in future.
1.2. The argument that creation of states should be on the basis of equality irrespective of
population and land mass is inconsistent with elementary concept of justice, since
injustice is not only when equals are treated unequally but also when unequal's are
treated equally.
2.0. Factual data on States
2.1. On the basis of population and landmass, the 36 states structure of Nigeria brings up
the following fact:
2.2. Population Average Per State = 140.003,542 = 3,888,987
36
Landmass Average per State = 983.77&km2 = 27,327km
2

36
3.0. How the Geo-Political Zones Stand:
3.1. The South East has a population of 16,381,729 and total Land Mass of 33,664km2
3.2. Meaning each of the five states on average has a population and land mass of
IV
3,276,345 and 6733km2 respectively.
3.3. Population Average per State in the South East is far less than the national average by
612,642 people and
3.4. Indeed the average Landmass per state in the South East is not up to 25% of the
National Average that is to saythe total land Mass of all states of the South East is just a
little above the National Average per State.
3.5. On the Contrary, the North West has 7 States, a population of 35,786,944 and
2
landmass of22l,120km
3.6.
Average Population per State in the North West= 5,112,421 which is 1,223,434 higher
than National Average.
3.7. Average Landmass per state in the North West= 31,589km
2
meaning each state in the
North West is almost equal to the entire landmass of the South Eastern states in
Landmass.
3.8. For the South West:
3.9. 6 states with population of 27,581,994, averaging 4,596,999 which is 1,320,654 far
higher than the South EastAverage
3.10. By Landmass, the South West has 78,774, which is 13,129km2 or twice the South East
average
4.0. Implication of factual Data
4.1. For additional state to be created in the South East, the South West must have up to 9
states first, if population is the deciding factor.
'4.2. Also if land mass is the deciding factor South West must have as much as 12 states
before any additional State is created in South East.
5.0 Geo-Political Zones as so-called Federating Units: -
P5.1. This proposition, which formed the cardinal position of the South East since the 1994
Constitutional Conference, has been crafted to whittle down any political advantage
the North could exercise in Nigeria's body politics despite its huge territorial size and
large population.
5.2.
Yet, the concept of geo-political zones has no place in our Constitution and it should
remain so.
0
governments. The theory aims at improving the performance of the public sectors
and the provision of their services by ensuring a proper alignment of responsibilities
and fiscal instruments to carry out these responsibilities for economic efficiency and
welfare maximization. The theory itself lays out a general normative framework, and
its precepts only provided general guidelines with no firm principles.
2.3. Generally, the theory of fiscal federalism was developed n the historical experiences
of nations that emerged or unified by the coming together of independent territories
to form larger political polities, such as the cases of Switzerland, Germany, Canada, or
the United States of America. In its classical theory, thus, central government of such a
federal system is a creation of the regional/provincial governments. But even among
nations founded on such classical structure of federal system there is no universal
structure of operating fiscal federalism.
2.4. At any rate, there are no two federal systems that are exactly the same. Rather, federal
systems evolved and operate within the context of historical dynamics of the
respective human societies operating them .A number of the countries operating
federal system are non-classical federations, which adopted the system as an
appropriate mechanism to manage political and cultural plurality. It is now being
estimated that there are more than 25 countries, with 40 per cent of the World's
population practicing federal systems of government. There are also countries, such
as Iraq, that are now regarded as on transition to federalism.
2.5. There is no universal definition of federalism or essential principles but there are key
features of federalism, which are the existence of a central government sharing
power/functions with regional/provincial/sub-national/territorial/local
governments over the same citizens and each tier of government derives its own
legitimacy from citizens under its jurisdiction. As a result, therefore, scholars
categorize different modes of federalism, from co-operate federalism to co-ordinate
federalism to organic federalism as a means to distinguish the variety of systems being
practiced by different nations. Thus, federalism in reality is a continuum running from
alliances and associated states through to centralized government with federal
system lying at some point in between.
3.0. Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria
3.1. The Nigerian State was born in October 1914. Nigeria's mode of fiscal federalism dates
back to 1914 through colonial taxation policy and financial arrangement pioneered by
the British Colonial Administration, which subsequently financed the development of
all national institutions and assets that the nation holds today. After the splitting of
Southern Nigeria into the Western Region and Eastern Region, the ensuring political
developments necessitated new constitutional development that provided the
Richard Constitution of 1946. Six months before this new Constitution took effect in
-
January
1947 an elaborate study and planning for structure of fiscal arrangement for
the Nigerian State was commissioned under Sir Sydney Phillipson with the following
terms of reference: -
a).
To study comprehensively and make appropriate recommendations regarding the
problems of the administrative and financial procedure to be adopted under the new
constitution; and,
b) To examine, in the light of its historical antecedents, the problem of financial relations
between the Nigerian Government and the Native Administration with a view to
making recommendations as to the policy and procedure which should determine
those relations in the future."
c) Obviously true fiscal federalism in Nigeria would give full support to the on-going
clamour for the abrogation of the Constitutional provision for the existence of the
state/local government joint account.
3.2. In undertaking his assignment, Phillipson made a detailed study of the revenue and
expenditure profile of the Regions and their Native Administrations, which clearly
show the contributions of the Regional Governments to the Central Fund as well as to
the general government services that created and financed the developments of
common national institutions and assets. Government had the power to enact
taxation law but the responsibility for collecting the proceeds of direct tax from
individuals residing with the jurisdiction of Native Administrations had been assigned
to the individual Native Administrations. The Native Administrations were allowed
retaining 50 percent of what they had collected and passing on the remaining 50 per
cent to Government. While individual Native Administration expended the retained
portion of the tax for various financial services including payment of salaries of their
staff, the Government was responsible for executing some essentials services in the
provinces. The Table below gives the actual annual revenue contribution from the
Native Administrations of Northern and Southern Provinces to the central fund as
well as the expenditure incurred by the Central Government on the provincial services
in the Northern and Southern Provinces:
Table A: Actual Provincial Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund And Government
Expenditure On Provincial Services, 1914 To 192516
YEAR ACTUAL NORTHERN PROVINCES SOUTHERN PROVINCES
1914 Revenue 207,778
Expenditure 888,651
1915 Revenue 345,662 S 14,483
Expenditure 27,720 33,824
1916 Revenue 483,041 358,737
Expenditure 371,441 1,048,998
1917 Revenue 510,754 357,000
1918 Revenue 450,897 290,979
1919 Revenue 555,040 575,890
Expenditure 350,276 1,154,307
1920 Revenue 579,210 588,955
Expenditure 509,515 1,900,973
1921/22 Revenue 586,155 288,600
1922/23 Revenue 563,580 101,500
1923/24 Revenue 579,900 110,000
1924/25 Revenue 610,620 115,170
1925/26 Revenue 603,300 115,170
Total Revenue 3,008,196
Total Expenditure 3,830,223 8,736,786
3.3.
In 1926-27 the share retained by each "fully organized" Native Administration was
raised from 50 percent to 70 percent, while the not fully organized NA continued to
retain the same 50 per cent. Table B below gives the revenue contribution from the
Northern and Southern provinces and the expenditure of the Central Government on
Provincial Services in the Northern and Southern Provinces:
Table B: Actual Provincial Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund And Government
Expenditure On Provincial Services, 1926127 To 1938139
YEAR ACTUAL
NORTHERN PROVINCES
SOUTHERN PROVINCES
1926/27 Revenue
608,660 121,030
Expenditure
361,102
708,752
1927/28 Revenue
645,800 143,850
Expenditure
366,340
564,139
1928/29 Revenue
452,000 264,070
________
1929/30 Revenue
499,295 327,166
1930/31 Revenue 481,126 329,294
1931/32 Revenue 461,781 277,163
1932/33 Revenue 489,710 279,400
1933/34 Revenue 551,328 287,020
1934/35 Revenue 531,940 272,900
1935/36 Revenue 518,325 272,300
1936/37 Revenue 523,795 279,930
1937/38 Revenue 579,100 291,050
Expenditure NA - NA
1938/39 Revenue 579,960 269,220
Expenditure
NA NA
Total Revenue 6,929,820 3,414,393
Total Expenditure 2,114,606
4,269,791
3.4. In 1937/8
Government stopped publishing the expenditures separately for Central
Government and the Northern and Southern Provinces as the Southern Protectorate
was split into the Eastern and Western Regions with Headquarters at Enugu and Ibadan
respectively. But the system of revenue collection by the Central Government and
Native Administrations in the Provinces continued.
3.5. In 1932 the 70
per cent share of direct taxes being retained by the "fully organized"
Native Administrations was reduced to 60 per cent. And, in
1937 the policy "was
rejected on the ground that it led to inequality of development and replaced by a policy
of adjusting the apportionment according to the needs of particular Native
Administration subject to the general conditions that: (I) The proposal objects of
expenditure were such as were proper for Native Administration rather than the
Government to undertake and finance; (II) The previous year's tax had been
satisfactorily collected; and, (Ill) The new expenditure was on purposes such as Nigeria
as a whole could afford. The net effect of this policy was to allow Native Administrations
of the Southern Provinces an increased share of tax amounting to 28,000 annually.
Based on the new policy the derived revenue from the provinces into the central
revenue fund extracted.fro,m Nigerian Estimates are shown in the Table C below
Table C: Actual Province Revenue Contributions To The Central Fund By The Native
Administration In The Northern, Eastern And Western Provinces, 1939-40 To 1947-48
1939/40 581,410 127,940 119,260
1940/41 5971000 123,300 120,100
1941/42 624,164 114,544 13,591
1942/43 620,000 124,000 30,050
1943/44 619,500 114,380 114,640
.1944/45 594,740 114,140 125,791
945/46 590738 :E107,092 125,359
1946/47 364,620 109,760 49,220
547/48 313,520 110,770 36,910
!IOTAL 4,883,028 . 1,054,882 824,969
i. Without a doubt, and right from the beginning, the commitment of the North to the
gerian nation was clearly much more apparent than that of the South. For example, the
rth, economically more buoyant at that time due to its expansive agricultural production
d solid minerals, and obviously with a larger heart than the South, contributed in many
J more than the other regions to the central government.
The North that contributed up
87.41% of the total revenue of the amalgamated Nigeria after 1914 (1914-1954) ended
receiving only 9.48% of its contribution in terms of expenditure to it -by, the central
vernment. . . . .. . .. .
Table 1: Contribution to the Federation Account by the Regions in 1943
Province General Tax Livestock Tax Total %
Northern 506,000 120,000 620,000 71.00
Eastern 122,000 2,000 124,000 14.17
Western 125,000 50 125,000 14.30
Lagos Colony 5,000 0 ' 5,000 0.53
Total 752,600 122,250 874,850 100
Source:
The Politics of Principles in. Nigeria, the Example of NEPU, Edited by Alkasum
Abba, Centre for Democratic Development Research and Research
3.7.
On the other hand, the expenditure by the Federation on the regions heavily f
the other: regions. For example the table below shows the expenditure on ed
for the same period as above:
I
Table 2: Expenditure by the Federation in the Regions on Education 1943
Amount
Northern 2,341 2.33
Eastern 47,000 46.85
Western 34,000 33.88
Lagos Colony 17,000 16,94
Total 100,341 100
Source: The Politics of Principles in Nigeria, the Example of NEPU, Published August 2
Edited by Alkasum Abba, Centre for Democratic DevelOpment Research and Research
3.8.
This was a pattern that continued for a longtime. In an analysis by MaDam Adamu I
for a period of forty years (1914-1954), he indicated-that the Northern provin
contributed a total of 18,000,000 to the central fund compared with E8,000)
contributed by the Southern provinces. This contrasts with the expenditure of ab
13,000,000 by the central government in the Southern provinces for the sa
period on provincial services as against only 6,000,000 in the Northern provinces.
3.9.
In fact, the North subsidised the rest of the country, especially the Eastern provi
almost throughout these forty years, as their (the East's) contribution to the
CE
was in deficit to what it actually received.
3.10. Nigeria did not start reaping any significant contribution of the oil sector to its n
income until after 1973 when the surge in the oil prices internationally as a re
the Middle East crisis produced the first oil boom. Prior to that, the North gene
gave the needed fund for the development and educational need of both the ea
ZA1 r,31'.) Ixir. ZUiqN LJ.JNPLLAJ
western regions and the Lagos colony and funded the oil exploration in the Niger Delta
of Nigeria. The North sacrificed its own development honestly and altruistically in the
spirit of building a nation. The North has hence, remained:
3.10.1 Left short of funds for its education developed; its well crafted catching up. plans have,
ever since the collapse of the first republic in 1966, been thwarted by underfunding
from the centre and ill defined blanket national educational policies.
3.10.2. Agriculturally stagnated; the complete shift in focus to the development of the
petroleum sector deprived the agricultural sector of all forms of support and
modernisation. For example, the marketing boards and extension services were
jettisoned and nothing was instituted in their place to develop the sector, thus
throwing 65% of the population that depended on the sector into wilderness. Despite
that, the sector contributed immensely to the national economy and making huge
savings to the national income which could otherwise have gone into the importation
of food to feed the nation or and raw materials for its industries. The table below
shows the contribution of the NOrth in some agricultural produce:
Table 3: Daily Statistics of livestock & Produce taken from the North to the South (2012)
Produce Lagos P/H Aba Calabar Enugu Onitsha Ibadan Total Amount
3.11. The agricultural sector which actually produced the resources for the exploration of
oil, thereby, remained at subsistence level undermining the capacity of the North to
i mprove the viability of its economy. In fact, the Obasanjo administration made
policies that effectively destroyed any prospects for the development and growth of
the agricultural sector. For example the following programmes that could have made
the difference in the agricultural sector were scrapped. These include:
Gum Arabic development project
b. National Accelerated Tree Crops Programme
c. Presidential Initiative on Tree Crops
d. Commerce 44
e. Green Wall Aforestation National Project
12. The concentration of all major developmental projects in the South led to the demise
of all of the North's industries. Projects such as electric power supply, communication,
access to water ways (ports, without equal attention to development of inland
waterways and hinterland, ports), and the abandonment of the railway system, all
adversely affected the North economically.
3.13. Indeed, the North sacrificed its future with no strings attached to reaping any benefits
other than building a strong and prosperous Nigeria when even the colonial
administration neither could risk resources from the United Kingdom or those
OP
available to it at the centre for some of the unsure ventures (especially oil exploration
at that time).
3.14 It is very important to note
the other supreme sacrifices the North made to the
making of the Nigerian Federation:
3.14.1 The acceptance by the North in creating 12 States at the first instance, later 19 states,
21 states, 30 states and eventually 36 states in Nigeria plus the FCT even though the
population and land mass of the North byfar exceeded that of the South.
3.14.2. The North had to abandon its well coordinated strategy of unity in diversity under
(constantly seen as a threat by those outside of the North), undermining the
tremendous achievements made in that direction for an economically strong North
with well educated labour force for nation building. The consequence of that sacrifice
is what we see today in insecurity and communal upheavals undermining every
aspect of the life in the North. This sacrifice was done purely to please the south
who felt threatened by unified North.
3.14.3. The funding of the civil war was entirely done by the North at great sacrifice to
its wellbeing, at the expense of investment in human and economic development of
the entire region. The North sold forward all its groundnut and cotton for a number of
years, risking forward delivery contract of three years for all it agricultural produce to
prosecute the civil war.
3.14.4 The North supplied more than 80%-90% of the arms and men that executed the civil
war.
0.
3.14.5 The North funded the exploration for oil in the Niger Delta, using Northern resources
etc.
3.15 The4 sacrifices are seen by the South only through the prism of a desire by the North
to be in Nigeria to reap some phantom benefits that the North is imagined to be
affixed on achieving.
3.16
Unfortunately, the North is only now coming to grip with the disappointment on the
lack of will and commitment of the political leadership of southern extraction at the
centre to uphold the principles of fairness and equity as demanded by a federal
system.
3.17
In fact, since the current democratic dispensation set in 1999, this expectation for
fairness had completely disappeared. Rather, there has been systematic dismantling
of the North and jettisoning of justice and fairness and commitment to achieving a
OP
balanced federation. Thus for example:
The abolishing of the onshore/offshore dichotomy on revenue derived from
petroleum resources
The abandoning of the dredging of the Niger river
The abandoning of the northern gas pipeline project
The complete disrgird to federal character in appointment of senior personnel of
federal agencies and establishments
Establishment of all major electric power projects in the South while the hydro
electric projects mainly remained on the drawing board
Empowerment of youth of the Niger delta at extreme cost while no similar project
being even contemplated for the North which is now being seriously challenged by
poverty, unemployment and insecurity, among others.
Engagement of the ex-militants as an armed security outfits at huge contract amounts
and great danger to the rest of the country as they have made no pretence of the
destruction they would unleash on the country if their aspirations are not met. Their
engagement is also to the detriment of the development of the Nigerian Navy to
perform its constitutional role of protecting the integrity of the country.
This lack of commitment completely negates the principles upon which the federation
is laid.
It has, therefore, become the imperative of the North to demand the practice of
federalism in at least It's essential form, which requires the system to be built on the
achievement of national strategic objectives of human and economic growth and
development, efficiency in resource allocation (towards a balanced development of
all of the regions), national integration and political stability, all promoted in a just
and equitable manner.
Fiscal federalism and structure of government in Nigeria
While there may be a need to examine the current structure of the federation for its
suitability for the achievement of the aspirations of the people (the federating units),
we are assuming that the existing structure is ideal for now.
Our focus here is, therefore, only to suggest, in the light of basic tenets of a successful
federation what the structure of responsibilities and the requisite fiscal instruments
should be to guarantee the North's position as an equal partner in Nigeria,
emphasising that the issue of revenue allocation should not be seen as mere sharing
the national pie, but a purposeful and efficient deployment of resources to achieve
the strategic national objectives.
Distribution of revenue sharing 1999- Date
Table 4: Statutory Gross Allocation plus 13% Derivation (1999 - Feb 2014)
Region Allocation %of Population % of Land
South-South 11,872,324,441,574 45.38
6 states
South West +
South East 4,917,130,423,102 18.79
11 states
21,014,655 15.01 84,567 8.
43,963,721 31.39 112,150 1
North 9.375,256,633,536 35.83. 75,025,166 53.60 786,754 80
19 states
Gross 26,164,711,498,213 100 140,003,542 100 983,776 100
Source: Federal Ministry of Finance, Office of the Accountant General, and Revenue
Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission, 2013
Table 5: Summary of Total Allocations and Federal Govt Capital Projects Expenditure in the Reg ions (May
February 2014)
Region
South-South
6 states
North
19 states
South East &
South West
11 states
Statutory 13%
FGN Capital
Total
Nalra
Naira
Naira
Naira
2,498,841,864,826
9,373,482,576,748
5,864,669,622,126
17,736,994,063,701 47.
9,375,256,633,536 00.00 1
1,151,988,675,774 10,527,245,309,311
28.41
4,917,130,423,102 449,369
1
266,862
3,455,966,027,325 8,792,465,717,288
23&
Total
16,761,228,921,465 9,822851,843,610 10,472,624,325,226 37,056,705,090,301 100
Average total allocation to each of the 6 states of the South-South =
N2,956,165,677,283, = 300% of National average
Average total allocation to each of the19 states of the North = N554,065,542,595, =
50% of National average
Average total allocation to each of the 11 states of the South-East and South- West =
N799,315065,208 = 80% of National average
National supposed average for 36 states = Ni, 029,352,9 19, i75
Coast guard contract with the ex-militants (Tompolo and others); in 2012 alone, the
NNPC is reported to have made payments to companies owned by ex-militants to the
tune of N6.2 billion (US$43.7) ostensively for the protection of petroleum pipeline
networks in the creeks and swamps of the Niger Delta. Yet oil theft had been
unprecedented forcing a huge drop in revenue accrued to the federal government;
shell had to declare a "force Majeure" on crude oil export from Nigeria on March 26,
2014.
The details in section 2.2 above clearly shows that the revenue allocation formula in
place since 1999 has failed to live by the principles of fairness, justice, equitable
development and distribution of resource between federating units as required in the
practice of federal system of government. The current status neither does ensure
political stability nor creating a strong nation worthy of the pride of its citizens. This
trend should not continue if we must avoid a country with disparate regions in terms
of development; in fact a situation where the Nortfr can easily be subsumed by the
South as an appendage of dependent people, with no future of its own.
This must be avoided. We, therefore, seek the modification of the revenue sharing
formula reflecting the Supreme Court Decision of 2002, abrogating the existence of
special funds accruing to the Federal Government and on onshore/offshore
dichotomy, and taking into account some critical indices included in the RAF laws but
hitherto not given the prominence they deserved. Our proposed revenue sharing
formula is as presented below:
5.0. Proposed Revenue Allocation Formula (RAF)
5.1 Vertical Revenue Allocation Formula (Sharing formula between the 3 tiers of
government)
really the closest to the people and which is all that government is all about.
The Horizontal Revenue Allocation Formula
Sharing by the states and local governments/Area council among themselves)
This involved the sharing of the revenue due to the states and the LGA's/AC's from the
Federation Account using some agreed, approved indices of Revenue Allocation in the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as follows:
L New Horizontal Revenue Allocation Formula
States LGA's/AC's
Equality of States /LGAs 35%
-
35%
r
Population
30% 30%
Population Density 2% 2%
Land Mass 20% 20%
Terrain
5% 5%
Revenue Generation effort 4% 4%
Social Development Factor
I). School enrolment 1% 1%
ii). Hospital Beds 1% 1%
iii). Portable Water Supply 1% 1%
iv). Rural Roads 1% 1%
Total 100% 100%
Our support for this revenue sharing formula
is based on the real advantage the North
has in terms of population and land mass. We based our support on the commitment
to the imperatives of good governance by the Northern Governors for the progress
and continued relevance of the North in the Nigerian federation.
In recommending this, we are very much aware of the erosion of the revenue
accruable to the centre by the incursion of certain policies like the 13 percent
derivation allocation to the oil producing states from all the oil collections, in addition
to the creation of the NDDC and the Federal Ministry for Niger Delta, which
collectively take a big chunk of what is accruable to the national account for
subsequent sharing to all parts of the country (including the Niger delta States) and
the centre (see the table below). If this is not corrected, it is a sure road to destruction
of the federalism that is being practiced, as there is no justice or equity in play, and it is
rife with the threats of political, social and economic instability and imbalance in the
system that, in the long run will be a burden to the people.
Not too removed from the issues of revenue allocation are the problem of
environmental degradation and other ecological challenges. States in the oil
producing areas have been receiving allocations supposedly for the amelioration of
the plight of communities from the degradations and hazards caused to their
environment by the oil exploration and exploitation. On the other hand, there are
quite a number of environmental challenges facing the North today for which nothing
is being received. For example:
7.3.1. Extensive animal rearing principally for food have famished most grazing lands in the
1

North forcing large scale migration of herdsmen elsewhere with its inherent
challenges metamorphosing now into national security issue. Meat production is for
the benefit of all Nigerians. The North has remained the major supplier of this
essential food item to the whole country, conserving foreign exchange for the natlon
(as indicated earlier in table ) apart from the earnings from export of hides and skin,
bones and horns and other taxes on the animal head counts contributed to the
economy. This "industry" has the capacity for development into diary production
which importation is currently gulping billions of naira annually. Special allocation for
development of grazing lands and development of modern animal rearing system,
therefore, is necessary, and a special allocation in the revenue formula is therefore
required.
7.3.2. Deforestation, soil erosion and degradation in the North as a result of clearing of lands
for farming to meet the large food demands of the country. This has become a huge
environmental challenge for the North that needs special and urgent attention.
7.3.3. The North has remained an open space and the preferred region for settlements for all
citizens, exerting pressure on the land, gradually diminishing a valuable resource of
the North in terms of alternative more productive activities (e.g. modern farming).
7.3.4. Therefore, there should be equity in show of concern; and commitment to the
operation of sound federal system in the country. To achieve this, the North needs to
demand for:
I. The Ministry for the Niger Delta development and the NDDC should be scrapped as
clearly it negates the principles of justice as it serves only the interest of one region.
ii. There should be an agency for the exploration and development of oil and gas in the
North.: The provision in the proposed Petroleum Industry Bill that relegates the
responsibility for management of the oil exploration function in areas other than the
Niger Delta to a department in the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, directly under
the authority of the Minister must not be allowed.
iii. The dredging of the Niger and Benue rivers should be priority projects. The North
should demand for the completion in minimum time of the project to enhance the
capacity of the North and indeed all Nigerians to partake in business, commercial and
agricultural activities. Such infrastructural development will add to the prospects of
Nigeria as an investment haven to the much needed foreign direct investors.
The North should demand the implementation of the Hydro Power projects across it.
The various plans for the construction of about six other hydro power projects on the
Benue and other rivers that have the potential for an estimated 40,000 mega watts of
electricity production (now in our archives) should be dusted for immediate
implementation. In particular, the .Mambila / Benue hydro project should be given
immediate attention. These are resources that must be developed in the North to
achieve the regional economic balance and stability that can contribute to the nation
with a potential for much wider economic impactthan oil.
IOEH
CHAPTER SIX
1.0. Local Government Administration
Local Government Administration constitutes the third tier of governance in th
context of Nigeria's political structure. Local Governments are regarded as agenciE
for grassroots political participation as well as apparatus for rural development an
transformation.
1.2. To effectively perform and make the desired impact, both as a tier of government and
agency for political and socio-economic transformation of the rural areas, Local
Governments must be given specific constitutional and fiscal responsibilities
commensurate to the resources at their disposal. Responsibilities such as primary
education/basic education, primary health care provision, basic skills acquisition
programs, construction and maintenance of rural roads, construction and
maintenance of basic rural infrastructures such as rural markets and abattoirs, and
community security co-ordination in conjunction with traditional institutions should
be primarily handled by the Local Governments.
1.3. Consequently, therefore, Local Governments should be both politically and financially
independent from the States direct control. Funds form the Federation Account be
disbursed directly to the Local Government Councils and the existing procedure of
Join Account with the States be abolished.
1.4. The political structure of Local Government Administration should be small, cost
effective, and result-oriented. The structure should consist of: Executive Council
comprising the Chairman and the supervisory Councillors; anda Legislative Advisory
Council to be headed by the most senior Traditional Ruler in the Local Government
Area or representative, and comprising the Elected Councillors and at least half of its
membership to comprise members across all social groups within the jurisdiction of
the Local Government Administration.
SEVEN
WELFAFE
Introduction
Nigeria should be in a state of emergency going by its social welfare indicators. It is
terminally sick. (We restrict our conversation to the northern part of the country
because of the audience). This is not because of the immediate threat of insurgency
but because of the underlying factors that have contributed to insurgency: poorsocio-
economic (demography, education, health, gender inequality, poverty) status. The
Human Development Index is 153 out of 187 countries. Nigerians do not live very long
by international standards, with the country ranking 167th out of 176 countries in life
expectancy. The Millennium Development Goals will not be met. By socio-economic
indicators, Nigeria is de facto two countries of northern and southern Nigeria. The
draft National Social Security Protection Policy, if adopted and implemented, provides
the basis for responding to some of the challenges. Similarly there are several other
olicies in the pipeline or adopted and not implemented
Recommendations:
;
D JniversaI Access to Health
I Expand the National Health Insurance Scheme to include formal and informal
. ..,

Z The right to health should be enshrined in the constitution.
Primary Health Care
Reemphasis primary health care as the closest health facility to most Nigerians.The
primary health care system should be the
whatlooks like an inverted pyramid.
I mplement the Abuja Declaration of 15% budgetary commitment to the health sector.
h
' t +Isidb i 1 f
h1*ikIfr i
J S1i0,:O(::
1 r
1
c 'u rc
1r)I1c
Investment in Health
t 6rr1cI0i O.3S
We recommend passing of the National Health Bill whicn will proviae significant
h
e
al
qQ
: .or'; ow j nnrs \N
f 1E lH'''J
J ,
ubs 1 i
hhmon
2.3.2 Reprioritize health expenditure to be more efficient. There is concentration of
resources at non-health and medical expenses and at tertiary level of health care. This
needs to be reversed to optimize whatever resources made available.
2.4.0 Preventive Health
2.4.1 Prioritize public health (hutrition, water, sanitation, vaccination etc) rafhei than the
current medicalization of the health sector.
2.5.0 Education
2.5.1 Restructuring of Curriculum
2.5.2 Establish closer relationship between industry and the educational system to
inform curriculum development.
2.5.2 Emphasis teaching of history, civics and skills in schools.
2.53 Emphasis vocational education so that graduates has skills that can be used as
employee of other organizations or self-employed.
2.6.0 Investment in Education
2.6.1 Governments should endeavor to reach the goal of 26 percent annual budget
dedicated to education as recommended by UNESCO
2.6.2 Efficient use of existing resources should be emphasized because corruption is a
major problem in the education system.
2.7.0 National Education Policy
2.7.1 Faithfully implement the current national education policy.
2.7.2 Emphasis skills instead of certificates.
2.7.3 Return of Missionary and Private School to Original Owners.
2.7.4 Given the large problem of access to education and the high number of out of school
children, governments should return schools to the original owners under certain
conditions including introducing non-discriminatory policies.
2.8.0 Nomadic Education
2.8.1 We recommend free and compulsory education for nomads up to secondary level.
Their education curriculum should be tilted to reflect their special circumstances as
nomads.
WVI
KEY ISSUES BEFORE THE NORTHERN DELEGATES TO THE 2014 NATIONAL
CONFERENCE
2.9.0 Institutionalizing Almajiri Education
2.9.1
Integrate secular curriculum in the existing system of Tsangaya and Almajiri schools
including vocational training.
2.9.2 Almajiri and Tsangaya schools should be given special subventions.
2.9.3 Include religious studies into secular schools to encourage parents to patronize them
and lessen the patronage of Almajiri and Tsangaya schools.
2.10.01-Iousing
2.10.lAffordable housing
2.10.21'ederal Government to adopt the draft National Social Protection Policy which
provides among other things (a) provision of land by government for housing
development, (b) encourage the private sector to partner with the government in
form corporate social responsibility, (c) access to cheap and affordable mortgage
financing, and (d) establish a framework that will address housing need of different
economic groups.
2.11.OSocial Security
2.11.lRights
of
Senior Citizens: We recommend cost effective, age appropriate and gender
sensitive means of delivering unconditional social transfers.to the aged.
2.11.2Unemployed Nigerians: We recommend unconditional cash transfer of a minimum of
N5, 000 per month to all unemployed persons.
2.12.0 Insurance
2.12.1 We recommend compulsory insurance for formal and informal sector employees and
self-employed persons.
2.12.2 Secondly, Government to create enabling environment for private sector involvement
in pensions and insurance provision schemes for the informal sector that is able to
afford them.
2.12.3Thirdly, expand conditional and unconditional social transfer scheme for the children,
women and aged.
2.13.0 Pension and Gratuity
2.13.1 We recommend that the scope of workers covered through the contributory pension
scheme is expanded by including workers at all levels of governments.
2.13.2 Secondly the old pension scheme should be integrated with the contributory pension
scheme.
2.13.3Thirdly, severe punishment should be prescribed for those involved in fraudulent
pension activities.
2.14.OPoverty and Wealth Creation
2.14.lWe recommend aggressive inclusive economic growth to reduce poverty and
i mplementation of pro-poor policies such as social security, free education and health
services and public works.
2.15.OStatus of married women
2.15.lState of Origin and State of Marriage: In order to remove such blatant discrimination
against married women and encourage national diversity and unity through marriage,
women who marry outside their states of origin should enjoy special privileges when
appointments are made to ref lect federal character.
2,15.2Any person who resides in a state for a period of 5 years should be given the same
rights, privileges and obligations of someone who is originally from that state.
2.16.OAffirmative Action
2.16.lWe recommend affirmative action up to the next 20 years. This is in line withthespirit
of the National Gender Policy of 35 percent position for women in appointive and
elective positions. This policy should be extended to other areas where women and
girls find it difficult to compete on equal basis with men and boys.
2.17.OPolltIcaI Participation
2.17.11n line with the spirit of the National Gender Policy, we recommend a legislation to
make it compulsory for political parties to ensure minimum of 35 percent of elective,
appointive and contestable positions are preserved for women.
2.17.2A11 appointments by governments at all levels preserve minimum of 35 percent
position for women.
2.17.3The private sector is encouraged to preserve minimum of 35 percent of positions for
women.
2.18.01311scrimination
2.18.lWe recommend the National Assembly to pass the Violence Against Persons Bill and
forthe President to sign it i mmediately. Also, state governments pass similar bill.
2.18.2All discriminatory policies, laws and practices should be abrogated immediately.
These will include the Nigeria Labor Law which prohibits women from working night
shift in public or private industries and agricultural undertakings.
2.18.3Child's Rights Law
2.18.4We recommend that those states which haven't passed the law to do so.
2.19.00hild's Rights Law Implementation Bodies
2.19.lWe recommend the setting up of a National Commission for Children to oversee the
i mplementation of policies on children. Its equivalent should be set up at state levels.
2.20.ODisability Rights
/
Welfare
2.20.1We recommend the passing by the National Assembly of the Disability Bill which
provides for the protection of persons with disabilities, promotion of their welfare
and provision of institutional framework for implementation of the bill.
3.0.0 Conclusion
3.0.1 We recommend the immediate adoption of the National Social Security Protection
Policy which out outlines basic principles of State's obligations including to:
. Secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen;
e Provide suitable and adequate shelter, suitable and adequate food, reasonable
national minimum living wage, old age care and pensions, and unemployment, sick
benefits and welfare of the disabled;
Ensuring that all citizens have the opportunity for securing adequate means of
livelihood as well as adequate opportunityto secure suitable employment;
Ensuring that provision is made for public assistance in deserving cases or other
conditions of need.
CHAPTER EIGHT
1.0 Role of Traditional Rulers and (Traditional) Institutions in Governance
1.1. Over the last one hundred years of Nigeria's existence, traditional institutions have
undergone tremendous changes, both in content and form. In parts of Nigeria where
these institutions have essentially been the vehicle of political transformations of
their respective societies since pre-historic times, the difference in the political and
socio-economic substance of these institutions at the eve of colonial conquest and
now is like the difference between life and death. During the pre-colonial period the
traditional institutions wielded what - in the jargon of modern political vocabulary -
can be termed as both the executive, legislative and judicial powers in their respective
societies.
1.2. During the colonial era these institutions were progressively stripped of these powers
through the introduction of western political structures of governance while
preserving their 'moral' authority and integrating them into the new mode of political
administration. In addition, the Councils of Chiefs that were established during the
colonial period and survived down to the First Republic enabled these institutions to
be systematically integrated into the new political system by providing counsel to the
new leadership and also as socio-political link between governments and the
grassroots.
1.3. However, over the last twenty years or so, the traditional institutions have been
systematically destroyed in their essence and ironically boosted in theirform. One of
the major reasons for this unfortunate state of affairs has been the creation of
'artificial' traditional institutions/structures, which had undermined the organic
historical basis of the moral authority that these institutions wielded from their
citizens.
1.4. To argue in favour of traditional institutions is an understatement. Traditional
Institutions - perhaps not in the multiplicity to which they exist in Nigeria today - are
part and parcel of the social fabric of many Nigerian communities. As such, they are a
factor in the political, economic and social structure of Nigerian State. But, to make
them responsible and effective, both as historical edifice and relevant to
contemporary challenges, they have to be reformed first. As no one is likely to dispute
the fact that the traditional institutions in Nigeria today have been bastardized largely
through artificial and unproductive multiplication.
1.5. The most appropriate role of traditional institutions is in the area/jurisdiction of
advisory councils that can be established at the national, state and local government
levels. Traditional Institutions can be given specific duties particularly in the areas of
religion, security, and immigration matters..
Appendixi. Summary of Allocation and Expenditure to Southern States: May 1999 -
February 2014 vis a vis Contributions by Regions
Appendix 2. Voter Registration and Population Analysis by Zones
SUMMARY OF THE TOTAL ALLOCATION AND FGN CAPITAL PROJECT EXPENDITURE TO THE
NIGER DELTA, NORTH AND SOUTH EAST AND SOUTH WEST FOR THE YEAR MAY 1999 - FEBRUARY- 2014
S/N Statutory Allocation 13% Derivation FGN Capital Projects Total 14 %
South-South 2
1
498,841,864,826.50
6 States
9
1
373,482,576,748.30 5
1
864,669,622,126.60 17,736,994,063,701.40 48.0
North 19 9
1
375,256,633,536.67
States
- 1,151,988,675,774. 40 10,572,245,309,311.07 28.5
South East &
South West
4
1
917,130,423,102.89
11 States
449,369,266,862.34 3,455,966,027,325.40 8
1
792,465,717,288. 63 23.5
Total 16,761,228,921,465.06 9
1
822,851,843,610.64 10,472
1
624,325,226.40 37056,705,090,301.10 100
i. Average Total Allocation to each of the 6 S outh S tates = N2,956,165,677,283.57 - about 300% of National Average
ii. Average Total Allocation to each of the 19 Northern S tates = 554, 065,542,595.32 - Half or 50% National Average
iii. Average Total Allocation to each of the 11 S -East + S -West N799,315,065,208.05 - about
80%
of National Average
iv. National Average for the 36 states = N1,029,352,919,175.03
DAILY STATISTICS OF COWS TAKEN TO THE SOUTH
S/N Lagos P/H Aba Calabar
I
Enugu Onitsha Ibadan Total AmoUnt 14 -
Cow Trucks 200 220 110 80 100 70 130 810 x45
150,000
5,467,500,000
Goats/ram!
Sheeps
150 130 70 40
trucks
60 50 60 560x200x
15000
Beans Trucks 100 100 60 30 40 30 100 460 x 400
x11,000
2,024,000'000
Maize Truck 100 60 100 30 30 60 60 440x400 x
6000
1,056,000,000
Ash Trucks 50 40 20 20 20 30 50 240x
2,000,000
480,000,000
Total 111,127,500,000
For 30 days = 11,127,500,000 x 30 = 333,825,000,000.00
For a year = 333,825,000,000 x 12 = 4,000,900,000,000.00
For the 15years = 4,005,900,000,000 x 15=60,885,000,000,000.00
Above is more than 5 times what the South-South received in the fifteen years under review. And
about 15 times what South East +South- West received under same periods.
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ACCORDING TO 1921 FIRST POPULATION CENSUS
Population
%
Land Mass
Northern Nigeria 18,115,981 69.74
0
/o 786.745km
2

80%
Southern Nigeria 7
1
858,689 30.26% 192,022km
2
20%
25,974,670 100
0
/0 983,776km
2
100
0
/0
Then according to the 2006 Population Census figures, exactly 85 years later
Population
%
Land Mass
%
Northern Nigeria 75,026,166
53.60%
786.785km
2
80%
Southern Nigeria 64,973,376 46.40% 190,988km
2
20%
140,003,542 100% 1 980,842km
2

1
100% .
Now see the trend in 85years
1921 2006 Population Growth
%
Increase
Nigeria 25,974,670 140,003,542 5.39times 539%
Northern 18,115,981 75
1
025,166 4.14 times 414%
South 7
1
858,689 164,973
f
376 8.27 times 827%
Population growths are actually in the North's favour eg early Marriage, polygamous marriage
and lack of birth control. But above Table for comparison speaks volumes of itself on the
many injustices meted on the Noah by the Nigerian Federation.
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CONTRIBUTION TO THE FEDERATION BY THE REGIONS
S/N Province General Tax Livestock Tax Total
%
1 Northern Provinces 500,600 1 2 0,2 00 62 0,800 71 ,00%
2 Eastern Provinces 1 2 2
1
000 2 ,000 1 2 4,000 1 4.1 7%
3 Western Provinces 1 2 5,000 50 1 2 5,050 1 4.30%
4 Colony (Lagos) 5000 - 5000 0.53%
Total 752 ,600 1 2 2 ,2 50 874,850 1 00
0
/0
EXPENDITURE BY THE FEDERATION ON REGIONS IN EDUCATION
S/N Province Amount
%
Northern Provinces 2 ,341 2 .33%
Eastern Provinces 47,000 46,85%
Western Provinces 34,00 33.88%
Colony (Lagos) 1 7,000 1 1 6.94%
Total 1 00,341 1 00
0
f0
3NORTHERN ZONES (19 NORTHER STATES + FCT
'FT NORTH CENTRAL STATES ACTUAL
LATER
I DIFFERENCE
INCREASE
ZONES
DUPLICATED
%
POPULATION VR %! POPULATION
3 NOTI-IERN TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
1. NICENTRAL 8,561,699 11,627,490 3,065,791 35.81% 222, 233 2.60% 20,266,257 42.24% 57.37%
2. N!EAST 10,038,119 10,749,059 710,940 7.08% 101,661 1.01 18,971.965 53.06% 56.66%
3. WEST 18,900,543 19,803,689 903,146 4.78% 279,050 1.48 35,786,944 52,11% 55.34%
TOT NORTH 37,500,361 42,180,238 4,679,877 12.48% 602,944 1.48 75,025,166 - 49.98% 56.22%
SOUTHER STATES
SOUTH-. El 3T STATES ACTUAL
LATER
DIFFERENCE %
INCREASE
DUPLICATED % POPULATION
VR %I POP )LATION
- STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
9. ABIA 1,481,191 1,524,484 43,293 2.92
1
/6 17,522 1.18% 2,833,999 52.27% 53.79%
2 ANAMBRA 1,758,220 2,011,746 253,526 14.42% 33,747 1.92% 4,182,032 42.04% 48.10!.
*3
ABONYI 876,249 1,050,534 174,285 19.89% 3,917 0.45% 2,173,501 40.32% 48.33%
4. ENUGU 1,301,185 1,303,155 1970 0.15% 9,401 0.72% 3,257,298 39.95% 40.01%
5. IMO 1,611,715 1687,293 75,578 4.69% 11,082 0.69% 3,934,899 40.96% 42.88% -
SOUTH-EAST 7,028,560 7,577,212 548,652 7.81% 75.723 1.08% 16,381,729 42.90% 46.25%
i
TOTA
SOUTH- SOI TH STATES ACTUAL
LATER
DIFFERENCE %
INCREASE
DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POP ULATION
- STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
*1.
AKWA IBOM 1,714,781 1,616,873 (97.908%) (6.06%) 8,738 3,920,208 43.74% . 41.24%
2. BAYELSA 472,389 591,870 119,481 25.29% 14,513 1,703,358 27.73% 32.99%
3. CROSS RIVER 1,018,550 1,148,486 129,936 12.76% 39,085 2,88,966 35.26%
39.75%
4. DELTA 1,900,055 2,032,191 132,136 7.0% 17,166 4,098,391 46.36% 49.59%
5. EDO 1,412,225 1,655,776 243,551 17.25% 6,277 3,218,332 43.88% 51.44%
6. RIVERS 2,419,057 2,429,231 10,174 - 0.42% 42,309 5,185,400 46.65% 46.80.
TOTAL SOUTH -SOUTH 8,937,057 9,474,427 537,370 6.01% 128,088 1.43 21,014.655 42.53% 45.08%
-
IN
SOUTH - WST STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE %
INCREASE
DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POP ULAMON
STATE TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
1.
[
EKITI 750,753 764,726 13,973 1.86% 2,868 .038% 2,384.212 31.49% 32.07%
2. LAGOS 6,247,845 (6,108,069) (139,776) 2.29%) 13,932 - 0.32 9,013,534 69.32% 67.77%
3. OGUN 1,869,326 1,941,170 71,844 3.84% 2,868 0.15% 3,728.098 50.14% 52.07%
4. ONDO 1,558,975 1,616,019 57,116 3.66% 14,761 0.95% 3,441,024 4531% 46.97%
5. OSUN 1,293,967 1,293,967 0
0
/0 14,762 1.14 3,423,535 37.80% 46.97%
6. 1 OYO 2,577,490 (2,572,140) (5350) 0.21%) 14.720 5,591,589 46.10% 46.00
TOTALSOUTHWEST 14,298,356 14,296,163 (2193) (0.01%) 63.911 0.45%. 27.581,992 51.84%.
51.83%
3 SOUTHERN ZONES (17 SOUTHERN STATES)
-Il
-
SIN
SOUTHERN ZONE STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE I
INCREASE
DUPLICATED
_____
POPULATION
___
VR %I POPULATION
ZONES TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
1. SOUTH-EAST 7,028,560 7,577,212 548,652 7.81% 75,723
1.08% 16,381,729 42.90% 46.25%
2. SOUTH-SOUTH 8,937,057 9,474,427 537,370 6.01% 128,088 1.43% 21,014 42.53% 45.08%
3. SOUTH- WEST 14,298,356 (14,296,163) (5350) (0.21%) 14120
- 0.10 27,581,992 51.84%- 51.83%
TOTAL. SOUTH 30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 3.58% 218,531 0.72 64,978,376 46.58% 48.24%
TOTAL SOUTH WEST
(C) SOUTH-EAST +SOUTH COMBINED COMPARED TO THE NORTH WEST ALONE
SIN
SOUTHERN ZONE STATES ACTUAL LATER DIFFERENCE %
INCREASE
DUPLICATED I POPULATION VR %i POPULAflON
I ZONES TENTATIVE TENTATIVE ACTUAL
_1. S -E + S. S 15,965,618 17,051,639 1,086021 6.80% 203,811 1.28% 37,396,384 42.69% 45.6%
2. _ _ NWEST 18,900,543 19,803,689 903,146 4.78% 219,050 1.48% 35,786,944 52.81% 55.34
9
/6
DIFFERENCES 2,934,925 2,752,050 . - - 1,609,440 -
(D) THE SOUTH VS THE NORTH
SIN ZONES TENTATIVE ACTUAL DIFFERENCE I DUPLICATED I POPULATION TVR % AVR I
1.
_
NORTH 37,500,361 42,180,238 4,679,877 12.48% 49.98% 56.22%
2.
_
_SOUTH
_
30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 3358% 218,531 0.72% 64,974,376
_
46.58% 48.24%
DIFFERENCES
_
_
6,236,387 10,732,436
_
355%
_
384,413
_
0 .71% 10,046,790 62.07% 106.82% _ 3,596,049_ _ _
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(E) NATIONAL
7W ZONES TENTATIVE ACTUAL DIFFERENCE % DUPLICATED
% POPULATION VR %I POPULATION -
1. NATIONAL - 67,764,334 73,528040 5,763,706 870.612% 870,612 1.28% 140,003,542 48.40% 52.52%
2. NORTH 37,500,361 42,160,238 4,679,877 602,944 - 75,025,166_ 49.98% 56.22%
3. SOUTH - 30,263,974 31,347,802 1,083,828 218,531 - - 64,973,376 46.58% 48.24%
4 NORTH 55.34% 57.37% 53.59%
5. SOUTH - 44.66% 42.63% . . - 46.41% - -
- -j DIFFERECES 23.9% 34.56% - - 15.47%
V OTER REGISTRATION AND POPULATION ANALYSIS BY STATES/ ZONES CERTIFIED V OTER
REGISTRATION Fl S PER STATES PER CEO-POLITICAL ZONE
NORTHERN OTA
SIN NORTH CENT IAL STATES ACTUAL
LATER
DIFF ENCE
.
%
V

INCREASE
DUPUCATE
______
% POPUATIQN VR %I POPULATION
TENTATIVE
AJIJAL
STATE TENTATIVE
1. BENUE
1,415,162
2,390,884 915,722 69.95% 42.042 2.9 4,219,244 33.54% -
*2.
..
FCT 886,323 943,473 57,150 6.45% 953 0.1 1,405,201 63.01%
*3
KOGI 1,2315,40 5 1,816,849 10 1,444 8.35% 7,0 0 3 0 .5 3,278,487 37.07% 40.17%
4. KWARA -1,115,665 1, 52,361 36,696 3.29% 2,631 0.2 2,371,089 47.05%
*5
NASARAWA 1,224,206 1,389,308 165,102 13.49% 19,43 1.5 1,863,275 65.70% 8
00
I. N IGER 721,465 2,175,421 1,453,936
V
201.44% 142,040 19.69 3,950,249 18.26% 55.07%
*7,
PLATEAU 1,983,453 2,259,194 275,741 13.90% 8,125 0.4 3,178,712 62.40%
N.0 TOTAL 8,561,699 11,627,490 . 3,065,791 35.81% 222,233 2.69. 20,266,257 42.24% 5
7
NORTH EAST STATES ACTUAL
LATER
DIFFERENCE
V
%
INCREASE
DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %I POPULATION
AiiAL
TENTATIVE
TENTATIVE
1. ADAMAWA 1,714,860 1,816,094 101,234 5.9% 9,773 0.57% 3,168,101 54.13%
57.32%
*2.
BAUCHI 1,835,562 2,523,614
V
.
688,052 37,48
0
/c 7,451 0.41% 4,676,465
V
39.25% 5 61,
*3
BORNO 2,730,368 2,380,957 (349,411) (14.68%) 21,164 0.89% 4,151,193 65.77%
4. GOMBE
V
1 , 266, 993 1,318,377 51,384 4.06% 18,730 1.48% 2,353,879 53.83% -
j
0
%
5. TARABA .1,308,106 1,336,221 28,115 2.15% 41,069 3.14% 2,300,736 56.86% 56.01
0
%
6. YOBE 1,182,230 1,737,716 -191,566 16.20% 3474 0.29% 2,322,591 50.92%
1 1 %
N.E TOTAL 10,038,119 10,749,059 710,940 7.08% -101,661
18,971,965 53.06%
NORTH WE IT STATES ACTUAL
LATER
DIFFERENCE %
INCREASE
DUPLICATED % POPULATION VR %/
POPULATION
TENTATIVE
A ACfl
STATE TENTATIVE
1.
1
4.
JIGAWA 1,822,698 2,013,974 - 162,276 8.70% 23,148 1.25% 4,348,649 42.60%
2. KADUNA 3,565,782 3,905,387 339,625 9.53% 95,563 2.68 6,066.562 58.78%
*3
KANO 5,135,415 5,027,297 (108,118) 2.15%) 10,784 2.15% 9,383,682
E64.38%
54.73%
%
KATSINA 2,931,668 3,126,898 195,230 6.66% 132,062 4.50% 5,792,578 50.61%
j%
5. - KEBBI 1,603,468 1,638,308 34,840 2.17% 4,960 0.31% 3,235,628 49.51%
6. SOKOTO
.
2,065,508 2,267,509 202,001 9.78% 8,471 0.41% 3,696,999 55.87% T
7. ZAMFARA 1,746,024 1,824,316 .78,292 4.48% 4,062 0.23% 3,259,846 53.56%
N.W TOTAL 1
V
16,900,543 19,803,689 903146> 4.78% 279,050 1.48 35-786,944 1 52.81% 55.34%
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