The Enlightenment:

Primary Source Documents

APWH, 12-13
Sears
Marquis de Condorcets
Sketch of the Progress of
the Human Mind:
The Marquis de Condorcet, a French nobleman,
mathematician, and philosopher, was one of the
more optimistic enlightened thinkers of his day. In
this piece Condorcet divided history into ten eras or
epochs. e believed that the enlightenment was the
ninth epoch and now they were entering the tenth
epoch. !nfortunately for Condorcet his optimism
was unmerited as he died in prison shortly after his
arrest during the French "evolution.
The Ninth Epoch: From Descartes to the Formation
of the French RepublicUntil now we have
demonstrated the progress of philosophy only in
those men who have cultivated, deepened, and
perfected it: it now remains to reveal what have been
its effects on general opinion, and how reason
learned how to preserve itself from the errors into
which respect for authority and the imagination have
often dragged it: at the same time it destroyed within
the general mass of people the prejudices that have
afflicted and corrupted the human race for so long a
time
!umanity was finally permitted to boldly proclaim
the long ignored right to submit every opinion to
reason, that is to utili"e the only instrument given to
us for grasping and recogni"ing the truth #ach
human learned with a sort of pride that nature had
never destined him to believe the word of others
$he superstitions of anti%uity and the abasement of
reason before the madness of supernatural religion
disappeared from society just as they had disappeared
from philosophy
&f we were to limit ourselves to showing the benefits
derived from the immediate applications of the
sciences, or in their applications to man'made
devices for the well'being of individuals and the
prosperity of nations, we would be ma(ing (nown
only a slim part of their benefits $he most
important, perhaps, is having destroyed prejudices,
and re'established human intelligence, which until
then had been forced to bend down to false
instructions instilled in it by absurd beliefs passed on
to the children of each generation by the terrors of
superstition and the fear of tyranny
$he advances of scientific (nowledge are all the
more deadly to these errors because they destroy
them without appearing to attac( them, while
lavishing on those who stubbornly defend them the
degrading taunt of ignorance
Finally this progress of scientific (nowledgeresults
in a belief that not birth, professional status, or social
standing gives anyone the right to judge something
he does not understand $his unstoppable progress
cannot be observed without having enlightened men
search unceasingly for ways to ma(e the other
branches of learning follow the same path &t offers
them at every step a model to follow, according to
which they will be able to judge their own efforts and
recogni"e false paths on which they have embar(ed
&t protects them from s(epticism, credulity, blind
caution, and even e)aggerated submission to the
(nowledgeable and famous
The Tenth Epoch: $he Future *rogress of the
!uman +ind,ur hopes for the future of the human
species may be reduced to three important points: the
destruction of ine%uality among nations- the progress
of e%uality within nations themselves- and finally, the
real improvement of humanity .hould not all the
nations of the world approach one day the state of
civili"ation reached by the most enlightened peoples
such as the French and the /nglo'/mericans0 1ill
not the slavery of nations subjected to (ings, the
barbarity of /frican tribes, and the ignorance of
savages gradually disappear0 /re there on the globe
countries whose very nature has condemned them
never to enjoy liberty and never e)ercise their
reason0
&f we cast an eye at the e)isting state of the globe, we
will see right away that in #urope the principles of
the French constitution are already those of all
enlightened men 1e will see that they are too
widely disseminated and too openly professed for the
efforts of tyrants and priests to prevent them from
penetrating into the hovels of their slaves, where they
will soon re(indle those embers of good sense and
that muffled indignation that the habit of suffering
and terror have failed to totally e)tinguish in the
minds of the oppressed
2an it be doubted that either wisdom or the senseless
feuds of the #uropean nations themselves, wor(ing
with the slow but certain effects of progress in their
colonies, will not soon produce the independence of
the new world- and that then the #uropean
population, spreading rapidly across that immense
land, must either civili"e of ma(e disappear the
savage peoples that now inhabit these vast
continents0
wwwgrossmontedu3veronicabale3+od456west456civ
456*rimary456.ources3+ar%uis456de4562ondorcetdoc 7
John Locke: Of the State of
ature !T"o Treatises of
#o$ernment%
Sect. 4. $o understand political power right,
and derive it from its original, we must
consider, what state all men are naturally in,
and that is, a state of perfect freedom to
order their actions, and dispose of their
possessions and persons, as they thin( fit,
within the bounds of the law of nature,
without as(ing leave, or depending upon the
will of any other man
Sect. . / state also of e%uality, wherein all
the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no
one having more than another- there being
nothing more evident, than that creatures of
the same species and ran(, promiscuously
born to all the same advantages of nature,
and the use of the same faculties, should
also be e%ual one amongst another without
subordination or subjection, unless the lord
and master of them all should, by any
manifest declaration of his will, set one
above another, and confer on him, by an
evident and clear appointment, an undoubted
right to dominion and sovereignty
Sect. !. 8ut though this be a state of liberty,
yet it is not a state of licence: though man in
that state have an uncontrollable liberty to
dispose of his person or possessions, yet he
has not liberty to destroy himself, or so
much as any creature in his possession, but
where some nobler use than its bare
preservation calls for it $he state of nature
has a law of nature to govern it, which
obliges everyone: and reason, which is that
law, teaches all man(ind, who will but
consult it, that being all e%ual and
independent, no one ought to harm another
in his life, health, liberty, or possessions: for
men being all the wor(manship of one
omnipotent, and infinitely wise ma(er- all
the servants of one sovereign master, sent
into the world by his order, and about his
business- they are his property, whose
wor(manship they are, made to last during
his, not one another9s pleasure: and being
furnished with li(e faculties, sharing all in
one community of nature, there cannot be
supposed any such subordination among us,
that may authori"e us to destroy one another,
as if we were made for one another9s uses, as
the inferior ran(s of creatures are for ours
#very one, as he is bound to preserve
himself, and not to %uit his station willfully,
so by the li(e reason, when his own
preservation comes not in competition,
ought he, as much as he can, to preserve the
rest of man(ind, and may not, unless it be to
do justice on an offender, ta(e away, or
impair the life, or what tends to the
preservation of the life, the liberty, health,
limb, or goods of another
"# Tyranny
Sec. 1$$. /. usurpation is the e)ercise of
power, which another hath a right to- so
tyranny is the e)ercise of power beyond
right, which nobody can have a right to /nd
this is ma(ing use of the power any one has
in his hands, not for the good of those who
are under it, but for his own private separate
advantage 1hen the governor, however
entitled, ma(es not the law, but his will, the
rule- and his commands and actions are not
directed to the preservation of the properties
of his people, but the satisfaction of his own
ambition, revenge, covetousness, or any
other irregular passion
Sec. 2%1. &t is a mista(e, to thin( this fault is
proper only to monarchies- other forms of
government are liable to it, as well as that:
for wherever the power, that is put in any
hands for the government of the people, and
the preservation of their properties, is
applied to other ends, and made use of to
impoverish, harass, or subdue them to the
arbitrary and irregular commands of those
that have it- there it presently becomes
tyranny, whether those that thus use it are
one or many
Sec. 2%2. $he being rightfully possessed of
great power and riches, e)ceedingly beyond
the greatest part of the sons of /dam, is so
far from being an e)cuse, much less a
reason, for rapine and oppression, which the
endamaging another without authority is,
that it is a great aggravation of it: for the
e)ceeding the bounds of authority is no
more a right in a great, than in a petty
officer- no more justifiable in a (ing than a
constable
Sec. 2%3. +ay the commands then of a
prince be opposed0 may he be resisted as
often as any one shall find himself
aggrieved, and but imagine he has not right
done him0 $his will unhinge and overturn
all polities, and, instead of government and
order, leave nothing but anarchy and
confusion
Sec. 2%4. $o this & answer, that force is to be
opposed to nothing, but to unjust and
unlawful force- whoever ma(es any
opposition in any other case, draws on
himself a just condemnation both from :od
and man- and so no such danger or
confusion will follow, as is often suggested
"oland, #on. #ohn $ocke The %econd
Treatise of Civil &overnment, '()*. Feb +
+**,.
http-..www.constitution.org./l.+ndtr'
).htm
&dam Smith: & Plea for Laisse'(faire
0nlightened thinkers frowned on mercantilist policies and constant warfare among
countries. &overnment interference should be eliminated and the laws of supply and demand
should be allowed to guide economic behavior 1The Invisible and2. The most important book
of this time was 3dam %mith4s The 5ealth of 6ations. e was certain that in the long run his
ideas would benefit humanity.
;#very individual is continually e)erting himself to find out the most advantageous
employment for whatever capital he can command &t is his own advantage, indeed, and not that
of the society, which he has in view 8ut the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather
necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to the society
First, every individual endeavours to employ his capital as near home as he can, and conse%uently
as much as he can in the support of domestic industry- provided always that he can thereby obtain the
ordinary, or not a great deal less than the ordinary profits of stoc(
.econdly, every individual who employs his capital in the support of domestic industry,
necessarily endeavours so to direct that industry that its produce may be of the greatest possible value
&n proportion as the value of this produce is great or small, so will li(ewise be the profits of the employer
8ut it is only for the sa(e of profit that any man employs a capital in the support of industry- and he will
always, therefore, endeavour to employ it in the support of that industry of which the produce is li(ely to
be of the greatest value, or to e)change for the greatest %uantity either of money or of other goods
/s every individual, therefore, endeavours as much as he can both to employ his capital in the support of
domestic industry, and so to direct that industry that its produce may be of the greatest value- every
individual necessarily labours to render the annual revenue of the society as great as he can !e generally,
indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor (nows how much he is promoting it 8y
preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security- and by
directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his
own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was
no part of his intention <or is it always the worse for the society that it was no part of it 8y pursuing his
own interest he fre%uently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to
promote it & have never (nown much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good
1hat is the species of domestic industry which his capital can employ, and of which the produce is li(ely
to be of the greatest value, every individual, it is evident, can, in his local situation, judge much better
than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him $he statesman who should attempt to direct private people
in what manner they ought to employ their capitals would not only load himself with a most unnecessary
attention, but assume an authority which could safely be trusted, not only to no single person, but to no
council or senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a man who had
folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to e)ercise it
%pencer, erbert, The Man 7ersus The %tate, with %i8 0ssays on &overnment, %ociety, and Freedom. $ibrary of 0conomics and
$iberty. ' February +**,. 9:.
&''AN(E) *ANT
&n &ns"er to the )uestion:
*+hat is Enlightenment,*
-onigs.erg in Prussia/ 01th
Se2tem.er/ 34567
#nlightenment is man9s emergence from his
self'incurred immaturity &mmaturity is the
inability to use one9s own understanding
without the guidance of another $his
immaturity is self'incurred if its cause is not
lac( of understanding, but lac( of resolution
and courage to use it without the guidance of
another $he motto of enlightenment is
therefore: .apere aude= !ave courage to use
your own understanding=
>a"iness and cowardice are the reasons why
such a large proportion of men, even when
nature has long emancipated them from
alien guidance, nevertheless gladly remain
immature for life For the same reasons, it is
all too easy for others to set themselves up
as their guardians &t is so convenient to be
immature= &f & have a boo( to have
understanding in place of me, a spiritual
adviser to have a conscience for me, a
doctor to judge my diet for me, and so on, &
need not ma(e any efforts at all & need not
thin(, so long as & can pay- others will soon
enough ta(e the tiresome job over for me
$he guardians who have (indly ta(en upon
themselves the wor( of supervision will
soon see to it that by far the largest part of
man(ind ?including the entire fair se)@
should consider the step forward to maturity
not only as difficult but also as highly
dangerous !aving first infatuated their
domesticated animals, and carefully
prevented the docile creatures from daring to
ta(e a single step without the leading'strings
to which they are tied, they ne)t show them
the danger which threatens them if they try
to wal( unaided <ow this danger is not in
fact so very great, for they would certainly
learn to wal( eventually after a few falls
8ut an e)ample of this (ind is intimidating,
and usually frightens them off from further
attempts
$hus it is difficult for each separate
individual to wor( his way out of the
immaturity which has become almost
second nature to him !e has even grown
fond of it and is really incapable for the time
being of using his own understanding,
because he was never allowed to ma(e the
attempt Dogmas and formulas, those
mechanical instruments for rational use ?or
rather misuse@ of his natural endowments,
are the ball and chain of his permanent
immaturity /nd if anyone did throw them
off, he would still be uncertain about
jumping over even the narrowest of
trenches, for he would be unaccustomed to
free movement of this (ind $hus only a
few, by cultivating their own minds, have
succeeded in freeing themselves from
immaturity and in continuing boldly on their
way
$here is more chance of an entire public
enlightening itself $his is indeed almost
inevitable, if only the public concerned is
left in freedom For there will always be a
few who thin( for themselves, even among
those appointed as guardians of the common
mass .uch guardians, once they have
themselves thrown off the yo(e of
immaturity, will disseminate the spirit of
rational respect for personal value and for
the duty of all men to thin( for themselves
$he remar(able thing about this is that if the
public, which was previously put under this
yo(e by the guardians, is suitably stirred up
by some of the latter who are incapable of
enlightenment, it may subse%uently compel
the guardians themselves to remain under
the yo(e For it is very harmful to propagate
prejudices, because they finally avenge
themselves on the very people who first
encouraged them ?or whose predecessors did
so@ $hus a public can only achieve
enlightenment slowly / revolution may
well put an end to autocratic despotism and
to rapacious or power'see(ing oppression,
but it will never produce a true reform in
ways of thin(ing &nstead, new prejudices,
li(e the ones they replaced, will serve as a
leash to control the great unthin(ing mass
For enlightenment of this (ind, all that is
needed is freedom /nd the freedom in
%uestion is the most innocuous form of all
freedom to ma(e public use of one9s reason
in all matters 8ut & hear on all sides the cry:
Don9t argue= $he officer says: Don9t argue,
get on parade= $he ta)'official: Don9t argue,
pay= $he clergyman: Don9t argue, believe=
?,nly one ruler in the world says: /rgue as
much as you li(e and about whatever you
li(e, but obey=@ /ll this means restrictions
on freedom everywhere 8ut which sort of
restriction prevents enlightenment, and
which, instead of hindering it, can actually
promote it 0 & reply: $he public use of man9s
reason must always be free, and it alone can
bring about enlightenment among men- the
private use of reason may %uite often be
very narrowly restricted, however, without
undue hindrance to the progress of
enlightenment 8ut by the public use of
one9s own reason & mean that use which
anyone may ma(e of it as a man of learning
addressing the entire reading public 1hat &
term the private use of reason is that which a
person may ma(e of it in a particular civil
post or office with which he is entrusted
&f it is now as(ed whether we at present live
in an enlightened age, the answer is: <o, but
we do live in an age of enlightenment /s
things are at present, we still have a long
way to go before men as a whole can be in a
position ?or can ever be put into a position@
of using their own understanding
confidently and well in religious matters,
without outside guidance 8ut we do have
distinct indications that the way is now
being cleared for them to wor( freely in this
direction, and that the obstacles to universal
enlightenment, to man9s emergence from his
self'incurred immaturity, are gradually
becoming fewer &n this respect our age is
the age of enlightenment, the century of
Frederic(
& A/<$ B1hat is #nlightenment0B
http:33philosophyeserverorg3(ant3what'is'
enlightenmentt)t
'ary Wo++stonecra#t
8The 9ights of +omen:
Mary 5ollstonecraft responded to an unhappy childhood in a large family by seeking to lead an
independent life. Few occupations were available for middle;class women in her day, but she survived by
working as a teacher, chaperone and a governess to aristocratic children. 3ll the while she wrote and
developed her ideas on the rights of women. This e8cerpt is taken from her 7indication of the "ights of
5omen, written in ',)+. This work led to her reputation as the foremost <ritish feminist thinker of the
'=
th
century.
,in-ication o# the .i/hts o# Women 0hapter &1
;&t is a melancholy truth- yet such is the blessed effect of civili"ation= $he most respectable women are
the most oppressed- and, unless they have understandings far superiour to the common run of
understandings, ta(ing in both se)es, they must, from being treated li(e contemptible beings, become
contemptible !ow many women thus waste life away the prey of discontent, who might have practised
as physicians, regulated a farm, managed a shop, and stood erect, supported by their own industry, instead
of hanging their heads surcharged with the dew of sensibility, that consumes the beauty to which it at first
gave luster
*roud of their wea(ness, however, they must always be protected, guarded from care, and all the
rough toils that dignify the mind&f this be the fiat of fate, if they will ma(e themselves insignificant
and contemptible, sweetly to waste 9life away9 let them not e)pect to be valued when their beauty fades,
for it is the fate of the fairest flowers to be admired and pulled to pieces by the careless hand that pluc(ed
them &n how many ways do & wish, from the purest benevolence, to impress this truth on my se)- yet &
fear that they will not listen to a truth that dear bought e)perience has brought home to many an agitated
bosom, nor willingly resign the privileges of ran( and se) for the privileges of humanity, to which those
have no claim who do not discharge its duties
1ould men but generously snap our chains, and be content with rational fellowship instead of slavish
obedience, they would find us more observant daughters, more affectionate sisters, more faithful wives,
more reasonable mothersin a word, better citi"ens 1e should then love them with true affection,
because we should learn to respect ourselves- and the peace of mind of a worthy man would not be
interrupted by the idle vanity of his wife, nor the babes sent to nestle in a strange bosom, having never
found a home in their mother9sC
Jean(Jacques 9ousseau/ The Social Contract
3lthough "ousseau was one of the French philosophes, he has also been called >the father of "omanticism.? is
political ideas have proved e8tremely controversial. Though some have hailed him as the prophet of democracy,
others have labeled him an apologist for totalitarianism.
<ook ', chapter (
$he problem is to find a form of association which will defend and protect with the
whole common force the person and goods of each associate, and in which each,
while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as
beforeB $his is the fundamental problem of which the .ocial 2ontract provides the
solution
$his, however, is not the case with the relation of the subjects to the .overeign,
which, despite the common interest, would have no security that they would fulfill
their underta(ings, unless it found means to assure itself of their fidelity
&n fact, each individual, as a man, may have a particular will contrary or dissimilar
to the general will which he has as a citi"en !is particular interest may spea( to
him %uite differently from the common interest: his absolute and naturally
independent e)istence may ma(e him loo( upon what he owes to the common
cause as a gratuitous contribution, the loss of which will do less harm to others
than the payment of it is burdensome to himself- and, regarding the moral person
which constitutes the .tate as a persona ficta, because not a man, he may wish to
enjoy the rights of citi"enship without being ready to fulfill the duties of a subject
$he continuance of such an injustice could not but prove the undoing of the body
politic
&n order then that the social compact may not be an empty formula, it tacitly
includes the underta(ing, which alone can give force to the rest, that whoever
refuses to obey the general will shall be compelled to do so by the whole body
$his means nothing less than that he will be forced to be free- for this is the
condition which, by giving each citi"en to his country, secures him against all
personal dependence &n this lies the (ey to the wor(ing of the political machine-
this alone legitimises civil underta(ings, which, without it, would be absurd,
tyrannical, and liable to the most frightful abuses
,o+taire2 & Treatise
on Toleration
314!35
7oltaire was the most eloquent and tireless
advocate of the anti;dogmatic movement known
as @The 0nlightenment.@ e argued in favor of
@deism,@ a vague substitute for traditional
religion which acknowledged a creator and
some sort of divine /ustice, but re/ected most of
the other fundamental beliefs of Christianity. It
should be remembered that atheism was strictly
illegal in 7oltaireAs time, and he had been
imprisoned repeatedly and finally e8iled for his
challenges to traditional religion. Beism
provided a convenient 1and legal2 screen for his
attacks on ChristianityC but many scholars
believe that despite his statements to the
contrary, he was in fact an atheist. is
arguments for religious freedom have become
commonplaces in the modern 5estern world,
even among religious believers.
Whether it is (se#u+ to 'aintain Peop+e in
their Superstition
.uch is the feebleness of humanity, such is its
perversity, that doubtless it is better for it to be
subject to all possible superstitions, as long as
they are not murderous, than to live without
religion +an always needs a rein, and even if it
might be ridiculous to sacrifice to fauns, or
sylvans, or naiads, it is much more reasonable
and more useful to venerate these fantastic
images of the Divine than to sin( into atheism
/n atheist who is rational, violent, and powerful,
would be as great a pestilence as a blood'mad,
superstitious man
1hen men do not have healthy notions of the
Divinity, false ideas supplant them, just as in
bad times one uses counterfeit money when
there is no good money $he pagan feared to
commit any crime, out of fear of punishment by
his false gods- the +alabarian fears to be
punished by his pagoda 1herever there is a
settled society, religion is necessary- the laws
cover manifest crimes, and religion covers secret
crimes
8ut whenever human faith comes to embrace a
pure and holy religion, superstition not only
becomes useless, but very dangerous 1e should
not see( to nourish ourselves on acorns when
:od gives us bread
.uperstition is to religion what astrology is to
astronomy: the foolish daughter of a very wise
mother $hese two daughters, superstition and
astrology, have subjugated the world for a long
time
1hen, in our ages of barbarity, scarcely two
feudal lords owned between them a single <ew
$estament, it might be pardonable to offer fables
to the vulgar, that is, to these feudal lords, to
their imbecile wives, and to their brutish vassals-
they were led to believe that .aint 2hristopher
carried the infant Desus from one side of a river
to the other- they were fed stories about
sorcerers and their spiritual possessions- they
easily imagined that .aint :enou would cure the
gout, and that .aint 2laire would cure eye
problems $he children believed in the
werewolf, and the fathers in the rope girdle of
.aint Francis $he number of relics was
innumerable
$he sediment of these superstitions still survived
among the people, even at that time that religion
was purified 1e (now that when +onsieur de
<oailles, the 8ishop of 2hElons, removed and
threw into the fire the false relic of the holy
navel of Desus 2hrist, then the entire village of
2hElons began proceedings against him-
however, he had as much courage as he had
piety, and he succeeded in ma(ing the
2hampenois believe that they could adore Desus
2hrist in spirit and truth, without having his
navel in the church
$hose we call Dansenists contributed greatly to
rooting out gradually from the spirit of the
nation the greater part of the false ideas which
dishonored the 2hristian religion *eople ceased
to believe that it was sufficient to recite a prayer
to the Firgin +ary for thirty days so that they
could do what they wish and sin with impunity
the rest of the year
Finally the bourgeoisie began to reali"e that it
was not .aint :eneviGve who gave or witheld
rain, but that it was :od !imself who disposed
of the elements $he mon(s were astonished that
their saints did not bring about miracles any
longer- and if the writers of $he >ife of .aint
Francis Havier returned to the world, they would
not dare to write that the saint revived nine
corpses, that he was in two places, on the sea
and on land, at the same time, and that his
crucifi) fell into the sea and was restored to him
by a crab
&t is the same with e)communications ,ur
historians tells us that when Aing Robert was
e)communicated by *ope :regory F, for
marrying his godmother, the princess 8ertha, his
domestic servants threw the meats to be served
to the (ing right out the window, and Iueen
8ertha gave birth to a goose in punishment for
the incestuous marriage ,ne could seriously
doubt that in this day and age the servants of the
(ing of France, if he were e)communicated,
would throw his dinner out the window, or that
the %ueen would give birth to a goose
$here are still a few convulsive fanatics in
remote corners of the suburbs- but this disease
only attac(s the most vile population #ach day
reason penetrates further into France, into the
shops of merchants as well as the mansions of
lords 1e must cultivate the fruits of this reason,
especially since it is impossible to chec( its
advance ,ne cannot govern France, after it has
been enlightened by *ascal, <icole, /rnauld,
8ossuiet, Descartes, :assendi, 8ayle,
Fontenelle, and the others, as it as been
governed in the times of :arasse and +enot
&f the masters of errors, and &9m spea(ing here of
the grand masters, so long paid and honored for
abusing the human species, ordered us today to
believe that the seed must die in order to
germinate- that the world is immovable on its
foundations, that it does not orbit around the
sun- that the tides are not a natural effect of
gravitation- that the rainbow is not formed by
the refraction and the reflection of rays of light,
and so on, and they based their ordinances on
passages poorly understood from the !oly
8ible, how would educated men regard these
men0 1ould the term BbeastsB seem too strong0
/nd if these wise masters used force and
persecution to enforce their insolent stupidity,
would the term Bwild beastsB seem too e)treme0
$he more the superstitions of mon(s are
despised, the more the bishops are respected and
the priests listened to- while they do no good,
these mon(ish superstitions from over the
mountains do a great deal of harm 8ut of all
these superstitions, is not the most dangerous
that of hating your neighbor for his opinions0
/nd is it not evident that it would be much more
reasonable to worship the !oly <avel, the !oly
Fores(in, or the mil( or the robe of the Firgin
+ary, than to detest and persecute your brother0
'ontes6uieu2 The S2irit of the La"s 314475
In The %pirit of the $aws, Charles de %econdat, <aron de Montesquieu, sought to analyDe government, laws, and
political culture from a wholistic and comparative perspective. 5hile Montesquieu sought to develop theories that
were empirical and ob/ective, following the model of 6ewtonian science, it is clear with hindsight that his theories
were also conditioned by his political ideological commitments, and especially by the principle
of @liberty@ as it was embodied 1he believed2 in the 0nglish constitution.
JKL &n every government there are three sorts of power- the legislative- the e)ecutive, in respect to things
dependent on the law of nations- and the e)ecutive, in regard to things that depend on the civil law
J5L 8y virtue of the first, the prince or magistrate enacts temporary or perpetual laws, and amends or
abrogates those that have been already enacted 8y the second, he ma(es peace or war, sends or receives
embassies- establishes the public security, and provides against invasions 8y the third, he punishes
criminals, or determines the disputes that arise between individuals $he latter we shall call the judiciary
power, and the other simply the e)ecutive power of the state
JML $he political liberty of the subject is a tran%uility of mind, arising from the opinion each person has of
his safety &n order to have this liberty, it is re%uisite the government be so constituted as one man need
not be afraid of another
JNL 1hen the legislative and e)ecutive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of
magistrates, there can be no liberty- because apprehensions may anse, lest the same monarch or senate
should enact tyrannical laws, to e)ecute them in a tyrannical manner
JOL /gain, there is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and e)ecutive
powers 1ere it joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be e)posed to
arbitrary control, for the judge would then be the legislator 1ere it joined to the e)ecutive power, the
judge might behave with all the violence of an oppressor
JPL $here would be an end of everything were the same man, or the same body, whether of the nobles or
of the people to e)ercise those three powers that of enacting laws, that of e)ecuting the public resolutions,
and that of judging the crimes or differences of individuals
JQL !ence it is that many of the princes of #urope, whose aim has been levelled at arbitrary power, have
constantly set out with uniting in their own persons, all the branches of magistracy, and all the great
offices of state
JRL &t is not my business to e)amine whether the #nglish actually enjoy this liberty, or not &t is sufficient
for my purpose to observe, that it is established by their laws- and & in%uire no further
JSL <either do & pretend by this to undervalue other governments, not to say that this e)treme political
liberty ought to give uneasiness to those who have only a moderate share of it !ow should & have any
such design, & who thin( that even the e)cess of reason is not always desirable, and that man(ind
generally find their account better in mediums than in e)tremes0