The Algerians

by Pierre Bourdieu
Translated by Alan C. M. Ross
Wi t h a preface by Raymond Aron
Beacon Press Bost on
Fi rst publ i shed i n Fr anc e i n 1958 under the title
Sociologie de L'Algrie
Revised edition i g6i
Copyright 1958 by Presses Universitaires de France
English translation copyright ig62 by Beacon Press
All rights reserved
Published simultaneously in Canada by
S. J. Reginald Saunders and Co., Ltd., Toronto
Library of Congress catalog card number: 62-15604
Printed in the United States of America
Maps and graphs by Franoise Mallet
Preface
Thi s book by my fri end Pi erre Bour di eu concerns itself
wi t h Al ger i a, not wi t h the war i n Al ger i a. Bour di eu, a sociologist
and phi l osopher, has l i ved i n that country f or many years. He
has the abi l i ty to observe wi t h det achment and to underst and
wi t h sympat hy, t o reconstruct the out l ook and system of val ues
of di fferent communi t i es at the same ti me that he percei ves the
growi ng uni t y of those communi t i es as they r anged themselves
against the col oni al condi t i on.
For al most ei ght years the dr ama of Al ger i a wei ghed upon
the Fr ench l i ke an obsession, a gui l t , and al so l i ke a duty. It
preci pi tated t he f al l of a regi me, spl i t a nati on asunder. It im-
periled domestic peace and spread t hroughout the mot her coun-
try a cl i mate of passion and cri me. It coul d no l onger be con-
sidered a simple episode i n a hi stori cal l y irresistible movement
called "decol oni zat i on"; it became a tragi c moment i n the history
of France. Thos e who care about the destiny of France and of
the West cannot r emai n i ndi fferent t o Al geri a; they wi l l find
i n this vol ume the necessary data for refl ecti on and j udgment .
T h e popul at i on of Al geri a is nei ther ethni cal l y nor cul-
tural l y homogeneous: Kabyl es, Shawi a, Mozabi t es and Arabi c-
speaki ng peopl esal t hough al l Islamized t o a certai n e x t e nt
share nei t her the same tradi ti ons, the same way of life, nor the
same social structure. For many reasons, geographi cal as wel l as
psychol ogi cal , the Al ger i an communi t i es t hroughout the cen-
turies have been unabl e to bui l d a nation comparabl e to the
ones that existed to the east and west, in Tuni s and Morocco.
T h e idea of the "cl ean board of 1830"i . e. , that bef ore the
French conquest not hi ng woul d have exi sted i n Al geri ai s un-
questi onabl y a l egend. But it is true that pol i ti cal uni f i cati on
was far f r om bei ng achi eved t hr oughout the territory that is
to be the Al ger i an republ i c. T h e i mmi gr at i on of Frenchmen
and Europeans into an Al geri a officially assimilated into the
v
vi Preface
met ropol i t an terri tory and di vi ded i nt o dpartements has pro-
gressivel y created the si tuati on that Pi erre Bour di eu analyzes
at the end of his book.
Bet ween the tradi ti onal cul t ure of al l the peopl es of Al geri a
and the cul t ur eFr ench and moder nt hat the colons brought
wi t h t hem, there is a radi cal i ncompat i bi l i t y. T h e Europeans
di d not underst and and di d not wi sh to underst and the au-
thenti c nature of the tradi ti onal cul ture. As the domi nant mi -
nori ty, they feared that they woul d be swamped by the maj ori ty
if they accorded to the vanqui shed the ci vi c equal i t y whi ch the
l atter had l ong demanded. T h e Mosl ems, for thei r part , sus-
tai ned the shock of bot h a f orei gn cul t ure and a humi l i at i ng
status. The i r cul ture was shattered, parti al l y broken up by con-
tact wi t h the moder n cul t ure of the domi nant group. T h e swift
gr owt h of the Mosl em popul at i on (2.5 per cent annual l y) al so
hel ped to upset t he tradi ti onal pat t er n, t o i ncrease the number
of those who had no regul ar wor k and who felt themsel ves lost
i n a hostile wor l d, wi t hout meani ng i n an i ncomprehensi bl e
society. Thus , all the condi ti ons were j oi ned t o a pitiless war,
i n whi ch nati onal i sts f ought for the i ndependence of their
country-to-be and for thei r di gni t y, and i n whi ch the European
mi nori t y defended its ri ght t o live on the l and whi ch thei r
fathers' toil had made producti ve. As for the French in the
homel and: some want ed to hang on to the last segment of
empi r e, others wi shed t o protect t hei r compat ri ot s wh o had
settled on the opposi t e shore of the Medi t erranean, and still
others hoped passionately that France woul d pur sue her voca-
ti on of l i bert y t o its ul ti mate end.
We al ready know what the horrors of the Al ger i an war
have been. Wha t the f ut ure wi l l br i ng, no one can tel l . But ,
in spite of the bl ood that has been spilled and the crimes that
have been commi tted, the mere fact of a final agreement be-
t ween the Al geri an republ i can government and the French
government does not permi t us to concl ude on a note of de-
spair. Precisely because the struggl e has gi ven t hem an aware-
ness of thei r own wort h, the Mosl ems of Al geri a hencef orth are
open to moder n ci vi l i zati on. T h e French, on the other hand,
do not feel that they have been defeated. The y real i zed finally
Preface
vi i
that the conflict itself ha d l ost its meani ng and that the accession
of Al ger i a to the status of nat i on was bot h i nevi t abl e and j ust.
Wi l l Al geri a' s Eur opean mi nori t y resign itsel f to l i vi ng i n an
Al geri an republ i c, or wi l l its members ret urn to t he mot her
country? Wha t proport i on of Europeans wi l l make the decision
one way or the other? Wi l l the gover nment of an i ndependent
Al ger i a that emerged f rom revol ut i on tol erate i n actual i ty the
preservati on of a Eur opean mi nori ty? Wi l l the association wi t h
France be anyt hi ng more t han a brief and precari ous transi ti on
bet ween the col oni al condi t i on and a socialism more or less
total i tari an, a neutral i sm more or less positive?
We shal l not at t empt to predi ct what course of acti on wi l l
be f ol l owed. But let us cont i nue to hope and, above al l , let us
cont i nue t o perpet uat e the firm bonds whi c h t he di al ogue,
al ternatel y peacef ul and bellicose, has f orged bet ween the t wo
peopl es.
RAYMOND A R O N
Maps and Graphs
Figure Page
1. Pl an o a Kabyle House 6
2. Plan of a Kabyle Village: Al t Hichem 14
3. Social Organization of the Tri be of the Al t Yahi a and of the Village
of Ai t Hichem 18-ig
4. The Tri be of the Al t Yahia 21
5. The Tri bes of the Aures 26
6. Simplified Pl an of the Ci ty of Ghardai'a 52-53
7. Growth of the Principal Cities Between 1954 and 1960 63
8. Pl a n of a Part of the Domai n (haouch) of the Ben Chaoua 76-77
g. Family Tree and Social Organization of the Tri be of the Ouled
Rechaich 86-87
10. Dynamics of the Social Groups in Kabylia 100
11. Distribution of Farm Properties According to Size and Ethnic
Category 124
12. Statistical Tabl es According to Departement 126-127
13. Distribution of the Mal e Algerian Population According to Ty p e of
Activity and Age Group 136
14. Popul ation Shifts Wi t hi n Algeria Between i g54 and i g6o 142-143
15. The Military Situation in ig57 166-167
16. Population Shifts in the North of the Departement of Constantine 168
17. The "Resettlements" in the Territory of A'in Arbel 173
18. T h e "Resettlement" of A'in Arbel (detail) 177
l g. T h e "Resettlement" in the Kerkera Region (Collo) 180-181
Contents
Preface, by Raymond Aron v
' I nt roduct i on xi
Chapt er 1. T h e Kabyl es 1
The Social Structures 2
The Gentilitial Democracy 16
Chapt er 2. T h e Shawi a 25
Domestic Organization 27
The Social Structures g2
Chapt er 3. T h e Mozabi tes 37
The Challenge of the Desert g 7
Social Structure and City Government . . . 40
Puritanism and Capitalism 45
The Interaction Between Permanence and Change 50
Chapt er 4. T h e Arabi c-Speaki ng Peopl es . . . . 56
The Gity Dwellers
Nomads and Semi-Nomads . . . . . . 65
The New Sedentary Peoples 70
Chapt er 5. T h e Common Cul t ur al Heri t age . . . 92
Cul tural Interpntration and Kaleidoscopic
Mechanism g2
The Economy and Attitude Toward Life . 102
Islam and North African Society . . , . 107
Chapt er 6. Di si nt egrat i on and Distress . . 119
The Colonial System 12o
The Colonial Society , . . . .. . . 129
The Tot al Disruption of a Society . . . . 134.
Contents
Cha pt e r 7. T h e Revol ut i on Wi t h i n the Revol ut i on 145
Special Form and Meaning o the War . . . 147
War as Cul tural Agent 155
The Resettlement Policy 163
End of a Worl d 184
Glossary of Arab and Berber Ter ms 193
Selected Bi bl i ography 202
Index 204
Introduction
Ar ab writers relate that Cal i ph Omar used to say (with a
pun on the Arabi c root word frq, meani ng "di vi si on"): "If ri qi ya
[Nort h Af ri ca] stands for br eakup! " Certai nl y the past and the
present of northwest Af r i c at he Ma g hr e bwoul d appear to
support this statement. Whi c h condi t i on, then, confronts us:
Diversity or unity? Cont i nui t y or contrast? If we note only the
exi sti ng differences, are we not liable to overl ook the under-
l yi ng i denti ty whi ch prevails?
1
Ther e are so many criteria, so many lines of cleavage that
rarel y coi nci de, so many cul t ural areas that overl ap. For exampl e,
accordi ng to cl i mate and t opography, there is contrast bet ween
the Te l l coastal regi on and the "Sahara, " between mount ai n
dwellers and the i nhabi tants of the pl ai ns and hi l l s. Ac c or di ng
to the way of life, contrast exists bet ween nomads and sedentary
peopl es, but wi t h varyi ng i ntermedi ate degrees of semi-nomads
and semi-sedentary peoples. Accor di ng to the type of habi t at i on,
there is opposi t i on bet ween those who l i ve i n different types of
dwel l i ngs: terraced houses i n the Saharan Aures and Mzab,
houses wi t h ti l ed roofs in Kabyl i a, Moor i sh houses in the cities,
but agai n wi t h a series of t ransi t i onal types, of whi c h one of
t he most common is t he humbl e earthen gourbi; opposi t i on be-
t ween the grouped dwel l i ng places of the "ol d sedentary peo-
pl es" and the dispersed dwel l i ng places of the peopl e that have
' I t is obvious that Algeria, when considered in isolation from the rest
of the Maghreb, does not constitute a true cultural unit. However, I have;
limited my investigation to Algeria for a definite reason. Algeria is specifi-
cally the object of this study because the clash between the indigenous and
the European civilizations has made itself felt here with the greatest force.
Thus the problem under investigation has determined the choice of subject.
Thi s study, which is a conceptual outline of more extensive analyses,
includes a description of the original social and economic structures (Chap.
1-5) which, al though not the mai n purpose of the book, is indispensable
for an understanding of the breakdown of the social structures caused by
the colonial situation and the influx of European civilization.
xi
xii Introduction
onl y recentl y become sedentary. Accor di ng to the ant hropo-
l ogi cal cri teri on, one finds antithesis bet ween the local stock and
the addi ti ons f rom the east (but a checkered history has br ought
about such a great i nt er mi ngl i ng that one can rarel y and wi t h
difficulty di sti ngui sh any perfectl y pure types). Accor di ng to
l anguage and cul ture, opposi t i on exists between Berber-speaki ng
and Arabi c- speaki ng peopl es, but among the latter are a great
many Ar abi ci zed Berbers. Accor di ng to different cul t ure traits,
such as women' s ri ght of i nheri t ance, t here is antithesis bet ween
Berber and Mosl em l aw, but on bot h sides a system of counter-
acti ng bal ances whi ch tends to abol i sh these differences. Accord-
i ng t o the degree of legislative power of the gr oup, there is
a si mi l ar opposi t i on, b ut wi t h transitions of varyi ng degree.
Accor di ng to artistic techni ques, you discover contrast bet ween
the bol d, recti l i near ornament at i on of Berber art and the fine,
f l owi ng lines of Ar ab decorati on. One coul d go on i n this way
cont rast i ng the sharecroppers and the wage earners, the var yi ng
rel ati onshi p of man to the soil, the magi c-rel i gi ous nat ure of the
oath, the j udi ci al system, the degree of penet rat i on of Isl am.
Al l these lines t raced on a map woul d f or m an al most i nex-
t ri cabl e maze, since no t wo mar ked areas woul d over l ap exactl y
f o r exampl e, areas i ndi cat i ng Berber-speakers and sedentary
peopl es, or those i ndi cat i ng Arabi c-speakers and nomads and
since too the borders of these areas are sel dom clearly defined.
Cert ai n rel ati vel y di sti nct "cul t ural areas" do, however, stand
out f r om thi s maze i n strongl y marked patterns. I ndeed, where-
ever the Berber dialects have been mai ntai ned, pri nci pal l y i n
t he mount ai n massifs ( Kabyl i a, Aures), there have been conserved
not onl y special cul ture traits but a special mode of life. Her e
may be noted, among other features, a certai n i ndependence in
regard to Isl am (wi th the except i on of the Mzab) whi c h is par-
ti cul arl y evi dent i n the j udi ci al system, a peasant l ove of the
soil and of the desperatel y hard wor k requi red t o make it fertil e,
the predomi nance of di rect f ar mi ng of the l and by its owner,
a social structure wi t h strong, equal i tari an features based on
the concept of the terri tori al pat ri mony. Whi l e it is true that the
nomadi c Arabs have i nt roduced a different system of val ues a
disdain for the l and and di rect f ar mi ng that is characteri sti c of a
Introduction xiii
pastoral ci vi l i zati on, an aristocratical l y mi nded soci et yi t woul d
be dangerous to exaggerate the opposi t i on bet ween Ar abs and
Berbers. Bet ween these t wo ways of life there are f requent transi -
tions and deepl y rooted affinities. Is it possible to i magi ne the
Ar a b tri be, for exampl e, as bei ng separated f rom its terri tori al
pat ri mony, l ands that are strictly defined to guar d against ri val
encroachment? On the other hand, is it not true that the social
structures of the Berbers, l i ke those of the Ar abs, have been
devel oped i n accordance wi t h the geneal ogi cal pattern? Bet ween
the t wo systems there is a constant i nt eract i on based on a close
affinity but characteri zed by a confl i cti ng mot i vat i on: the temp-
tati on to adopt the ways of one's nei ghbor and the desire to
ret ai n one' s own i denti ty.
Al ger i a is a l ong, narrow strip of l and br oken up i nt o a
tangle of smal l sections, wi th pl ai ns of any appreci abl e size only
at its western and eastern tips. By reason of its geographi cal
mul ti pl i ci ty this country has, no doubt , al ways seemed pre-
disposed to social parti cul ari sms. Cert ai n factors, however, have
opposed this tendency: the intense movement that animates the
whol e territory, the mi grati ons of shepherds, the cycle of markets
whi ch are the occasion f or cul tural and j udi ci al exchanges (the
rol e of the meddah comes to mi nd i n this connecti on); the far-
r eachi ng influence of the cities whi ch are centers of rel i gi ous
ort hodoxy and Eastern ci vi l i zati on; the unity of f ai th; the fact
that the many dialects use the one sacred l anguage of the Kor an
as an i mpl i ci t reference. T h e result is that these t wo anti -
thetical aspect suni t y and pl ural i t y, conti nui ty and di vi s i on
can be underst ood onl y when consi dered i n rel ati on to one an-
other. No compl et el y closed and, therefore, pur e and i nt act
society exists i n the Maghr eb; however i sol ated and wi t hdr awn
i nt o itself a gr oup may be, it still thi nks of itself and j udges
itself by compari son wi t h other groups. Each group seeks to
establish and base its own i denti ty on the ways in whi ch it differs
f rom others; the resul t is diversification rather t han diversity.
Thus , whi l e our analyses wi l l define these differences, it wi l l be
only to discover above and beyond t hem the basic i denti ty
that these differences conceal or seek t o conceal .
We have no i nt ent i on of r educi ng t o this pat t ern ei ther the
XI V
Introduction
contacts bet ween the Eur opean and the i ndi genous ci vi l i zati ons
or the upheaval s caused by col oni zat i on, and we are not i gnorant
of the fact that, j ust as the ol d di al ogue bet ween Berbers and
Arabs was unequal , so the new di al ogue is unequal , but for
other reasons and wi t h more absoluteness. Neverthel ess, one of
the keys to the present dr ama may be f ound i n the pai nf ul
debate of a society whi ch is compel l ed to define itself by refer-
ence to another, is torn between self-doubt and compl acent self-
pri de, between adherence to others and the fierce defense of its
besi eged self. Its drama is t he acute conflict wi t hi n an al i enated
consci ence, l ocked i n contradi cti ons and cravi ng for a way to
re-establish its own i denti ty, even by means of excess and vi o-
l ence.
i . The Kabyl es
Settl ed i n very heavy densities (267 i nhabi t ant s to the square
ki l ometer in the arrondissement of Fort Nat i onal ) in regi ons of
hil l y, rugged terrain, the Kabyl es are pri mari l y arbori cul turi sts.
The i r dwel l i ngs are gr ouped i n villages. T h e backs of these
dwel l i ngs face out ward and are connect ed t o f or m a sort of
wal l ed encl osure that is easily defended. Inside the vi l l age the
houses face on rough, narrow lanes. T h e threshi ng floors, the bar n
for stori ng hay, the mi l l stones and the rustic presses for the pro-
ducti on of ol ive oil are f ound at the entrance to the village, at
whi ch poi nt t he paths l eadi ng to t he vil l age divide, so that the
stranger who has no business wi t hi n may proceed on his way
wi t hout enteri ng. Thus , at the first appr oac h, the vi l l age reveals
its det ermi nat i on to remai n a closed and secret uni t , resolutely
uni t ed agai nst the outside worl d. Perched above its l ands, whi ch
ext end down the slopes to the bot t om of the nar r ow val l eys, wi t h
its veget abl e gardens mai nt ai ned by the women i n the vi ci ni ty
of the houses, its tiny fields at the next l ower l evel , and its ol i ve
groves at the bot t om of the val l ey, the vi l l age is bot h watch-
t ower and fortress, f r om whi ch the Kabyl e can easily survey his
fields and orchards.
1
T h e economy depends mai nl y on t wo trees, the ol i ve and the
fig, together wi t h a few compl ement ary crops (hard wheat and
barl ey) and some small-scale stock rai si ng. T h e l and was formerl y
hel d j oi nt l y by the l arge fami l y, but i n the last twenty years the
breaches i n this system have become much more f requent. The r e
are also certain lands held i n common by the cl an or vi l l age
(mechmel) whi ch usually serve as pasture land. Th e smal l hol di ng
1
It is in the Kabylia o the Djurdjura that the customs have been best
preserved. The valleys o the Soummam, the Guergour and the Babor, al-
though Berber-speaking, present characteristics that are foreign to the Kabyl e
culture and have been borrowed from the Arabic-speaking populations. In
various islands of peasants living in the mountainous regions there may be
observed a way of life that is similar, with a few variations, to that of
Kabylia.
2 The Algerians
T h e Social Structures
T h e Kabyl e society, whi ch is composed of what mi ght be de-
scribed as a series of i nt erl ocki ng communi t i es, may be repre-
predomi nat es: ni ne-tenths of the fami l i es own less t han twenty-
five acres, the average hol di ng bei ng three to five acres usual l y
di vi ded i nt o several smal l pl ots. Th e mtayage au quint (share-
cr oppi ng system) is rare. Ai ded by the members of his fami l y, and
on certai n occasions by the whol e cl an or the whol e vi l l age, the
head of the f ami l y farms his own l and, whi ch, thanks to the l egal
cust om of j oi nt possession, remai ns sufficiently l arge to support
the f ami l y communi t y. Because of the scanty product i on, how-
ever, a strict cont rol of consumpt i on must be mai nt ai ned. I n a
society where money is scarce and interest rates hi gh, and where
trul y efficient techni cal met hods are l acki ng, i t has been f ound
necessary to combat a si ngul arl y sterile nat ural envi ronment by
the coordi nat ed effort of all members of the communi t y. So there
has been a wi de devel opment of pacts (pl owi ng associations,
f armi ng leases, etc.) whi ch are mut ual l y profi tabl e and are of
such vari ety that all possible combi nat i ons seem to have been
effected.
It becomes evi dent how sharp and strai ned is this struggl e
bet ween man and his envi ronment . By a sort of phenomenon of
compensat i on, to the i mperf ect i on of techni ques t here is a corre-
spondi ng exaggerat ed perf ect i on of the social or der as if the pre-
cariousness of the adj ust ment t o the nat ur al envi r onment were
count erbal anced by the excel l ence of the social organi zat i on; as
if, to count eract hi s powerl essness i n regard to t hi ngs, man had no
ot her recourse t han to devel op associations wi t h ot her men i n a
l uxur i ant gr owt h of huma n rel ati onshi ps. But one woul d be no
less justified i n consi deri ng that the underl yi ng i nt ent i on of this
soci ety is perhaps to devote the best of its energy and its geni us to
the el aborat i on of rel ati onshi ps bet ween man and man, at the
risk of gi vi ng secondary i mport ance to the struggl e of man against
nature.
The Kabyles 3
sented by concentri c circles of al l egi ances whi ch have thei r
own name, their own propert y and thei r own honor. Th e small-
<
_f t-scoal ^. dl i s_the. e>ygnded iamilyjakham, the "l arge house").
TJte_iajnilies4fflJL9g?ther to f orm the takharroubt, whose mem-
bjrs_generally bear__UieLsame_.name_and considerTtSemselvesjo be
"brot hers, " since they descend f rom a common ancestor to the
f ourt h or fifth generat i on. Someti mes, however, the takharroubt
j oi ns together fami l i es of different names and origins. The r e may
also general l y be f ound attached to the descendants of the com-
mon ancestor dependent groups who have been adopt ed and
i ntegrated. Each takharroubt has its t'amen, its spokesman, cho-
sen by common consent, who represents it at assembTT"arLd who,
at the ti me of the timechret', receives the share of the meat that
is i ntended for the members of his group. T h e takharroubt may
j oi n wi t h others i n varyi ng numbers to f orm a l arger group cal l ed,
i n Great er Kabyj i a^j he adroum. T h e vi l l age, taddart, wi t h its
amin (the execut i ve agent of the decisions of the tajmat, the
counci l chosen by the elders), i s_made up_of__seyeral id^rman
felural of adroum). Each of these social uni t s occupi es its own
quart er so that the pl an of the vi l l age shows the social structure.
Sej eraL: ri Uagj ^Qmppj ^ name of
a myt hi cal ancestor and whi ch f ormerl y had its own assembly
composed of a representati ve f rom each vi l l age. T h e confedera-
tion,^^^i^Js.aja.X,trem.ely vague unit- with-ill-definecL l imits.
Domestic organization.Th_extended__family is the basi c
social cel l , tlie^ocaLpiQinLjvhere converge the most vari ed orders
of f act seconomi cs, magi c, customary l aw, ethics, r el i gi ont he
model on whi ch al l social structures have been devel oped. It is
not restricted to the gr oup made up of the marri ed coupl e and
thei r di rect descendants, but bri ngs together al l the agnates (de-
scendants f rom a c ommon mal e ancestor), t hereby uni t i ng several
generat i ons i n i nt i mat e association and communi on under a sin-
gl e chief. Thg_ father, who is l eader, pri est and j udge, assigns a
precise pl ace wi t hi n the communi t y to each househol d and to
each bachel or. Hi s aut hj ont y^i s j j enj ^ He has
two_greatly feared_sai^tjoj^_a^Jris_aUsjrjosalthe power to disin-
heri t and the_ power to cal l down cursest he l atter bei ng un-
4 The Algerians
doubt edl y the mor e powerf ul weapon, si nce it is deemed to br i ng
down di vi ne puni shment upon the ungrat ef ul , the prodi gal or the
rebel . Hi s omni pot ence is di spl ayed each day i n connecti on wi t h
any event concerni ng f ami l y l i fe or organi zati on (the maki ng of
purchases, the al l ot ment of tasks, management of the f ami l y
budget , etc.). He decides upon and presides over all f ami l y cere-
moni es. Thus , f or marri ages, it is he who decides the date and the
amount of sol emni ty to be accorded to the ceremony. On certain
grave occasions he summons a f ami l y counci l compri sed of his
sons and brothers, and sometimes he has a marabout (priest)
parti ci pate i n its del i berati ons. T h e f at her has the ri ght to compel
members of the f ami l y to marry. On hi s deat h, the eldest son i n-
heri t s his aut hori t y and, even when the propert y has been di-
vi ded, he cont i nues to wat ch over the conduct of hi s brothers and
sisters, gi vi ng t hem ai d and act i ng as t hei r representati ve i n cer-
tai n ci rcumstances. Th e mot her, for her part , has charge of al l the
domest i c tasks and of cert ai n f ar m chores (the gar den, gat heri ng
wood, the f et chi ng of water). She usual l y hel ps her husband i n the
management of the f ami l y provi si ons and is responsi bl e f or their
saf eguardi ng and thrifty di st ri but i on to members of the fami l y.
Fi nal l y, she represents the power of the f ather wi t hi n the f emal e
society (al l otment of tasks, etc.) so that she often is regarded as
"t he pi l l ar of the communi t y. "
T h e f ami l y cell is a f undament al uni t : an economi c uni t of
product i on and consumpt i on, a pol i ti cal uni t wi t hi n the confed-
erat i on of fami l i es that makes up the cl an, and finally a rel i gi ous
uni t , since each dwel l i ng is the site of a common cul t (rites of the
threshol d, of the heart h, of the guardi an spirits of the fami l y,
etc.). Thi s cohesi on is st rengt hened by the fact that the group
l ives i n a si ngl e ar eat he houses of the descendants of a common
ancestor bei ng general l y gr ouped ar ound a common c our t yar d
and by the custom of commensal i ty, or that of eat i ng together
(see Fi g. i ) . T h e f ami l y is also a uni t wi t h common interests and
occupat i ons: the out door tasks, those of bot h the men and
women (constructi on, sowi ng, harvests, pot t ery maki ng, and the
l i ke), are the busi ness of al l members of the gr oup. Thi s i nvol ve-
ment ext ends to anyt hi ng that affects the head of the fami l y,
The Kabyles 5
parti cul arl y i n anyt hi ng that affects his honor, whi ch they must
def end at al l costs.
T h e fami l i es own the houses and cul t i vat ed l ands and are
represented by their chiefs, who have power to act for the corpo-
rate body. I n act ual fact the JjLK-^Qf^canj_possessionpreyai
among the Kj rt >yl ej ^ bot h the eco-
nomi c and moral bal ance of the group) , so that each member
(househoIcT and even i ndi vi dual ) has a share whi ch grants hi m
tenure but not ri ght of ownershi p. T h e fact that each househol d
has its own property does not gi ve it any excuse to disobey the
moral i mperat i ve whi ch prescri bes that the f ami l y propert y must
be conserved and i ncreased. Moreover, the customary l aw protects
the l anded i nheri tance. For this purpose was establ ished the
chefda, the ri ght of repurchase or pre-empti on of real estate, to
whi ch custom has gi ven an exorbi t ant devel opment and whi ch
al l ows any strangers to the gr oup to be depri ved of ri ghts of
ownershi p. Al so wor ki ng to safeguard the l anded i nheri t ance are
the habous, chari t abl e f oundat i ons whi c h may be set up f or a
wi fe' s advant age and whi ch al l ow her a life interest i n the prop-
erty, al t hough as a " haboused" property it cannot be transferred
and must ret urn to the mal e heirs on the deat h of the beneficiary.
Thi s summary analysis has so far descri bed onl y features that
are common to all types of fami l y i n Nor t h Af ri ca. T h e pri nci pal
ori gi nal i ty of the Kabyl e system concerns the status of women.
Unl i ke Mosl em l aw, whi ch grants a woman the ri ght to i nheri t ,
flTm?Z?B^alhird~orari^al shai fcJSerber ^w^s!5Kai t8~wrj men
by vi rt ue of the agnat i c jjmicj. ple, . accordi ng to wHich the suc-
cessional choi ce depends pri mari l y on the degree of ki nshi p i n
the mal e l i ne and exists to the excl usi ve profit of the mal e hei rs.
Th e di si nheri tance of women is i n the first pl ace an economi c
necessity. Gi ven the heavy densi ty of popul at i on and the ext reme
scarcity of arabl e l and, the excessive di vi di ng up of the propert y
that woul d ensue f rom the i nt ervent i on of too great a number of
heirs woul d r ui n the fami l y. It must also be real i zed that the
wi f e remai ns a stranger to her husband' s gr oup, among whom she
has the status of an i nvi t ed guest; thus she woul d not be j usti fi ed
i n l ayi ng cl ai m to an i nheri t ance f rom ancestors who are not her
Fig. i. Pl an of a Kabyl e Hous e
A Ka by l e house is general l y rat her smal l : 23 to 25 feet l ong and 16
feet wi de. T h e wal l s are f r om 10 to 12 feet i n hei ght and from ii/2 to 2
feet thick. The y are const ruct ed by laying two paral l el rows of stones
cement ed t oget her by cl ay or mud.
T h e house is di vi ded i nt o two parts, the stabl e, adainin (2), and the
taqaats, the area reserved for the humans. Abo v e the stable is the loft,
taaricht (sA), made of pl anks and partl y hi dden by jars (7), ikufan,
own. It is l ogi cal , then, that if the husband dies i ntestate the
propert y shoul d go to the closest mal e descendant. Thi s ruthless
f avori ng of the mal e l i ne is, however, tempered i n several ways.
As a resul t of the resol uti ons of 1748, the Kabyl es refused to obey
any l onger the prescri pti ons of the Korani c l aw concerni ng i nheri -
tance and ret urned to the custom of the di si nheri tance of women.
Since that ti me the habous, whi ch previ ousl y served to di si nheri t
women (as they do i n Ar ab communi t i es), have permi t t ed t hem
to enjoy a l i fe interest i n the l ands of thei r husbands. Further-
more, the code of honor requi res a man to assume responsi bi l i ty
f or any of his femal e rel ati ves who may be orphaned, wi dowed,
or repudi at ed by thei r husbands.
I n the domai n of f ami l y rights, the same brut al i nequal i t y
apparent l y prevai l s. Marri age l i berates a woman f rom the abso-
6
The Kabyles
7
pl aced al ong the tadekuant (6), a small wal l t wo or three feet i n hei ght ,
whi ch separates the stabl e f rom the l i vi ng quarters. Hol l owe d out i n
the l ower part of thi s wal l are t he mangers f or t he cattl e. Ag ai ns t t he
wal l opposi t e the st abl e is a narrow, l ow wal l about three feet in hei ght
cal l ed t he adekuan (10), on whi c h are pl aced the ki t chen utensi l s and
t he oi l l amp and i n whi c h are ni ches to hol d the cooki ng pot , t he pa n
for f ryi ng the gri ddl e cakes, and the other soot - bl ackened pots of terra
cotta. Al ong the f ront wal l bet ween the adekuan and the doorway is a
sort of wi de, raised step under whi ch is pl aced the mut t on or the veal
f or t he festival of t he Ai d. At the base of t he adekuan is t he heart h,
kanun (3), dug out at g r ound l evel and pl ast ered over wi t h a coat i ng of
l i me and gravel . T h e handmi l l (8) occupies one corner of the house.
T h e wat er j ug (5) is pl aced behi nd the door. T h e women set up t hei r
weav i ng l oom opposi t e the door (4). T h e house has onl y one smal l
wi ndow, whi c h serves to let out the smoke and gi ve l i ght to the l oft.
T h e door (1), whi ch provi des an entry for bot h humans and cattle, opens
on t he i nner courtyard. T h e Kabyl es gi ve t he name of lhara t o t he
group of houses t hat open on t he same i nner courtyard. Thi s court yard
is closed in by a wal l and has a common gat eway whi ch is often covered
by a roof.
T h e house wi t h the roof of round tiles is t ypi cal of Kabyl i a. It is
f ound part i cul arl y i n the Dj ur dj ur a regi on of Kabyl i a and i n part of
t he Babors regi on (from the Isser Val l e y to t he Wa d i Agri oun) . I n t he
south it ext ends as far as the c hai n of the Bi bans and to the Guergour,
then gives way to the terraced house. On the other frontiers it is re-
pl aced by the gourbia hut wi th walls ei ther of uncement ed stones or
of clay covered wi t h t hat ch, esparto grass or di s s whi c h is f ound
t hroughout all of the Tel l , except in the regions ment i oned above, and
in the area of Dahr a and the Traras.
l ut e aut hori t y of her father onl y to hand her over to the compl et e
domi nat i on of her husband, or, more precisely, to the domi na-
ti on of her husband' s f ami l y gr oup and part i cul arl y of her mot h-
er-in-l^iw. She must be bot h an obedi ent and f ai thf ul wife. Wi t h
marri age, her f ormer fear of l osi ng her vi rgi ni ty is repl aced by the
fear of sterility, whi ch she seeks t o ward off by amul ets, pi l gri m-
ages, vot i ve offerings and al l sorts of magi c rites. T h e husband
hj j j ^mpl eXe_j i berty_to end^the marri age. He mer el yl i aFTcr pn) -
nounce the f ormul a of repudi mi f i i f i n the presence of f ri ends, of
a mar about , of the assembly or, at the present ti me, before the
cadi (a mi nor j udge or magi strate).
T h e status gi ven to women is, i n fact, a consequence of the
absol ute pri macy of the fami l y gr oup or, more precisely, of the
agnat i c group. " The whol e social organi zati on of Kabyl i a, " wri te
8
The Algerians
Hanot eau and Let r ouneux, " al l the Kabyl e i nsti tuti ons (pol i ti -
cal, admi ni st rat i ve, ci vi l . . . ) converge on this single goal : to
mai nt ai n and devel op the sol i dari ty bet ween the members of the
same communi t y, to gi ve to the ' group' the greatest possible
strength. " Hence there is f ound, among other characteristics, the
ri ght of mat ri moni al compul si on. As a social necessity f rom whi ch
no one can escape, marri age is the affair of the gr oup and not of
the i ndi vi dual . Furt hermore, the absol ute separati on of the sexes,
whi ch excl udes the wi fe f rom part i ci pat i on in any outsi de activ-
ity, depri ves her of the possi bi l i ty of l i vi ng el sewhere t han i n her
l awf ul abode. T h e i nvest i gat i on of mat r i moni al prospects is
t hen very l ogi cal l y t he busi ness of t he fami l y, si nce the uni on of
t wo i ndi vi dual s is merel y the occasi on f or effecting the uni on of
t wo groups. T h e fathers seek out a "good f ami l y, " meet one an-
other, come to an agreement , al l wi t hout the knowl edge of the
i ndi vi dual s concerned. T h e young l ad may be bet r ot hed by hi s
f ather at any age; however, once he has reached maj ori t y he is
consul ted, t hrough the i nt ermedi at i on of a f ri end, i n order that
he may freel y express hi s opi ni on. If he refuses (a rare possi bi l i ty)
hi s f ather may make anot her choice. T h e girls, on the ot her hand,
are usual l y i nf ormed onl y after the marri age has been deci ded
upon. I n actual fact marri age is often arranged by the women,
wi t h the head of the f ami l y merel y i nt erveni ng to authori ze agree-
ments that have al ready been reached. Moreover, the Kabyl e gi rl
has been prepared by her whol e educat i on for her f uture l egal
and soci al condi t i on. Ever yt hi ng is done to i mpress upon her the
fact of mal e superi ori ty: for exampl e, the i mpor t ance gi ven to
the di fferent ceremoni es that mark the mai n stages of a boy' s l i fe
(bi rth, first hai rcut , first tri p to the market , ci rcumci si on, etc.).
No r is i t surpri si ng that a marri age shoul d i n no way change
the f ami l y. Mar r i ed or unmar r i ed, the i ndi vi dual remai ns bound
to the agnat i c gr oup and subj ect to the same pat ernal aut hori t y;
the wi f e, for her part , is consi dered as a means of i ncreasi ng the
size of the f ami l y and of t i ght eni ng its ties. Such is the true con-
t ext i n whi ch marri age and the mat ri moni al compensati on must
be i nt erpret ed. Cert ai n authors have seen i n the Kabyl e marri age
(and i n the Mosl em marri age i n general ) a ki nd of sale, wi t h the
Compensati on (paid by the f ather of the groom to the father of
The Kabyles 9
the bri de) consti tuti ng a true purchase pri ce; others, a sort of
contract for hi ri ng out of services; others, an original contract
desi gned to make the father take an interest i n the good conduct
of his daught er (thereby al l owi ng hi m to keep the marri age pay-
ment ); still others consider this payment as a sort of j oi nt guaran-
tee bot h f or the hus bandt he bri de' s f ather bei ng i nduced to
wat ch over the conduct of his da ught e r a nd for the wi f e, who
may, accordi ng to certai n customary l aws, demand the use of the
marri age payment when her f ami l y appears to be deserti ng her.
Th e first i nt erpret at i on must be rej ected; the others appear to be
stressing certai n "secondary f unct i ons, " to whi c h shoul d be added
the economi c f unct i on (ci rcul ati on of capi tal ). Th e marri age
payment shoul d real l y be underst ood in the cont ext of the "hon-
orabl e exchange" whi ch i mpl i es the exchange of gifts and coun-
tergifts: one exampl e of this i nst i t ut i on is the taousa, the gi ft
that the guest makes to hi s host wi t h great fanfare on festive or
ceremoni al occasions. These gifts create a moral and rel i gi ous
bond and i mpl y the dut y of gi vi ng back more t han has been
recei ved i n the way of def erred exchanges. Not e, however, the
"marri age by exchange" i n whi ch an i ndi vi dual gi ves his sister
i n marri age to anot her whose sister he i n turn marries wi t hout
any marri age payment . Marri age is j ust one more occasi on for
such reci procal exchanges, whi ch are requisites of social existence
and the normal met hod of transferri ng goods and chattels, among
whi ch wi ves must be i ncl uded. Thes e transactions do not bel ong
i n the l ogi c of economi c cal cul ati on; the marri age payment is
a countergi ft and marri age is an exchange whi ch creates al l i ances
bet ween groups (consequentl y, the si mul ated struggles whi ch, i n
the rites connect ed wi t h the marri age ceremony, port ray the
opposi t i on of the cl an of the gr oom to that of the bri de) and takes
the f orm of reci procal gifts, because the rel at i onshi p bet ween the
marri age and the mat ri moni al compensat i on is not an arbi trary
one, the marri age bei ng consi dered as an i ntegral part of the gifts
that accompany it.
T h e mat ri moni al compensat i on restores a br oken bal ance
i n that it is used as a pl edge, a substi tute f or the woman who
shoul d have been provi ded by the bri degroom' s f ami l y i n ex-
change for the bri de. T h e conti nui ty of the gi f t and countergi f t
i o
The Algerians
mechani sm is t hus mai nt ai ned by t he mat ri moni al compensat i on.
Proof of this is the fact that if the husband dies first the marri age
payment is r et ur ned and the wi fe goes back to her f ami l y, but
t here is no ret urn of this money if the wi f e dies first, the husband' s
f ami l y thereby st andi ng defi ni tel y as the loser. Hence the ex-
t remel y i nsul t i ng nat ure of the berrou bat'el (repudi at i on of the
wi f e wi t hout aski ng for ret urn of the marri age payment ) , whi ch
breaks the system of reci proci ty by gi vi ng wi t hout recei vi ng i n
ret urn as honor demands. T h e wife thus repudi at ed, a gift that
has been ret urned and for whi ch there is no possi bl e counter-
gift, is excl uded f rom the cycle of mat ri moni al exchanges
(tamaouokt). On the ot her hand, to ret urn the mat ri moni al
compensat i on when the husband dies, or the wi fe is repudi at ed,
shows that the " cont r act " is broken but that the system of reci-
proci ty i nsti tuted by the marri age conti nues unchanged.
T h e marri age payment is also a pl edge i n another sense: the
wi f e remai ns a member of her ori gi nal group whi ch, t hrough her,
secures a hol d over the magi c power of the gr oup that accepts her,
since the gi ft still remai ns at t ached to the gi ver; the payment of
mat r i moni al compensati on thus restores the bal ance i n magi c
powers. In the same cont ext it appears also to be a compensati on
i nt ended to atone for the vi ol at i on of the sexual taboo. Thus , in
the Aures, the nupt i al gi f t consists of a "douro," cal l ed the haqd-
dkhoul (right of entry) among the Beni -Bou-Sl i mane and a
"douro lahlil" {douro maki ng l awf ul ) among the Toua ba . Li ke-
wise, the Mozabi t e j uri sts mai nt ai n that " t he nupt i al dowry is
the condi t i on that actual l y makes the marri age l egi t i mat e and
confers the ri ght to i ntercourse wi t h the br i de. " And finally,
shoul d it not be consi dered that this gi ft made to men is i n real i ty
bei ng offered t hr ough t hem to the powers of nat ure, i n order
that they may grant as a supreme bl essing a f rui tf ul marri age?
It is not surpri si ng, then, that the f ami l y gr oup shoul d be t he
f ocal poi nt of Kabyl e society: pri macy of the f ami l y gr oup, whi ch
rul es out cel i bacy and whi ch, t hr ough the f ather, exercises the
ri ght of mat r i moni al compul si on and arranges for the girls to be
marri ed at t he earl y age of t wel ve or thi rteen; pr i macy of the
gr oup, whi c h grant s absol ut e authori ty to the husband and in-
vests hi m wi t h the ri ght of r epudi at i on because of the fact t hat
The Kabyles 1 1
i t is not the marri ed coupl e, but the cont i nui t y of the f ami l y
gr oup, that must above al l be prot ect ed; pri macy of the gr oup,
whi ch t hr ough vari ous l egal devi ces ensures the prot ect i on of the
f ami l y pat ri mony against any outsi de i ntrusi on, and whi ch
excl udes women f rom i nheri t i ng i n order to prevent a reduct i on
i n the size of the property.
Th e superi or role of the gr oup also appears cl earl y i n the
mat t er of emi grat i on. Indeed, if i n Nor t h Af ri ca those who emi-
grate for temporary peri ods are f or the most part sedentary Ber-
bers and part i cul arl y Kabyl es, i t is because the strong cohesi on
and the sol i dari ty of the agnati c gr oup guarantees to the emi grant
that the fami l y he has left behi nd on the communal pr ope r t y
whi ch provi des subsistence for each member of the gr oupwi l l
be protected i n his absence by those of his mal e relatives who
have remai ned on the l and. It is the t hought of the f ami l y that
sustains hi m dur i ng hi s exi l e, that inspires hi m t o work desper-
ately hard and save his money. Fi nal l y, i t has been not ed that
when they are j oi ned together i n France to f orm communi t i es
whi ch are pat t erned on the f ami l y structure and whi ch recreate
that system of sol i dari ty and mut ual support whi ch ani mates
Kabyl e life, the emi grants wi l l under go severe pri vat i on i n order
to send back to thei r families the greater part of thei r earni ngs.
Si nce it is aware of the ext remel y i mport ant f unct i on of the
agnati c fami l y, the gr oup does everyt hi ng i n its power to def end
i t and to conti nual l y procl ai m those val ues on whi ch i t is based,
parti cul arl y the vi rtues of sol i dari ty and mut ual ai d whi ch can-
not be abandoned wi t hout t hreat eni ng the rui n of the enti re
social organi sm and the destructi on of that bal ance bet ween man
and hi s envi r onment whi ch is mai nt ai ned onl y by coordi nat ed
effort. I n addi t i on to the mut ual l oans and contracts of all types,
certai n tasks (constructi on of houses, road bui l di ng, weedi ng,
harvesti ng, gat heri ng of the ol i ve crop, etc.) are carried out
t hrough the cooperat i on of the whol e cl an or vi l l age; l abor that"
is gi ven grat ui t ousl y but whi ch has been made mandat ory by
c us t oma mut ual l endi ng of services, a fraternal system of mu-
tual ai d i nvol vi ng f or the benefi ci ary onl y the necessity to provi de
f ood and the obl i gat i on t o reci procat et he tiouizi is a gi f t of
l abor to whi c h a count ergi f t wi l l l ater correspond. T h e concl u-
12
The Algerians
si on of those tasks whi ch are accompani ed by acts of ri t ual is
cel ebrated by ceremoni es and by a common repast. T h u s the
col l ecti ve task becomes bot h a f orm of col l ecti ve cel ebrati on and
prayer and, above all, an occasion for the sol emn reaffirmation
of fami l y, cl an or vi l l age solidarity. I n all these customs is
expressed the strong desire to keep the ties of the gr oup t i ght l y
drawn. Doubtl ess thei r l i mi t ed met hods of product i on have neces-
sitated this col l aborat i on and association, but i n a deeper sense
this cul t of sol i dari ty may be regarded as the reverence of this
society for thei r common ancestor, whet her real or myt hi cal ,
f rom whom all sol i dari ty and ferti l i ty emanat e and t hrough
whom this society worshi ps itself.
The family as structural model.The most restricted as wel l
as the widest social uni ts have been concei ved on the model of
the f ami l y uni t . Geneal ogy is resorted to i n an attempt to rati on-
alize the social structure by showi ng that it is rooted in the past.
Hence there is a certai n l ack of preci si on in the pol i t i cal nomen-
cl ature, part i cul arl y i n regard to the groupi ngs of fami l i es, the
takharroubt and the adroum; these terms desi gnate social uni ts
of a size that vari es bot h wi t h the regi on and wi t h the social
structure and hi story of the vi l l ages. Thi s is because the transi-
ti on takes pl ace i n a gradual and cont i nuous manner f rom the
narrowest to the most ext ensi ve uni t s, al t hough pot ent i al poi nt s
of segment at i on do exi st, any one of whi ch coul d become real
gi ven the proper occasion or si tuati on.
Amo ng these segmentati on poi nts there are some, however,
whi ch mar k out true thresholds denni ng more stabl e groups. So
it is that the most vi t al uni t is the si mpl e or compl ex clan (tak-
harroubt or adroum). U p to a rel ati vel y recent date the cl an was
the f ramework i n whi ch social l i fe devel oped, and a great many
of its features proved that it had its own separate exi stence: it
had its tajmadt, its cemetery, its own secti on i n the vi l l age, its
f ount ai ns, and someti mes its own festivals and customs, and even
its own l egend of its ori gi n. T h e members of the same cl an feel
j oi ned together i n an actual brot herhood that makes f or very
f ami l i ar rel ati onshi ps and leads to atti tudes of spont aneous soli-
dari ty, whet her it be a quest i on of avengi ng bl ood that has been
shed or carryi ng out a communal task. T h e timechret'the com-
The Kabyles 13
munal shari ng of meat and the act of commensal i ty, whi ch defines
the l i mi ts of the communi t y and at the same time asserts its
uni t ywas f ormerl y carri ed out wi t hi n the f ramework of the
clan.
T h e vi l l age uni t was pri mari l y terri tori al . One must be
on guard against false anal ogi es suggested by what a number of
features woul d seem to i ndi cate: t he vi l l age, provi ded wi t h its
own counci l house and wi t h the l aws t hat are l ai d do wn by its
own counci l (qanoun), whi ch differ f rom Isl ami c l aw and whi ch
govern dai l y behavi or i n great det ai l , calls to mi nd the i dea of
the rural commune. Bjit_in_j3oint of fact the cl an exi sts al ongsi de
i t j sj i dgj t i borj s^
social uni t . Consequent l y, whet her grouped together or sepa-
rated f rom one anot her (toufiq), the cl a^Joj HL^^ordej derat i on
rather t han a communi t y. Different influences have resul ted i n
the factid^mFa good number of practices and institutions proper
to the cl an no l onger exist today except at the l evel of the vi l l age,
whi ch is becomi ng progressi vel y a true pol i t i cal uni t (see Fi g. 2).
Mor e f ragi l e and more vaguel y defined than the cl an, the
t r i bea conf ederati on of vi l l ages that exists in name onl y and
has no t angi bl e embodi ment i s onl y acti vated i n special circum-
stances and for special purposes, so that it is defined pri nci pal l y
t hrough its opposi t i on to homol ogous groups. It may be seen,
then, that cohesion and a f eel i ng of sol i dari ty are in inverse rati o
to the size of the group. Yet a quarrel concerni ng the l arger
gr oup wi l l br i ng to a hal t any quarrel s among the lesser groups
(see Fi g. 10).
T h e compl exi t y of this system, wi t h the vari ed ri ghts of ini-
ti ati ve it confers, is greatl y i ncreased by the i nteracti on of the
coffsdiffused and abstract organi zati ons, systems of pol i t i cal
and agoni sti c al l iances, whi ch may di vi de the vi l l age, the cl an or
even the f ami l y and whi c h are organi zed i nt o t wo general l eagues,
an " upper " and "l ower" l eague; organi zati ons that are pri mari l y
onomast i c (name-related) in nat ur e and have a pot ent i al rat her
t han an actual exi stence. The s e "associ at i ons" (in the sense of " a
soci al uni t that is not based on the factor of ki nshi p") come i nt o
acti on on every occasion and at every l evel , whenever a quarrel
breaks out bet ween members of different foffs, however trifling
Fi g. a. Pl an of a Kabyl e Vi l l age: Al t Hi c he m
T h e si t uat i on of this t ypi cal vi l l age i n the Dj urdj ura regi on of
Kaby l i a appears to have been deci ded upon to meet several c ombi ned
requi rement s. A fortress and observat i on post, it is bui l t at the summi t
of a 4,000-foot crest and, as a result, is compl et el y i sol ated f rom ot her
vi l l ages, whi ch are also perched on the summi t of ot her peaks. T h e
scarcity of arable l and provi des an addi t i onal reason for choosi ng this
unfertile soil of shale and sandstone as a site for the houses of the
14
The Kabyles
! 5
vi l l age. Mor eover , the peasant can wat ch over the fields and orchards
whi ch surround the peak on whi ch the vi l l age stands. T h e proxi mi t y
of wat er poi nts and of communi cat i on routes does not appear to be a
factor det ermi ni ng the posi t i on of the set t l ement : i ndeed the spri ngs,
whi ch are numerous on the hi l l slopes, are often qui t e a di stance away
f rom the vi l l age and communi cat i ons are provi ded by pat hs r unni ng
al ong the crest of the hills.
Even the l ayout of the vi l l age is the result of different techni cal
and social requi rement s. Of t en, as i n the adroum of the Ai t Mahdi in
the present exampl e, the mai n street f ol l ows the crest l i ne wi t h the
houses r unni ng down the sl opes i n a her r i ngbone pat t ern. I n the part
of t he vi l l age oc c upyi ng the side of the crest, t he houses are bui l t at
ri ght angl es to t he cont our l i nes, whi ch are marked out , approxi mat el y,
by al l eyways just wi de enough to al l ow a l aden mul e to pass. I n bot h
cases, the arrangement of the houses is such that the stable is nat ural l y
sited l ower down t han the part reserved for human habi t at i on and t he
l i qui d manure, the di rty wat er and the rai n can run down t owards the
gardens (situated behi nd the houses an i n the area of the A'it Madhi ) or
to the road that serves for drai nage.
T h e mai n t hi ng to be not ed is that the pl an reveal s the social
structure. Ma r ke d out by t wo paral l el houses and by t hi ck wal l s or
else by t hree houses pl aced at ri ght angl es, t he court yard is al ways
c ommon to members of the same l arge f ami l y, namel y the fami l i es of
t he father a nd hi s marri ed sons or the fami l i es of several brothers. T h e
pl an t hen shows up as cl earl y as wo u l d a geneal ogi cal tree t he sub-
di vi si ons of the vi l l age c o mmu ni t y t h e ext ended f ami l y, the l i neage
(takharroubt), the cl an (adroum)with the nei ghbori ng groups al l
bei ng groups based on bl ood ties.
T h e vil l age i ncl udes an endogamous family of a marabout and
strangers who have f ound ref uge (as the resul t of a murder, f or exampl e)
wi t h a rel at ed f ami l y. T h e i sol at ed houses have been constructed more
recent l y by i ndi vi dual s who have not f ound any pl ace wi t hi n the vi l l age.
T h e vi l l age is surrounded by several hol y pl aces: (1) "t he whi t e
stone, " the rock on whi ch candl es are pl aced by t he women; (2) "t he
f ount ai n of the wel l , " where l i ght s had been seen by certai n peopl e
and to whi ch candl es are al so carri ed; (g) Sidi Az z ab, t he t omb of the
ancestor of the marabout f ami l y of the Azzabene, a hol y pl ace sur-
r ounded by an encl osure of dry-stone const ruct i on t o whi ch offerings
are brought on the occasi on of rel i gi ous festivals; (4) "t he f al l ow
gr ound of the waterfal l , " a pl ot of gr ound pl ant ed wi t h oak trees on
whi ch cattle are not past ured and wood is not cut; (5) "t he summi t , "
an emi nence to whi c h offerings are carried and wher e candles are l i t;
(6) " Bou Sehel , " a sanctuary si t uat ed on a peak (3,600 feet) on the road
to T a k a , to whi c h pi l gri mages are made and offerings taken.
i6
The Algerians
the i nci dent may be, and no matter whet her it is on an i ndi vi dual
or on a col l ecti ve scale. Thi s di vi si on i nt o opposed and compl e-
ment ary hal ves appears to consti tute one aspect of a deeper
structural opposi t i on whi ch domi nat es the whol e social, spi ri tual
and ri tual i sti c life of the peopl e. Different features l ead one to
t hi nk that these conflicts bet ween the l eagues assumed an institu-
t i onal f orm and that the combats resul ted f rom the l ogi c of the
ri tual game rather t han f rom a proper war. Thi s "dual i st organi -
zat i on" guarantees a bal ance of forces t hrough strange proc-
esses of wei ghi ng, a stalemate resul ti ng f rom the crisis itself. T h e
forces are bui l t up, come i nt o opposi t i on and count erbal ance one
another. Thus it seems as if equi l i bri um were bei ng sought under
condi t i ons of the greatest tension.
Th e Genti l i ti al Democracy
The gent i l i t i al , or geneal ogi cal , fami l y, the keystone of this
society, is at the same ti me (as i n al l of Al geri a) the model on
whi ch the whol e social system has been constructed, wi t hout any
di st i nct i on bei ng made as to a di f f erence i n order and ki nd
bet ween domest i c organi zat i on (the res privatae) and pol i t i cal
organi zat i on (the res publicae), since the bonds of consangui ni t y
are consi dered as the archetype for every social tie, part i cul arl y
for pol i t i cal ti es.
2
If geneal ogy is used i n more or less arbi t rary
f ashi on every ti me that it is i mpor t ant to create or to justify a
soci al uni t , it is because i t al l ows a ki nd of rel at i on of ki nshi p to
be created, t hrough the fiction of the eponymous ancestor,
bet ween i ndi vi dual s j oi ned together as the result of the operat i on
It would be easy to demonstrate that the relations of kinship are the
model for economic relations, for the relation between man and nature or
between master and servant (see mitayagc au quint). Thi s has led, on the
one hand, to the great importance and significance that have been conferred
on exchange, the things exchanged (gifts, services, etc.) never being merely
things but also utterances, and, on the other hand, to the fact that the
economic domain is never considered as autonomous, as being endowed
with its own principles and rules (e.g., the law of interest) and consequently
is controlled, at least ideally, by the same system of values (namely the code
of honor) as other interhuman relationships.
The Kabyles 1^
of qui t e di fferent forces; it is as if thi s soci et y coul d not concei ve
of any type of rel at i onshi p exi st i ng wi t hi n a social body ot her
than that whi ch exists bet ween rel ati ves, nor coul d they concei ve
of any uni f yi ng pri nci pl e for a pol i t i cal body other t han that
whi ch makes for the cohesi on of the most el ement ary f orm of
society, the fami l y.
Thus , al t hough numerous features may make us thi nk of our
own ki nd of democracy (a ki nd of parl i ament ari ani sm, an equali-
tari ani sm, the concept of the general i nterest, a roughl y denned
execut i ve power, and so on) are we enti tl ed to concl ude that the
Kabyl e democracy is the same as ours because of these analogies?
How then can we expl ai n that this "democracy" can real l y func-
ti on onl y wi t hi n the most restri cted social uni t , the agnat i c sub-
gr oup, and that the l arger uni ts whi ch are br ought i nto bei ng by
some except i onal ci rcumstance di sappear as soon as the crisis
has been overcome? Since they have bot h been constructed i n
accordance wi t h the same pat t ern, the pol i ti cal and the domest i c
organi zat i on are real l y homogeneous. Thus a number of pecul i ar-
ities of this system may more easily be understood. Th e f uncti ons
of the tajmadt, i n whi ch onl y the elders are, i n fact, al l owed to
del i berate, are those whi ch devol ve on the "f at her, " acti ng as
head and del egate of the gr oup wi t hi n a pat ri l i near society. T h e
counci l admi ni sters, governs, l egi sl ates and arbi trates; it has the
dut y of def endi ng the col l ecti ve honor ; it must see that its deci-
sions are dul y execut ed and has at its disposal a much feared
means of coerci on, the ostraci sm or bani shment of the offender.
If the whol e of society is organi zed arounrf such a restri cted basi c
uni t as the consangui neous cl an, it is because the cl an represents
i n the pol i t i cal sphere the largest organi zati on i n whi ch f ami l y
sol idarity is still an effective influence. Th e resul t is that the
f undament al social uni t finds its own pri nci pl e of l i mi tati on i n
the very basis on whi ch it has been establ ished. Moreover, since
al l decisions must be t aken unani mousl y, the pol i ti cal organi za-
t i on is compel l ed to restrict itself to the maxi mum l i mi ts wi t hi n
whi ch unani mi t y is pract i cabl et hose of the cl an whose mem-
bers are j oi ned together by an intense sent i ment of solidarity. In
any uni t of greater size this senti ment becomes more spuri ous
i 8 The Algerians
Fi g. 3. Soci al Organi zat i on of the Tr i b e of t he Ai t Yahi a and of t he
Vi l l age of Al t Hi c he m
Isol at ed on a peak bet ween deep ravi nes whi c h separate it f r om its
nei ghbors, t he vi l l age seems to consti tute a soci al uni t t hat has been
closely denned by the t opography itself. But , i n f act , is not thi s appear-
ance of uni t y rather decepti ve? T h e vi l l age is made up of i nt erl ocki ng
groups. T h e takharroubt joins t oget her several pat ri archal fami l i es
who consi der themsel ves as bei ng descended f rom a c ommon ancestor.
It must not be t hought , however, that its members are al ways j oi ned
t oget her by real ties of ki ns hi p. For exampl e, i n t he takharroubt of t he
Ai t Issaad, there may be f ound (as wel l as t he Ai t Issaad, properl y
speaki ng) the Ai t Abba, the Ai't Ferhat , and the Ai't Bel l i l . T h e members
of the takharroubt consi der t hemsel ves to be brothers; the chi l dren
gi ve to al l the mal e adul ts the name of "father"; they call an ol der
ma n " dadda" (big brother), what ever may be the real bond of ki nshi p,
and they call an ol der woman " nanna" (big sister). T h e effective ties
are very strong and i nt i macy is great. T h e women are not obl i ged to
hi de themsel ves f rom the men. T h e gi vi ng of mut ual aid is done
spont aneousl y and is an everyday occurrence. Each takharroubt has
a t'amen, a "spokesman, " wh o represents it at t he meet i ngs of t he
tajmadt; who, at t he t i me of t he timechret'', di vi des up t he meat i nt o
as many smal l amount s as t here are "houses"; who offers the gi fts of
the g r o up at the t i me of rel i gi ous festivals or when al ms are request ed.
It someti mes happens that the takharroubt has its own customs: for
exampl e, among the Ai't Abdessel am it is f orbi dden to set a hen. Some-
times it has a site reserved for the cl an cemetery. A n i ndi vi dual can
l eave his takharroubt to j oi n up wi t h anot her. T h e takharroubt has
no l egal j uri sdi ct i on nor any pol i t i cal l i f e proper. It may, however, on
rare occasi ons, hol d a secret assembl y to deci de on i nt ernal matters.
T h e real pol i t i cal uni t is the clan, adroum; the Ai't Madhi and
t he Ai't Oussebaa each have thei r own assembl y house (the tajmadt),
thei r own mosque, and thei r separate cemeteries. T h e veget abl e gardens
cul t i vat ed by the women are grouped around the houses of each
adroum, since the women of one adroum are not permi t t ed to be
seen by the me n of the ot her adroum. T h e Ai't Ma dhi have thei r o wn
t hreshi ng floor and t hei r own f ount ai n. T h e member s of t he adroum
consi der themsel ves to be descended f rom a c ommon ancestor. Accord-
i ng to l egend, the Ai't Oussebaa are supposed to be the descendent s of
a woman of marabout i c ori gi n comi ng from the tribe of the Ai't
Menguel l et , who remai ned for a l ong time wi t hout any suitor. Ha v i ng
marri ed a certai n Ai't Ouazzoug, she had seven c hi l dr en by hi m and
t he sevent h ( Oussebaa) gave his name to the cl an. T h e Ai't Ma dhi are
supposed to be the descendent s of strangers who came to settle on
t he peak whi ch domi nat es t he mount ai n sl ope on whi ch t he Ai't
Oussebaa were already l i vi ng.
T h e cl an, of whi c h all members cl ai m to be brot hers, hol ds its
own assembl y at whi c h are made all the deci si ons c onc er ni ng the
c ommuni t y (procl amat i ons as to harvest, rel i gi ous festivals, the begi n-
ni ng of pl owi ng, col l ect i ve tasks, etc.). T h e c ommunal sacrifice, whi c h
was carri ed out at the begi nni ng of pl owi ng time and t hrough whi ch
Tr i be Vi l l age
(arch) (taddart)
/ Boudaf. el
Al t Me l Ul
Igoures
Ait Itourar Ai' t Zi r i
Ai t Illilten
Ai' t Aht ar
Ai't Menguel l et Taf raout
Ai' t Bou Youcef
Koukou
Ai' t Ouakbi l s Tagouni t s
AI T Y A HI A < A I T HI CHEM ^
Ai't Yat t af en Takana
Ai t Boudrar Issendal ene
Ai t Ouaci f
Agouni Guessaad
Ai' t Bouakache Taka
A i t o u Ogdal Ai' t Bout chour
Ai' t Si Ama r a
Cl an
{adroum)
A I T MA D H I
Li neage
(takharroubt)
A I T OUS S EBAA
Ai' t Rabah
Af t Mes s aoud
Ai' t Sl i mane
Ai t Abdessel am
Ai' t Maamar
Ai t Ke t t o ut
Ai ' t Issaad
" Ho u s e "
{akham)
Ai' t Madhi
Ai t Saada
Ai t Al i ou Amar
Ai' t Mous s a
Ai' t Issa
Ai' t Oua z z oug
Ai' t Abdessel am
Ai' t Kac i ou Sadoun
Ai ' t Ka c i Az z o ug
Ai t Issaad
Ai' t Abba
ATt Ferhaf
Ai' t Oui r ad
Ai' t Bellil
was affirmed and conf i rmed the exi stence of the communi t y, was carri ed
out wi t hi n the confines of the adroum. T h e latter also had its insti-
t ut i ons for gi vi ng mut ual aid, its own code (more ri gorous among the
Ai t Ma dhi t han among the Ai t Oussebaa), its own tradi ti ons and be-
liefs. In the case of the Ai't Hi chem, the di vi si on i nt o coffs coi nci ded
wi t h the di vi si on i nt o clans, the Ai't Madhi bei ng a part of the l ower
goff and the Ai t Oussebaa bei ng part of the upper poff.
T h e uni t y of the vi l l age (taddert) is pri mari l y territorial in nat ure.
Howe v e r , since about 1930, a number of col l ect i ve i nst i t ut i ons and
practi ces whi ch we r e formerl y pecul i ar to the adroum are now t end-
i ng to become c ommon to the vi l l age. One reason for this is t hat by
maki ng t he vi l l age i nt o an admi ni st rat i ve uni t wi t h its amin, a sort
of mayor, t he aut hori t i es have f avored t he devel opment of c ommon
vi l l age i nterests. Emi grat i on, school i ng and economi c changes have also
pl ayed a deci si ve role. T h e new vi l l age square near the school is "t he
neut ral gr ound" on whi c h the vi l l age assembl y meets. T h e l at t er makes
all deci si ons concerni ng mat t ers of publ i c interest.
T h e vi l l age of Ai t Hi c hem f orms a par t of the t ri be of the Ai't
Yahi a (the douar Ai t Yahi a has the same limits as the tribe). T h e l atter
tri be exists pri mari l y t hr ough the fact of its opposi t i on to other tribes.
Thus it is that a t radi t i onal ri val ry exists bet ween the Ai t Yahi a and
their nei ghbors, the Ai t Menguel l et . T h e tribe of the Ai t Yahia is
part of what one mi ght call the conf ederat i on of the I gaouaouen, a
rat her i l l -defi ned and unst abl e social uni t .
T h e generi c names of the soci al uni t s vary accordi ng to regi ons.
One reason f or this is t hat when gi vi ng out these names, the Kabyl es
passed by gradual stages f rom the pat ri archal f ami l y to the clan. T h e
i nt ermedi at e social uni ts are more or less arbi trary and vi rt ual di vi di ng
poi nts whi ch become mani fest part i cul arl y i n cases when they must meet
opposi t i on. T h e s e uni t s are i n a const ant evol ut i on and t ransf ormat i on;
! 9
1
20 The Algerians
and more convent i onal , as do the pol i ti cal uni ts whi c h are based
upon i t .
3
It is also f rom the poi nt of vi ew of thi s l ogi c t hat the at t i t ude
of the i ndi vi dual in regard to the communi t y must be underst ood.
Adhesi on to the i nj unct i ons of the gr oup is assured by the senti-
ment of sol idarity that is i ndi ssoci abl e f rom the f eel i ng of real
fraterni ty, the senti ment of exi sti ng onl y i n and t hrough the
gr oup, of exi st i ng onl y as a member of the gr oup and not as an
i ndi vi dual i n his own ri ght. For this reason soci al regul ati ons
are not comprehended as an inaccessibl e i deal or as a restrai ni ng
i mperat i ve, but are rat her present i n the consciousness of each
i ndi vi dual . Proof of this may be f ound i n the qanoun, a col l ecti on
of customs pecul i ar to each vi l l age and consi sti ng mai nl y of a
detai l ed enumer at i on of special offenses, or, i n other words,
exampl es of conduct capabl e of di st urbi ng the communal way
of l i f et hef t s, acts of vi ol ence, breaches of sol i dari t yf ol l owed
by the i ndi cat i on of the correspondi ng penal ti es. Matters affect-
i ng the essential nat ure of this society are not deal t wi t h i n these
qanouns because they are accepted as unquest i onabl e, such essen-
ti al matters bei ng the sum total of val ues and pri nci pl es that are
affirmed by the communi t y t hr ough its very exi stence, the i mpl i ci t
norms on whi ch are based the acts of j uri sprudence, customs
that have been i nst i t ut ed and f ormul at ed as ci rcumstances de-
manded.
4
As Mont es qui eu has sai d, " What ever is def ended by
3
These analyses are very largely true for all other Algerian groups.
4
For exampl e, the qanoun o the vil l age o Agouni-n-Tesel l ent (Ait
Akbil) out o 249 articles includes 219 "repressive" laws (88 per cent), 25
"restitutive" laws (10 per cent), and five articles concerning the more
general principles (political organization).
cert ai n of t hem increase i n size whi l e ot hers decrease. T h e vi l l age, and
even more so the "t uf i q, " whi c h groups t oget her several haml et s, reas-
sembles a federati on more t han it does a true communi t y. T h u s the
adroum of the Ai t Mendi l , made up of two tikharroubin (pl ural of
takharroubt), the Ai t Bour ni ne and the Ai t Said, and si tuated farther
down the sl ope, is j oi ned to the idermen (pl ural of adroum) of the Ai t
Madhi and the Ai t Oussebaa al though it is separat ed from t hem on
the ground. T h e cl an, then, constitutes the f undament al pol i t i cal uni t .
(For proper names, the aut hor has f ol l owed the spel l i ng used on the
1 /50, ooo maps. )
Fig. 4. T h e Tr i be of the Ai t Yahi a
T h e symbols represent (1) f ount ai n, (2) consecrat ed place, (g) ceme-
tery.
honor is even better def ended when it is not def ended by l aw;
what ever is prescri bed by honor becomes even more obl i gat ory
when it is not requi red by l aw. " An d why shoul d anyone t hi nk
of prescri bi ng for somet hi ng that no one woul d dream of trans-
gressing?
In reality^jthe group. knows no other code th^^tJTatj2lilQno
r
>
whi ch demands that the cri me, \vTieTEH
r
rnulFc!er7 i nsul t or adul -
tery, should contain wi t hi n itself its own puni shment ; it has no
court of l aw other than publ i c opi ni on; each i ndi vi dual passes
sentence on hi msel f i n accordance wi t h the common and i nwardl y
felt code of the gr oup, and wi t hout i nt erf erence f rom any
power pl aced out si de and above. It wi l l be obj ect ed that the
21
22 The Algerians
counci l of the cl an or vi l l age acts as a court of l aw, t hat it
promul gat es " a code of l a w" (qanoun) t hat is someti mes put
i n wri t i ng, that it sees to t he preservati on of l aw and order and
has at its di sposal a whol e system of puni shment s, penal ti es,
reprisal s and bani shment . But rather t han a court of l aw i n the
sense of a speci al i zed organi sm charged wi t h pr onounci ng ver-
di cts i n conf ormi t y wi t h a system of f ormal , rat i onal and ex-
pl i ci t norms, the assembly is i n fact a counci l of arbi t rat i on and
perhaps even a f ami l y counci l . Thus it is that l awsui ts concern-
i ng an agri cul t ural association or boundary di sputes are usual l y
settled by the j udgment of close acquai ntances, ei ther nei ghbors
or rel ati ves, of the t wo parti es. For more serious questi ons the
assembly often l i mi ts itself merel y to exhort i ng the t wo parti es to
come to an agreement. Thi s is because col l ecti ve opi ni on is at
once the l aw, the l aw court and the agent entrusted wi t h carry-
i ng out the puni shment . T h e tajmaat, i n whi ch al l the fami l i es
are represented, is the i ncarnat i on of this publ i c opi ni on, whose
val ues and senti ments it bot h feels and i nterprets. T h e most
dreaded puni shment is ostracism. Thos e who are sent enced to it
are excl uded f rom the timechret', f r om t he counci l and f rom
all communal activities, so that it is real l y equi val ent to a sym-
bol i cal put t i ng to death. It is, then, the senti ment ei ther of honor
or justice, whi ch, accordi ng to each parti cul ar case, dictates bot h
j udgment and puni shment , and not a rat i onal and formal justice.
T h e col l ecti ve oath, a last resort when al l at t empt s at conci l i a-
ti on and al l other met hods of proof have fai l ed, merel y reveals
wi t h greater cl ari ty the underl yi ng pri nci pl e of the whol e
system. T h e refusal to take the oath is i nspi red by the bel ief that
perj ury bears wi t hi n itself its own puni shment , and for this
reason refusal to swear the oath is deemed a confession. T h e
col l ecti ve oath is an ordeal , that is to say it is at once a tri al ,
a proof, a j udgment and a puni shment , the sentence and the
puni s hment bei ng an i nt egr al part of the tri al ; the t rue j udge
is not the tajmaat, whi c h is a mere witness charged wi t h seei ng
that the f orms of a debat e that exceeds its competence are re-
spected, a debat e whi ch bri ngs face to face wi t hout i nt ermedi ary
the two parties sweari ng the oath and the supernat ural powers
charged wi t h rati fyi ng the senti ment of equi ty that men bear
The Kabyles 23
wi t hi n themsel ves by associating puni shment wi t h wrong-doi ng.
T h e col l ecti ve oat h may be underst ood as the i nvocatory ex-
pect at i on of the restorati on of a hi dden uni ty, that connect i on
"between cri me and puni shment whi ch the i nnate senti ment of
j usti ce experi ences as a necessary i nner correl ati on pri or to all
experi ence. I n short, the f oundat i ons on whi ch j usti ce is based
are not comprehended as such, nor are they understood as a
system of f ormal and rat i onal standards, but rather they are
unani mousl y l i ved, acted upon and experi enced, the communi t y
of senti ment bei ng rooted i n the senti ment of the communi t y.
T h e pri nci pl es whi ch govern the social organi zat i on are
si mi l arl y affected. T h e cohesi on of the gr oup is based less on an
obj ecti ve and rati onal organi zat i on, as i n our society, t han on
the communal f eel i ng whi ch makes any trul y pol i t i cal i nsti tu-
t i ons superfluous. Wi t hi n the cl an or vi l l age communi t y the
f undament al val ues transmi tted by an i ndi sput abl e tradi ti on are
admi t t ed by al l wi t hout havi ng to be expl i ci t l y and del i beratel y
affirmed. T h e reason for this is that the pol i ti cal i nsti tuti on is
gi ven life and ani mat i on t hr ough the organi c at t achment of the
i ndi vi dual to the communi t y; it is based on senti ments that are
actually fel t and not on f ormul at ed pri nci pl es, on common
presupposi ti ons whi ch are so i nti matel y admi t t ed and so l i ttl e
debat ed that there is no need to j usti fy t hem, to prove t hem or
to enforce t hem. It can be underst ood, then, that such a system
can onl y f unct i on on the l evel of the agnati c f ami l y gr oup, of
which al l its members feel themsel ves to be uni t ed by effective
ties of ki nshi p and bound by di rect and i nti mate rel ati onshi ps.
As the pol i ti cal uni ts grow l arger, these senti ments become more
.superficial and fragile. Thus this type of society has the same
limits as those senti ments on whi ch it is based. T h e transi ti on to
a wi der f orm of democracy woul d presuppose that the mut at i on
lay whi ch senti ments are converted i nt o pri nci pl es had been
accompl i shed. By the very reason of the i ntensi ty of communal
senti ments, the rules on whi ch the communi t y is based do not
need to be made to appear as i mperati ves. The y permeat e the
l i vi ng real i ty of manners and customs. T h e gent i l i t i al democracy
does not have to define itself i n order to exist; perhaps it even
exi sts wi t h a muc h greater vi tal i ty i n proport i on as the senti-
24 The Algerians
merits on whi c h it is based are less defined. In the Kabyl e democ-
racy, the i deal of a democracy seems to have been realized; i ndeed,
wi t hout the i nt ervent i on of any restrai nt other t han the pressure
of publ i c opi ni on, the wi l l of the i ndi vi dual is i mmedi at el y and
spontaneousl y made to conf orm to the general wil l . But this
i deal is put i nto effect onl y i n so far as i t is not real i zed as an
i deal , not obj ecti vel y f ormul at ed as a f or mal and abstract prin-
ci pl e, but instead felt as a senti ment, as somet hi ng i mmedi at el y
and i nwardl y mani fest.
1
2 . The Shawia
A vast mount ai nous quadri l at eral si tuated bet ween the Hi gh
Pl ai ns and the Saharan borders, the Aures is cut by deep and
paral l el val l eys (the Wa di el Abi od, i nhabi t ed by the t ri be of
t he Oul ed Daoud; the Wa di el Abdi , i nhabi ted by the Oul ed
Abdi ) whi c h present var yi ng nat ur al zones correspondi ng to the
different cl i mat i c l evel s: at its base, the desert, wi t h oases and
dat e pal ms; at the 2,400- to 4,500-foot l evel , orchards and i rri gated
cereal crops; i n the cool zone of the upper val l eys and the north-
ern slope, frui t trees and pasture lands. Except i n a few f avored
regi ons, the economy of the Aures, domi nat ed by the scarcity of
arabl e soil and the di ctates of cl i mat e, is based on a combi nat i on
of agri cul ture and stock raising. T h e promi nence and i mport ance
gi ven to t ranshumance (the peri odi c movement of flocks bet ween
regians_jQ.L varying" cl i mate) may be ascribed partl y tcTthe rol e
tl vaJM^Ji ack_pl ays i n mai nt ai ni ng the economi c bal ance of the
S?2HR_5B^ JP
a r
J-ty
t o t n e
geographi cal l ocati on of these groups.
Less poor t han the ot her tribes, and above al l more numerous,
the Oul ed Abdi and the Oul ed Daoud take f ul l advant age of the
wi de range of possibilities offered t hem by the different l evel s of
terrai n and the di versi ty of cl i mati c regi ons: cul t ure of cereals
oh the upl ands, i n the i rri gat ed val l eys and i n the oases; horti -
cul t ure and arbori cul t ure i n the val l eys; stock rai si ng whi ch in-
vol ves the transhumance of the ani mal s; and, final l y, expl oi t at i on
of the resources of the zone borderi ng the Sahara.
T h e Shawi a terri tory has l ong exi sted as a closed economy,
wi t h its needs strictly measured to conf orm to its resources. T h e
pri mary gr oup lives in al most compl ete self-sufficiency, as (apart
f rom the difference i n the tasks perf ormed by men and women)
there is practi cal l y no di vi si on of l abor except f or a few semi-
specialized or speci al i zed artisans. T h e man is called upon to do
t he maj or part of t he work of the fields, whi l e the woman,
t hr ough her handicrafts,procures f or the gr oup certai n of its
Fi g. 5. T h e Tr i bes of the Aures
most needed resources. T h e great summer market s, whi ch gener-
ally coi nci de wi th t he great pi l gri mages (Dj ebel Bous), were
f ormerl y t he occasi on f or t he most i mpor t ant exchanges. Any
l arge pur chases desi gned to bui l d up the group' s reserves were
made i n t he f or m of exchanges i n ki nd, " he a d f or he a d" as t he
Shawi a woul d say. Besides t hi s commerce di rectl y connect ed wi t h
agr i cul t ur e, t her e is the commerce engaged i n by i t i ner ant ped-
dlers who are usually Kabyl es. Thus has developed ai l economy
ofjres_pQnse to needs, establ i shed on a pr i nci pl e gf_"a.UtQcpnsump-
t i on, " i mpl yi ng the exi st ence of reserves whose use is control l ed
by a very ri gi d di sci pl i ne. Ther e are relatively few commerci al ex-
changes, and even these few are rarely mot i vat ed by the desire to
make a profit. Th e result is that the f ami l y gr oup is its own
agent of product i on and di st ri but i on and a market f or its own
26
The Shawia 27
goods. I n ot her words, i t lives i n itself, t hr ough itself and f or
itself.
T wo of the southeastern tribes, whi l e havi ng all the char-
acteristics of the other Shawi a groups, speak Arabi c and call
themselves Arabs. The_Shawi a l anguage is thus strongl y mar ked
^bv_AraMci n^ence. T h e popul at i ons l ocat ed to the south of the
Ahma r Kha ddou come down to do busi ness i n the market s of
the smal l , Arabi ci zed cities of the Sahara; twi ce a year Ar ab
nomads cross the massif, maki ng thei r way t hrough the val l eys
and t radi ng the salt of the Sahara for cereals and frui t. T h e
Shawi a are Mosl ems; they receive some rudi ment s of a rel i gi ous
educat i on, are unani mous i n pract i ci ng the rul e of fasti ng and
display a deep reverence for t hei r marabout s, who are of t en of
f orei gn ori gi n. However, because of its l ocat i on and part i cul arl y
because of its physi ci al structure, the closed country of the Aurs
has preserved the Shawi a f rom any et hni c admi xt ure. The i r iso-
l ati on has hel ped to make t hem a homogeneous group and has
assured the permanence of the anci ent social structures. It is
pri nci pal l y because of differences i n the way of l i vi ng that a
di sti ncti on may be made bet ween the sedentary peopl es of the
fertile valleys of the northwest, who are engaged i n the growi ng
of cereals and i n arbori cul ture and who live in l arge vi l l ages,
and the semi-nomads of the near-desert val l eys of the southeast,
herders of goats and sheep, cul ti vators of wheat and barl ey, who
l i ve sparsel y settl ed i n wi del y scattered dwel l i ngs or, for part
of the year, i n tents. Thes e groups, br ought i nto association by
thei r commerci al exchanges, have i dent i cal social structures.
Domestic Organization
I n addi t i on to bei ng an economi c uni t t he f ami l y is also a
social and rel i gi ous uni t . Wi t hi n the f ami l y the husband is l egal l y
the master. aifiJough~~the wife., does, in fact, "t ake tne ~leacT"in
JuaDie^rousjnatters; t hrough her influence she pl ays' an i mport ant
part i n the management of affairs and by her work at handi crafts
helps the fami l y to be self-supporting.
Th e grandf at her, the chief who is consul ted, honored and
28 The Algerians
obeyed (as i n Kabyl i a) , has compl ete aut hori t y over hi s chi l dren
and grandchi l dren, who live' under the same roof or i n conti gu-
ous dwel l i ngs, so that peopl e of the same group are quart ered i n
the same area. Th e ext ended family of .the pat ri archal _type is
the f undament al social uni t . Its cohesi on is prot ect ed and mai n-
tai ned by the system of mat ri moni al al l i ances and also by differ-
ent j udi ci al measures (e.g., the ri ght of pre-empti on, the dis-
i nheri tance of - women, etc.) desi gned to conserve for the mal es
the ownershi p of an undi vi ded pat ri mony, as i n Kabyl i a. Soli-
dari ty is most strongl y di spl ayed bet ween members of the same
cl an, for the gi vi ng of mut ual aid is i n cert ai n cases restricted to
this group (work of the- fields, const ruct i on of houses; cf.
Kabyl i a). On the f ami l y also falls the dut y of gi vi ng hel p to the
unf ort unat e, and the hospi tal i ty offered to a stranger is consid-
ered i nvi ol abl e. T h e power and uni t y of the f ami l y is also dis-
pl ayed i n affairs of honor: quarrel , fight, l awsui t or cri me. T h e
vi t al pri nci pl e ani mat i ng the group is undoubt edl y a sense of
honor, that genti l i ti al pri de whi ch is the basis f or fraternal soli-
dari ty i'n the carryi ng out of communal tasks or i n the avengi ng
of an offense commi t t ed against a member of the gr oup.
T h e pri macy of the gr oup is also evi dent i n the quest i on
of marri age. Accor di ng to a Shawi a proverb, " For a gi rl there
is onl y marri age or the t omb. " T h e Shawi a woman, l i ke the
Kabyl e woman, is marri ed very young, aiid her f ather has the
ri ght to compel her to marry. Al t hough, as i n Kabyl i a, she may
be bet rot hed whil e still very young, it is not rare, however, for
her to make her own choice of a husband after she has reached
the age of puberty. In any case the young man prefers to choose
a woman .from wi t hi n his own cl an (the daught er of a pat ernal
uncl e or, f ai l i ng that, of a mat ernal uncl e) t hrough a desire to
draw closer the f ami l y ties.
Whi l e the group exerts less pressure t han it does i n Kabyl i a
on mat t ers pert ai ni ng to the deci di ng of the marri age, it neverthe-
less reacts wi t h vi gor when its " honor " is compromi sed by
adul t ery on the part of the wi f e. T h e hus band is the sole j udge
of the puni shment to be inflicted, whi c h can be ei t her repudi a-
ti on or the penal ty of deat h, but his f ami l y, t hr ough the pres-
The Shawia 29
sure of threats and t hrough censure, ensures that he carry out
a pr oper vengeance.
The distinctiveness of the system lies i n the status of the
wife. Since the educat i on of the daught er is entrusted to her
mot her, who tea.ches "her her househol d tasks and her social
duties, the l i ttl e Shawi an gi rl is f rom the outset rapi dl y i ni t i at ed
i nto the secrets, i ntri gues, ruses and tricks of f emi ni ne society,
and so feels very strongl y that senti ment of sol i dari t y, -borderi ng
on compl i ci ty, whi ch uni tes women across differences i n age and
social condi t i on and whi ch is constantl y bei ng st rengt hened by
their c ommon cares and t ol l ' and, above al l , by thei r need to
uni te agai nst a " common adversary, " man. Thi s society of women,
strong i n the magi c by whi ch it hopes to assure its domi nat i on
over men, strong i n its cohesion and, i n bot h Aurs and Kabyl i a,
i n its tireless acti vi ty (care of the chi l dren, domest i c tasks, handi -
crafts, work in the fields), is one of the c har ac t er i s es of Nor t h
Af ri can ci vi l i zati on.
Perhaps as a consequence of the above, anot her paradoxi cal
feature is the separati on bet ween woman' s very unf avorabl e l egal
si tuati on and her rel ati vel y f avorabl e actual si tuati on. Whi l e
the life of the Shawi a woman is very hard, pri mari l y bec aus e
of the many heavy tasks she is called upon to perf orm, and
whi l e, i n ...early marri age, her act ual si tuati on corresponds to
her l egal si t uat i oncompl et e submi ssi on to her husband who
may exercise oyer her the "right, of correct i on" and who al l ows
her no. say i n i mport ant deci si onsshe neverthel ess rap' idly^ac-
quires consi derabl e influence. She wi l l tolerate nei ther pol ygamy
nor infidelity o n l j i e part of her husband and prefers di vorce.
Wi t hi n the...home the Ji usband and wi fe a^e, i n fact, .equals,; the
wi f e has an advisory, if not a decisive, voi ce i n domestic affairs,
wi t h the sole except i on of the budget and the management of
the reserves. Wome n have even been known to take part i n pol iti-
cal di sputes (quarrels of the goffs). Anot he r feature is that the
marri age payment remai ns to such a degree her property that
she may, if she wi shes, reduce its amount by subtracti ng f rom it
t he theoreti cal sum she mi ght be cal l ed upon to contri bute to
t he future al msgi vi ng of her husband, or she may al l ow her
30 The Algerians
husband compl ete use of the marri age payment , whi c h thereby
becomes a purel y nomi nal sum. She does this to avoid bei ng
bound by any conj ugal ties and to reserve for herself the possibil-
i ty of a di vorce wi t hout rest i t ut i on of the mat ri moni al compensa-
tion. Moreover, the Shawi a woman, who l i ke the Kabyl e woman
coul d be arbi t rari l y repudi at ed by her husband, has eagerl y
avai l ed herself of the possi bi l i ti es offered her by the appoi nt ment
i n 1 8 6 6 of Mosl em cadis j udgi ng i n accordance wi t h Mosl em l aw,
whi ch authori zes a wi f e to demand the di ssol uti on of a marri age.
As happens whenever a cul t ural bor r owi ng occurs, the borrowed
feature is rei nterpreted i n terms of its recei vi ng cont ext ; but
the bor r owi ng itself woul d not have been made except t hat the
recei vi ng cont ext demanded i t i n the first pl ace. Thus , whi l e
women i n Kabyl i a have t aken l i ttl e advant age of the new possi-
bi l i ti es offered t hem, i n Aur es on the contrary, because i t ful -
filled a col l ect i ve need, this i nsti tuti on has been rapi dl y adopt ed.
T h e wifj^_does in_ fact have the power to obt ai n a di vorce: the
reasons gi ven i n support o f her request are usual l y onl y pretexts
whi ch hi de the desire ei ther to achi eve the status of azriya (a free
woman) or to make a new marriage. T h e met hod of obt ai ni ng a
di vorce is qui t e i ngeni ous: the Shawi a wi fe causes her husband
to repudi ate her by i ssui ng a sort of chal l enge to whi ch the
husband can reply onl y by repudi at i ng her. Thi s conduct may
be consi dered symbol i c of the rel ati onshi ps exi st i ng bet ween the
sexes i n Shawi a soci ety. Legall,y^oB-ly-JJie_lmsband has j . he ri ght
of repudi at i on, but i n this.case it is t he woman who i nci t es hi m
to use1._this, ri ght and- is- really- .using i t . agai nst hi m t hrough his
own acti on. Thus , general l y speaki ng, the wi f e has a strong and
real authori ty, al t hough officially all authori ty is exercised by the
husband.
A final feature is that the repudi at ed wi fe or wi dow becomes
azriya unt i l she remarri es. T h e azriya, l i teral l y the wi f e who has
no husband, bgharcs l ike a courtesan. "Showered wi t h attentions*
she wi el ds consi derabl e influence, since she is consi dered to have
certai n rel i gi ous powers. Thus , rel i gi ous ceremoni es and even
certai n communal tasks coul d not possibly be perf ormed wi t hout
the accompani ment of her si ngi ng and danci ng. T h e Shawi a
woman possesses, then, a l i berty that is unusual i n Nort h Af ri can
The Shawia 31
society, especi al l y whe n she has the status of a wi dow or of a
repudiatecLjAofe; but it woul d be wr ong t oTons i dc r her influ-
ence as bei ng part i cul arl y unusual . It is probabl e that she owes
her pri vi l eged posi ti on to her role of sorceress and "agrari an
priestess." T h e woman al one may enter i nt o communi cat i on
wi th the worl d oTTnagfc, a magi c that is pri mari l y amatory but
may also be mal efi cent, di vi nat ory or medi cal i n nat ure. Wome n,
therefore, part i cul arl y el derl y women, are the obj ect of a super-
stitious respect bor der i ng on fear. Wo ma n is also the guar di an
and organi zer of agrari an rites, desi gned ei ther to favor the crops
and fields or to prot ect them agai nst vari ous dangers, such as the
evil eye and evi l spirits.
I n short, the si tuati on of the Shawi a woman, apparent l y en-
slaved and wi t hout rights but i n real i ty invested wi t h i mmense
prestige and influence, may perhaps be consi dered, al t hough as
a borderl i ne case, to offer an enl arged and so more easily inter-
preted i mage of the paradoxi cal status of the Nort h Af ri can
woman. T o account for this paradox, the hypothesi s of survivals
has sometimes been put forward. But whi l e the structure of
an i nsti tuti on does i ndeed depend on its pr i or history, its sig-
nificance depends on its f unct i onal position wi t hi n the social
system of whi ch i t forms a part at a gi ven moment. In this way
the opposi ti on bet ween the mascul i ne and the f emi ni ne worl ds
is i l l ustrated not onl y i n the di vi si on of l abor bet ween the two
sexes wi t h, for exampl e, the hard work of hoei ng the fields fal l -
i ng to the women whi l e the men handl e the team and the pl ow,
but also i n pol i ti cal l i fe and i n the l egal status of the two sexes,
i n the ri tual practices, and i n the whol e social outl ook; the
opposi t i on bet ween the two compl ement ary pri nci pl es, mascul i ne
and f emi ni ne, appears to consti tute one of the f undament al cate-
gori es of Shawi a t hought and of Nor t h Af ri can t hought i n gen-
eral. Si mi l arl y certai n cul t ural traits whi ch seem, out of pl ace
i n a soci ety based on pat ri l i near descent t he fact, for exampl e,
t hat the son of_tlie.azziyjijwho is bor n put of wedl ock is t aken i nt o
the mother' s c l a n
1
c oul d be expl ai ned by ref erence to the am-
1
Observers have noted here a case o filiation on the mother's side
analogous to that whi ch may be observed among the Touaregs in connection
with the tamesroit, a free woman whose status is very similar to that of
azriya.
32 The Algerians
Th e Social Structures
Ea c h social uni t has its own name, whi ch is consi dered to be
the name of the common ancestor. T h e members of the most
restricted group, the ext ended fami l y, consi der themsel ves to be
real l y descended f rom the ancestor whose name they bear. I n the
l arger uni ts, the clan (hmrjiqt) and part i cul arl y the tribe (irch),
thi s name is sometimes t hat of the most i mpor t ant or the ol dest
of the sub-groups, someti mes the result of an arbi trary choi ce.
The harfiqt is..the most organic and mos.tdkJdnctive-social unit.
It bears the name of the common ancestor who is the obj ect of an
anrmal ^ceremom' of worshi p; i n the case i n whi ch i t is made up
of a pure agnati c group, it includes all the mal e descendants of
the common ancestor, all the "sons of the pat ernal uncl e, " as the
Shawi a say. It can also be f ormed by a f ragment of an agnat i c
gr oup or even by the associ ati on of several agnat i c groups, i n
whi c h case, al t hough t he members cl ai m to be rel at ed, t he bond
uni t i ng t hem is jn_.rgality a fraternity.Jbjasj&d~cm~mutual,.agree-
ment. In the l atter case, the harfiqt is di vi ded i nt o subgroups
of different degrees of rel at i onshi p. In ot her words, even when
merel y an association of different groups, it is by t aki ng the
ext ended fami l y, the geneal ogi cal l y based uni t , as its model
that the harfiqt proves and establ i shes its own unity. But since
the Shawi a may be di vi ded i nto "sedentary peopl es" and "no-
mads " (in a very rel ati ve sense since the " nomads" own l and and
the "sedentary peopl es" own flocks), can the clan be said to
have the same functi on and the same structure i n bot h types of
peopl e? Whi l e it is true t hat among the "sedent ari es" of the
Nor t h l i vi ng i n vi l l ages, the harfiqt may be compared rat her to
bi guous status of the marri ed woman. Does she bel ong to her
husband' s cl an or does she remai n attached to her cl an of ori gi n?
T h e marri age ceremoni es i ncl ude rites i nt ended to "make her
forget the way to her parents' house, " but she cont i nues to bear
her f ather' s name, and, shoul d she be c ome j i wi dow, she returns
to l i ve among Eer brothers instead of remai ni ng wi t h her
brothers-in-law.
The Shawia
33
a vi l l age section, whereas among the nomads i t may b e com-
pared to a cl an whi ch lives i n tents the greater part of the ti me,
nevertheless thi s cont rast must not be exaggerat ed. For even
among the sedentary peopl es cohesi on is never based on the
terri tori al bond al one, as is pr oven by the cul t of the common
ancestor and by the fact that marri ages are arranged by prefer-
ence wi t hi n the cl an, pref erabl y wi t h a paral l el cousi n, wi t h the
purpose of st rengt heni ng f ami l y ties. T h e cl an is then the
strongest social uni t ; the members of the harfiqt are obl i ged to
def end its pat ri mony (women, l ands and dwel l i ngs) and above
all its honor, the supreme val ue, more preci ous than life itself.
T h e counci l of the cl an retai ned unt i l 1 9 5 4 the mai n
j udi ci al powers (in spite of the reforms of 1 8 6 5 ) and cont i nued
to deci de l awsuits i n accordance wi t h l ocal custom. In addi t i on
to handl i ng al most all marri ages and di vorces, i t arbi trated ci vi l
differences by usi ng the t radi t i onal mode of proof, the col l ecti ve
oat h; it i mposed penal ti es, presided over the rul i ngs of the diia
whi ch wer e made i n accordance wi t h a strict ri t ual , tried cases
rel at i ng to i nheri tances, etc.
T h e organi zat i on of the guelda, the granary-ci tadel , was also
the business of the harfiqt.
2
Each aggl omerat i on has several forti-
fied houses i n whi ch the harvests are stored dur i ng the absences
made necessary by the semi -nomadi c exi stence. Formerl y these
granari es were also fortresses and observat i on posts; among the
Toi i aba, they f ormed a sort of defensi ve l i ne prot ect i ng the culti-
vat ed l ands agai nst the rai ds of the Abdaoui . T h e guelda, the
cornerstone of the economi c l i fe of the gr oup, is also a center
f or its social l i f e: around the guelda, the many factors rel at i ng to
the economi c l i fe of the gr oup have been combi ned i nto what
mi ght be cal l ed a col l ect i ve i nst i t ut i ont he foresi ght requi red
to ensure a good harvest at some f ut ure date, the right vested in
the head of the f ami l y to control consumpt i on, the l i fe-l ong
pri vati ons that the Shawi a must i mpose upon hi msel f even i n
* In many regions, the clan guelda was abandoned some years ago i n
favor of granaries common to a whole village or tribe. As the clan has
lost its importance this tendency has increased, particularly in correlation
with the development of private property (made possible by the facilities
afforded by the Senatus Consulte) and with the resulting increase in sales of
land.
34 The Algerians
times of pl enty. Consci ous of t he f undament al rol e of t he col-
l ecti ve granary as a regul at i ng force that is i ndi spensabl e for the
mai nt enance of a precari ous economi c bal ance, the counci l of
the harfiqt decides_on its constructi on and also prescribes wi t h
ext reme preci si on and i ngenui t y how it wi l l operate and f unct i on.
It is the counci l of the elders who deci de on the guardi ans who
wi l l be responsi bl e for the prot ect i on against theft and the up-
keep of the bui l di ng. I n a society that lives as a closed economy
cut off from the normal currents of monet ary exchange and that
is i n any case qui te unaccust omed to financial specul at i on, the
accumul at i on of goods i n ki nd (barley and wheat, salted meat
and dri ed fruits, honey or rancid butter), whi ch i n such a system
have more val ue t han money, constitutes the onl y assurance
against the uncertai nty of the future and the onl y possible f orm
i n whi ch reserves may be bui l t up. T o add to the i mpor t ance of
the guelda, it f requentl y happens, as i n the upper val l ey of the
Wa d i el Abi od, t hat an ancestor is buri ed, ei t her wi t hi n i t or
close to i t. T h e group t hen is domi nat ed by the granary, whi ch
is also the hol y pl ace where a great many f ami l y ri tual s, such
as marri ages and ci rcumci si ons, f ormerl y took pl ace; the annual
pi l gri mages to the t omb of the ancestor were accompani ed by
sacrifices and wer e f ol l owed by a communal meal . T h e col l ecti ve
granary, as a t angi bl e symbol of the power of the gr oup, of its
weal t h and of its cohesi on, was i nvested wi t h a meani ng and
f unct i on at once soci al and rel i gi ous, economi c and senti mental .
Thus the harfiqt appears to be the wi dest social uni t that
can f unct i on properl y i n a system i n whi ch al l social groups are
pat t erned on the model of the f ami l y gr oup. T h e wi der social
uni ts are, i n fact, less cohesive and less permanent i n nat ure;
so it is wi t h the vi l l age, whi ch has l i ttl e social life of its own and
is rarely provi ded wi t h an assembly house; so it is also wi t h the
tri be, because of the fact that gatheri ngs of groups bel ongi ng to
t he same tribe are rarel y hel d, apart f rom the great assemblies
that meet for war, or for maki ng decisions as to the t ranshumance
of the ani mal s and the al l ot ment of col l ecti ve l ands, or for the
great annual markets. Pol i t i cal and mi l i t ary uni t s, organi zati ons
whi ch are created onl y for special ci rcumstances, the tribes are
al i gned i n accordance wi t h thei r al l egi ance to the t wo great coffs
The Shawia 35
centered respecti vel y on the Oul ed Abdi and the Oul ed Daoud.
As i n Kabyl i a, the goffs ensure a bal ance of power t hrough the
i nt erpl ay of compensat i ng tensions. " A restricted worl d whi ch
becomes conscious of itself as a group onl y when faced wi t h ene-
mies camped on al l its borders" (G. Ti l l i on) , each tribe is unabl e
to make war agai nst any of its nei ghbors wi t hout exposi ng one of
its flanks to the attacks of the tribe on its opposite border. Thus
it finds itself faced wi t h two tribes whi ch are uni t ed i n coal i ti on
but whi ch are i n t urn subj ected to the same l aw: beyond these
first enemi es are allies; f arther on, still other enemi es. Each goff
control s one valley; the i nhabi t ant s of t wo confluent val l eys
bel ong to opposi ng goffs. Someti mes the goff overflows t hrough
the passes ont o the terri tory of its adversary. In the Saharan
Aures, among those groups that are attached to the two great
l eagues of the nort hern Aures, the di st ri but i on of the two goffs
exhi bi t s this same al t ernat i ng arrangement , each vi l l age bei ng
the adversary of the t wo nei ghbor i ng vi l l ages that are si tuated
above and bel ow i t i n the val l ey.
Geneal ogy appears as the model on whi ch al l social uni ts
have been concei ved. But this model has also been appl i ed to
ot her domai ns domai ns as different as the prescri pt i on of
festivals or the decisions as to t ranshumance, the maki ng of
survey pl ans, the di st ri but i on of dwel l i ngs or the arrangement
of the tombs i n the cemetery. Th u s it was that i n the investiga-
tions of the Senatus Consulte they observed a j umbl e of habi tats
and of properti es whi ch seemed qui t e meani ngl ess. " Among the
O. Abdi and the O. Daoud, " wrote Lart i gue, "the organi zati on
was so confused that we had no success i n at t empt i ng to di vi de
these tribes i nto terri tori al douars"; thus i n the Wa di el Abi od,
the five clans of the Oul ed Daoud have i nterspersed thei r prop-
erties all al ong the val l ey, wi t h the result that l ands of t wo,
three, i ndeed of al l the clans may be f ound i n each of the
vil l ages. Exc ept in Menaa, t he f ourt een sub-groups of the Oul ed
Abdi are mi xed up i n checkerboard fashi on; the same si tuati on
prevai l s among the Beni -Bou-Sl i mane, whet her i t is a questi on
of the l ocation of l ands under cul t i vat i on, of pasture l ands or of
dwel l i ng places. T h e statement of a member of the t ri be of t he
Beni Me l ke m as to the pri nci pl es that det ermi ne the arrange-
36 The Algerians
meri t of the tombs i n the cemetery may gi ve us the key to the
way i n whi c h the l ands are di stri buted: " The r e are five ceme-
teries i n the arch; a person may be buri ed i n any of these, but it
must be i n the area al l otted to his harfiqt. T h e dead are buri ed to-
wards the east, but i n places where the l i mi ts of the hirfiqin
(pl ural of harfiqt) may be conf used, the t ombs are bui l t sl i ghtl y
sl ant ed i n order to di sti ngui sh t hem. Every harfiqt has an area
i n whi ch each fami l y has its own row, and peopl e of the same
famil y are al ways buri ed beside one anot her i n this r ow" (G. Ti l -
l i on; a si mi l ar organi zat i on may be not ed i n Kabyl i a) . Thus ,
since several l ocal i ti es are possi bl e, there is onl y one restriction
on choice; the site must be selected i n the area al l otted to the
harfiqt, for its distinctiveness must be mai nt ai ned at all costs.
Si mi l arl y at Mzi ra, a Saharan vi l l age bel ongi ng to the tribe of
the Oul ed Abder r ahmane, the under gr ound dwel l i ngs are di vi ded
accordi ng to clans, wi t h an empt y space bei ng left bet ween
the harfiqt areas (T. Ri vi ere). It appears that the same model
is f ol l owed i n the di vi si on of propert y; it is as t hough the inter-
l ocki ng di st ri but i on of terri tori es were the result of a calcula-
ti on of maxi mum and mi ni mum; i t al l ows the different groups
to disperse t hei r terri tory to the maxi mum degree (this quest
for di spersi on bei ng i nspi red by the desi re to avai l t hemsel ves as
wi del y as possible of the range of natural resources), perhaps over
the whol e expanse of a val l ey, but always wi t hi n the limits i m-
posed by the necessity of gi vi ng the strongest possi bl e cohesi on
to the harfiqt, the very f oundat i on stone of social equi l i bri um.
3. The Mozabites
I n the nort hern Sahara is si tuated the unusual l y desolate
chebka of the Mzab. T h e word chebka, Ar abi c for "net , " is a
good descri pti on of this monot onous and fantasti c l andscape,
this rocky pl at eau, the hamada, i n whi ch the dri ed-up valleys of
the Saharan wadis stand out like a mesh around the mass of
rocky pi l l ars, or gours, that have resisted erosion. Thi s "desert
wi t hi n a desert" is cut by the valley of the Wa di Mzab, i n whi ch
are situated the five cities of the Mozabi tes.
The Chal l enge of the Desert
On t he whol e there are f ew countri es so ill-favored by na-
ture: a soil al most excl usi vel y rocky; i n the bot t om of the wadi s,
sandy beds, whi ch were ori gi nal l y unfit for cul t i vat i on and whi ch
have had to be prepared at the cost of ext raordi nary and conti nu-
ous effort; a cl i mate characteri zed by the torri d excesses of sum-
mer, by consi derabl e vari ati ons i n temperature, and by the ex-
treme dryness of the air; a precari ous mode of exi stence, de-
pendent on the torrenti al rains that cause the wadi to overflow
every t wo or three years, requi ri ng endless toil to wrest the wat er
f rom the ground. T h e good years are those of whi ch they can
say, "L'oued a parte"the wadi has overfl owed its banks. Thus
the very fact of the exi stence of pal m groves presupposes a trul y
cont i nuous process of creati on, or rather a cont i nui ng mi racl e.
Day after day ami d a gri ndi ng of chai ns, asses and camels must
pul l the l eather contai ners whi ch pour out i nt o the i rri gat i on
basi ns the wat er dr awn f rom the dept hs of the wells. Adapt at i on
to the nat ural surroundi ngs demands an extremel y strong social
cohesi on, and one of the reasons why such a cohesi on is requi red
is to ensure the f unct i oni ng of the marvel ousl y cl ever system of
i rri gat i on and wat er suppl y: the cliffside is ri nged by a net work
37
g 8 The Algerians
of col l ecti ng canals whi ch recei ve the wat er f rom the run-off and
l ead it i nt o reservoirs; i n the constructi on of dams desi gned to
permi t the uti l i zati on of these peri odi c overflows, the same ski l l
is di spl ayed.
But this masterpi ece of conversi on, as wel l as demandi ng an
enormous out put of energy, also consumes the greater part of
the revenues. Oases and gardens requi re enormous quanti ti es of
water to "wash the eart h. " T h e expenses entai l ed in the extrac-
tion of the water, the pay of the workers and the work of cul ti -
vat i on, are not repai d by the rel ati vel y scanty yi el d. Ever yt hi ng
contri butes to maki ng a rui nous l uxur y of these gardens and
summer homes. As Gaut i er has wri t t en: " T h e oases . . . coul d
not l ong exist on their own resources. . . . T h e oases system is a
vi ci ous circl e, a financial paradox, or, more accuratel y, a mi l l i on-
aire's whi m. " We shal l now at t empt to expl ai n the how and the
why of this paradox.
T h e Mozabi tes are Kharedj i t e Abadhi t es (a sect of Isl am),
who owe their name to the fact that they f ormed a dissident
group agai nst Al i , the f ourt h cal i ph, son-in-law of the Prophet ,
i n the name of t wo pri nci pl es that they deri ved f rom a strict
i nt erpret at i on of the Kor an, consi dered as the u n i q u e l a w, T o
whi ch not hi ng can be added or taken away, namel y, that all
believers^are
-
equal and t hat . every action is either gaoi Lor bad,
arbi t rat i on as to the Tightness or wrongness of t hese acts bei ng
al l owed onl y in except i onal ci rcumstances. Thus these equal i -
tari an rigorists, accordi ng to whom rel i gi on must be vivified not
onl y by faith but also by works and puri t y of conscience, who
attach great val ue to pi ous i ntenti on, who reject the worshi p of
saints, who wat ch over the puri ty of moral s wi t h extreme severity,
coul d be cal l ed the Protestants and Puri tans of Isl am.
T h e pri me consi derati on in the bui l di ng of the cities of the
Mz ab was to defend this rel i gi ous excl usi vi sm. T h e resul t has
been that the Abadhi t es have had to impose upon themselves
i ncreasi ngl y difficult l i vi ng condi ti ons duri ng the course of their
t urbul ent hi story.
1
T h e first five cities were bui l t wi t hi n fifty
1
Since they were considered heretics, the Kharedjites were obliged to flee
from persecution; they established in 761 the kingdom of Tahert which fell in
909 to the attacks of tjie Fatimides. They then moved to Sedrata, near
Ouargl a, and from there to the Mzab.
The Mozabites gg
years after the f oundi ng of El At euf i n 1011; al l are si tuated i n
t he same wa di wi t hi n close range of one another, wi t h t he ex-
cepti on of the t wo more recent (seventeenth century) cities of
Guerrara and Berri ane.
It is the history, then, of these "dissenters" that reveals the
reason for this paradoxi cal settlement, created in defiance of
nat ural condi t i ons. But how has man managed to have the last
word in this desperate debate wi t h the desert? T h e expl anat i on
is that the life, the survi val , of the cities of the Mz ab is depend-
ent on t emporary emi grat i on and on the commerci al undert ak-
i ngs (one-third of the mal e popul at i on lives outsi de the Mzab)
whi ch al l ow the Mozabi t e to acqui re the capi tal needed to assure
the upkeep of the oases and the expensi ve cul ti vati on of the pal m
groves. But this sol uti on itself poses a pr obl em: if it is true that
"t he real Mzab is not i n the Mzab, " that "al l its st rengt h is . . .
i n the smal l groups of Mozabi t e merchants scattered all t hrough
Al geri a, " how has the cohesiveness of the whol e been mai nt ai ned
against all the forces of dispersion? How, moreover, have these
ri gorous Puri t ans been abl e to become financiers, specialists in
bi g business and hi g h finance, wi t hout di savowi ng t hei r devout
het er odoxy i n any way? Ho w can a keen underst andi ng of
capitalistic techni ques be uni t ed i n the same persons wi t h the
most i ntense f orms of a piety that penetrates and domi nat es their
whol e life? Ho w is it that this rel i gi ous soci et yt i ght l y closed
upon itself, anxi ous to assert itself as bei ng di f f erenthas been
abl e to parti ci pate i n a compl etel y moder n economi c system wi t h-
out l etti ng itsel f be affected or i mpai red in any way and, at the
same ti me, preserve its own ori gi nal i ty i ntact?
T h e Mozabi t e cul t ure finds the basis f or its cohesi on i n the
weal t h of its hi stori cal , l egendary and doctri nal tradi ti ons, i n
the smooth, harmoni ous adj ustment of the groups wi i hui the
different communi t i es, i n the i ngeni ous wor ki ng of the ittifaqdt,
the wri t t en codes that cont ai n many pri nci pl es of j uri sprudence
and, finally, i n a doctri ne that is both flexible and ri gi d, and
whi ch determi nes a way of l i fe that is qui t e di sti ncti ve in Nor t h
Af ri ca.
40
The Algerians
Social Structure and City Government
T h e cities of t he Mzab, bui l t in cl ose pr oxi mi t y to one
anot her, are the result of the carryi ng out of a rat i onal pl an.
T h e h'orm is the sacred territory in whi ch stand the five cities
of the Mzab pr oper and in whi ch the observance of the true
f ai th is mai ntai ned, free f rom any cont ami nat i on; thus departures
or returns are accompani ed by a ri tual deconsecrati on and con-
secrati on. T h e city of Ghar dai a is si tuated on the left bank of the
Wa di Mzab. Downst ream on the same bank is Beni Isguen, the
sacred city of the Abadhi t e doctors and j uri sts, the city of a
resol ute tradi ti onal i sm set st ubbornl y against any hereti cal in-
novati ons. Opposi t e Beni Isguen is Mel i ka, the st ronghol d of
j uri di cal conservatism. Farther al ong are Bou Nour a and El
Ateuf, whose activity has greatl y decl i ned in recent times. Fi nal l y,
there are the two eccentric cities of Berri ane, the commerci al
center, and Guerrara, the center of the reformi st movement .
Ghar dai a is laid out in the f or m of an el l ipse: at the hi ghest
point is the mosque; below it are streets whi ch rise up the hi l l -
side one above the ot her in concent ri c ci rcumvol ut i ons and whi ch
are themsel ves cut by perpendi cul ar streets descendi ng l i ke spokes
to the base of the hi l l ; at the foot of this hi l l and at the edge of
the city is the market place, cut l engthwi se by a mai n thorough-
fare; beyond this is a pol ygonal , wi de-angl ed wal l . Al l around
the city ext end cemeteries and waste ground. Th e mosque then
appears to have been the center around whi ch the city was
created, and history confirms this fact. At once a stronghol d,
a rel igious edifice and, in certain cases, a storehouse like the
guelda, it assures the moral and materi al prot ect i on of the city
l i vi ng in its shadow. T h e cities of the Mozabites, l i ke the life of
the peopl e, have two very distinct centers: the mosque and the
market pl ace. Th e mosque, the center of rel i gi ous life, has dri ven
back the market place, the cent er of economi c life and of pro-
fane, or secul ar, act i vi t i es:
2
the houses are pi l ed up l i ke toy
2
Al l business is forbidden in the area of the mosque; on the market
square and in five of the streets adjacent to it are situated 60 per cent of
the business establishments.
The Mozabites 41
bui l di ng bl ocks and ri se in tiers as if attracted and drawn up
by t he mosque, whi ch prol ongs thei r ascent ' with t he skyward
soari ng of its mi naret . Moreover, the secul ar part of the city is
shut in, as it were, bet ween the mosque and those i mmense
necropolises whi ch surround the Mozabi te cities, great fields of
anonymous tombs a mong whi c h stand chapel s and sanctuari es,
i n whi ch sol emn publ i c ceremoni es take pl ace and where even
the j udi ci al assizes are hel d, as if to affirm the sol idarity of the
l i vi ng and the dead. T h e cemetery, the i mmense, proj ected
shadow of the l i vi ng ci t y^j ^doubt l ess, as it is i n Nor t h Af ri ca
i n genj ; ral , _j l i e_^
bond whi ch unites a man to his soil. It is the rel i gi ous dut y of
t he' Sbadhi t es to ensure tfiaTThey are T5vTfied~lrT the Mzab. Each
cl an has its own separate cemetery, named after the ancestor
who, accordi ng to tradi ti on, is buri ed there. Fi nal l y, the pl an
of the city gives an i ndi cati on of the social structure. T h e ex-
tended f ami l y, the basic i ndi vi si bl e el ement, groups together
peopl e of the same name, descended to the f ourt h or fifth
generati on f rom a common ancestor. T h e cl an, whi ch uni tes
several ext ended f ami l i es, general l y has its own district, its own
cemetery, its eponymous ancestor and its own pat ri mony. Cert ai n
clans j oi n t oget her not onl y several fami l i es but also several
al ready const i t ut ed sub-clans. T h e ancestor of the cl an or sub-
cl an is worshi ped at an annual ceremony, when, standi ng bef ore
the gr oup assembl ed at the cemetery, the "not abl es" recal l the
memory of the revered personage and gi ve advi ce to the young
members of the gr oup; the ceremony t hen concl udes wi t h a
communal meal . T h e cl an, the f undament al uni t , has its own
common treasury, its assembly house, its counci l made up of
al l the adul ts who assemble to deal wi t h affairs of common
interest (the adopti on of orphans, the i nfl i cti ng of puni shment
or censure, decisions as to col l ecti ve l abor and al l ot ment of
tasks, preparati ons of f ami l y ceremoni es, etc.). T h e "great " men
(or "not abl es") , renowned for thei r piety, thei r vi rt ue and their
wi sdom, actually direct and know the "secrets" of the group' s
business; they sometimes f orm a restricted assembly whi ch meets
i n the presence of one of the members of the halqa. Cl an ties,
whi ch remai n very st rong even among the emi grants to the
42
The Algerians
cities, have bec ome even stronger wi t h t he reduct i on i n t he
power of t he coffs (of the east and west), whi c h used to quarrel
vi ol ent l y at the slightest pretext. Th e di vi si on i nto coffs is now a
thi ng of the past, as witness the fact that i nt ermarri ages bet ween
coffs have become more and more f requent .
Each cl an designates its own chief and selects several
el ders f rom different families to represent it, and these men, to-
gether wi t h the magistrates, f orm the djemda; the latter f ormerl y
woul d meet at the haouita, an el l i pti cal area marked out by
twenty-six stones whi ch had been borrowed f rom certain tombs
and laid out on the market square, as if j udi ci al del i berati ons
and pol i t i cal debates affecting decisions on t emporal matters
sought the scene of commerci al activity and secul ar deal i ngs but
were, at t he same ti me, i nvoki ng t he prot ect i on of t he dead.
Just as the secul ar city is domi nat ed by the mosque, all
secular or political acti vi ty and the body t hrough whi ch it finds
expressi on, the counci l of l aymen, is domi nat ed by the priests.
Th e l atter generally live i n close proxi mi t y to the moscnie and
are di vi ded i nt o t wo groups, the maj or clergy, ani mat ed by a
pr of ound rel i gi ous ri gori sm, and the mi nor clergy. T h e counci l
of l aymen has legislative and j udi ci al power as it does in Kabyl i a
and the Aures. However, in the Mzab, it has no aut hori t y or
effective power itself and is of t en l i mi t ed merel y to ^ensuring
that decisions are carri ed out. For all questi ons of i mport ance
it assembles i n the mosque i n the presence of the "ci rcl e, " a
counci l composed of twel ve representatives of the maj or cl ergy
under the presidency of a cheikh or sheik, chosen by the cl ergy
to be the l ocal leader i n rel i gi ous affairs. Thes e meeti ngs are also
someti mes hel d i n the cemeteri es, as if to strengthen the aut hori t y
of the cl ergy, who are the custodi ans of ancestral t radi t i on and
final arbiters i n any matter that depends on the observance of
pri nci pl es cont ai ned i n the Kor an or i n the works of Abadhi t e
doctri ne. Amo ng the members of the lay djemda, only the "not a-
bl es" are al l owed to speak, and the rol e of_ the elders consists
merel y of attendi ng the meeti ngs and gi vi ng thei r assent. It is
al so f rom among the maj or clergy that the Mozabi t e cadi is
el ected. Th i s magi strate j udges cases bot h in accordance wi t h
the l aw of the Kor an and accordi ng to the ittifdqdt, the wri t t en
The Mozabites 43
compi l at i on of Mozabi t e customs. Thes e ittifdqdt, whi ch can be
modi fi ed at any time to settle current probl ems, but whi ch are
always i nterpreted by reference to rel i gi ous j uri sprudence, gov-
ern pol i t i cal life as wel l as pri vat e morals and provi de f or archaic
but very f ormi dabl e puni shment sbast i nado, fines, bani shment
and excommuni cat i on, the l atter bei ng the supremel y dreaded
puni shment whi ch excl udes the gui l t y person f rom the rel i gi ous
and social communi t y and entails the loss of all his rights.
General l y speaki ng, no i mport ant deci si on, no ci vi l regul at i on,
no new prohi bi t i on, no sancti on against a serious cri me, is taken
wi t hout the i nt ervent i on of the "ci rcl e. " T h e chapter of priests,
whi c h also supplies the di gni tari es of the mosque, the i man, the
muezzin, the masters of the Korani c schools, and above all the
five "priests who wash the dead" and who are at the same ti me
"censors of moral s" endowed wi t h an i mmense moral authori ty,
possesses consi derabl e power. Since all Mozabi tes are equal wi t h
one except i onunl ess the rat her hazy di sti ncti on bet ween the
acils, the descendants of the first i nhabi t ant s of the ci ty and
the nazils, the mor e recent arri val s, can also be count ed as an
exc ept i onand since the excepti on lies in the superi ori t y gf t he
clergy over the laity, one can safely call this f orm of government
a^theocracy. No doubt the cl ergy hol ds itself apart f rom dai l y
affairs and l eaves to the assembly of l aymen the care of t emporal
matters, authori zi ng it to draw up the ittifdqdt concerni ng the
organi zati on of the city. Doubtl ess, too, l aymen have a voi ce in
the government of the city t hrough thei r representatives on the
assemblies who must al ways be consul ted (before gi vi ng sentence
of excommuni cat i on, for exampl e) ; but , i n case of conflict, the
cl ergy al ways has the last word, because it possesses f ormi dabl e
weapons excommuni cat i on against i ndi vi dual s and against the
communi t y, the suspension of all rel i gi ous acti vi ti es.
3
Thus the consistory whi ch rules the cities is at once an as*
sembly of the elders and a moral aut hori t y. Th e ittifdqdt, i n
whi ch is expressed the scrupul ousl y det ai l ed realism al ready
8
The authority o the clergy has been steadily weakened in the past
twenty years. The lay djemda is tending to free itself from the control of
the priests and to dispute their ri ght to judicial and legislative powers, al-
though the sheik of the halqa (the circle) still has the duty of verifying
whether decisions have been made in conformity with Abadhite doctrine.
44 The Algerians
not ed i n the Ka by l e or Shawi a customary l awst he constant and
met i cul ous i nterventi on of the group bei ng gr ounded in this case
i n the rel i gi ous doct ri nei l l ust rat e the whol e coherent com-
pl exi t y of the Mozabi t e moral order, the basis for one of the
most astoni shi ng of social successes, and the key to this mi racl e
of combi ni ng a compl etel y successful adapt at i on to moder n in-
novati ons wi t h a total fidelity to an ext r emel y strict tradi ti on.
The opposi t i on bet ween clergy and laity, bet ween the sacred
and the prof ane worl ds, is echoed by the contrast bet ween the
more or less ext ended pol i t i cal group and the f undament al social
uni t of the agnat i c t ype, between the wi der and theref ore less
substanti al sol idarities and the narrow parti cul ari sms whi ch
find thei r st rengt h in f ami l y senti ment. No doubt all the Moza-
bites are consci ous of bel ongi ng to a l arger uni t that one may,
for l ack of a better wor d, call a conf ederati on, a uni t created (l ike
its Kabyl e homol ogue) by ci rcumstance. Al l the reasons favor-
abl e to a devel opment beyond the parti cul ari sm of the agnati c
groups seem here to be combi ned: an i nsul ar si tuati on i n a
hosti l e nat ural and human envi ronment , the memory of a com-
mon past, the feeling of bel ongi ng to a rel igious communi t y
di st i ngui shed by its excessive ri gor and i nt ransi gence, "t he
f ami l y of God, " the chosen peopl e. Al t hough this rel i gi ous f ai th,
establ i shed i n opposi t i on to the ort hodox Moha mme da n f ai t h,
possesses an acute awareness of its uni queness, its way of assert-
i ng this fact consists pri mari l y of emphasi zi ng its essential differ-
ences. At t empt s at pol i t i cal uni on by the cities appear to have
been made onl y f rom temporary motives, either pol i ti cal or
j uri di cal i n nat ure (for exampl e, at the time of the submi ssi on
of the Mz ab to French rul e). T h e representatives of the Mozabi t e
cities woul d meet on neut ral gr ound to deal wi t h questi ons con-
cerni ng the general interests of the Mozabi t e conf ederati on. But
these attempts at syncecism, constantl y compromi sed by a spirit
of part i cul ari sm, woul d vani sh wi t h the si t uat i on that had
pr ompt ed t hem. T h u s (as in Kabyl i a and Aures), once the great
di sturbances whi ch l ed to a revi val of the wi der pol i t i cal organ-
ization had died down, a bal ance was re-established that was
based on the narrow social units of the agnati c type, since the
ties j oi ni ng the cities had been created rather t hrough thei r
The Mozabites 45
combi ned opposi t i on to ext ernal forces t han t hrough i nternal
cohesion.
Puri tani sm and Capitalism
Whe n one becomes aware of the power of the forces of
dispersion, however, one real izes ho w great must be t he forces
of i ntegrati on: i ndeed, it seems that not hi ng can make the Moza-
bi te break wi t h his communi t ynei t her the hardness and severity
of the work on the ancestral l and nor the attraction of the easier
way of life that he encounters in the cities of the Te l l , nei ther the
char m of acquired riches (for it seems, as if in the fairy tale, the
gol d becomes onl y sand outside the confines of the Mzab), nor
the l ong sojourns far f rom his f ami l y and the life of the com-
muni t y, nei t her bani shment because of a murder commi t t ed
dur i ng a fight between the coffs, nor the conflicts of interest
bet ween cities, groups or i ndi vi dual s. Al l these di si nt egrat i ng
influences are opposed by the ext remel y vi gorous pressure t hat
the gr oup exercises over all its members t hrough the i ntermedi ary
of its rel i gi ous doctri ne, t hr ough the cohesi on caused by its
i ntensel y active rel i gi ous life, t hr ough the constant presence of
rel i gi ous l aw i n every act of life and i n the hearts of all me n,
a rel i gi ous l aw whi ch is fel t bot h as a rul e of life i mposed from,
wi t hout and as an i nner gui de to conduct. Consequent l y, the
least concession or the slightest rel axati on of the rul e woul d
suffice to br i ng about the rui n of this society whi ch has been
artificially constructed in an artificially created worl d (for ex-
ampl e, the island of Dj erba). It is onl y, then, t hrough a purpose-
f ul ri gori sm and an excl usi vi sm based on a hi gh awareness of its
own ori gi nal i t y and excel l ence, onl y by vi rt ue of an affirmed
parti cul ari sm consci ous of its own i denti ty, that Mozabi t e society?
is abl e to resist di si ntegrati on. Even when engaged in the most;
secul ar acti vi ti es of modern economi c life, even when l ong sepa-s.
rated f rom the center of his rel i gi ous and social life, the Moza-.
bite mai ntai ns uni mpai red his attachment to the soil, to the
society and to the r el i gi on of the cities whi ch r emai n f or hi m
" t he Ar k of the Covenant , the closed cel l i n whi c h the soul of
46 The Algerians
new generati ons is f ormed and devel oped i n the ri gi d di sci pl i ne
of the i nvi ol at e fami l i es and the t heol ogi cal at mosphere of the
semi nari es" (E. F. Gauti er).
T h e char m and the attractions of Te l l l ands cannot hol d the
emi grant s, because every devi ce is used to impress upon t hem
par t i cul ar l y those customs whi ch requi re t hem to make peri odi c
returns to the Mzab bot h in order to mai nt ai n the permanence
of the gr oup and to expose the emi grants once agai n to the
rel i gi ous at mospheret hat the end of emi grat i on is not emi gra-
tion in itself, nor even what it can procure, but the conservati on
of the group, the necessary condi t i on for the survi val of the
rel i gi ous communi t y. Th e fact is that by compari son wi t h this
absolute i mperati ve al l else is relative. T h e rel i gi ous doct ri ne
and the way of life that it inspires is the key to the Moza-
bite paradox. An attempt coul d no doubt be made to e x p Mn the
spi ri t and the success of this ci vi l i zati on by ecol ogi cal determi na-
ti ons; it mi ght be cl ai med that, by reason of the povert y of thei r
l and, the Mozabi tes coul d do not hi ng but emi grate and engage
i n commerci al pursuits, and this type of activity woul d, in any
case, have requi red t hem to display certain of the virtues that
t hei r rel i gi ous dogma imposes on them. But woul d it not be more
accurate to say that the doct ri ne and the rules f or l i vi ng that
it prescribes prepared the Mozabi t es f or t hei r success i n the
wor l d of business and f or t hei r adapt at i on to the moder n eco-
nomi c system?
Since the unf at homabl e j udgment s of God are final and the
destiny of men, t hei r election or thei r damnat i on, is fixed f or all
eterni ty, f ai th is not sufficient i n itself to assure sal vati on if it is
not made mani fest by moral behavi or and good works. Th e true
bel i ever must mai nt ai n a happy medi um bet ween fear and hope;
he must nei t her rel y enti rel y upon God f or his sal vati on nor
abandon hi msel f to his fate; nei t her despai r absol utel y of God
nor have absol ut e hope of sal vati on. By i nsi sti ng on the absol ute
transcendence and uni t y of Al l ah, the Abadhi t es refuse to recog-
nize any medi at i on or intercession bet ween man and God. Thus^
they condemn the worshi p of saints. Intercession can onl y raise
the elect to a hi gher rank; it cannot open the gates of Paradi se
to the si nner. Sal vat i on can onl y be wo n t hrough prayer, pi ous
The Mozabites 47
l i vi ng and hard work. Underst ood as a f orm of asceticism and as
a di sci pl i ne, wor k becomes a rel i gi ous act and duty, whi l e idle-
ness is consi dered as one of the most serious vices. It often hap-
pens that the counci l wi l l compel certai n members of the gr oup
to go and work i n the Te l l and wi l l undert ake to find t hem a
j ob. Th e lazy man often has much t roubl e in finding a wi f e.
Wor l dl y success can be based onl y on hard wor k, pi ety and re-
spect for the precepts of the Kor an; it is therefore regarded as a
sign of el ecti on, especially when the accumul at ed weal th is de-
voted to prai seworthy ends (l egal al msgi vi ng, chari ty). Fi erce de-
fenders of the puri ty of publ i c morals, desirous of returni ng to
the very ori gi ns of their f ai th by a strict and literal i nterpreta-
ti on of the sacred texts, the Abadhi t es condemn l uxur y as a
si n, j ust as they condemn all human passions. I n keepi ng wi t h
thi s, t hey reject cel i bacy, the use of tobacco, al cohol and per-
fumes, and di sapprove hi ghl y of music and danci ng. An acti vi ty
is of no val ue unless it is i nt ended to be pl easi ng to God and to
provi de a means of gai ni ng Paradi se, t he seat of t he infinite,
i nt angi bl e and i nvi si bl e Di vi ni t y ( who wi l l remai n so even i n
the hereafter). In such a society t he i deal man is di sti ngui shed
part i cul arl y by his moral qual i ti es: the taleb must be wise,
vi rt uous, detached f rom any desire for the goods of this wor l d,
pi ous and si mpl e-hearted, devoi d of all passion; he must con-
duct hi msel f as a " l i vi ng rul e, " do what he preaches and preach
what he does. T h e rel i gi ous doctri ne also prescribes the virtues
of honesty, exal ts wi l l power and self-discipline, recommends an
atti tude of det achment in regard to the thi ngs of this worl d and
strictly f orbi ds prodi gal i ty. Any i nf ract i on of these pri nci pl es is
condemned by the ittifdqdt. Whi l e t hey i ncl ude articles resem-
bl i ng those of Berber customary l aw in thei r condemnat i on of
murders, assaults and woundi ngs, thefts, breaches in sol i dari ty
or i n the respect due to women, these ittifdqdt always i ncl ude a
good number of sumpt uary regul ati ons. Indeed, in the code of
the city of Mel i ka may be f ound a whol e series of articles fixing
the ma x i mum val ue of the presents and gifts authori zed f or
f ami l y festivals; other articles f orbi d any f orm of amusement.
Thus , since he cannot spend on l uxuri es the money he has
amassed, the Mozabi te has no ot her recourse but to rei nvest it.
48
The Algerians
Because this i mposed asceticism i n everyday life excl udes any
enj oyment of weal th, the accumul at i on of capi tal becomes an
end i n itself. Moreover, the religious doctrine holds as i nval i d
those prayers whose me ani ng is not perf ectl y underst ood by those
who recite them; the bel i ever must know how to read and wri te
the l anguage of the Kor an, and thus publ i c educat i on is the ~
pri me task of the clergy. As a mat t er of tradi ti on there has
always been much interest in educati on, even among the common
peopl e. T h e cultural associations and the Kor ani c schools re-
ceive very large subsidies. Havi ng been provi ded wi t h this mi ni -
mum of l earni ng demanded by rel i gi on, the Mozabi t e is equi pped
to engage i n busihess pursuits. Wh e n rei nt erpret ed, a number
of precepts of the rel i gi ous and social tradi ti on take on a new
meani ng and f uncti on in the context of a modern economi c sys-
tem. Thus the mut ual aid characteristic of the sol i dari ty exi st i ng
bet ween members of the same f ai th, city or cl an, is convert ed
i nt o a "commerci al agreement , " a buyi ng cooperat i ve, a l i mi t ed
part nershi p, and someti mes i nto a j oi nt stock company. Gener-
ally speaki ng, the business establ ishments of the Tel l are the
propert y of the f ami l y gr oup and, whi l e the acti ve partners con-
trol the finances, the profits are all returned to the family l i vi ng
back in the Mzab. Often the father empl oys his own sons or the
uncl e, his nephews; in most cases the empl oyees are members of
the owner' s family or else come from the same cl an or,.city. Thi s
" f ami l y" organi zat i on of the business enterprise al l ows the ivTc'Ja^
bite merchants to sell at compet i t i ve prices; thanks to their very
l i mi t ed general expenses (expendi tures bei ng reduced to a mi ni -
mum and l abor costs not even bei ng t aken i nt o account) they can
be satisfied wi t h a very smal l profit. Wi t h their earl y i ni ti ati on
i nto sel l i ng and account i ng t echni ques, the Mozabi tes are' hi ghl y
efficient traders. Mut ual aid is practi ced on every possible occa-
sion; the Mozabi tes exchange i nf ormat i on ( dur i ng thei r meet-
ings at the mosque, for exampl e) concerni ng prices and products,
they grant each other loans and hel p newcomers to set up j n
business. In this way fidelity to the precepts of t radi t i on, far f rom
bei ng an obstacle to their adapt at i on to the worl d qi a competi -
tive, capitalistic economi c system, rat her favors it and makes it
easier. ^
f
The Mozabites
49
T h e extremel y strong cohesi on of the family, combi ned wi t h
the sent i ment of bel ongi ng to a uni que rel i gi ous communi t y and
the desire to r emai n f ai thf ul to this communi t y, prevents the
di spersi on of this society whi l e it makes possible the emi grat i on
of its members (cf. Kabyl i a). It is t hr ough t he Mozabi te woman,
the real safeguard of the gr oup, that the society of emi grants
remains firmly attached to their homel and, as may be seen f rom
the f undament al regul at i on, a true " l aw of publ i c safety," whi ch
forbi ds any woman to leave the Mzab and by whi ch is asserted
the firm desire to preserve the communi t y by prevent i ng any
permanent exodus. It is reported that i n 1 9 2 8 the whol e popul a-
ti on of Berri ane combi ned to prevent a woman f rom l eavi ng f or
Al gi ers.
4
Thi s was done because it is felt that the women anchor
the Mozabi tes to the l and of their fathers, to thei r past and to
thei r tradi ti ons, of whi ch they, the women, are the guardi ans;
under the survei l l ance of the elders, who wat ch over thei r con-
duct, they teach the chi l dren the f undament al virtues and strict
respect f or the laws.
Just as they do in the whol e of Nor t h Af ri ca, the Mozabi t e
women f orm a society separate f rom the men. Th e y have a special
forni of wor shi p whi ch i ncl udes many superstitions not recog-
ni zed by the official rel i gi on, whi ch is the concern of the men:
they have their own magic, their own songs, their own special
tasks or special met hods of perf ormi ng c ommunal tasks, t hei r own
l anguage that is ori gi nal i n its phoneti cs, vocabul ar y and phrase-
ol ogy. T h e separati on of the-mascul i ne and f emi ni ne societies is
almost compl ete (the veil whi ch reveals onl y one eye, the reserved
area i n the mosque, etc.), and this hel ps to confer a certai n
aut onomy on f emi ni ne society as is attested by the rol e of the
women who wash the dead. These women exercise over the other
women an authori ty anal ogous to that hel d by the twel ve priests
over the men. The y ' a r e grant ed the power of excommuni cat i on,
and their mai n task i s' to teach the other women the pri nci pl es of
rel i gi on and to wat ch over their conduct.
4
The reformists have been endeavoring since 1953 to make it permissible
for women to leave for the Tel l . A certain number of Mozabites have taken
their wives with them. Others have married the daughters of Mozabites
already settled in the Tel l .
5
The Algerians
Th e Interaction Bet ween Permanence
and Change
I n order to under st and a cul t ure as coherent as t hat of t he
Mozabi t es, one must abandon the attempt to at t r i but e every-
t hi ng to one par t i cul ar cause. Whi l e it cannot be doubt ed t hat
the chal l enge issued by an ext remel y hosti l e nat ur al envi r onment
and thei r status as a mi nor i t y gr oup have made it i mperat i ve to
react by this purposef ul conduct, this i ncessant mobi l i zat i on of
all their energies, this tense, obst i nat e and st ubborn effort to
assure the survival of t he group, i n ot her words, by t he very
virtues demanded by thei r rel i gi on, it is nonetheless cert ai n that
by hol di ng up work and mut ual aid as sacred duties, by prescri b-
i ng the giving up of l uxuri es and by i nspi ri ng in al l the mem-
bers of the religious communi t y a strong sense of their di st i nct i ve\
ness and a firm resolve to defend their speci al way of life, the
rigid, pur i t ani cal doct ri ne they profess has not only suppl i ed
t hem wi t h weapons that were i ndi spensabl e i n overcomi ng
nat ural obstacles but has given t hem the means and t he wi l l
to succeed i n t he moder n business wor l d and, at t he same t i me,
has preserved t hem f rom t he di si ntegrati on wi t h whi c h t hei r
society was t hreat ened through cont act wi th West er n civilization.
Ever yt hi ng is i nseparabl y j oi ned and connect ed, and conse-
quent l y everything is at the same time cause and effect, and this
holds true for dogma, for the natural and economi c -environ-
ment , and for the soci al and family structure. I n each of these
domai ns is mani fest the whol e spirit of this civilization, a bui l d-
i ng i n whi ch each stone may be consi dered a keystone. I f |we
begi n with any one of these cul t ur al traits as t he cent er of our
i nvesti gati ons, i t wi l l be possi bl e to r ecr eat e the ent i r e cul t ur e,
si nce t her e is no one trai t that is not connect ed wi th all t he
ot hers; thus t he desol at i on and host i l i t y of t he nat ur al envi ron-
ment refers us, on the one hand, to the i rredenti sm and ex- t
clusivism of the religious doct r i ne which led to the choi ce of this j
envi r onment and, on the other hand, to the system of emi grat i on
The Mozabites
whi ch permi ts this survival i n t he desert. But emi gr at i on itself
presupposes, on t he one hand, the religious doctri ne, the guaran-
tee of cohesion, whi ch incites its followers to make a r at i onal
adapt at i on to t hei r envi r onment and whi ch is r egar ded as t he
supr eme val ue to be safeguarded by mai nt ai ni ng its economi c
f oundat i ons at al l costs; and, on t he ot her hand, emi gr at i on pre-
supposes t he st rong cohesi on of the f ami l y, the f oundat i on of
social equi l i br i um and the secure base f or the emi gr ant . T h e
stabi l i ty and solidity of the fami l y are themselves br ought about
by the rel i gi ous doctri ne, by the mor al order established under
t he priestly government , and by the whol e pol i ti cal organi zat i on;
but t he l at t er, i n ret urn, owes a great par t of its coherence to
t he educat i on given to t he chi l dren by t he family group, whi ch
is char ged wi th teachi ng i n accordance wi th precise, strictly de-
fined methods, the respect for pri nci pl es and the practi ce of
virtues whi ch are the basis f or the society's existence.
It is not surprising, then, that a society so strongly conscious
of its values, parti cul arl y those values t hat cannot be rej ect ed
wi thout the loss of gr oup identity, has been abl e to mai nt ai n its
or i gi nal char act er . Af t er t he annexat i on of the Mzab, cert ai n
observers debated the out come of the clash between t he t radi -
tionalist pent apol i s and the rat i onal and t echni cal forces of t he
moder n worl d, and predi ct ed the rapi d decadence of these cities
of the desert. But i n act ual fact, whi l e t hey have become business-
men and very astute financiers, t he Mozabi tes mai nt ai n the cus-
t om of leaving behi nd thei r families and thei r homes i n the
desert, and cont i nue to ar r ange to be buri ed i n the soil of t hei r
own valley.
T h e resistance of a t radi t i onal group to the pressure of
West er n civilization cannot be based on wi l l power al one and
must have at its disposal consi derabl e mat eri al , spi ri t ual and
i nt el l ect ual resources. T h e Mozabi t es are prot ect ed agai nst dis-
i nt egr at i on by t hei r weal th and by thei r admi r abl e ur ban gov^
er nment . Tha nks to thei r educat i on t hey have been abl e to
mast er modern commer ci al t echni ques and capi tal i sti c practi ces
sufficiently wel l to invest t hei r assets i n a hi ghl y compet i t i ve
economy. Fur t her mor e, t hei r cities have never been i n di rect
5*
The Algerians
Fi g. 6. Si mpl i f i ed Pl an of the Ci t y of Ghar dai a
Ghar dai a, the pri nci pal city of the Mzab, is bui l t around its mosque
whi c h is si t uat ed at t he hi ghest poi nt of the city (1,780 feet). Domi nat e d
by a mi naret seventy-two feet hi gh in the f or m of a pyr ami d whi ch,
i n cross-section, measures t went y feet at the base and six feet at the
t op, the mosque is bot h a pl ace f or prayer and a fortress (the mi nar et
s er vi ng as a wat cht ower) , whe r e the reserve provi si ons wer e forrperl y
stored. Ar o und this rel i gi ous center the houses are l ai d out i n con-
cent ri c ci rcl es, as if to reduce as much as possi bl e the di st ance they
ar e separat ed f rom this cent er of rel i gi ous l i fe and also to reduce the
l engt h of the rampart s. Th e result is that the city present s the f or m of
a pyr ami d made up of a series of ellipses laid out i n tiers. Cont i nuous
streets sur r ound the gr oups of houses ( f ormerl y occupi ed by di st i nct
soci al uni t s), whi l e the houses themsel ves are servi ced by dead- end
streets. Fr om the districts in the l ower t own a whol e net wor k of roads
c onver ge on the mosque. At first wi de and gent l e in gr adi ent , t hey
become steep and wi ndi ng on reachi ng the upper l evel . T w o streets
onl y give access to the mosque: one leads to the mai n door, the ot her,
whi c h is ent i rel y cover ed over, is reserved f or the wome n.
T h e Mal eki t e Mosl ems l i ve i n separat e districts; the di stri ct of
the M' dabi h, i n t he nor t hwest par t of t he city, and t he di st ri ct of the
Beni Mar z ug, in the east. T h e Israel i tes also l i ve i n separat e di stri cts
i sol at ed beyond the rampart s in the southeast por t i on of the city. T h e
Mozabi t es occupy the anci ent di st ri ct near the mosque, a district whi c h
is the most t r anqui l , the cl eanest, and al so the most aust ere. An y f or m
of busi ness is f or bi dden wi t hi n its confi nes.
T h e commerci al cent er is si tuated to the south of the city; the
mar ket square al one harbors 15 per cent of the businesses and t o these
t her e must be added t he 45 per cent whi c h are set u p i n stree'ts
adj acent to the squar e. Th i s mar ket square, al most r ect angul ar i n f or m
and bor der ed on f our sides by i rregul arl y shaped arcades, is, t hen,
si t uat ed in an out l yi ng part of the city qui t e close to the r ampar t s
(the l atter are cl osed off by t wo massi ve gates, the Gat e of the Shep-
herds and the Gat e of t he Bl acksmi t hs) . In the sout hern secti on of t he
mar ke t is the mgalla of Si di el Ha dj Bouaf s , a bl oc k of masonry ap-
pr oxi mat el y si xt een feet by t hi rt een f eet, pr oj ec t i ng about three feet
above t he gr ound whi ch is regul arl y whi t e-washed and to whi ch mer -
chants and customers come to carry out thei r abl ut i ons and make t hei r
prayers away f rom the busi ness wor l d and its blemishes. Besi de this
are twenty-f our rough-cast stones of une qual sizes, hal f buri ed in the
g r ound, i n the f or m of an el l i pse, the haouita. The s e stones wer e deemed
to conf er upon anyone who sat upon t hem the wi sdom and the grace
of those ancestors who wer e consi dered to be the prot ect ors of the
cemet eri es f r om whi ch the stones had been t aken. T h e haouita was
f or mer l y the site of the city assembl y.
Thr e e hundr ed and fifty business enterpri ses may be count ed i n
Ghar dai a (out of a total of 482 for the whol e of the Mzab) , that is to
say, appr oxi mat el y one f or every fifty i nhabi t ant s. A great par t of t he
business transacti ons are carri ed out i n the mar ket pl ace i n makeshi f t
stal l s or somet i mes even on the gr ound. For mer l y a f ocal poi nt of the
great caravan rout es, Ghardai ' a is sti l l t oday a redi st ri but i on and tran-
sit center. T h e Mozabi t es have been able to adapt themsel ves to the
moder n met hods of t ransport and commerci al t echni ques; they own the
bul k of the t r uc ki ng compani es whi c h serve the Sahara (fifteen such
compani es may be count ed in the whol e of t he Mzab) . Wi t h t hei r
1,489 businesses ( occupyi ng 5,000 heads of famil ies), among whi ch are
72g texti l e businesses, 662 grocery stores and g8 mi scel l aneous establish-
ments, they have mai nt ai ned a pr eponder ant pl ace in the commerce
of the Sahara. Mor eover , one can esti mate at appr oxi mat l y 4,000 the
number of commer ci al est abl i shment s ( empl oyi ng about 16,000 per-
sons) whi c h are owned by Mozabi t es in the whol e of Al ger i a.
Al t hough the new trends in business devel opment are difficult to
eval uat e, t here is still no doubt t hat even t oday the mai nt enance of
the popul at i ons of t he Mz a b is al most ent i rel y pr ovi ded for by t he
prof i ts real i zed f rom d o i ng busi ness i n t he Te l l , si nce the pr oduct i on ;
of the pal m groves is not at al l sufficient to suppor t an over-al l popu-
l at i on of 58,000 "i nhabi tants (made up of 39,000 Abadhi t es , 18,000
Mal eki t es and 1,000 Israel i tes). T h e 130,000 pa l m trees, whi c h cover
appr oxi mat el y 1,500 acres, pr oduce an average of 35,000 qui ntal s of
dates a year. Since the product i on of vegetabl es and f rui t is l ow there
is, then, scarcely a hundr ed market gardeners who can l i ve excl usi vel y
on the resul ts of thei r l abor. If one takes i nto account the fact that to
cul ti vate one hectare (2.5 acres) requi res an outl ay of $2,000 a year,
accor di ng to the f armers, one gets some idea of the huge sums whi c h
must be i nvest ed each year t o mai nt ai n these oases.
53
54
The Algerians
and cont i nuous cont act with Eur opeans.
5
But all this woul d be
of little avail were it not f or the spi ri tual force whi ch ani mat es
this communi t y. Mor eover , t hei r worl d of values is organi zed
around two opposite pol es: the domai n of the secular, the eco-^
nomi c life, and the domai n of the sacred, the rel i gi ous Ij fe. A
real consciousness of this di sti ncti on on the part of the Moza-
bi tes can al one expl ai n the fact that fierce resistance, obsti nate
and scrupul ous parti cul ari sm, and a t ouchy self-loyalty can
coexi st wi th a cauti ous desire f or evol uti on, an at t empt at
v
com-
promi se and pl anned devel opment ; never perhaps has the inter-
action between permanence and change been presented so clearly
and distinctly. T h e mai nt enance of stabi l i ty, f ar f r om excl udi ng
change, presupposes the capacity to modi fy oneself to adapt to
new si tuati ons. But these adj ust ment s (for which theol ogi cal
j ust i f i cat i on is f ound i n the concepts of takiya, prudence, and of
kitmdn, the act of vei l i ng, whi ch authori ze the Mozabi t e to dis-
pense wi t h the prescri pti ons of rel i gi on i n cases when t hr eat ened
wi t h damages) must be accompani ed ei t her by a cl ear or an
obscurel y felt awareness of the values and norms whose per-
manence must be mai nt ai ned at all costs, as opposed to those
whi ch can be modified or rei nt erpret ed i n order to assure the
stabi l i ty of the really i mpor t ant values. I t is i n this cont ext that
t he materi al success of the Mozabi tes and t hei r al most mi racul ous
adapt at i on to f orms of economi c acti vi ty that are forei gn to
t hei r strict t r adi t i on t ake on thei r f ul l significance. T h i s change
in thei r way of l i fe has been consciously adopt ed i n or der to
guarant ee the cont i nued exi stence of those unal t er abl e values on /
whi ch thei r spi ri tual communi t y is f ounded.
J ust as t he city develops a r ound two distinct cent er st he
pr of ane worl d of t he mar ket pl ace, whi ch is open to the great .
currents of modern l i fe, and the religious acropol i s with its
mosque, a secret worl d onl y to be r eached t hrough a l abyr i nt h
of tortuous, nar r ow streets whi ch seem i nt ended to protect this
most i nt i mat e and preci ous domai n f r om any outside i nt r us i on
so t he soul and t he life of the Mozabi tes are organi zed ar ound
two di sti nct centers whi ch stand i n t he same opposi t i on as t he
5
The Mzab, l i ke most o the Saharan oases, is now experiencing the after-
effects of the upheavals caused by the discovery of oil.
The Mozabites 55
sacred and t he pr of ane. Thus i t is t hat t he moderni st i c adapt at i on
to t he worl d of fi nance and business does not cont radi ct t he
ri gi d t radi t i onal i sm of t he rel i gi ous l i fe but, on t he contrary,
preserves it and makes it possi bl e.
4. The Arabic-Speaking Peoples
Perhaps it is somewhat arbitrary to group together iii t he
same cul tural ensemble individuals and groups who have a
common language and rel i gi on, and a common way of l i fe im-
posed by this rel i gi on, but who, nevertheless, differ in t hei r
or i gi ns, i n t hei r mode of l i vi ng and i n t hei r tradi ti ons. T h e re-
gi ons presentl y i nhabi t ed by Arabi c- speaki ng peoples have been
t he scene of an ext r aor di nar y i nt er mi ngl i ng of popul at i ons. T h e
valley of t he Chel i ff, a great , nat ur al hi ghway, provides a char-
acteri sti c exampl e: i n addi t i on to the fact that it has always
known i mmi gr at i on by the mount ai n peopl es of t he nort h and
south (Berbers), it has been the pat h fol l owed by t he great Pre-
Hi l l al i an and Hi l l al i an Ar ab invasions, t he bat t l egr ound f or t he
clashes t hat occur r ed when mi gr at i ng peoples f r om the east and
west came face to face, and f or the conflicts between these peopl es
and t he tribes of t he Dahr a and the Ouarseni s. Even before
t he Hi l l al i an i nvasi ons, the society of t he Cheliff plain, peopl ed
by Ber ber tri bes, had al ready been conver t ed to I sl am as a resul t
of Ar a b i nf i l t rat i ons. Thi s const ant comi ng and goi ng of t ri bes
i n giddy succession di d not give rise to a si mpl e subst i t ut i on of
Arabs f or Berbers, si nce those converted to Ar ab ways r emai ned
mor e numer ous t han t he Arabs themselves. T h e same si t uat i on
has prevai l ed to a gr eat er or less degr ee i n all t he regi ons i n-
habi t ed by Arabi c-speaki ng peopl es. T h e result is that it is almost
i mpossi bl e to divide t he Ar ab el ement f r om t he Ber ber el ement I
wi t h any degree of cert ai nt y.
I n this i nfi ni tel y compl ex society several cri t eri a, part i cu-
l arl y those of a l i ngui sti c nat ur e, per mi t a di st i nct i on to be
v
drawn bet ween di fferent cul t ural uni t s: t he cities in whi ch Pre-
Hi l l al i an dialects are spoken (called city dialects i n opposi t i on
to the vi l l age dialects spoken, f or exampl e, i n Li t t l e Kabyl i a) ; t he
zone of t he Bedoui n dialects whi ch compri ses, on the one hand,
t he coastal regi on and t he regi on of t he plains and hills (the Hi gh
56
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 57
Pl ai ns about Const ant i ne, Mi t i dj a, Chel i ff, t he hi l l s bor der i ng
Ouarsenis and Dahr a, the plains of Orani e) , at present i nhabi t ed
by new sedent ary peoples (ori gi nal l y " semi - sedent ari es" ) who live
i n a dispersed habi t at and, on t he ot her hand, the Hi gh Pl ai ns,
t he area i n whi ch Bedoui n dialects are most pr eval ent , i nhabi t ed
by nomads, by semi -nomads i n the process of becomi ng sedentary,
or by popul at i ons that have recentl y become sedentary.
Accor di ng to t he way of l i fe, a di st i nct i on can also be made
bet ween t he nomads and semi -nomads, t he i nhabi t ant s of t he
desert and of the steppes, and the city dwel l ers, who have l ong
been accust omed to a sedentary l i f e. Bet ween t he t wo, however,
there is a whol e series of gradations bot h i n space and, i f one may
say so, i n time. T h e distance covered by the moves of the nomads
is det ermi ned by the aridity of t he count ry, by t he qual i ty of the
pasture lands and by the degree of i mpor t ance attached to stock
rai si ng, these different factors themsel ves bei ng correl ated to one
anot her. Thus the moves bec ome l onger and l onger as the nomads
move closer to the desert. But the various modes of l i vi ng are in
constant evol uti on, and a general tendency to become sedentary
is evi dent. Among the new sedentary peoples bot h of the pl ai ns
and hi l l s, and i n t he area of the Hi gh Pl ai ns, cert ai n peoples
have led a settled exi stence f or mor e t han a cent ury, others f or
some f ort y or fifty years, still others have onl y very recentl y
become at t ached to the soil.
T h e zone i nhabi t ed by Arabi c- speaki ng peopl es, of whi ch t he
area of Bedoui n i nf l uence f or ms t he l argest part , is in al l Al geri a
t he zone t hat has fel t most strongly t he direct shock of col oni za-
ti on, and the one i n whi ch the weakeni ng of the ol d social struc-
tures has been most severe. Eur opean colonists have t aken over
nearl y all the best l and. Thi s l and includes the wel l -watered
pl ai ns i n t he temperate zone (the i nl and plains i n the Oran dis-
tri ct, the valley of the Chel i ff, Mi t i dj a, the pl ai n of Bone) and a
good part of the Hi gh Pl ai ns near Const ant i ne, whi ch are rela-
tively well wat ered and f or this reason sui t abl e f or the extensi ve
cul ti vati on of cereal crops. Most of t he ori gi nal i nhabi t ant s of
these regi ons have become the hi r ed hands of the col oni sts. T h e
nat i ve f armers and stockbreeders have been progressively dri ven
back to the margi ns of the good f ar m l and, to the regi ons of the
58 The Algerians
mount ai n forests of the Te l l and to the regi ons of the South.
Wi t h thei r r udi ment ar y agri cul t ural i mpl ement s they have hWe
managed to eke out a l i vi ng on l and t hat t he Eur opeans consi der
t oo poor f or profi tabl e f ar mi ng. Havi ng thus been dri ven out,
these peopl e were compel l ed to br i ng new lands i nt o cul t i vat i on,
part i cul arl y since popul at i on was i ncreasi ng rapi dl y whi l e >the
l and under cul t i vat i on was bei ng reduced in size. Because the
l and was poor er and was not al l owed to remai n fal l ow for suffi-
ci entl y l ong periods, it necessarily gave a poorer yield and deteri-
orated mor e rapi dl y. Moreover, on becomi ng " sedent ari zed, " a
good many of the semi-sedentary peoples and semi-nomads were
no l onger abl e to engage in t he occupat i on of stock rai si ng whi ch,
t oget her wi t h t he gr owi ng of cereal crops, had been t he basis of
economi c equi l i br i um i n the t radi t i onal society. Fi nal l y, t he
ext ensi on of cul ti vated lands i nt o t he dry regi ons reduced the
size of pasture lands and at the same time placed restri cti ons on
t he free movement of t he nomads into t he Tel l . T h e Senatus
Consulte of 1 8 6 3 , as a resul t of their i nvesti gati ons, gave the
tribes t he out r i ght ownershi p of a defi ni tel y fixed territory. By
so doi ng they made it possible f or the tribes to sell t hei r best
l and to t he Eur opean colonists and at t he same t i me hast ened t he
di si nt egrat i on of t he t ri bal structure.
We are here exami ni ng a society t hat is under goi ng a radi cal
t r ansf or mat i on. T h e anci ent social structures, whi ch have been
shaken or al tered to a degree varyi ng wi t h t hei r i nher ent power
of resistance and the vi ol ence of the shock they have recei ved,
bel ong, t r ut hf ul l y speaki ng, nei t her to t he present nor to t he
past; consequent l y the reader must r ef r ai n f r om regardi ng t he
f ol l owi ng analyses ei t her as a mere reconst ruct i on of a bygone
society or as a strictly accurat e descri pti on of the exi st i ng state of
affairs. I ndeed, even when t hey seem to be utterl y destroyed, these
structures conti nue to have an effect on the present; at least, if
one ma y say so, they have an effect through t he very f act t hat
they no l onger exist. Thi s expl ai ns, t hen, the angui sh of i ndi vi d-
uals who are adri ft bet ween t he anci ent structures, whi ch woul d
be cruelly missed if abol i shed but i f mai nt ai ned i ntact woul d
prove an obstacl e to much needed i nnovat i ons, and the moder n
The Arabic-Spekking Peoples 59
Th e City Dwellers
T h e Al geri a of 1 8 3 0 / a count ry of tribes and villages, had a
very small urban popul at i on. As the scene of confl i ct and bargai n-
i ng bet ween the rural and the ur ban societies, the great cities
were defined mai nl y by t hei r f unct i ons: t r adi ng mar ket s and rel i -
gious cent ers, t hei r vi tal core was the pr i nci pal mosque and, close
beside it, the hi ghl y ani mat ed business di stri ct. Thus , i n Al gi ers,
the l ower town wi th its great commer ci al street r unni ng f r om t he
Bab- el - Oued gate to t he Bab- Azoun gate was the site of several
fine residences and of Ae largest mosques.
7
T h e upper town, a
l abyr i nt h of narrow, wi ndi ng streets, of t en t er mi nat i ng in a bl i nd
al l ey, whi ch were const r uct ed f or the use of pack ani mal s, was t he
resi denti al district of pri vate homes.
8
Exerci si ng a magnet i c at t ract i on f or t he noma d and his cara-
vans l aden wi t h merchandi se as well as f or the f ar mer of t he
smal l sur r oundi ng douars, who comes to sell the produce of his
l and and to buy the obj ects fabri cated by the ur ban worker, t he
city is the cent er of commer ci al exchanges and is filled with great
social ani mat i on because of the f act t hat it groups t oget her peopl e
wi th very di fferent social backgr ounds. Rel i gi ous worshi p is cele-
brat ed i n close pr oxi mi t y to t he mar ket pl ace, and the cal endar
of great commerci al events coi nci des exactl y wi th the cal endar
' Thi s remark is more or less true for al l the regions of Al geri a, although
in varying degree, and is also true for all the societies discussed in this book.
7
In 1817 the dey abandoned his palace in the l ower town, which was
situated beside the great mosque and the souq, to take up residence in the
fort of the Casbah, whi ch overlooks the city.
8
Certain hypotheses shed some l i ght on the apparently incoherent pl an
of the traditional city (Algiers, for example). The great streets of the lower
town that follow the contour lines were probably former Roman roads;
the roads runni ng along the summit were probabl y paths. Finally, the narrow
streets and alleyways that wind down the side of the hill probabl y follow
the course of the little ravines that were hollowed out by the run-off and
that were utilized in early times as sewers.
structures, whi ch can be adopt ed only at the pri ce of a t horough
t ransformat i on and a compl ete rest ruct uri ng of soci ety.
6
6o
The Algerians
of t he great rel i gi ous festivals. By reason of t hei r commer ci al
roles the cities are the intersecting poi nt s of many channel s of
trade, and t hei r economi c prosperi ty is closely l i nked wi t h t hat
of t he surroundi ng countrysi de. Tl emc en, f or exampl e, whi ch
was situated at the crossing of two i mpor t ant trade routes (Fez-
Oran, desert-coast) had become the great warehouse f or caravans
f r om Mor occo or the Sahara. I n addi ti on to its decayi ng manu-
f act uri ng activity, this great commerci al city assumed t he rol e
of i nt el l ect ual center, wi t h its fifty Kor ani c schools and two
medersas, i nsti tuti ons f or secondary educat i on and hi gher l earn-
i ng. Thus , al t hough it is di sti ngui shed f r om r ur al society by
its social structure, by qui t e a different f or m of col l ecti ve exist-
ence, and by an enti rel y different way of l i fe (l anguage, cul t ur e,
manner s, cl ot hi ng, f ood, etc.), the city nevertheless lives i n sym-
bi ot i c rel at i onshi p with the surroundi ng countrysi de f r om whi ch
it draws its supplies and whi ch, i n turn, furnishes a market f or
its manuf act ur ed product s; as a result, any crisis i n agri cul ture
leads to a drop in sales and unempl oyment f or t he shopkeepers
and manual workers i n t he city.
As a pl ace of resi dence and as an i ndustri al center, t he city
is di vi ded i nt o districts provi ded wi th ameni t i es consi dered indis-
pensabl e for the life of the communi t yt he mosque, the publ i c
bat h, t he oven f or ba ki ng br ead and t he shops. The s e districts
t end to f or m rel ati vel y aut onomous and sel f-contai ned units. T h e
divisions i nt o et hni c groups often coi nci de wi th divisions i nt o
t rade guilds because certai n professions are tradi ti onal l y fol l owed
by certai n groups. T h e parti cul ari sm of the districts t hereby
becomes even stronger. T h e corporat i on, pl aced under t he pa-
t ronage of a sai nt whose day is cel ebrated by communal re-
j oi ci ngs, consti tutes a ki nd of " gr eat f ami l y" that is pat t er ned
on t he model of the r egul ar f ami l y uni t , even when its member s
are not j oi ned by real ties of consangui ni ty. Thi s social body,
whi ch is wi der t han t he fami l y but does not i ncl ude the whol e
city, is f or t he city dweller (along with his district) what t he cl an
or t he t ri be is f or the count ry dweller; the f eel i ng of corporati ve
sol i dari ty, whose st rengt h varies accordi ng to t he part i cul ar city
and trade, is reveal ed by t he mut ual aid and assistance t hat the
member s give to one anot her, by t he reci procal i nvi t at i ons that
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 61
are ext ended on the occasi on of f ami l y ceremoni es and by al l t he
forms of c ommuna l festivities. T h e corporat i on is subj ect to a
strict economi c moral code whi ch tends to excl ude compet i t i on,
whi ch insists on the mai nt enance of j ust wages and f ai r pri ces,
and whi ch guarantees professi onal honesty.
The r e are al most no i mpor t ant business associations; t he
cent ral bazaar groups t oget her a wi de vari ety of articles, but each
art i cl e is sold by a di fferent mer chant . T h e largest manuf act ur i ng
concerns i ncl ude onl y about twenty workers and apprent i ces; t he
owner, who earns very l i ttl e mor e t han his workers, works among
t hem and shares t hei r t roubl es; any advantages t hat he may draw
f r om his position are mai nl y those of honor and presti ge. I n
s hor t , al t hough t he ur ba n soci et y is const r uct ed on t he hi erarchi -
cal system, and al t hough a few men of weal th, parti cul arl y the
great merchant s, stand out above t he mass of small craft smen,
shopkeepers, modest scholars and smal l l andowners, who are hal f
citizens and hal f peasants, there is no real class ri val ry any mor e
t han there is in rural society. By reason of t he spirit whi ch ani-
mates t he whol e of this society, and also because of the small size
and rel at i ve uni mpor t ance of the business concerns, t he rel ati on-
ships between owner and wor ker , between r i ch and poor, are
f ami l i ar , equal i t ari an and f rat ernal .
T h e spirit of the ur ban economy is not greatl y different f r om
that of t he rural economy. T h e concer n for product i vi t y is un-
known, and t he mai n purpose of all commer ci al activity is the
sati sfacti on of needs. Compet i t i on remai ns in a latent state. T h e
r hyt hm of t he worki ng day is i rregul ar and wor ki ng hours vary.
Rel i gi ous ceremoni es and f ami l y festivals consi derabl y reduce
the ti me devoted to work. Expendi t ur es on l uxur i es eat up a
great por t i on of t he profits. For lack of capi t al , no new met hods
can be i ntroduced. Techni ques are t ransmi t t ed by rul e of t humb
and, l i ke t he pl ant and equi pment , are never renewed. T h e spi ri t
of t radi t i onal i sm, rei nf orced by t he corporati ve system, stifles the
spirit of free ent erpri se. T h e systems of measur ement vary f r om
one city to another, and often they may vary wi thi n the same city,
dependi ng on what is bei ng measured. Commer ci al practi ce is
based not on r at i onal cal cul at i on but on specul at i on and chance;
i ndustry and trade are al most compl et el y di vorced; concer n f or
6a The Algerians
t he pr oper i nvestment of f unds is unknown. I n short, economi c
rel ati onshi ps are never comprehended in al l t hei r br ut al real i t y;
they are always hi dden behi nd t he vei l of presti ge rel at i onshi ps
and are t emper ed by the sent i ment of f r at er ni t y. T h e f asci nat i on
f or social rel ati ons relegates t he pursui t of profit to a posi ti on of
secondary i mpor t ance.
T h e city, wher e reside moral i sts, ascetics and j uri st s who
r ebel against the ri tual i sm of t he r ur al rel i gi on, is -the bast i on of
rel i gi ous ort hodoxy and at the same time a cent er o\ i nt el l ect ual
acti vi ty because of its many schools and schol ars. As centers of
expansi on f or Isl am and f or East ern ci vi l i zati on, the cities are
ani mat ed by a refined mode of l i fe that revolves ar ound the
mosque as its religious and cul tural hub. T h e souq ( mar ket ) , the
hammam (public bat h) and the cafe are meeti ng places in whi ch
is developed the art of urbane conversati on, and i n whi ch t he
di fferent social classes may i nt er mi ngl e. On the one hand is the
home, si tuated at the end of the quiet, wi ndi ng street, wi t hdrawn
i nt o itself, a pri vate retreat, a closed worl d reserved f or t he
women; i n contrast to this is the open society, the men' s worl d,
t he souq, the publ i c square or the cafe, t he domai n of publ i c l i fe,
of strictly cont rol l ed and codified social rel ati onshi ps, of l engt hy
conversat i ons f ul l of " wi t t y sl ander and accept ed pl at i t udes"
( W. Mar cai s) . Bet ween these two poles is enact ed t he l i fe of
these cul ti vated and refi ned city dwellers, of this society t hat is
pr of oundl y Mosl em i n charact er and is i nt i mat el y at t ached to a
way of life whose center may perhaps be said to be the art and
t he cul t of social rel at i ons.
Tur ks , Koul oughl i s (descendants of Tur k s and of nat i ve
women) , Andal usi an Moor s dr i ven out of Spai n ( who f ormerl y
made up three-quarters of the popul at i on of Algiers and who were
very numerous i n Nedroma, Tl emcen, M&i ea and Mi l i ana) , and
new-rich " Ar abs " and " Ber ber s " formerl y made up the mi ddl e
class of t he ci ti es. Exc l uded f rom al l empl oyment under t he
Tur ki s h r egi me, t he Andal usi ans cont rol l ed al l l ocal i ndustry and
engaged i n commerce. T o these wer e added whole communi t i es
of hal f-urbani zed city dwel l ers, who preserved t hei r rel at i onshi ps
wi t h t hei r homel and, safeguarded t hei r customs and t hei r l an-
guage, and, bei ng gr ouped t oget her i n f ami l i es, gener al l y f ol -
(Thousands of inhabitants)
miniers d'iiab.
I Europens ESS Algriens
(Europeans) ( Al g e r i a ns )
1954-1960
Fi g. 7. Gr owt h of the Pr i nci pal Ci t i es bet ween 1954 and i 960
T h e t rend to urbani zat i on has not be e n l i mi t ed t o the l arge cities.
Mos t of the t owns and cities have had a large-scale i ncrease. T o gai n
an accurate i dea of t he size and f orm of these i nt er nal shifts in popu-
l at i on, the dat a suppl i ed by thi s di agr am s houl d be c ompar ed wi t h
that in Fi gur e 14. T h e over- al l popul at i on of the t owns and cities has
i ncreased by 67.5 per cent i n the r egi on of Al gi er s , by 63 per cent i n
the Cons t ant i ne r egi on, and by 48 per cent i n the regi on about Or a n,
a f act that i l l ust rat es that the war has been a deci si ve f act or i n speedi ng
up the movement to the cities (see Fi g. 16). Si nce the Eur opean popu-
l at i on of the cities has r emai ned al most const ant , the i ncrease i n size
of the pr i nc i pal cities (52 per cent f or Al gi ers, 53 per cent f or Con-
st ant i ne, 47 per cent f or Bone, 38 per cent f or Bl i da, 37 per cent for
Oran) is due mai nl y to the i nf l ux of the nat i ve Al geri ans. Thus the
Al geri an popul at i on of Al gi ers has risen f rom 295,000 i n 1954 to 558,000
i n i 960, that of Cons t ant i ne f r om 103,000 to 181,000, t hat of Or a n
f r om 131,000 t o 218,000.
l owed t he same t rade: Kabyl es, who came to hire out t hei r
services or to sell oi l , figs and charcoal ; Negroes, who sold l i me
and worked as masons; Ouar gl i and Bi skr i , water-bearers, port ers
and servant s; Mozabi t es, operators of publ i c bat hs, grocers and
butchers; J ews, who were dr i ven back to the per i met er and made
to live in a speci al di stri ct; finally, a whol e fl oati ng mass of
country dwellers who had come to do temporary l abor and who
lived close to the city gates or i n l ean-to gourbis erected agai nst
the city wal l s.
T h e constantl y i ncreasi ng i npour i ng of r ur al masses at t ract ed
by the wages to be earned i n the ci t i es;
9
the creat i on and expan-
0
The proportion of urban population to the total population increased
quite regularly (at the rate of 0.16 per cent per annum on the average),
goi ng from 13.9 per cent in 1886 to 24.9 per cent in 1954. In ig5g it went
up to 26.6 per cent, the average annual increase having tripled (0.42 per
cent). Between 1936 and 1954 the urban popul ati on increased by 943,000
inhabitants (including ng, ooo Europeans), and between 1954 and igsg i t
increased by 550,000, including 50,000 Europeans.
63
64 The Algerian
sion of a capi tal i sti c system of free enterpri se whi ch is concerned
pri mari l y wi th mass product i on, pl anni ng and profi t; the develop-
ment of the moder n city, audacious and t r i umphant , bui l t f or
purposes of commer ce, speculation and admi ni st rat i on; the i nfl ux
of a Eur opean society whi ch, al t hough i n close cont act , still
remai ns al oof and whi ch i ncarnat es and imposes t he adopt i on of
an enti rel y different mode of l i f eal l these factors have br ought
about a pr of ound t r ansf or mat i on i n the way of l i fe and the art
of l i vi ng t hat were pecul i ar to the city of the past. T h e ur ban
bourgeoi si e, whose prosperi ty and i nf l uence were formerl y based
on business, handi craft s, and the practi ce of l aw and schol arl y
pursuits, has been abl e to resist the compet i t i on f r om an indus-
tri al economy and the i nf l ux of new t echni ques and values onl y
at t he cost of a compl et e t ransf ormat i on. New social classes have
appear ed: a new bourgeoi si e, created by trade and industry,
whi ch has f or several years been i nt ermarryi ng wi th the ol d city
families; i ntel l ectual s trai ned i n Eur opean uni versi ti es; a new
prol et ari at , too, made up of mount ai n dwellers f r om Kabyl i a,
shepherds f r om the Hi gh Pl ai ns, gardeners f r om t he oases of t he
Sahar a. T h e member s of this new prol et ari at have st reamed
t oward the cities as the economi c and social equi l i br i um of t hei r
count r y districts has been shattered and, al t hough t hey gr oup
themselves in districts accordi ng to t hei r ori gi n and preserve
close contacts wi th t hei r home territory, neverthel ess they are
now detached f r om the r ur al society wi thout bei ng truly i nte-
grated i nt o the ur ban society. Dri ven f r om t hei r count ry districts
by povert y r at her t han at t ract ed by t he city, they are t hrown
with no trai ni ng i nto a city that, owi ng to t he nat ure of its occu-
pat i ons and its st ruct ure, is i ncapabl e of ensur i ng t hem empl oy-
ment and hous i ng.
1 0
Thus pl aced ami d mat er i al condi t i ons that
1 0
In 1954 the part-time workers and the unemployed made up about
30 per cent o the urban male popul ati on o working age. Algiers and Oran
attract rural workers from those regions of which they are the administrative
centers. In the area around Constantine the rural workers who do not leave
for Al gi ers proceed to several different centers, particularly Constantine,
Bone, Setif and now Bougi e. General l y speaking, the influx of country
dwellers bears no relation to the possibilities of empl oyment, and this is
particularly true in the Constantine area. Thus Setif, a rural market place,
an administrative and mi l i tary center, has had an increase whi ch cannot be
justified from an economic point of view (1,000 inhabitants in 1881, 51,000
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 65
ar e of t en catastrophi cal l y bad, thi s popul at i on of desti tute smal l
wage- ear ner s
1 1
t hat encamps i tsel f on t he peri phery of t he
Eur opean ci t y, may al so be consi dered to be l i vi ng on t he fri nge
of the modern economi c system and of modern society. T h e
ci ty usual l y can offer to these di senfranchi sed citizens onl y its
worst condi ti ons and a life of ut t er poverty.
Nomads and Semi-Nomads
Nomadi sm makes its appearance whe n t he resources of the
nat ur al envi r onment are no l onger sufficient f or t he per manent
mai nt enance of the gr oupt hat is to say, i n a l i ne r unni ng
appr oxi mat el y bel ow the isohyet i ndi cat i ng over 157 i nches of
annual r ai nf al l , t he nor t her n l i mi t of the st eppeand has a
f unct i on that is both pastoral and commer ci al i n nat ur e. T h e
veget at i on, al t hough scant y,
1 2
still permits t he large-scale breed-
i ng of sheep, goats and camels to be carri ed on, provi ded that
t he ent i re group can mi grat e between the south (rai ny season)
and the nor t h (dry season) so that the shepherds may move t hei r
flocks accordi ng to t he vari ati ons i n vegetal resources. On t he
routes t hat were f ol l owed by t hei r ancestors but whi ch are now
f or the whol e of the commune in 1954), because of the influx of rural workers
from the northwest and from the east who, at the beginning of the twentieth
century, were driven out by the concentration of the great European land-
hol di ngs and who in recent times have been driven out by the introduction
of mechanized methods of cultivation. The percentage of the popul ation
that had some form of employment was found to be very low in Stif (about
25 per cent).
u
One of the characteristic features of the Al geri an cities is the hyper-
trophic development of the tertiary sector, a considerable number of inter-
mediaries who are engaged in petty commerce and who speculate on the
i ndi vi dual resale of such things as a bunch of bananas or a packaji of
cigarettes.
1 2
The contrast between the well-watered east and the dri er west may
be noted both in the Hi gh Plains and in the Tel l . The Hi gh Plains around
Constantine, which receive more rainfall, are suitable for the culture of
cereals. Those around Oran and Algiers, in which the predominant crop is
esparto grass, are more favorable to stock raising. Among the sheep-raising
nomads of the west, densities of population vary between 5 to 15 inhabitants
to the square kilometer (in the arrondissement of Aflou, 5; of Tel agh, 7; of
Frenda, 11, of Sa'ida, 12). Among the cereal growers of the east, the densities
are somewhat heavier (in the arrondissement of Tebessa, 13; of M'Sila, 20).
66 Th e Algerians
strictly cont rol l ed, the tribes of the Ar baa and the Sai d At ba move
by clans f r om the regi ons of Laghouat and Ouar gl a and concl ude
t hei r nor t hwar d mi gr at i on by spendi ng the summer at the ap-
proaches to t he west ern Te l l in t he Sersou and Ti a r e t regi ons.
Several tribes f r om ar ound Touggour t and Bi skra ret urn to the
Hi gh Plains of the Const ant i ne area f or the summer. Ot her
gr oups may summer i n the i nt er i or pl ai ns of the Sahar an At l as.
Whi l e t he nomads, who obt ai n most of t hei r r equi r ement s f r om
thei r flocks (their food consists largely of mi l k products, t hei r
cl ot hi ng of wool , thei r tents of hi de) and who general l y own some
pal m groves and gardens i n the oases, sow onl y a few acres of
barl ey or wheat , t he semi -nomads devote a much gr eat er share
of t hei r acti vi ty to the cul t ur e of cereal crops and onl y leave t hei r
fixed residence f or a fi ve-month peri od, the peri od f r om the end
of harvest to t he spri ng pl owi ng. I n shor t , t he l i f e of t he nomad,
t he man of the desert, is di st i ngui shed f r om that of the semi-
nomad, the ma n of t he steppes, onl y by the rel ati ve i mpor t ance
gi ven to agr i cul t ur e and by t he amount of t i me devoted to sed-
ent ary activities dur i ng t he year.
T h e nomadi c mi gr at i ons presupposed t he maki ng of agree-
ments with the tribes whose territories had to be crossed and the
payment of tolls to these tribes. Conflicts rarel y developed, and
rel at i ons were part i cul arl y fri endl y duri ng t he final period of
t he grazi ng cycl e, whi ch occur r ed at the end of spri ng and coi n-
ci ded wi th the sedentary tri bes' harvest; t he nomads woul d t hen
t ake part i n t he work of br i ngi ng in t he crops and woul d hi r e
out thei r ani mal s for the moving of the harvest. Moreover, they
brought with them the products of the south, pri nci pal l y dates,
and t he products of t hei r flocks, whi ch t hey woul d exchange f or
cereals i n accordance wi t h fixed val ues set by custom. Thi s type
of associ ati on has been mai nt ai ned mor e or less i nt act i n t he
Const ant i ne regi on, but has led to confl i ct in t he di stri cts sur-
r oundi ng Or an and Algiers.
T h e distinctiveness of t he nomad lies mai nl yand perhaps
excl usi vel yi n his way of l i fe, whi ch is i nseparabl y l i nked to his
own special atti tude of life. Thus one must be caref ul not to
regard hi m as radi cal l y different f r om the sedentary peoples. On
the cont rary, the thing that strikes one most is t he continuity of
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 67
the social structure ami d t he di f f er ent ways of l i f e of t he Al geri an
peoples. For the nomad, as f or t he sedentary peoples, the con-
sanguineous cl an is the f undament al social uni t ; the nomad cl an
travels over a f ami l i ar, communi t y- owned grazing t erri t ory,
whereas the sedentary cl an is restricted to the precisely defined
limits of a village district, since each large fami l y treats its l and
as pri vate pr oper t y. Whi l e t he demar cat i on of boundari es is
mor e precise between t he fields of the sedent ary cl ans, it is also
true that i n nomad terri tory the t heoret i cal or real ties of ki n-
ship have been, as it were, proj ect ed ont o t he l and to such an
ext ent that one can di sti ngui sh all the grazing lands bel ongi ng
t o a part i cul ar t ri be and, wi t hi n them, t he area bel ongi ng to each
clan. T h e same uni f or mi t y may be noted i n matters concer ni ng
the t echni ques of producti on. Whe n they cul ti vate areas i rri gated
by t he overflow of the wadis or low-lying lands (djelj lands), t he
nomads use a swing pl ow si mi l ar to that of the peasants. I n t he
Sahara the nomad is t he man of the pl ow who cultivates great ,
uni r r i gat ed expanses i n cont rast to the ksourien, t he man of t he
hoe, t he gar dener of the smal l plots i n t he oases. T h e nomad di f-
fers from the ksourien i n many ways ;
1 3
on the one hand, the vil-
lages, wi t h t hei r houses of clay or unmor t ar ed stone, huddl e
t oget her i n the shel ter of the walls f or pr ot ect i on against t he
raids of t he nomads, who are t hei r prot ect ors' rivals; on the ot he r
hand, t he wanderi ng tent and t he great open spaces; here, t he
desperately har d and exacti ng work of the soil, all t he virtues a nd
tenaci ty of t he peasant; there, t he dawdl i ng gai t of the shepher d
fol l owi ng al ong behi nd his flocks, the disdain f or t he agr i cul t ur al
techni ques consi dered fit onl y f or f armers, and the fatalism o f
a peopl e subj ect ed to the hazards of c l i ma t e .
1 4
However, t he f act
1 8
The medina differs from the ksar (plural, ksour), whi ch is mainly agri-
cul tural (palm groves and gardens), in its appearance (minarets ol I tic
mosques, larger and better constructed dwellings) and in its function as a.
manufacturing and commercial center. But there, too, all gradations may be
found.
1 4
According to an investigation carried out by M. Capot-Rey in t he
southern territories, the percentage of nomads, semi-nomads and sedentary
peoples in 1938 was 58 per cent, 17.6 per cent and 24.3 per cent in the Plains
and the Saharan Atlas, 30.3 per cent, 12.8 per cent and 56.8 per cent in the
pre-Saharan zone, and 27.7 per cent, 8.8 per cent and 63.4 per cent in the
Sahara proper. Since then the proportion of sedentary peoples, and semi-
nomads has greatly increased.
68 The Algerians
t hat t hei r interests were compl ement ar y necessarily l ed to agree-
ments and cooperat i on bet ween the two types of peopl e. T h e
great markets of the Sahara (Gharda' ia, Laghouat , etc.) are pr oof
of the economi c symbiosis that unites the nomads and the seden-
tary peoples. T h e city, wi th its armorers, bl acksmi t hs, shoemakers,
and weavers, welcomes t he nomad who, dur i ng the periods of
t he great market s, comes to sell his meat , wool and l eat her, the
products of his flocks; f ur t her mor e, the nomad formerl y provi ded
these cities wi t h the great er part of t hei r ext er nal trade, br i ngi ng
t hem the grai n f r om the Te l l f or whi ch he had exchanged his
dates and frui t. Mor eover , t he ksourien coul d not do wi t hout
the hel p of t he nomad, who woul d offer hi m or f or ce upon hi m
pr ot ect i on agai nst pi l l age by ot her nomads. I n r et ur n t he past oral
noma d woul d leave to the sedentary dwel l er, his t enant f ar mer ,
t he task of i rri gat i ng his pal m trees and gardens, and woul d
entrust hi m wi th a por t i on of his reserves. So the bond uni t i ng
t hem cannot be i nt er pr et ed as bei ng based solely on self-interest.
T h e past oral economy and the way of life it i mpl i es are
i nseparabl y l i nked wi th a special at t i t ude of mi nd. T h e per ma-
nence of t he nomadi c society, conf r ont ed wi th an ext r emel y
unpr oduct i ve l and and a pitiless cl i mat e, demands a pr oud
adher ence to this way of l i fe. T h e nomad is aware of the fact t hat
t he t empt at i on to l ead a sedentary exi stence is f or hi m a sure
promi se of mor al decl i ne and that his very exi stence depends
upon r et ai ni ng that pr of ound and i nnat e wi sdom whi ch is
made up of haught y pessimism and resi gnati on, of ascetic pat i ence
and gent i l i t i al pri de. T h e absol ute aut hor i t y of t he l eaders of
t he fami l y, t he gr oup or t he t r i be, is a guarant ee bot h of t he con-
t i nuance of t he social order and of economi c sur vi val .
1 5
Whi l e
t he nomadi c life di d not rul e out the acqui si t i on of ri ches, its
sole source of weal t h lay i n the flock which^wasjubject td'TKe
hazar ds l nher ent i n The al t er nat i on of good and l ean year s.
1 8
T h e
desert worl d puts t he nomad on guard against excess and
'"extremes and at tKe I^e'Sme'reminds'liim of the need j or col-
le]Etive~cIi:ipline. T h e communi t y, a kind of ci rcl e whose cenFer
1 5
See para., The social structures, ft
" A s a consequence of a year of drought (1945) the sheep popul ation
fell from 5,832,000 (1944) to 2,808,000 (1946).
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 69
is everywhere and yet nowhere, is i ndeed t he f oundat i on and
necessary condi t i on f or all life i n the desert.
Thi s society has f al l en i nt o a great decl i ne. T h e widespread,
vi gorous nomadi sm of the peri od pr i or to 1 8 3 0 has been repl aced
by a l i mi t ed, cont rol l ed and weakened f or m of nomadi sm. Dur i ng
t he past fifty years stock rai si ng has steadily decl i ned, whi l e farm-
i ng has i ncreased unt i l it now extends as f ar south as the steppes.
T h e pasture lands have been reduced i n size by the advance of
col oni zat i on, part i cul arl y i n the area of Ti a r e t and Sersou. Mor e-
over, the years of dr ought , t he absence of any efficient met hods
of prot ect i ng and i mpr ovi ng t he flocks, t he f ai l ur e to set a firm
value on the products of stock raising, expl ai n t he decrease in
size of the flocks of sheep, whi ch were reduced f r om ten to twelve
mi l l i on head at the begi nni ng of t he cent ury to l i t t l e mor e t han
si x mi l l i on i n 1 9 5 4 . Ot her influences have aggravat ed this crisis
of t he nomadi c way of l i fe: t he appearance of new methods of
t ransport at i on (rai l way and t r uck) and t he increase i n the money
supply (el i mi nati ng the need for bar t er ) have br ought about the
decl i ne i n the caravan trade, whi ch was the monopol y of the
nomads; the est abl i shment of law and order has permi tted smal l
gr oups to move f r eel y f r om pl ace to pl ace and has st r i pped t he
noma d of t he prest i ge at t ached to his r ol e as " pr ot e c t or " of t he
ksourien; " t he suzerai nt y of t he nomad has ceased to be a f or m of
i nsurance and has become a bur den" ( Capot - Rey) ; t he discovery
of oil and t he creati on of the oil industry have speeded up the
overt hrow of the f or mer hi erarchi esworkers i n the oi l fields,
of t en l i berated slaves formerl y empl oyed as f ar m hands, some-
times earn wages much hi gher t han t he i ncome of t he t r i bal
chi ef s; the r api d i ncrease i n popul at i on rel at ed t o (and perhaps
dependent on) becomi ng sedentary; t he crisis t hat oases f ar mi ng
is undergoi ng combi ned with t he crisis i n the sharecroppi ng
system have di srupt ed the bal ance of the Saharan economy. A
great number of r ui ned nomads, semi -nomads, and sedentary
peoples have been compel l ed to look for new sources of i ncome,
ei t her by f ar mi ng poor lands, or by gat her i ng esparto grass, or by
emi gr at i ng to the cities of the Te l l . T h e nomadi sm of the shep-
herds, movi ng i n great caravans made up of an enti re t ri be or of
cl ans l ed by t hei r shei k, has very f requent l y gi ven way to t he
* ] 0 The Algerians
Th e New Sedentary Peoples
Economic equilibrium and human relationships.Former
nomads whose main occupat i on was stock raising and who lived
i n tents f or part of the year, but who have been made sedentary
f or a fai rl y l ong peri od, make t hei r l i vi ng by t he cul ti vati on of
cereal crops combi ned wi th stock r ai si ng.
1 7
Less attached t o
t he soi l t han t he settled vi l l age fol k, such as t he Kabyl es, they
of t en ret ai n t he scorn of t he herdsman f or agri cul tural pursui ts,
and f or m a less st rongl y i nt egr at ed society. Exi st i ng condi t i ons
are the end resul t of a process t hat may be out l i ned i n the fol l ow-
i ng way: I n t he begi nni ng, stock raising is favored. T h e flock is
the private propert y of the extended f ami l y, but the pasture l ands
are owned i n common by t he whol e cl an or t ri be. Each year, at
t he first aut umn rai ns, t he t r i bal djemda and t he djefnda of t he
cl ans al l ot t he lands t hat are to be cul ti vated i n accor dance With
t he capacities and needs of each f ami l y, t hat is to say, i n accord-
ance wi t h t he number of men and t he number of teams of plow
ani mal s (cf. in Kabyl i a, t he di st ri but i on of lands by l ot ) . T h e
f ami l y has full use of t he land f or one or two years, at the end of
whi ch time a new al l ot ment is made. Among all the tri bes great
expanses are set aside f or pasture lands or l eft fal l ow by common
accord, but they may also be used for f ar mi ng if need arises. T h e
fenci ng-i n of the fields would be useless, since, even when owned
as pri vate property, they become c ommunal past ure l and every
ot her year; thus t hei r boundari es are very poorl y mar ked, irreg-
ular, and someti mes even zigzag in out l i ne. Di st r i but ed here and
there over the countrysi de, they encl ose small islands of shrubs,
" T h e limits of the area in which this type of people has settled are
rather vague. It may be said to occupy all zones that are not inhabited either
by the old established sedentary people or by semi-nomadic or nomadic
shepherds, that is, principally in those areas of the plains in whi ch the rain-
fal l is over 138 inches, and in the wooded massifs.
nomadi sm of t he work-hungry, a nomadi sm whi ch brings to the
cities wret ched persons who have been torn f r om their ac-
cust omed way of life and cut off f r om thei r now compl et el y dis-
i ntegrated communi t y.
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 71
mast i c trees or j uj ube trees. T h i s whol e system obviously l eads
t o a r at her disorganized r ur al l andscape. T h e group moves about
over t he areas of whi ch they ar e t he vi rt ual owners. Ea c h gr oup
and each fami l y f arms accordi ng to its needs and its means; by
so doi ng, it establ i shes the size of its own area wi t hi n the common
t erri t ory, its force of expansi on fi ndi ng wi t hi n itself its own pr i n-
ci pl e of l i mi t at i on. T h e wi nt er encampment is the mor e stabl e,
since it lasts f r om November to Mar ch. Her e the gr oup puts down
its roots; here it has its under gr ound gr anar y (matmoura) and
its cemet ery, the t angi bl e symbol of its at t achment to the soil
and to its ancestors. Ar ound t he wi nt er mechta some f ar mi ng
is done on small fields whi ch were first roughl y cleared by fire;
i n spite of the system of letting part of the l and lie fallow, the
soil is qui ckl y exhausted and the fields have onl y a relative stabil-
ity. Dur i ng the wi nt er t he flock is pastured in the i mmedi at e area
of t he mechta. I n the spri ng the whol e or part of t he group leaves
t he wi nt er mechta, and, si nce t he flocks must be r emoved f r om t he
lands under cul t i vat i on, they are put to graze on the lands t hat
wi l l be sown in aut umn, an or i gi nal met hod of ensuri ng t hat t he
fields will be properl y fertilized. T h e ani mal s are shut i n at ni ght
wi t hi n t he ci rcl e of tents (douar) or wi t hi n an encl osure of j uj ube
trees. Whe n summer comes, the gr oup ret urns to harvest the cr op,
t he flocks feed on t he st ubbl e fields, and the wi nt er encampment
is agai n set up. Di f f erent causes (parti cul arl y the reduct i on of t he
flocks resul t i ng f r om bad years) make t he stock raisers deci de to
i ncrease the size of the seeded areas; this i n t ur n leads to t he
progressive abandonment of the system of annual di st ri but i on
of l and as each f ami l y now begi ns per manent l y to cul t i vat e t he
same fields; it also results i n the group' s becomi ng per manent l y
settled i n the wi nter camp, whi l e t he nomadi c system of grazing
flocks over l i mi t ed past ure lands is repl aced by a system of lrtiular
t r anshumance i n char ge of the shepherds. Wi t h the i nst i t ut i on of.
fami l y property, there finally appears wi t hi n t he tribe t he dis-
ti ncti on between those who own t he l and and those who cul t i vat e
i t .
Ext ensi ve f armi ng, devot ed part i cul arl y to cereals, is thus
combi ned with extensive sheep raising; this type of f ar mi ng is
based on t he al t er nat i on of growing and l eavi ng the fields to
72 The Algerians
lie fal l ow, thereby per mi t t i ng the soil to rest and at the same
t i me provi di ng f ood f or t he flock. I n thi s subsistence-level econ-
omy t he combi nat i on of agri cul ture and sheep breedi ng ensures
t he satisfaction of essential needs. T h e staple diet consists of t he
barl ey and wheat whi ch ( mi xed wi th salt water, wi th meat and
vegetabl es of t en added) are used to make t he couscous. T h e fl ock
provides meat , the mai n course f or t he meals t hat are hel d dur i ng
f ami l y or religious festi val s,
1 8
and mi l k, whi ch is dr unk fresh or
i n the f or m of whey. T h e wool of the sheep and the ski n of t he
goat are used i n maki ng cl ot hi ng and tents. Thus t he mar ket s
provi de onl y a smal l ext r a source of i ncome to t he f ami l y econ-
omy. Agr i cul t ur al yields are low and vary great l y wi t h t he cli-
mat e ( f our to five hundredwei ght per hect ar e f or wheat and
barl ey and someti mes, i f r ai nf al l is abundant and wel l di st ri but ed
dur i ng the year, 15, 20 or 25 hundr edwei ght ) . However, bal ance is
mai nt ai ned bet ween the resources and the rel ati vel y small popul a-
ti on. A bal ance has also been achi eved bet ween the t echni ques
empl oyed and the nat ur al condi t i ons. La nd is not cl eared by
gr ubbi ng and upr oot i ng but is merel y cl eaned off by bur ni ng.
T h e f el l ah first sows t he seeds, then buri es t hem by merel y scratch-
i ng the gr ound; the swing-plow is also well adapted to the soil
c ondi t i ons ;
1 9
and f ur t her mor e it spares t he l i vi ng plants whi ch
preserve t he soil f r om erosi on and whi ch will provi de f ood f or the
flock when the cul ti vated l and is left to l i e fallow again. A heavi er
and hence mor e expensi ve pl ow would demand a l ong and diffi-
cult preparat i on of the ground, woul d risk br i ngi ng about t he
rapi d exhaust i on of a soil t hat is not enr i ched by fertilizers, and
woul d probabl y be too heavy for undernouri shed ani mal s to pul l .
One coul d show i n a si mi l ar way t hat t he most archai c feat ures
(harvesti ng wi th t he sickle, l ack of shelters f or t he ani mal s,
absence of reserves of hay, etc.) al l have a f unct i onal significance
when r ef er r ed to the over-all system. Thi s type of f ar mi ng
requi res onl y a small capi t al t he l and, the seed, t he plow, and,
3 3
The poorest of the poor woul d be dishonored if he did not have his
quarter of mutton on the day of the Ai d. If the worker is too poor to buy it,
tradition demands that the master give hi m a supply of mutton on the oc-
casion of the great festivals. Thi s is often stipulated in the contracts.
" Ac c or di ng to the latest farm census (1951), those engaged in traditional
farming were still using swing-plows on 300,000 of the 630,000 farms.
1
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 73
above all, the team to pul l t he pl ow. T h e rudi ment ary t echni ques
produce onl y a very low yield, but at the lowest possible cost.
Th us bal ance appears to have been at t ai ned at t he highest possi-
bl e level wi thi n the limits imposed by the l ack of advanced
methods and techni ques and by the l ack of capital. It would
therefore appear to be i mpossi bl e, given equal means, to achieve
any greater success. T h e at t ai nment of any hi gher level of adapta-
ti on would presuppose the acqui ri ng of better t echni cal met hods
and devices, and the possession of extensi ve capi tal , and would
i nvol ve a compl et e t r ansf or mat i on of the social, economi c and
psychol ogi cal structures.
Thi s i nsecure and constantl y t hr eat ened equi l i br i um con-
ceals consi derabl e tensi on. T h e reason for this is that agri cul t ure
and stock rai si ng are compl ement ar y but at the same ti me com-
peti ti ve. Heavy r ai nf al l leads to an ext ensi on of the area under
cul ti vati on at the expense, and to the det ri ment , of the share of
the l and gi ven over to t he flock; a f avor abl e l ambi ng season, a
good cereal crop which wi l l enabl e hi m to buy l i vest ockt he
fel l ah' s pride, the t angi bl e display of his weal t h and the only way
i n whi ch he can accumul at e capi t al
2 0
a n d the flock wi l l i ncrease
far beyond the possibility of provi di ng it wi th water and pasture
l ands, bot h of whi ch are subj ect to the hazards of cl i mat e. T h e
ani mal s bei ng now less well fed are mor e vul ner abl e, and a severe
wi nt er, a period of drought or an epidemic kills off great num-
bers; the f ol l owi ng year, f or l ack of dr af t ani mal s and the neces-
sary cash to buy seed, t he size of the areas under cultivation is re-
stricted. I n short, the bal ance between the size of the flock and
the f ar m value of the pasture l and is establ i shed not so much by
the wi l l of man as by t he forces of nat ur e worki ng to pr oduce
the al t ernat i on of abundance and f ami ne whi ch has so pro-
f oundl y mar ked the l i fe and vision of the worl d of the Nor t h
Af r i can fel l ah.
Whi l e it is true that as t he gr oup becomes mor e sedentary
2 0
Thi s attitude in regard to the flock is widespread even among the-
sedentary farmers. Wealth is measured by the size of the flock as much as
by the extent of the land under cultivation. Since land is held in j oi nt pos-
session, the continuance of whi ch is ensured by vari ous protective measures,
it cannot be easily assigned a commercial value. Hence the function of the
flock.
74 The Algerians
each f ami l y tends to ret ai n as its own propert y the lands used f or
f armi ng, the common ownershi p of pasture lands and uncl ear ed
sections (arch l ands) mai nt ai ns the cohesi on of the t ri bal com-
muni t y. However , the t erri t ori al uni t does not always coi nci de
wi t h the social uni t (tri be or cl an) . It f requent l y happens as a
resul t of land sales that the pat r i mony is farmed by several
families of different origins. Thus there is much criss-crossing of
the lands under cultivation, since a certain social unit may own
fields that are hemmed in by the lands of oUe or of several ot her
groups, and vice versa. T h e patri mony, whi ch general l y bears t he
name of its f ounder , remai ns the j oi nt propert y of the ext ended
f ami l y, that is, of all the descendants of the same ancestor down
to the third and f our t h gener at i ons, the share of each of these
vi rtual heirs bei ng fixed by vernacular tradi ti on. I n most cases
t he l and is f ar med in common by the members of the same
ext ended fami l y or by several fami l i es issuing f r om the same stock.
It is not the propert y of a col l ecti ve enti ty, but of i ndi vi dual s
who have been ascri bed ri ghts t hat may differ great l y but are
always well defined, and these i ndi vi dual s are free (at least t heo-
reti cal l y) to wi thdraw t hei r share of the j oi nt l y hel d propert y.
T h e shares due to each of t hem are expressed i n f ract i ons whose
denomi nat or s have sometimes seven or eight figures; the si t uat i on
is compl i cat ed, moreover, by t he fact t hat t he r i ght of f ul l owner-
ship is here gr ant ed to t he surviving husband or wi fe, so t hat
a mar r i age always offers an outside f ami l y the possibility of
acqui r i ng ri ghts to a j oi nt l y hel d property. T o avoid havi ng it
go out of t he possession of t he fami l y, a property is f requent l y set
up as a pri vat e habous a nd so becomes i nal i enabl e. Exampl es
have been cited of acts of par t i t i on (freda) whi ch have al l otted a
benefi ci ary two or three square centi meters f rom one hect ar e held
by several hundr ed j oi nt owners. Wer e it not f or t he system of
j oi nt possession, the pat r i mony woul d f r equent l y become worth-
less as a result of bei ng di vi ded i nto ext r emel y smal l plots t hr ough
t he strict enf orcement of Mosl em law. Thus legalism, carried to
extremes, ends by t hwart i ng its original i nt ent and demands, as
it were, its own negat i on.
T h e i nst i t ut i on of j oi nt possession is, t hen, a guarant ee of
equi l i br i um. Looked at f r om t he st andpoi nt of t he moder n eco-
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 75
nomi c system, it may, no doubt , merel y appear as an absurd
archai sm because it chai ns the peasant to a strict r out i ne by for-
bi ddi ng t he i nt r oduct i on of new met hods and the exercise of
i ndi vi dual i ni t i at i ve. I n real i ty, however, it protects t he i ntegri ty
of the pat r i mony and, t her ef or e, of the fami l y gr oup, against
excessive di vi si on, against t he i nt rusi on of outsiders, and against
t he absorpt i on of smal l lots by large-scale f ar mi ng devel opments.
T h e same purpose is served by the legal ri ght to pre-empt prop-
erty (chefda). Fur t her mor e, by br i ngi ng about a uni on of all t he
means and all t he forces avai l abl e to the gr oup, j oi nt possession
permi ts a real i zati on of the best possible adapt at i on to the
nat ur al surroundi ngs and guarantees subsistence to those indi-
vi dual s who woul d general l y be unabl e to survive on the ti ny
plot of gr ound they woul d be awarded were t he property to be
di vi ded by the c our t .
2 1
Because of t he scarcity of capi t al and t he
prevai l i ng hi gh interest rates, and because of t he hi gh cost of
plow ani mal s, communi t y f ar mi ng becomes the only feasi bl e
cour se of act i on. Moreover, t hrough this i nst i t ut i on (as t hr ough
t he private habous), the communi t y protects itself against im-
provi dence, indifference or wastefulness on the part of its indi-
vi dual members, since it can strictly cont r ol bot h methods of
pr oduct i on and of consumpt i on. Fi nal l y, this type of association
affords t he best f or m of prot ect i on in an economy characteri zed
by the al t ernat i on of good and bad years. Thus j oi nt possession
per f or ms t he same f unct i on, al t hough i n a di fferent setting, as
t he mut ual aid charact eri st i c of r ur al society; i ndeed, onl y by
c ombi ni ng t hei r efforts can these peopl e mor e or less compensat e
f or the unrel i abi l i t y of t he t echni ques at t hei r disposal.
I n this mobi l e society wi th its vaguel y defined " nomi nal
pr oper t y, " a society i n whi ch real propert y is i n f act onl y t he
l and that is under cul t i vat i on, so that the most i mpor t ant f act
is the par t i cul ar rel at i onshi p exi sti ng between man and the soi l ,
and in whi ch the expl oi t at i on of the natural pasture lands re-
qui res great expanses to be set aside f or grazing purposes, the
quest f or equi l i br i um bet ween man and man bri ngs i nt o pl ay
mechani sms t hat ar e no less compl ex t han t hose i nvol ved i n t he
2 1
The number of peasants rui ned by selling off their property by auction
to speculators is proof of this.
76 The Algerians
Fi g. 8. Pl an of a Par t of the Domai n (haouch) of the Ben Cha oua
T h i s par t of t he domai n of t he Ben Cha oua is si t uat ed nor t h of
the mai n r oad r unni ng f r om Bl i da t o Al gi ers. T h e shaded areas r epr e-
sent: (1) uncl ear ed l and; (s) cul t i vat ed l and; (3) past ure l and; (4) dwel l -
i ngs. (Af ter I snar d, La rorganisation de la proprit rurale dans la
Mitidja, Al gi ers, 1948.)
pursui t of equi l i br i um bet ween man and t he soil. Hence t he
exuber ant flowering of pacts and agreements, whi ch t i me and
agai n are j eopardi zed by the t empt at i on to i ndul ge i n pi l f er i ng
and strife.
Ever yt hi ng combi nes to br i ng about a dynami c bal ance, "the
result of vari ous tensi ons, t he i nt er nal tensions t hat have already
been analyzed and the ext ernal tensions caused by the fact t hat
t he efforts of expansi on of t he group are l i mi t ed by t he expan-
sions of rival groups. " One of the per manent causes of agi t at i on
and division among t he Ar abs, " wrote Capt ai n Ri c ha r d, "is t he
vagueness of the boundari es separati ng the various parts of t he
terri tory. T h e ol d cai'd of the Beni Merzoug, when quest i oned
as to how it came about t hat a vast piece of l and situated bet ween
his t ri be and t hat of the Beni Menna had always r emai ned un-
cul t i vat ed, answered that f r om t i me i mmemor i al this field of
f at al memory had never been seeded by anythi ng but the corpses
of t hei r t r i bes. " I n ot her words, the domai n of the t ri be is defined
by opposi t i on to the l and of the nei ghbor i ng tri bes. On this
t ri bal terri tory each gr oup or each f ami l y has j oi nt ownershi p
of t he port i on t hat it bri ngs i nt o cul ti vati on. Thus , under an
appearance of disordered and anarchi cal di st ri but i on, of a waste-
f ul use of l and, t her e is a whol e net wor k of contracts, each of
whi ch represents a confl i ct t hat is ei t her bei ng resol ved or is
l at ent . Nowher e is t her e i l l ustrated mor e cl earl y t he essential
nat ur e of the pact (cf. the agreement s bet ween the nomads of
t he Sahar a and t he tribes of t he Te l l ) , whi ch creates a pr ecar i ous
and constantl y t hr eat ened reci proci t y bet ween groups t hat may
f or m associations whi l e cont i nui ng, nevert hel ess, to r emai n host i l e
to one anot her .
Equi l i br i um is bor n of tension^the ri val ri es bet ween groups
compensat e f or one anot her. Such a si t uat i on favored t he de-
78 The Algerians
vel opment of t he " great f ami l y, " the sole gr oup endowed wi th the
necessary authori ty and prestige, partl y by reason of its fecundi ty,
whi ch assured it a cont i nui t y and a power superior to the hazards
of the nat ur al and social worl d; partl y because of its cohesi on
and sol i dari ty, whi ch permi t t ed it to ext end its power over t he
soil and to count er bal ance the expansi on of rival groups; part l y
also because of its nobl e or rel i gi ous ori gi n. So M. Yac ono has
discovered, i n the Chliff, the exi stence of about ten great fami l i es
among some thi rty tribes. A chart represent i ng the division of
weal t h among t he Oul ed Khel ouf , t he Oul ed Khoui dem and the
Bor dj i a reveals clearly mar ked contrasts in weal th, whi l e at t he
same t i me there appears to be no i nt ermedi ary gr oup between
t he ri ch and t he poor.
T h e great f ami l y offers ohba, or prot ect i on, i n exchange f or
fidelity and al l egi ance, r at her t han f or servi tude and depend-
ence. I n t he mtayage au quint system, the t enant f ar mer on a
one-fifth share basis cont ri but es his mat er i al services, the mast er
hi s spi ri t ual services. Thi s r el at i on is even mor e cl ear l y reveal ed
when t he " sei gneur " is at t he same t i me a personage of t he
mar about class, a possessor of t he magi cal rel i gi ous power t hat
is bel i eved to f avor t he wor k of t he f arm. T h e means, t hat is t o
say, t he huma n rel ati on, the pact uni t i ng man to man, woul d
her e seem to be much mor e i mpor t ant t han t he end, the wor ki ng
of the l and; concern f or t echni cal act i on and a cal cul at ed
devel opment is subor di nat e to the concern f or devel opi ng a wide
r ange of huma n rel at i onshi ps. Thi s type of economyi n whi ch
di r ect f ar mi ng of t he l and by t he owner is i nf r equent and
is, i ndeed, l ooked upon wi t h disdain, in whi ch those who are i n
possession of any weal t h l eave field wor k t o others and in whi ch,
consequentl y, the carryi ng out of f ar m tasks always presupposes
t he cooper at i on of two peopl e, t he owner and the t enant f a r me r
is evi dentl y much different from that whi ch has been not ed
among t he sedentary f ar mer s. One is st r uck by t he medi at e
nat ur e of t he r el at i on bet ween ma n and t he soil; this medi at i on
is t he huma n r el at i on, t he pact i nterposed bet ween t he owner
and his l and. But , one will say, is not the t enant f ar mer i n di rect
and i mmedi at e cont act wi th t he soil? No doubt he is, but he
is at t ached to it by ties t hat are qui t e different f r om those cr eat ed
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples yg
by ownershi p, and perhaps it is not exaggerat i ng to say that the
tie between the worker and the soil involves the master.
I f such is i ndeed the nat ur e of the shar ecr oppi ng system, it
is evi dent that the t enant f ar mer benefits f r om this i nst i t ut i on
and that the change to the status of wage ear ner whi ch, accord-
i ng to our way of t hi nki ng, may appear as a promot i on, is, in
this cont ext , to be consi dered as a demot i on.
2 2
J udged accordi ng
to our cri t eri a, this cont ract is very much like servi tude: the
sharecropper is bound to the master, who dictates the clauses of
the cont r act and is apparent l y t he onl y one ensured against ri sk;
t he f or mer gives up his l i ber t y and i ni t i at i ve and receives i n re-
t ur n onl y a very smal l share of t he cr op (general l y one-fifth, wi t h
l ocal vari at i ons) . I t may even happen t hat he is c hai ned to hi s
mast er by a debt whi ch compel s hi m to r enew his cont r act indefi-
nitely so that sometimes, when reduced to ext r eme poverty, he
has no recourse ot her t han flight.
However , the above descri pti on overl ooks the essential fea-
tures of a pact whi ch reveals a uni que view of economi c rel at i ons.
Hi r ed by ver bal cont r act at the begi nni ng of the f ar mi ng year, i n
t he mont hs of Oct ober or November , t he sharecropper merel y
contri butes his physical l abor whi l e the master provides hi m wi t h
t he l and, the seed, t he i mpl ement s, and the t eam to do t he
pl owi ng. Si nce the cont r act comes i nt o effect i n aut umn and t he
harvest is not r eaped unt i l May or J une , the mast er must advance
the necessary supplies to tide the sharecropper and his fami l y
over this peri od. At t he festival of the Achoura he must give the
t enant a gandoura of cotton and a pai r of shoes; at the t i me of
the great Mosl em festivals he must provide hi m with a supply of
mut t on. T h e pact is a man- t o- man arrangement , and one woul d
seek in vai n to find any guarant ee ot her t han that of the " f i del i t y"
demanded by honor . Its one-sided nat ur e is t empered I>\ t he
pressure of a publ i c opi ni on that is quick to censure any abuses
on the part of the master. The r e are no abstract regul ati ons, no
2 3
Estimates as to the number of sharecroppers vary from 60,000 to 150,000.
The discrepancy may be explained by the fact that a number of farmers
and temporary or permanent agricultural workers are at the same time
tenant farmers. From being approximately one-third of the active rural
population in 1914, the number of sharecroppers has been reduced to less
than one-tenth at the present time.
8o Th e Algerians
defi ni te sancti ons. T h e pact is vitalized and mai nt ai ned by a
sense of honor and the fear of publ i c di sapproval . Because he
would be br eaki ng his word if he failed to live up to the cont ract ,
the t enant remai ns f ai t hf ul to the master. For the same reason,
if he j udges hi msel f to be oppressed or expl oi t ed, he can denounce
hi m publ i cl y, and the pressure of publ i c opi ni on is general l y abl e
to f orce the l andowni ng class to live up to its r ank, to behave i n
a way t hat commands respect, and to pr ot ect t he poor . Magna-
ni mi ty and generosity are not onl y attributes of greatness but are
virtues with whi ch greatness is nat ural l y endowed, so that to be
l acki ng i n these virtues would be an act of sel f-repudi ati on and
self-denial. Moreover, far f r om consi deri ng hi msel f as a slave
or pr ol et ar i an, the wor ker parti ci pates i nt i mat el y i n t he l i fe of
t he f ami l y gr oup whose cares, troubl es, and someti mes poverty,
he shares, whose interests he regards as his own, since he considers
hi msel f to be " an associate" and not a mer e hi r ed hand. For these
reasons the contract appears to have been pat t erned on a deeper
r el at i onshi p, t hat of f at her and son, since, i n fact, t he master
pledges hi msel f to ensure the l i vel i hood of the t enant and to
f r ee hi m f r om al l worry concer ni ng t he f ut ure. Consequent l y,
t he l at t er is general l y assured against t he uncert ai nt i es of t he
f ut ur e, against unempl oyment and total desti tuti on. T h e tenants
general l y f ar m the areas t hat are sui tabl e f or cereal crops, and i t
is onl y because of this i nst i t ut i on of sharecroppi ng t hat t he
poor worker is assured of his supply of semol i na, his basic di et.
Thus it is not surpri si ng t hat , as has been not ed recent l y, pai d
workers shoul d at ti mes dema nd t he advantages of shar ecr oppi ng
( payment i n ki nd, advances), f or exampl e, at the t i me of t he
heaviest f ar m work. I n an economi c system that is cont i nual l y
overshadowed by t he t hreat of f ami ne, does not this i nst i t ut i on
of sharecroppi ng afford the best f or m of pr ot ect i on and i nsurance?
Pr ot ect ed agai nst ext r eme povert y, t he shar ecr opper is also pro-
t ect ed against i sol ati on f r om his fel l ows, an i nest i mabl e advan-
tage i n a society i n whi ch t he i ndi vi dual exists only i n and
t hr ough the gr oup, is conscious of his own i denti ty onl y t hr ough
t he gr oup, and has a l egal and social existence onl y to t he
ext ent t hat the group will consent to be responsi bl e f or hi m
a nd to def end hi m.
1
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 81
I t is very easy to show t he advantages t he mast er obt ai ns
under this system. T h e i nst i t ut i on of shar ecr oppi ng faci l i tates
t he management of his pr oper t y, and requi res hi m to use only
the resources provided by his estate, a consi derabl e advantage
i n an economy i n whi ch money is scarce. Fur t her mor e, the mast er
is assured of di l i gent and consci ent i ous wor k on the part of t he
t enant , who is also i nterested i n obt ai ni ng a good cr op. But is
the profit he derives f r om this association real l y of an economi c
order? One may doubt this when one t hi nks of his obl i gat i on to
support t he sharecropper, even i n years of scarcity and wi t hout
any hope of r epayment . I n real i ty, riches are val ued less f or t hem-
selves or f or t he mat er i al satisfactions they provide t han f or the
enhancement in prestige, influence, and ascendancy that is pro-
cured by the possession of a " cl i ent el e, " that group of dependents
whi ch is, as it were, a proj ect i on of the power of its prot ect or.
I f the pr opr i et or does gai n by this system ( al t hough he woul d
appear to lose by i t i f one consi dered onl y economi c factors) it
is because the pact is pr i mar i l y a rel at i on based on honor and
prestige, even t hough i t may be under mi ned by t he mor e or less
hi dden t empt at i on to expl oi t at i on on t he one hand and to
parasi ti sm on the ot her.
Fur t her mor e, since t her e is no monet ar y exchange or ci rcul a-
ti on of currency i n the moder n sense, sharecroppi ng and t he
ot her types of agr i cul t ur al association provi de t he onl y possible
sol uti on bot h f or t he owner and the wor ker . I ndeed, money i n
this soci ety does not play t he r ol e of uni versal medi um f or deal -
i ngs among men as it does in a capi t al i st i c economy; thus money-
l endi ng, whi l e an i ntegral part of the system, is t he business of
specialized mi nor i t i es; and even then i nt erest - beari ng transacti ons
are general l y carri ed out onl y wi th al l ogeneous groups, the no-
mads of the desert and part i cul arl y t he mount ai n dwellers, whose
economy is of a compl ement ary nat ur e. Thus it is that t he
honor- rul ed exchange of gift and count ergi f t , of pr ot ect i on and
homage, is t he pr edomi nant f or m of exchange. Consequent l y,
wage ear ni ng cannot real l y exist i n a system of thi s nat ur e, and
sharecroppi ng appears to be the onl y f or m of association possible
bet ween the man who owns t he l and and t he means of produc-
82 T h e Algerians
tion and the man who has nothi ng to offer but his arms f or the
worki ng of this l and.
T h e pr ecedi ng analyses will have shown to what ext ent t he
social and t he economi c structures are closely i nt er l ocked. T h e
cl an and the t ri be may be defined pri mari l y as the gr oup in
possession of a part i cul ar domai n, pasture lands, forests and
f ar m lands. It has also been shown that the j oi nt l y hel d pat ri -
mony is t he basis of uni t y f or the ext ended f ami l y. Thus the
aim of customs and laws t hr oughout all Al geri a, and especially
among t he Ber ber - speaki ng peoples, is to protect the i nt egri t y
of this pat r i mony. T h e sale of l and is, i n poi nt of fact, i mpos-
sible, since it demands the consent of all the hei rs. Moreover,
shoul d it happen that one of t he owners coul d be i nduced
to sell, the ot her members of the fami l y always have the ri ght
(and to a certai n ext ent the duty) to pre-empt the l and, chef da,
accordi ng to an or der establ i shed by custom. For t he same rea-
sons t he mor t gage l oan, whi ch may l ead to t he dispossession of
t he debt or , is almost unknown, whereas the pl edgi ng of real
estate as securi ty f or a debt, the non- payment of whi ch only al-
lows the credi t or to enj oy t he use of the l and, is qui t e common.
T h e daught er, t hr ough whom the pat ri mony mi ght pass out of
t he owner shi p of t he agnat i c gr oup, is of t en i n act ual fact dis-
i nher i t ed; the f at her can dedi cate his pr oper t y t o some pious
f oundat i on (private habous), thereby maki ng it i nal i enabl e.
I f this society surrounds the pr oper t y of t he agnat i c gr oup wi th
such a great numbe r of prot ect i ve laws, it is because t he i nt eg-
ri ty of t he pat ri mony, the uni t y of t he ext ended f ami l y and t he
aut hori t y of t he head of t he f ami l y are i nt i mat el y connect ed.
I f one or anot her of these were weakened, t he very exi stence
of the fami l y, the keystone of t he whol e social edifice, woul d be
t hreat ened. T h e Senatus Consulte of 1 8 6 3 , by f aci l i t at i ng t he
di vi si on and commerci al i zat i on of t he arch l ands, shook t he
t ri bal structure to its very f oundat i on. I n a di fferent way, t he
breaches in t he system of j oi nt possession, whi ch have become
mor e and mor e f r equent dur i ng the last twenty years, have coi n-
ci ded (wi thout its bei ng possible to det ermi ne cause and effect)
with t he chal l enge to t he aut hori t y of t he head of the fami l y,
V
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 83
wi t h t he di srupt i on of t he nor mal chai n of mat r i moni al ex-
changes, and wi th the di si nt egrat i on of the fami l y uni t .
The social structures.The precedi ng analyses may have
given t he r eader a bet t er underst andi ng of the vari ous social
structures, part i cul arl y the st ruct ure of t he t ri be, the most com-
pl ex of all social uni t s. It appears, in fact, that all the different
i nterpretati ons that have been made as to the nat ure of the t ri be
must be pl aced i n question, whet her they expl ai n it by con-
sanguinity, or by the initial expansi on of mot her stocks proj ect -
i ng t hei r shoots in all di recti ons, or by the di ssemi nat i on of
wanderi ng groups. Bef ore deal i ng with t he intricacies of con-
crete cases, it would perhaps be useful to give a rough defi ni ti on
of the " i deal t ype" of tri be, al t hough it is rarel y met wi th i n real i ty.
T h e ext ended f ami l y, t he basi c social uni t , groups together
several conj ugal families f ounded by the direct mal e descendants
of a common ancestor. T h e patri l i near structure and the patri-
archal system i mpl y bot h the rol e of t he " f at her " and the absol ute
pr eponder ance gr ant ed to the men, women' s ri ghts bei ng sub-
ordi nat e to those of the agnates. T h e " f r a c t i on" (Jerqa), or cl an,
is also f ounded on mal e consangui ni t y and is compri sed mai nl y
of the agnates. I t i ncl udes several ext ended fami l i es of whi ch
t he mal e member s consi der themsel ves to be "sons of t he pat er nal
uncl e, " wi t hout defi ni ng t hei r precise degree of rel at i onshi p. T h e
member s of the same cl an do not seek bl ood vengeance on one
anot her . T h e cl an has its own l eader, t he sheik, who decides on
t he moves of t he group, and its own name, whi ch distinguishes it
f r om t he ot her uni ts t hat make up t he t ri be. Usual l y it honors
with a special cult its eponymous f ounder. It has rights to a fixed
port i on of the t ri bal territory, and all its flocks (bearing the same
br and) move out as one flock to the past ure l ands, al t hough each
f ami l y i n the gr oup has outri ght ownershi p of its animals, its
grai n, and its i mpl ement s. T h e tri be is a federat i on of cl ans
whose members cl ai m to have descended f r om a common ancestor,
an ancestor who is likewise honor ed wi t h a cul t. It is l ed by a
sheik, general l y the leader of one of the more i mpor t ant cl ans.
Fi nal l y, t her e are the conf eder at i ons, vague and i l l -defi ned organi-
zations that usually stem f r om war, when a coal i t i on may bring
84
The Algerians
t oget her two or mor e tribes t hr eat ened by a common danger. A
weaker tribe may t hen seek the prot ect i on of powerful strangers
at the price of its own submi ssi on, or groups of equal power
may j oi n t oget her to oppose a common enemy or make new
conquests. It sometimes happens that a vast conf ederat i on will be
f or med ar ound a parti cul ar great fami l y whi ch holds the weaker
tribes i n a state of loose vassalage. Thus on the eve of t he Fr ench
occupat i on eastern Al geri a was domi nat ed by the shei k of t he
Hanenc ha of t he Har ar f ami l y i n the east, the sheik el Ar ab
of t he Bou Okkaz f ami l y i n t he south, and the shei k of the
Medj ana of the Oul ed Mokr an fami l y in the west.
T h e real state of affairs is, however, infinitely mor e com-
pl ex t han this simplified out l i ne. I n the first place, t he ext reme
variety of family origins that is conceal ed under the apparent
uni t y created by the common name, a consequence of the fiction
of t he common ancestor, forces one to abandon the hypothesis
of consangui ni t y. T h e t ri be is a pat chwork aggl omerat i on f or med
by t he j oi ni ng t oget her of various el ements; a single exampl e wi l l
i l l ust r at e thi s (Despois, Hodna, p. 1 1 9 ) : t he t r i be of t he Oul ed
Ma dhi not onl y i ncl udes some descendants of t he At hbe dj , but ,
even mor e i mpor t ant , a large forei gn el ement ( Moroccans, the
Oul ed Nai l , mount ai n peopl e, etc.). Secondly, how much credit
should be given to the hypothesis of di ssemi nati on f r om mot her
stocks that have proj ected t hei r branches in all directions?
Gr oups whi ch swarm over t he t r anshumance routes, social uni ts
whi ch br eak up i nt o segments, " col oni es" of nomads settled in
t he Tel l , i ndi vi dual mi grati ons and collective expansi on as the
result of commerci al activities, al l these phenomena of the past
are supposed to expl ai n, f or exampl e, t he fact that the same na me
can be f ound i n groups t hat are a consi derabl e di st ance apar t .
I n poi nt of f act , t he geneal ogi cal system is onl y an at t empt at an
i magi nar y reconst ruct i on (see t hat shown i n Fi g. 9) . T h e at t empt
to pr oduce a hi st or i cal expl anat i on is scarcely any bet t er substan-
tiated. Thi s , however, raises a number of quest i ons: by gr ant i ng
t hat t he expl anat i on lies part l y in the swarmi ng of peopl es and
partl y i n mi grat i ons, wi l l one t hereby have taken al l t he factors
i nt o account ? Why does this recourse to the fiction of t he epony-
mous f at her keep on recurri ng? Wh y do cert ai n tribes attract
1
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 85
others to t hem? I t is necessary t o r epl y to t hese questions bef ore
exami ni ng the pr obl emwhi ch seems to be at the core of all
these difficultiesof the rel ati on bet ween the name and the tri bal
reality.
I n the first place, social or pol i t i cal relations are f or med on
the model of family rel ati ons. T h e result is that the pattern of
social organi zat i on is merel y the pr oj ect i on of the fami l y organi-
zati on: several families make up the clan and several clans con-
stitute the tribe, envisaged as an association of clans uni t ed by
a bond anal ogous to that exi sti ng between members of the same
fami l y. Wi t hi n this f ramework the geneal ogi cal fiction is al l owed
to come i nt o play in order to establish a fami l y rel ati onshi p
(filiation or cousi nshi p) between individuals who have been
j oi ned t oget her i n accordance wi th qui te different mechani sms.
" Thi s social organi sm may split up, or it may increase in size
by the adopt i on of f orei gn el ements, or it may even fuse t oget her
wi th ot her organi sms . . . that have been fortui tousl y br ought
in contact. But wi th the passage of t i me an enti rel y theoreti cal
expl anat i on covers over and hides this uti l i tari an groupi ng; most
of the great tribes are real l y only disguised confederat i ons. T h e
i mpor t ant t hi ng is that its member s shoul d be i gnor ant of this
fact or shoul d have wi l f ul l y f orgot t en it, and that t hey shoul d
at t ri but e to the bonds that uni t e t hem the same val ue that they do
to t he nat ur al ties of bl ood r el at i onshi p" (G. Mar cai s) . I n short,
once it is admi tted that the pat t ern of geneal ogi cal affiliation
constitutes the structural model , t hen the const ant recourse to
the fiction of t he eponymous ancestor as t he f oundat i on of every
social uni t even when, i n real i ty, this uni t is merely a cl uster
obvi ousl y becomes the onl y possible f or m of rat i onal i zat i on
that can expl ai n the r eal l ack of cohesi on t hat exists. Thi s ac-
counts, then, f or t he sort of desperate eagerness to establ i sh a
bond of fictitious ki nshi p when real ki nshi p is l acki ng; it ex-
plains why the t ri be, too, claims to be of one name and one
bl ood, and descended from a common ancestor, whereas in real i ty
tri bal ties are not based on a nat ur al but on a convent i onal kin-
shi p.
Agai n, it is the homogenei t y of the social and f ami l y struc-
tures whi ch helps us realize t hat this society is organized around
Legendary Family Tie e
f Z Ai D
Za d j SELIM
MOGDAD - Al l
{ Abdesselem Necer ben Abdesselem
ben Mogdad
RECHAICH
ben Ouachah
ben Mohammed
Mebarek
(
Abdel j ouatad- Kha l i f a - Al l
ben ben
Abdeljouahad Khalifa'
Al l Si Thabet
Eelgacem
ben Ahmed
ben Othmane
Relleb
NABET
Ma ou
Zitoun
Rabah Achour ben Rabah
Fig. 9. Fami l y Tr e e and Soci al Or gani zat i on of the Tr i b e of the Oul e d
Re c ha c h
Ac c or di ng to the or al t radi t i ons, a cert ai n Rec ha c h ben Ouac hah
ben Mohamme d, ben Ahme d ben Ot hmane is supposed to have come
and settl ed i n the count ry that is sti l l occupi ed t oday by the t ri be of
the Oul e d Recha ch, whi c h takes its name f rom hi m. T h e Oul e d Za d
and Oul e d Sel i m consi der t hei r ancest ors to have been Za d and Sel i m,
the sons of a Za d who was the son of Rechai ch. Mo g da d is said to
be the c ommon ancestor of the f our present-day gr oups t hat are j oi ned
t oget her unde r the na me of Me g a dda a nd to whi c h f our of his descend-
ants, rel at ed to hi m by var yi ng degrees of k i ns hi pNe c e r ben Abdes-
sel em, Ah me d ben Al i , Bel gac em ben Al i , and Si Tha b e t ben Al i ben
Me b a r e k ha v e gi ven t hei r name. Nabet is sai d to be the ancest or of
the clan. Beyond the cl an the bond of uni ty becomes a fictitious
one, so that t he f eel i ng of f r at er ni t y whi ch spont aneousl y uni t es
t he member s of this great f ami l y must be repl aced by ot her pri n-
ciples of cohesion, and, l acki ng these, the l arger uni t will be
di srupted. Consequent l y, because of t he fragi l e f oundat i ons on
whi ch its uni t y is basedt he cul t of a c ommon eponymous an-
cestor, " f i ct i t i ous" ki nshi p bet ween its member s, et c. t he t ri be is
aware of itself as a di sti nct enti ty onl y when i t comes i nt o op-
posi t i on wi t h ot her si mi l ar groups. Th us M. Despoi s notes that
t he cohesi on of the Oul ed Madhi was f or ged duri ng t he course
of the struggles whi ch opposed this t ri be to several cl ans of t he
Oul ed Na l . Si mi l arl y the t r i bal pat r i mony is defined by oppo-
86
I
Social Units
Q Zald
}
O ZAID
O. Selim
O. Necer
O. Ahmed ben Al i
MEGA DD A
OU LED RECHAICH
O. Belgacemben Al i
O. Si Thabet
ULED RELLEB
Kiata
O. Zitoun
O. Achour
O. NABET '
the three gr oups cal l ed the Oul e d Nabet . His son Zi toun and grand-
son Ac hour , the son of his son Ra ba h, have gi ven t hei r names to the
Oul ed Zi t oun and the Oul ed Ac hour , whi l e the Ki at a are supposed to be
descended f r om a certain Mai ou, an adopt ed son of Nabet .
Mor e or less i magi nary, i n any case sur r ounded by l egends l i ke t hat
of Ma i o u, thi s geneal ogy r eal l y appear s to be that of a f ew great f ami l i es
who have i mposed t hei r aut hori t y on t he ot her gr oups t hat go to
make up the tri be. T h i s may be seen, f or exampl e, in the f act t hat
t he f ami l y t ree of t he Me gadda, t he domi na nt gr oup, is gi ve n i n muc h
mor e det ai l t han t hat of t he ot her groups, t he Oul ed Z ai d and Ou l e d
Nabet . Si mi l arl y, it may be as s umed t hat Re l l e b was i nt r oduced i nt o
t he geneal ogi cal pat t er n to establ i sh the soci al tie t hat l i nks t he
Me gadda to t he Ou l e d Na be t and t he Oul e d Zai d.
si ti on to t hat of ot her tribes. " A group t hat is much mor e ex-
tensive t han the cl an, the tribe has a less devel oped personal i ty;
its f unct i ons rel ate part i cul arl y to what one mi ght call ' ext ernal
affairs, ' rel at i ons wi th ot her tribes, questi ons of al l i ances, de-
cisions as to t he h'orma of t he t ri be, and its l i mi ts, and mat t ers
concer ni ng weapons and war " ( Dout t ) . Wher eas the cl an finds
wi t hi n itself its own pr i nci pl e of i nt er nal l i mi t at i on, t he tribe is
essentially defined t hr ough its opposi t i on to other tribes.
Why shoul d a cert ai n t ri be be endowed wi t h a magnet i c
power whi ch attracts to it isolated, scattered and vul ner abl e
groups? No doubt i n a society i n whi ch equi l i br i um is achi eved
onl y t hr ough tensi on, the power of each social uni t bei ng
87
88 The Algerians
count er bal anced by that of the ot her uni ts t hr ough al t er nat i ng
or coexi st i ng agreements and conflicts, t here is scarcely any place
f or the smal l , weak group, whi ch therefore finds itself obl i ged to
j oi n wi th anot her f or prot ect i on. But what is the expl anat i on
f or this phenomenon of aggregati on? T h e i sol ated gr oup tends
to j oi n forces wi th the i mpor t ant and powerf ul tribe, whi ch
thereby becomes even stronger by a sort of cumul at i ve action
anal ogous to that whi ch, i n a different cont ext , causes capi t al to
attract capi tal . But , to pr ol ong the compari son, how was the
initial accumul at i on of this capi t al of combi ned power and
prestige effected?
Thi s i ni ti al capi t al is apparent l y none ot her t han the name
and t he ascendancy that this na me confers on t he gr oup t hat
bears it. Thi s fact offers an addi t i onal expl anat i on f or the preva-
l ence of the geneal ogi cal phenomenon. " Toda y part i cul arl y,
when the exploits of the first conquer or s, magni fi ed by t he pass-
i ng of t i me, have been popul ari zed by the rhapsodists, i n a coun-
try in whi ch almost every feat ure of the gr ound recal l s these
deeds to mi nd, t here is not a shepherd who does not openl y
boast and actual l y believe t hat he is a descendant of the Hi l l al i an
war r i or s" (Vai ssi ere). We are i n a l and i n whi ch cer t ai n names
resound l i ke the chansons de geste. I n the eyes of t he farmers,
the nomads are endowed wi th an i mmense prestige: they speak
the l anguage of the Kor an, move about on horseback, own flocks
and do not work the land. T h e peasants seek out their prot ect i on,
strive to speak thei r l anguage and to become member s of t hei r
t ri be. Th e y t hen adopt the pat r onymi c name of t he cl an or t r i be,
and, as t i me passes, they end up bel i evi ng themselves rel at ed to
it. Fr om t hen on they wish to be cal l ed Arabs, because they speak
Ar abi c and have an Ar ab name. It is doubtless i n this ma nner t hat
onomast i c changes have occurred in the course of t i me. One must
t ake car e not to concl ude t hat onomast i c i dent i t y means et hni c
i denti ty; the gr oup may profess bot h its l i nk wi t h the t r i bal
ancest or and t he di fferent ancest ry t radi t i onal l y assigned to its
cl an or f ami l y, and may cal l upon one or the ot her as occasion
offers. Thus certai n names are conserved, whi l e t he social ag-
gregate is enti rel y al tered, and certai n groups r emai n i dent i cal ,
1
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples 89
while their name may changea compl ex i nt erpl ay of perma-
nence and change t hat is cent ered on the name.
T h e name is a power i n itself. I n t he f or mat i on of t he t r i be
of t he Oul ed Ma dhi t he mai n rol e appear s to have been pl ayed
by t he At hbedj of t he Ri ya h conf ederat i on, t he advance-guard
of the Hi l l al i an Arabs. I n ot her tribes it was the moral and re-
ligious ascendancy of the marabouts that served as a cement i ng
bond. Wi t hi n the vicinity of the most venerated zaouia, " mar a-
bout i c" tri bes have been f or med whose members consi der t hem-
selves to be descendants of t he saint and who, i n addi ti on to
adopt i ng the name of the mar about , have consi dered themselves
as bel ongi ng to a religious nobi l i t y. I n al l these cases it is not
at all surprising to find that t he names conserved by t radi t i on
are those of the vi ctori ous clans or of t he pr i nci pal fami l i es whose
prot ect i on was sought by t he ot her di fferent groups. Nor is it
surpri si ng to find that t he names vary f r om one per i od to t he
next . Someti mes, f r om a previ ousl y const i t ut ed gr oup, an influ-
enti al f ami l y will emerge whi ch imposes its name and aut hori t y
upon the tri be. T h e result is that qui te often t he various ele-
ments whi ch make up the t ri be have not hi ng i n common but a
name and the hi story of this name. " Somet i mes, even, there is no
domi nant group. T h e t ri be, properl y speaki ng, is only a con-
federat i on, an assemblage of heterogeneous el ements j oi ned to-
gether under a col l ecti ve appel l at i on and under an i l l ustri ous
name to whi ch one of t he member fami l i es has t he sole r i ght "
(G. Marcai s) .
I n or der to under st and the i mpor t ance of the name and t he
fact that it takes precedence over hi st ori cal or social real i t y, one
must l ook on it f r om the st andpoi nt of honor and prestige. A
certai n group or f ami l y may pl ace itself ei t her under the protec-
tion of a f ami l y with a great name that has been made i l l ustri ous
by legendary ancestors, or of a proud chief marked by di vi ne
favor, or even of an i nf l uent i al mar about . I n r et ur n for t ri but e
the family or group is al l owed to devel op under the wing of its
defender, whose pr ot ect i on is at first gr ant ed as a t emporary
measure but in the course of time comes to be ext ended to its
descendants. Al l those who bear the same name are uni t ed by
a f undament al solidarity and by what mi ght be cal l ed a n i dent i t y
go
The Algerians'
of bei ng. T h e dependent gr oup may be al l owed to assume t hei r
protector' s name, whi ch they t hen bear l i ke a sort of embl em
that is bot h respect ed and f ear ed. It woul d seem that a magi c
bond uni tes the name to the t hi ng named; to bor r ow the name is
to share i n the virtues of its owner and part i cul arl y i n his baraka
or vi tal force, t hat mysterious and benefi cent power t hat favors
out st andi ng men. Thus we see the power at t ached to the name,
whi ch is bot h a symbol and a guar ant ee of pr ot ect i on, a symbol
and guar ant ee of honor and presti ge, or, better, a guar ant ee of
prot ect i on because it is a symbol of honor and prestige.
T h e actual mechani sm is, however, much less si mpl e t han
the precedi ng analyses mi ght lead one to bel i eve. I n poi nt of fact
t he phenomena of assimilation are always accompani ed by phe-
nomena of di ssi mi l ati on. As Fer di nand de Saussure has remarked:
" I n every mass of people, two opposi ng forces are si mul t aneousl y
at wor k: on the one hand the part i cul ari st spirit, t he ' parochi al
spi ri t' ; on t he ot her hand t he desire to have mut ual deal i ngs
wi th ot her peopl es, to have communi cat i on wi t h ot her me n "
(Cours de linguistique gnrale, p. 2 8 1 ) . Thi s law is oper at i ng
wi t h ful l f orce i n Nor t h Af r i can society; we have seen ot her
exampl es of it. T h e t empt at i on to i dent i fy oneself wi th others
and lose one' s i ndi vi dual i ty is bei ng constantl y count er bal anced
by the desire to oppose others, t o assert oneself as bei ng di fferent,
to be oneself. T h e name, j ust as it constitutes the best symbol
and bond of uni t y, may also be empl oyed as t he best means of
devel opi ng t he di st i ngui shi ng f eat ur e on whi ch t he gr oup will
seek to base its special i denti ty. T h e result is a t endency t o
classify groups accor di ng to name onl y, and t he dispersal of
t ri bal names appears to reflect thi s tendency.
T h e pri nci pl e of equi l i br i um between the forces of assimila-
ti on and di ssi mi l ati on may also perhaps provi de the key to those
strange organi zati ons, the offs. Her e t he mechani sm is possibly
even mor e i n evi dence; what is the uni ty of a off based on if it
is not on a name? T h e use of the name as the onl y basis f or clas-
sifying groups here becomes the purest ki nd of formal i sm, since
t he di fferent "cl asses" have no real di st i nct i on, and t he anti thesi s
bet ween classes is ei t her purel y onomast i c or is expressed by sim-
pl e symbol s (e.g., the opposi t i on between the Oul ed Ma dhi a nd
V
The Arabic-Speaking Peoples gi
t he Oul ed Na l is shown by bl ack as opposed t o r ed t ent s) . T h e
f act t hat t he phe nome na r esul t i ng f r om t he oper at i on of this l aw
shoul d hol d such an i mpor t ant pl ace i n Al ger i a n society can,
moreover, be expl ai ned: i ndeed, if one admits, as M. Lvi-Strauss
suggests, that human societies are defined " by a certai n optimum
of diversity beyond whi ch t hey cannot go, but below which they
likewise cannot go without being endangered" (Race et histoire,
p. 9) it woul d appear that the exi stence of a common f und of
cul t ure of such a size and ext ent t hat it seemed l i abl e to br i ng
about a monot onous uni f ormi t y, made i t necessary f or t he pri n-
ciple of di ssi mi l ati on to come i nt o oper at i on.
2 3
Thi s is no doubt
why, when we consi der the real i ty of Al geri a, we are in t ur n
st ruck by its uni t y and by its diversity.
2 3
The fact that only those groups that are kept in equi l i bri um by an-
other form of tension should escape this division into two opposing factions
(for exampl e, the opposition between the nomads and the gardeners of the
oases, or between the nobles and vassals among the Touaregs) seems to con-
stitute a proof a contrario.
5- The Common Cul tural Heritage
Cont i nui t y and contrast, assi mi l ati on and di ssi mi l at i on
in fact, beneat h these appearances runs a si ngl e t heme al l owi ng
infinite vari ati ons. But j ust as one must take care not to confuse
diversification, that is, the conscious creati on of differences, wi th
diversity, so one must oppose i denti ty to i denti fi cati on, whi ch is
a product of t he contact and i nt eract i on bet ween two cul t ural
groups.
Cul tural Interpntration and
Kaleidoscopic Mechanism
Exchanges have been so i ntense and so prol onged t hat op-
posed terms such as " Ar a bi s m" and " Ber ber i s m" now can scarcely
be distinguished except by an artifice of the mi nd; one must see
i n t hem ideal types that are bor n of a merely hi st ori cal recon-
st r uct i onwi t h al l the uncert ai nt i es that this i mpl i esand that
are necessary f or the underst andi ng of that ori gi nal synthesis
resul ti ng f r om the di al ecti cal conf r ont at i on whi ch has always
placed the l ocal cul t ure i n opposition to eastern cul tural i mport a-
ti ons. An exampl e of this is Kabyl e law, i n whi ch it is i mpossi bl e
t o di sti ngui sh t he borrowi ngs that have been r ei nt er pr et ed i n
terms of t he r ecei vi ng cont ext f r om t he ver nacul ar i nst i t ut i ons
and f r om the di ssi mi l ati ng reconstructi ons pr ot ect i ng against
invasion by Kor ani c law. Inversel y, everywhere the Ber ber rock
may be seen j ust beneat h the surface of Mosl em legislation. A
mass of l ocal i nsti tuti ons have been absorbed by Mosl em law in
the name of the pri nci pl e of "necessity" and of "necessity mak-
ing l aw. " It has been noted by G. Marcy that the most typi cal
Mosl em i nst i t ut i ons are mar ked by the spirit of Ber ber law, f or
exampl e, t he agri cul t ural and stock-breedi ng associations, and
t he accessory sti pul ati ons of mar r i age contracts. An addi t i onal
92
The Common Cultural Heritage 93
exampl e may be not ed i n qui t e a different domai n: whi l e t he
nomadi c Bedoui ns have spread values pecul i ar to a pastoral
civilization, among whi ch may be i ncl uded a scorn f or t he
techni ques of t he f a r m worker or arti san and a di sl i ke f or field
work, on t he ot her hand t he sedentary mount ai n dwellers,
as they have come down i nt o the plains, have br ought wi th
them thei r way of life and, above al l , t hei r at t achment to t he
l and and to the st ubbor n toi l r equi r ed to make it ferti l e and
thei r desire to make it thei r per manent possession. One must be
careful not to t hi nk onl y i n terms of the phenomena due to Ar ab
i nfl uence simply because they are the mor e obvious. T h e Bedoui n
groups become Ber ber i zed as they become " sedent ar i zed" ; they
are constantl y absorbi ng Ber ber s i nt o t hei r groups and wi t h t hem
f or ei gn t echni ques and t radi t i ons (pol i ti cal ones, f or exampl e) .
I n the di al ogue t hat br i ngs the di fferent groups of Al ger i a face
to face, t here is bei ng wor ked out an ori gi nal f or m of civilization,
a cul t ural koin. As a final exampl e, it may be not ed t hat t he
way of life pecul i ar to the I sr ael i t es
1
i ndi cates that they were
very closely rel ated to t he ot her Al ger i an " cul t ur es" ; a few
characteristics will suffice: i ntensi ty of communi t y feel i ng, patri-
archal structure of the fami l y, whose head is revered as much
as any overl ord, si mul taneous or successive pol ygamy, a cult of
saints r esembl i ng the cul t of mar about s, supersti ti ons and magi c
bel i efs, Ar ab l anguage, etc. Thus no gr oup escapes this i nt ense
cul t ural i nt er pnt r at i on, and t her e is no gr oup whi ch does not
seek to give itself a di sti ncti ve personal i t y by stressing cert ai n as-
pects of the common cul t ur al her i t age; the result is that whi l e
certai n moti fs stand out against this tapestry of i nt erweavi ng
lines, they always do so as shade upon shade. No doubt the pri nci -
ple of dissimilation is comi ng i nt o pl ay, but it operates wi t hi n
well-defined l i mi t s: shiftings of accent, par t i al rei nt erpret at i ons, a
different combi nat i on of el ements, all are capabl e of br i ngi ng
forth enti rel y new enti ti es. I f i ndeed it is a fact that Al geri an
1
The Israelites, about 150,000 in number, are di vi ded according to origin
into two groups, the "Spaniards, " driven from Spain in 1492, and the autoch-
thons, who are very similar in manners and civilization to the other natives
of Al geri a. Whi l e conserving a number of their traditions, they are for the
most part engaged in the Moslem business sector and follow the European
mode of life. They are particularly numerous in the cities.
94 The Algerians
society is organi zed i n accordance wi th this kal ei doscopi c mecha-
ni sm, t hen it becomes cl ear why it presents these cont radi ct ory
aspects of diversity and uni f ormi t y, of uni ty and mul t i pl i ci t y.
2
Thi s society has always l ooked to the past f or its i deal way of
l i fe, so that, whi l e change does t ake pl ace, it has come about
sl owl y. " Fol l ow in t he pat h of your f a t her and your gr andf at her , "
says a Kabyl e proverb. T h e general respect f or t he past becomes,
i n t he Bedoui n, a worshi p of the past. T h e l at t er is cont i nual l y
measuri ng his present position by ref erence to a gol den age, an
epic of conquer i ng nobl es that is sung by the meddah and that
del i ghts his soul; this i nner mi gr at i on t owar d t he past, en-
cour aged by myt h and by t he retrospecti ve i l l usi on, is an effort
to obscure the harsh pi ct ure of present-day real i ty t hr ough evo-
cati ons of anci ent nobi l i t y and greatness whi ch also seem to give
promise of an i magi nary ki ngdom to come. Thus it is that even
t he f ut ur e is concei ved of in t he light of t he past and that
criticism or refusal of t he present arises not so much f rom the
vision of a better order or f r om t he condemnat i on of t he present
and t he past, but f r om the st i rri ng memor y of the anci ent or der ,
the basis of pri de and the supreme defense against sel f - doubt .
3
Fi del i t y to ancestral t radi t i on, the hi ghest of all values,
domi nat es al l t he pr i nci pal acts of social exi st ence. I t control s
first of all the cul tural apprent i ceshi p of the young, bot h by
det er mi ni ng t he ends to be pursued and the means to be em-
pl oyed to achi eve these ends. Tr a di t i on is communi cat ed by t he
elders mai nl y by means of or al tradi ti ons, stories, l egends, poems
and songs, through which is t ransmi t t ed t hat tight net wor k of
values whi ch hems i n the i ndi vi dual and inspires his every act.
The s e t eachi ngs seem to have a doubl e purpose: on t he one
hand, to i mpar t t he l ear ni ng of the anci ents and, on the other,
to pass on t he group' s i deal i mage of itself. Hence these gnomi c
a
Since the pri nci pl e o dissimilation operates mainly against the Euro-
peans, the colonial situation and the war have aided in breaki ng down partic-
ularisms and have fostered the devel opment of a national consciousness.
" A distinction must be made between traditional traditionalism and
colonial traditionalism. In the first case there is fidelity to oneself, in the
second, opposition to others. In one, there is inner adherence to the values
offered by a sacred tradition, in the other, a passive resistance opposed to the
intrusion of values that are being imposed from wi thout.
1
The Common Cultural Heritage 95
poems, so numer ous i n Kabyl i a f or exampl e, these epi tomes of
wisdom a nd experi ence whi ch provi de a sol uti on to the most
distressing probl ems of exi stence and al l ow f or t he avoi dance
of errors by the repeti ti on of behavi or that has been tested i n the
past. " Mor e t han j ust a rul e of life, t he mos majorum, Idada
imezwura, is a guar ant ee agai nst bad l uck, somet i mes a vi tal
necessi t y" ( Moul oud Ma mmer i ) ; i n short, a shel ter f r om t he
angui sh of i mpr ovi sat i on and f r om " cat ast r ophi c react i ons. "
Wo me n pl ay an essential rol e in ensuri ng the per manence of
t radi t i on; t he l i t t l e gi rl s l earn f r om t hei r elders t he virtues t hat
t he wi f e shoul d possess (absol ute submi ssi on and di screti on) and
t he magi c and ri t ual practices ( t he cul t of t he " geni i , " l ocal pi l -
grimages, rites, etc.) so t hat t hey may in t ur n play t he rol e of
guardi ans of tradi ti on. Thi s t ype of educat i on tends to mol d
t he chi l d on t he pat t er n of his ancestors and to forge f or hi m
a f ut ur e whi ch wi l l be a l i vi ng i mage of t he past, so muc h so
t hat t hi s past is not experi enced as such, t ha t is as somet hi ng l eft
behi nd and si tuated some di stance back i n the t empor al series,
but as bei ng lived agai n i n t he et er nal present of the col l ecti ve
memor y (cf. pr oper names: Al i the son of Al i ) .
Wi t hi n hi s family t he chi l d also learns the rules of pol i teness
and, to be mor e exact , the words he must say i n each ci rcum-
stance. T h e code of pol i teness supplies ready-made f ormul as f or
all the situations of exi stence, a genui ne devot i on to the cl i che. A
conversati on can be carri ed on al most i ndefi ni tel y wi t hout any-
thing being l eft to i mprovi sat i on. I n short, the cul t ur al ap-
prent i ceshi p tends to pr oduce t r ue psychol ogi cal sets or prepared
attitudes, the purpose of whi ch is apparent l y to guard against,
or even to f orbi d, any i mprovi sati on, or at least to impose an
i mpersonal f or m on t hought or personal feel i ng. I n these f or-
mulas is expressed a whol e phi l osophy of di gni ty, resi gnati on
and sel f-control , a phi l osophy whi ch, f r om bei ng constantl y re-
peated and acted upon, pervades al l thought and behavior."; I f
it is realized t hat most of these expressions are confessions of
faith and that in t hem is affirmed a wisdom in conf or mi t y wi t h
t he Mosl em vision of the worl d, t hen it wi l l perhaps be bet t er
underst ood why t he rel i gi ous i mpr i nt on this society shoul d be
so ma t t e d) . I nde e d " pol i t eness" is not onl y good manner s but
g 6 The Algerians
an art of l i vi ng; f or exampl e, hachouma, whi ch is bot h di gni ty
and reserve, forbi ds the display of the self and its i nmost feel i ngs;
it is as t hough rel ati onshi ps with ot her seven wi thi n the fami l y
mus t necessarily be medi ated by the cul ture, as t hough the per-
son, in his uni que oneness, had to efface hi msel f behi nd t he
mask of convent i on, whi ch, bei ng i denti cal f or all, suppresses
i ndi vi dual i t y i n the interests of uni f or mi t y and conf ormi t y.
T h e concret e at t i t ude of this society towards l anguage is
reveal ed i n t he f ol l owi ng conf or mi t y: whereas our ci vi l i zati on
uses l anguage excessively and even thoughtlessly, Nor t h Af r i can
civilization makes a parsi moni ous and cont rol l ed use of it, forbi ds
peopl e to tal k i ndi scri mi natel y on any subj ect, whi l e verbal
mani f est at i ons of feel i ng are l i mi ted t o certai n occasions and
then can be repeated only in the f or m prescri bed by the social
cul ture. Her e, t hen, takes shape a way of l i fe that is based on
a modesty whi ch hides f r om others one' s true nat ur e and char-
acter and whi ch prizes t he pl easure of t he formal word and the
measured gesture above t he search for novel expressions and
effective acti on.
Thi s _pr ef er ence f or t he artificial, this desire to reveal to
others not one' s i nmost bei ng but a sembl ance of onesel f, a stage
personage, appears ...to-be characteri sti c of a personal i ty whi ch
envisages itself pri mari l y as a " be i ng who exists for ot hers" _ (tre
pour autrui), who is constantl y bef ore t he eyes of others and who
is cont r ol l ed by t he overwhel mi ng f or ce of publ i c opi ni on. Whi l e
t he gr oup cont rol s behavi or very caref ul l y, part i cul arl y i n t he
real m of social rel at i ons, it is satisfied with this sembl ance of
hi msel f offered by t he i ndi vi dual and counts on ensur i ng f r om
wi thout an outer conf or mi t y of behavi or. Hence it becomes evi-
dent how t he senti ment of honor , l i ke its reverse, t he fear of
shame and gr oup censure, can affect so deeply the most t ri vi al
acti ons of daily l i fe and can domi nat e all rel at i ons wi th ot her
peopl e.
A bei ng who exists f or ot hers, the i ndi vi dual is also " a bei ng
who exists t hr ough ot her s" (tre par autrui), who is, as it were,
the poi nt of i ntersecti on of many rel ati onshi ps, and who has
muc h difficulty i n t hi nki ng of hi msel f as an aut onomous per-
sonal i ty. It is almost i mpossi bl e f or hi m to dissociate his own and
The Common Cultural Heritage 97
his chi l dren' s destiny f rom the common desti ny of the f ami l y
group. I n the rural communi t i es, closed mi crocosms i n whi ch
everyone knows everyone else, social pressure is very strong, and
the i ndi vi dual is hi ghl y dependent on the group. Social life
stifles any real personal life. T h e i ndi vi dual is narrowl y confined
wi t hi n the ext ended f ami l y, whose choices and decisions rul e
his actions as they dp. his t hought s. -But he d^es^jioi-CQnsiclgr this
pressure to be a f orm of compul si on, since, his-.greatest_fear is to
lose the vi t al sol idarity whi ch uni tes hi m to the group; and
since he feels that he exists onl y as a member of the totality,
that he has bei ng only i n rel at i on to the group, that he is im-
mersed in the " unani mous" group, that is to say, that he is
engaged i n a rel ati onshi p that is prior in fact and i n val ue to
the terms whi ch consti tute it.
T h e f ami l y is t he al pha and omega of t he whol e system: the
pri mary gr oup and structural model for any possible groupi ng,
it is the i ndi ssoci abl e atom of society whi ch assigns and assures to
each of its members his pl ace, his f unct i on, his very reason
for exi stence and, to a certai n degree, his existence itself; the
center of a way of l i fe and a tradi ti on whi ch provi de it wi t h a
firm f oundat i on and whi ch it is therefore resolutely determi ned
to mai nt ai n; last but by no means least, it is a coherent and
stable uni t situated i n a net work of common interests whose
permanence and security must be assured above al l else, even, if
necessary, to the detri ment of i ndi vi dual aspi rati ons and inter-
ests.
T h e preponderance wi t hi n the ext ended f ami l y of the ag-
nati c group i mpl i es, among ot her thi ngs, the superi ori ty of rights
of descent over the ri ghts of marri age and the compl ete sub-
j ecti on of the wi fe, a fact whi ch leads to the custom of either
si mul taneous or successive pol ygamy.
4
Thi s custom is f aci l i tated
by the power of repudi at i on conferred on the husband and by
the separati on of the sexes. A paradoxi cal consequence of mal e
4
Polygamy is steadily becomi ng less frequent (89,000 polygamists in 1886
as opposed to 29,571 in 1954). The ratio of polygamists to the total mal e
population was reduced from 64 per 1,000 in 1911 to 30 per 1,000 in 1948.
The proportion is higher in the territories of the south (47.2 per 1,000
compared to 23 per 1,000 in the dpartement of Algiers in 1948). It is very
low in the mountainous regions.
98
The Algerians
superiority is the existence of a f emal e society that is sub-
ordi nate but at t he same t i me relatively aut onomous. Thi s so-
ciety of women who live in a closed worl d, who are not per mi t t ed
to assume any i mpor t ant responsi bi l i ti es and who, f or the most
par t , r ecei ve no rel i gi ous educati on, exerts a great i nf l uence over
t he mascul i ne society, both because it gives the chi l dren their
earliest trai ni ng and passes on to t hem t he magi c bel i efs in
r i t ual practi ces and because it opposes an effective, secret and
under gr ound resistance to any modi fi cat i on of a t r adi t i onal order
of whi ch, at first sight, it would appear to be the vi ct i m.
T h e out st andi ng f act , however, is the invariability of the
social structures, whi ch r emai n const ant i n spite of t he great
diversity of ways and condi t i ons of l i fe. I n all cases fami l y
descent is defined i n terms of the pat ri l i near r el at i onshi p; the
social uni t s are based on the exi stence of a common ancestor who
is of t en revered and worshi ped. Everywhere the social system is
pat t er ned on t he model of t he geneal ogi cal system, t hereby per -
mi t t i ngi n theory at l eastdi spersed and r ami f i ed groups to
discover c ommon ancestors. Al t hough i t constitutes t he best sys-
tem around whi ch to organize social units and their i nt er connect -
i ng rel at i ons, the real or myt hi cal geneal ogy support i ng t he
onomast i c l ogi c is really only t he social st ruct ure pr oj ect ed i nt o
t he past and t her eby r at i onal i zed and l egi ti mi zed (see Fi g. 10).
I n each vi l l age (or cl an) of Kabyl i a, one f ami l y bel ongi ng, i n
cert ai n cases, to t he oldest br anch a nd f or t hi s reason deemed
to have sacred powers, was gi ven t he privileges of officiating at
t he sol emn spri ng-pl owi ng ceremoni es and of l eadi ng t he gr oup
i nto war. I n the sout hern Aures, i n addi ti on to per f or mi ng these
funct i ons, this fami l y was cal l ed upon to mar ch at the head of
t he gr oup when it was t i me f or it to move wi t h t he fl ocks. Th i s
cust om was t he same as t hat prevai l i ng a mong t he nomads and
semi - nomads. Everywhere is f ound t he same l ack of preci si on i n
pol i t i cal nomencl at ur e. T h e r e ar e several reasons f or thi s: (1)
there are few occasions when the use of pr oper names t o desig-
nate social uni ts will not suffice, i f excepti on is made of the great
t ri bal gatheri ngs whi ch formerl y met for war, f or the al l ot ment
of specific terri tori es, and f or decisions as to flock movement s;
(2) the def i ni t i on of the soci al uni t vari es wi th the uni t i n terms
The Common Cultural Heritage 99
of whi ch i t is bei ng defined; (3) apar t f rom those restri cted
groups that are uni t ed by ties of r eal consangui ni ty, the pol i t i cal
organi zat i on may be on occasion redefi ned to meet the needs of
t he moment , wi th the resul t that, i n case of confl i ct bet ween
groups of di fferent l i neages, di fferent pol i t i cal uni ts are f or med;
and most i mpor t ant , (4) bot h the narrowest and the widest
social uni ts have been organi zed in accordance wi th t he same
st ruct ural pat t ern, so that there exist a great number of almost
equi val ent pot ent i al poi nt s of segment at i on, al t hough it remai ns
true that t he most stable and coher ent group is the clan in whi ch
the tie of ki nshi p is effectively felt by its members. I f one is to
bel i eve popul ar i nt erpret at i ons, the di fferent groups are supposed
to be t he result of a process of subdi vi di ng whi ch began wi th
the or i gi nal stock and proceeded i n accordance wi th the l ogi c of
ki nshi p t hr ough the mal e descendants. It is cl ai med t hat t he
tri be, ori gi nal l y onl y one great fami l y, br oke up i nt o several
groups whi ch were f or med by t he descendants of each of the
sons of the common ancestor and whi ch took thei r name from
these sons. Thr ough successive dividings and subdividings operat-
i ng i n accordance wi th t he same pri nci pl e, it is cl ai med that
these groups have in t urn gi ven rise to the present mul t i pl i ci t y.
Thus t her e is said to be no di fference bet ween the most ext ended
and the narrowest gr oup except f or differences i n size and in re-
mot eness f r om the f oundi ng ancest or, the l at t er di sti ncti on deter-
mi ni ng the degrees of al l i ance and the types of allegiance. Al-
t hough this spontaneous theory is usually only a rat i onal i zat i on,
it br i ngs out the fact t hat t he whol e system is domi nat ed by t he
tensi on bet ween t he t endency to fusi on and t he t endency to fis-
sion, t he basic group t endi ng to dissociate itself f r om its count er-
parts as it becomes mor e self-contained and strengthens its own
uni ty. T h e ambi gui t y of the whol e system may agai n be f ound in
t he basic uni t on whi ch it is model ed, namel y t he f ami l y, t he
scene of rivalry bet ween two types of r el at i onshi p, t hat of aut hor-
ity, model ed on the r el at i on between father and son, and that of
br ot her hood. Each br ot her is t he pot ent i al br eaki ng point of the
family cont i nuum and of opposi t i on bet ween the segments of
the same line of descent (cf. the Kabyl e pr over b: " I hate my
brother, but I hate whoever hates hi m" ) ; t he r upt ur e remains in
Fi g. 10. Dynami cs of the Soci al Gr oups i n Kabyl i a
Thi s si mpl i f i ed f ami l y tree i l l ustrates cl earl y the l ogi c i nvol ved
i n conflicts bet ween pat r i l i near branches. Wh e n i ndi vi dual A is op-
posed to i ndi vi dual E, wi t h the t wo bel ongi ng to generat i on I, onl y
thei r respect i ve gr oups ent er i nt o the quar r el . Wh e n A (or E) is op-
posed to C (or F) , t he g r o up of A j oi ns t he gr oup of E, t hat is to say
al l the descendant s of A (II) are oppos ed to gr oups C and F, t he
descendant s of C (II). Wh e n A (or E, or C or F) is oppos e d to B (or G,
or D, or H) , t he gr oups of A, C, E and F, namel y t he descendant s of A
(III) are opposed to groups B, G, D, and H, the descendant s of B
(III). Wh e n A (or E, or C, etc.) is opposed to N or P, descendant s of a
di fferent ancestor, the gr oups of A, E, C, F, B, G, D, H, that is to say
al l the descendant s of A (IV) are opposed to N or P. Th u s each f ami l y
connect i on, even at the lowest l evel , consti tutes a vi rt ual social uni t .
T h e pol i t i cal organi zat i on is r edef i ned i n each case i n accordance wi t h
the rel at i ve posi t i on i n the f ami l y tree of the i ndi vi dual s who are in
confl i ct wi t h one anot her. Cons equent l y the same l ogi cal process can
br i ng t oget her great l y ext ended groups, t hat is to say, al l t he descendants
to the f our t h or fifth generat i on of a known or a myt hi cal ancestor,
as wel l as very restri cted gr oups such as the ext ended f ami l y or even
the si ngl e f ami l y.
T h e same process comes i nto oper at i on whet her deal i ng wi t h
conflicts bet ween i ndi vi dual s or conflicts bet ween groups, the quest i on
of member s hi p i n a cert ai n g r o up bei ng settl ed by ref erence to t he
nat ur e of the oppos i ng g r o up. Wh e n Zi is opposed to Za (or else
whe n A consi der s hi msel f to be a me mbe r of Zi i n r el at i on to E and
consi ders the l at t er to be a me mbe r of Za because he is his opponent ) ,
100
The Common Cultural Heritage 101
no ot her gr oup i nt ervenes. Wh e n Y 1 is fighting agai nst Ya (or else
when A considers hi msel f to be a member of Y1 t hrough his opposi t i on
to C who is consi dered to be a member of Ya) , t hen Zi and Za uni t e
to f or m Y i . Wh e n X i is oppos i ng Xa (or whe n A, me mbe r of X i , is
opposi ng B, me mbe r of Xa) , Yi and Ya uni t e to f or m X i . Wh e n W i
i s opposi ng Wa (or whe n A, member of Wi , i s opposi ng N o r P,
member of Wa ) , t he n Xi and Xa j oi n to f orm Wi , a nd so on.
T h e exi stence of possi bl e opposi t i ons bet ween t he agnat i c branches
of di fferent generat i ons, even the exi stence of opposi t i ons wi t hi n the
same f ami l y, must not be al l owed to hi de the f act that soci ety is
organi zed at al l l evel s i n accordance wi t h the same pri nci pl e. Para-
doxi cal l y, it is because the pr i nci pl e of uni f i cat i ont he opposi t i on
mec hani s mi s the same f or the wi dest as f or t he most rest ri ct ed gr oups
that cohesi on bet ween branches or wi t hi n the agnat i c sections is not
per manent but is dependent on ci rcumst ance. T h e si ngl e organi zi ng
pr i nci pl e does not prevent gr oups f r om bei ng uni t ed in a great many
different ways.
Mor eover , al t hough it pl ays a deci si ve rol e, it woul d be qui t e wr ong
to r egar d this met hod of at t ai ni ng sol i dari t y t hr ough opposi t i on to
si mi l ar gr oups as bei ng t he onl y pr i nci pl e of uni f i cat i on f or t he soci al
gr oups . T h e Kabyl es make a di st i nct i on bet ween taymat, meani ng
bot h "f rat erni t y" and the g r o up of br ot her s , and tadjadit, consan-
gui ni t y and l i neage, the ent i re g r o up of descendant s of the same real
or myt hi cal ancestor. T h e poi nt bei ng rai sed here is t hat t here are
t wo ways of i nt egrat i ng an i ndi vi dual i nto the gr oup. T h e taymat is
i nvoked when it is a< quest i on of opposi ng onesel f to anot her gr oup;
f or exampl e, if the cl an is at t acked, the i ndi vi dual consi ders hi msel f
to be a member of t he cl an tagmat. Th i s is a real and acti ve sol i dari t y
bet ween i ndi vi dual s j oi ned by t rue ties of ki nshi p whi c h possi bl y go
back to the t hi r d and f ourt h generat i on. Member s hi p i n the tadjadit
is det er mi ned not by ci rcumstances but by the position of the i ndi vi dual
i n the geneal ogi cal tree, a posi ti on whi ch det ermi nes his bonds of
sol i dari ty wi t h a specific g r o up of i ndi vi dual s. T h e tadjadit is muc h
wi der i n scope t han the taymat whi c h is but one br anch, whose i m-
por t ance vari es wi t h ci rcumstances, of the total uni t of sol i dari ty that
is based on geneal ogi cal ties. T h e Kabyl es resort to the concept of
tadjadit to establ i sh sol i dari ti es that are wi del y ext ended but are more
or less consci ousl y underst ood as bei ng myt hi cal in ori gi n. If someone,
f or exampl e, is rej ect ed by the g r oup, he can pl ead that he bel ongs t o
the tadjadit. In such a cont ext , a cl earer under s t andi ng may be gai ned
of the f unct i on of a system based on geneal ogy whi ch al l ows present d;i\
gr oups to lay cl aim to havi ng roots i n a more or less i magi nar y past.
Th u s the cohesi on of the gr oup can be establ i shed i n t wo very
di fferent ways, ei t her by opposi t i on and in rel at i on to anot her gr oup,
or i n an absol ut e manner and by ref erence to itself. Undoubt e dl y
"f rat erni t y, " or taymat, the i nt egr at i ng pr i nci pl e f or social uni t s whi ch
are onl y def i ned t hr ough t hei r oppos i t i on to ot her si mi l ar uni t s,
act ual l y pl ays a muc h gr eat er rol e t han does the consci ousness of a
c ommon heri t age, tadjadit. For do they not say: "Taymat is today,
tadjadit bel ongs to yest erday"?
102 The Algerians
The s e anal yses also al l ow one to under st and cert ai n characteri sti c
f eatures of Nor t h Af r i can soci eti es: the l ack of preci si on in pol i t i cal
t ermi nol ogy r es ul t i ng f r om the f act that t he soci al uni t s and t hei r
generi c name are al ways def i ned in rel at i on to speci al and var yi ng
f rames of ref erence; the f unct i on of marri age wi t h the paral l el f emal e
cousi n i n order t hereby to t i ght en the bonds wi t hi n the smallest social
uni t , whi c h is itself constantl y t hreat ened wi t h bei ng split (in this case,
f or exampl e, A and E), and to isolate it f r om the ot her uni ts at the
same l evel (C and F, B and G, D and H); and finally the aut hor i t y of
the f at her or grandf at her (djeddi) who al one can mai nt ai n real co-
hesi on wi t hi n the gr oup of agnates.
a pot ent i al state as l ong as the authority of the father is f ul l y
exerci sed, such aut hori t y bei ng f ounded mai nl y on the i nsti tu-
t i on of j oi nt property, on t he sent i ment of honor , and on t he
power of di si nheri ti ng. I t is f r om t he poi nt of view of this l ogi c
that marri age wi th the parallel cousin, the closest f emal e r el at i on
i n the f ami l y l i ne outsi de the l i mi t s of i ncest, may be underst ood;
this uni on, whi ch presupposes t he aut hori t y of the head of the
fami l y, tends i n poi nt of fact to strengthen the cohesion of the
mi ni ma l agnati c uni t, and at the same t i me t ends to dissociate i t
f r om homol ogous segments by tying marri age bonds wi t hi n t he
gr oup r at her t ha n outsi de it. T h u s l i ght is shed on t he f unct i on
of the geneal ogi cal model , whi ch allows, i f need be, f or the set-
t i ng up of the most extensi ve types of social units i n spite of the
real di vi si on that may exist among the associated groups and i n
spite of thei r diversity of ori gi n.
T h e Economy and Atti tude Towar d Li f e
Thi s distinctive f or m of i nt er human rel ati onshi ps can be
underst ood only by reference to the specific mode of r el at i onshi p
exi st i ng bet ween man and the soil. I ndeed, if this ci vi l i zati on is
i nseparabl e f r om a parti cul ar type of economy (whi ch even i n
the present day affects three-quarters of t he i ndi genous popul a-
t i on) , the economy itself can be underst ood onl y i n terms of this
ci vi l i zati on, because of t he fact that it is closely ti ed to t he social
structures whose cohesion mor e or less guarantees a bal ance be-
tween man and his nat ural envi r onment . Thi s economy is domi-
\^The Common Cultural Heritage 103
rnsu^h~a"System, work aims only at satisfying pri mary needs
and at ensuri ng the group' s subsistence. Each uni t seeks to be
self-sufficient, consumi ng its own produce. Most of the trade is
done by bart er. Money, t oget her wi t h cert ai n articles of con-
sumpt i on, is used to provi de a common denomi nat or of val ue,
but is not empl oyed i n specul ati on. Thus this society is al most
totally i gnor ant of capi t al and capi tal i sti c mechani sms. Whi l e
t here exists an accumul at i on of t ransferabl e property and assets
(parti cul arl y i n the f or m of j ewel s), there is no amassing of capi t al
i n the t r ue sense. Bot h i n pr oduct i on and i n t radi ng exchanges
relations are personal, direct and specific; hence the i mpor t ance
of the exchange based on honor and prestige, of those protec-
tive agreements and cooperati ve associations whi ch, in the ab-
sence of capi t al and a l abor market, ensure the ci r cul at i on of
goods and services.
T h e bond whi ch unites the fellah to his l and is mysti cal
r at her t han ut i l i t ar i an. He belongs to his fields much mor e t han
his fields bel ong to hi m. He is at t ached to his l and by deepl y
affective ties, as witness the agr ar i an rites i n whi ch is expressed
a sent i ment of dependency i n regard to this l and, whi ch cannot
be treated as a mere raw mat er i al but r at her as a foster-mother
whose aut hori t y must be obeyed, since, in the final analysis, i t is
on her benevol ence or ill-will; much more t han on human effort,
t hat weal t h or poverty depend. Shguld. njjtjjhd_ fatal i sm that has
been assoeiat-ed-4^h_Islam be r at her consi dered to be the f at al i sm
of the peasant conscious of his pbwerlessness when conf r ont ed
wi th the capri ces~of naTure?" ~ ' "
~ T h e wor l T^Ft Ee i ndi vi dual , whi ch is prescri bed and deter-
nated by a lack of t echnol ogi cal resources, whi ch leads to various
consequences: i n the first pl ace, an al most t ot al dependence on
phj ^i cal ^ur r omdi ngs , _and o n^l i ma t i c condi t i ons, the bal ance
bet ween resources md.needs, bei ng. j nfi ni tel y_ mor e semi t i ye to
tlie rai n cycle t han to fluctuations in the wor l d mar ket ; secondly,
the i mmense di sproport i on bet ween pr oduct i on on the one hand
and^f hTT5c^ndi t ur e qf t i me^ and effort and the number of work-
ers empl oyed on the_ o ^ of
human rel at i onshi ps whi ch have been devel oped partl y by way
of compensat i on. "
ic>4 * The Algerians
mi ned by the head of the fami l y and carri ed out i n a f ami l i ar
setting i n col l aborat i on wi th the f ami l y gr oup, is fel t to be bot h
creat i on and communi on. T h e l and is an end i n itself and not
a mere means of exi stence, and work is not a way of ear ni ng a
l i vi ng but a way of l i fe. Wi t h this in mi nd, the f ol l owi ng often
noted characteri sti c of the precapitalist spirit may perhaps be
bet t er underst ood: an i ncrease in wages brings about a reduct i on
i n the amount of work per f or med. I n ot her words, f or the tra-
di t i onal i st mi nd, the prospect of ear ni ng mor e money is less
at t ract i ve t han that of doi ng less work. T h e wor ker does not ask
hi msel f how much he coul d earn i n a day by wor ki ng his hardest,
but , i ndi fferent to the ext r a money to be gai ned, how har d he
will have to wor k to earn his previ ous wage, whi ch was adequat e
to supply his needs. As Ma x Weber has said, " Ma n does not
have a nat ur al desire to keep on ear ni ng mor e money, but simply
wishes to l ead his accustomed life and to earn j ust enough money
to mai nt ai n this mode of l i vi ng. "
Thi s concept i on of wor k is i nseparabl e f r om anot her char-
acteri sti c feature of this t radi t i onal i st spirit, namel y the absence
of r at i onal economi c pl anni ng. For the peasant l i vi ng i n a
nat ur al envi r onment , time does not have the same significance
that it does i n a t echni cal envi r onment i n whi ch wor ki ng t i me
is closely cal cul at ed; si nce t he concer n f or product i vi t y whi ch
leads to the quant i t at i ve eval uat i on of t i me is compl et el y un-
known, it is t he work to be done whi ch prescribes t he t i me
schedule, and not the time schedul e whi ch limits the amount of
work that is done. Pr oof of this at t i t ude is seen in the fact that
l and is evaluated i n terms of plowing-days. T h e r hyt hm of
work on t he f ar m is closely l i nked to bi ol ogi cal , ani mal and
vegetable cycles; life is given a rhyt hm by t he divisions of the
r i t ual cal endar, the act ual i zat i on of a myt hol ogy; the peasant
spirit t r adi t i onal l y i mpl i es a submissiveness to ti me, si nce r ur al
l i fe is one l ong wait f or the nat ur al cycles to revol ve. Not h-
i ng is mor e f orei gn to it t han an attempt to gai n power over
t he future. Thi s does not mean that t here is a total absence
of that economi c cal cul at i on whi ch consists, by definition, of
maki ng a choi ce f r om among di fferent possibilities that cannot be
si mul t aneousl y satisfied. T h e exi stence of reserves (the guelda)
The Common Cultural Heritage 105
is a proof of this. But is this really an exampl e of a rat i onal eco-
nomi c cal cul at i on? Economi st s di sti ngui sh bet ween direct weal th,
whi ch offers or may offer an i mmedi at e sati sfacti on, and i ndi rect
weal th, whi ch aids in the pr oduct i on of di rect weal t h but whi ch
in itself affords no sati sfacti on. T h e bui l di ng up of reserves,
whi ch consists of setting aside a porti on of the direct weal th as
a reserve f or f ut ur e use, and whi ch presupposes forethought act-
i ng to i mpose abst ent i on f r om consumpt i on, must be distin-
gui shed f r om the hoar di ng and accumul at i on of i ndi rect weal t h
f or capi tal i sti c purposes ( i nvest ment ) , this " cr eat i ve savi ng" bei ng
based upon a cal cul at ed, r at i onal forecast. Thus the economi c
cal cul at i on to be f ound i n an agr i cul t ur al economy, in whi ch t he
whol e pr oduct i on cycle can be taken i n at a si ngl e gl ance, i n
whi ch t he peasant does not separat e his l abor f r om its economi c
result, and in whi ch the setti ng aside of reserves is simply a de-
f er r ed f or m of consumpt i on, presupposes the idea of a concrete
and almost t angi bl e fut ure. So it is, for exampl e, that the ex-
pendi t ures for i nvestment i n new stock are deci ded not i n terms
of the ant i ci pat ed profit, but i n terms of t he revenue f rom t he
precedi ng year' s harvest. T h e moder n economi c system, i n whi ch
the pr oduct i on process is ext r emel y l ong and can be set up
onl y aft er precise cal cul ati ons, presupposes on t he cont r ar y t he
exi st ence of an abstract obj ecti ve. I n short, the concept i on of an
abstract and symbol i c f ut ur e is the condi t i on t hat makes possible
the commonest and most f undament al economi c i nsti tuti ons and
acti vi ti es of our soci ety: fiduciary currency deri ved from exchange
t hrough a process of symbol i zati on, concept ual i zat i on and pro-
j ect i on into the future; wage earni ng and the rati onal t i mi ng
of wage di stri buti on, whi ch implies a rat i onal economi c calcula-
tion; i ndustri al operat i ons and commerci al i zat i on whi ch i mpl y
pl anni ng, et c.
Not hi ng is f ar t her removed f r om this r at i onal specul ati on
deal i ng wi th an abstract f ut ur e than t he l i fe of t he f el l ah. I f
the i nst i t ut i on of credi t is as difficult f or hi m to under st and as
t he cruel hol d of usury and rahnia would seem to i ndi cat e, it is
because it is associated wi th a compl etel y di fferent way of thi nk-
i ng (cf. P. Bour di eu, " T h e At t i t ude of the Al geri an Peasant , " i n
Mediterranean Countrymen, J ul i an Pi t t - Ri vers, ed., pp. 45-62).
io6
The Algerians
T h e credi t to whi ch he resorts is a ki nd of emer gency credi t
i nt ended only to rel i eve consumers' needs, but , in this society,
credi t is nor mal l y repl aced by a solidarity and mut ual aid or
by the honor abl e exchange of whi ch t he taousa affords an ex-
ampl e. T h e modern i nst i t ut i on of credit, like the taousa, pre-
supposes t rust a trust, to be sure, that is not unmi xed wi th
distrust, since, because the r epayment or count ergi f t is deferred,
the future i ntervenes as a factor and with it the el ement of risk.
But while each takes on anal ogous f unct i ons i n its own system,
these i nsti tuti ons differ greatl y. Wher eas i n the exchange based
on honor the duty of r et ur ni ng and of r et ur ni ng mor e t han one
has recei ved is i mposed by per sonal honesty, the guarant ees bei ng
pr ovi ded by the man r at her t han by the weal t h at his disposal,
i n the moder n credi t system the l ender takes care to guar ant ee
his l oan by demandi ng securities (solvency of the debt or, et c. ) ;
moreover, credi t implies the idea of interest a nd presupposes t hat
t he val ue of t i me can be reckoned as an obj ect of r at i onal calcu-
lation. Such a cal cul ati on, as well as exact methods of account-
ing, is absent f r om the t radi t i onal economy, whet her due to
the l ogi c of overgenerosi ty i n repayment or because the pri ces of
goods have been set by tradi ti on so t hat t he sel l er restricts his
efforts to disposing of as muc h as he can at these fi xed pri ces.
Fi nal l y, the gi f t establishes a supra-economi c bond bet ween two
persons, since t he idea of the count er gi f t is already i mpl i ed in t he
i nt er human rel at i on created by the ori gi nal gi ft and to whi ch i t
l ends a n added sol emni ty; moder n credi t presupposes, on t he
ot her hand, compl et el y i mpersonal rel ati onshi ps and t he t aki ng
i nt o account of a purely abstract fut ure. Thus we see cont rast ed
two radi cal l y different concept i ons of business deal i ngs and of
the most f undament al huma n and economi c val ues, the one based
on honor and presti ge, the ot her on self-interest and cal cul at i on.
As a final characteri sti c of thi s ci vi l i zati on, i n whi ch eco-
nomi c rel ati ons are always personal and di rect , we have t he
absence of class ant agoni sms: to be sure, consi derabl e differences
i n weal th and status separate t he owner f r om t he wor ker or the
l anded propri et or from the sharecropper, but t he pact whi ch
unites t hem is i nt erpret ed accordi ng to a l ogi c of honor , so t hat
The Common Cultural Heritage 107
Islam and Nort h Afri can Society
Everywhere in the Maghr eb may be seen t he i mpr i nt and
the ascendancy of I sl am; no mat t er how restri cted a social uni t
may be, it exami nes, el abor at es or rei nt erpret s itself by ref erence
t o Kor ani c dogma. T h e set phrases of pol i t e speech or t he social
gestures whi ch are all so many affirmations of I sl ami c values, t he
daily conversati on punct uat ed by eulogies of, and i nvocati ons to,
t he Pr ophet and many ot her traits i l l ust rat e the t i ght cont rol
t hat rel i gi on exercises over daily l i fe. T h e whol e of l i fe f rom
bi rth to death is mar ked by a series of I sl ami c, or Isl ami zed,
the maj or conflict is not, as i n our society, bet ween wage earners
and empl oyers, but between borrowers and usurers.
I t is as if this society refused to face economi c reality and
to underst and that an economy is gover ned by its own lawslaws
different f rom those whi ch regulate i nterpersonal and, mor e
parti cul arl y, fami l y rel at i onshi ps. Thi s has resul ted i n a per-
manent ambi gui ty: the system of exchanges is played i n the dou-
ble register of unavowed self-interest and loudly procl ai med gen-
erosity, and this may expl ai n why the true economi c mot i ves
(from our poi nt of view) are always hi dden under the veil of
frat erni t y, l oyal ty or prest i ge. Is not t he l ogi c of t he gi f t , of
mut ua l ai d or of t he pact of honor a way of sur mount i ng or of
conceal i ng t he cal cul at i ons of self-interest? Whi l e t he bestowi ng
of the gi ft, l i ke the ext endi ng of credit, demands i n return the
duty of repayi ng mor e t han one has recei ved, this honor abl e
obl i gat i on, however i mper at i ve it may be, is only i mpl i ed. Si nce
the count er gi f t is post poned, one mi ght t hi nk t hat the generous
exchange, cont r ar y to t he brut al cash-down or char ge, tends by
means of this t i me lag to conceal the self-interest that woul d
be mani f est in a si mul taneous transacti on. It is as if this society
were cont r i vi ng to depri ve economi c deal i ngs and rel ati ons of
t hei r strict economi c meani ng by accent uat i ng t hei r symbol i c
significance and f unct i on.
io8 The Algerians
ceremoni es, rites, customs and prescri pti ons. The r e are t he
obl i gat i ons and t he i nt erdi ct i ons, t he di sti ncti on between t he
ki nds of meats that may or may not be eaten, t he pr ohi bi t i ons
agai nst f er ment ed dri nks, agai nst gambl i ng, and against charg-
i ng i nterest on loans. The r e is the custom of ci rcumci si on or the
wearing of the veil. The r e are the law courts, whose j udgment s
are based on the j ur i spr udence of the Kor an, and the cadis,
whose f unct i on is bot h rel i gi ous and social. The r e are the rites
per f or med at bi r t h and at deat h, and those whi ch ma r k all life' s
act i vi t i esmeal s, illnesses and marri ages. The r e are the rel i gi ous
festivals, whi ch give a r hyt hm to social and f ami l y l i f e; the call
to prayer ut t ered by the muezzin five times a day f r om the top of
the mi nar et s, mar ki ng the passing of t i me. The r e are the con-
j ugal ties, the testamentary laws, t he domesti c customs, and the
i nst i t ut i ons of a combi ned l egal , religious and social char act er .
The r e is t he feel i ng of bel ongi ng to a communi t y of believers,
of bel ongi ng to the " House of I sl am. " I n short, it is t he atmos-
pher e of Isl am whi ch permeates all of l i fe, not only rel i gi ous or
i nt el l ect ual l i f e, but pri vate, social and professional life.
However, to consi der Isl am as t he det er mi ni ng or predomi -
nant cause of all cul t ural phenomena woul d be no less fal l aci ous
t han to consi der cont empor ar y rel i gi on as bei ng merel y a
reflection of the economi c and social structures. Indeed I sl am,
consi dered as a rel i gi ous message, is not connect ed wi t h any par-
t i cul ar economi c or social system; and j usti fi cati on coul d very
well be f ound f or r adi cal l y di fferent pol i t i cal orders or economi c
systems i n the name of the same rel i gi ous doct ri ne. I n the second
pl ace, t her e exist obvi ous anal ogi es between hi stori cal I sl am and
the rel i gi on of civilizations not yet subj ected to i ndustri al revolu-
tion, part i cul arl y i n thei r at t i t ude to economi c facts. Cer t ai n
writers consi der that the t ot al , absol ut e cont r ol of r el i gi on over
daily l i f e, the f ai l ur e to di st i ngui sh bet ween dogma and l aw,
bet ween law and ethi cs, bet ween t he spi ri tual and t he t empor al ,
are al l charact eri st i c of Isl am; but have they not made the er r or
of at t r i but i ng solely to the I sl ami c spirit an atti tude to r el i gi on
t hat is not pecul i ar to the Mosl em onl y and that must be under -
stood as one aspect of the Al ger i ans' mor e gener al atti tude to-
The Common Cultural Heritage
109
ward the world? Coul d it not be that they have confused the
"age of theol ogy" (as Comt e would have put it) of the Mosl em
society wi th the t heol ogy of the I sl ami c rel i gi on?
Let us consider, f or exampl e, the tradi ti onal i st atti tude that
has so often been i mput ed to Mosl em " f at al i sm. " Doubtl ess, in
the ol d Al ger i a, t radi t i onal i sm assumed its par t i cul ar f or m be-
cause all the acts of exi stence were t i nged with religiosity; mara-
bouts, religious br ot her hoods, and the khouan const i t ut ed t he
f ramework of r ur al l i fe; the cul t of pat r on saints, connect ed wi th
the seasonal cycle of f ar m tasks and wi th the cal endar specifying
social and ritual events, conf er r ed upon the driest aspects of
religious dogma a vivid, el oquent f or m; t he i nnumer abl e set
phrases wi th whi ch everyday conversati on is interspersed and i n
whi ch are expressed resi gnati on to t he hazards of exi stence, aban-
donment to the Di vi ne Wi l l and submi ssi on to the mektoub,
hel ped to strengthen this i nner at t i t ude by giving it a means of
expression, a l anguage, by provi di ng j usti fi cati ons and rati on-
alizations. I t is no less true that the f undament al traits of the
t radi t i onal i st spi ri t pecul i ar to the nati ve of Algeria, namel y,
t he a t t i mde j of j ui Hui ssi on^t o t i me,
can also be obsej^TdJrJLjrjacj&t rivihgdons whi ch have not yet
ha a ^n_ i nd us t r i a l revol ut i on, and hence these characteristics
rnut noMbe_j considered as the consequences of an adherence to
the I sl ami c rel i gi on.
~T3~6reoverv. theol ogi ans have not ed that the Kor an hesitates
between t he doct r i ne of pr edest i nat i on and the affirmation of f r ee
wi l l . T h a t the doct r i ne of pr edest i nat i on, whi ch coul d very well
have r emai ned a bel i ef reserved f or l ear ned t heol ogi ans, shoul d
have become a popul ar bel i ef t hat is pr of oundl y felt and is
reaffirmed at every oppor t uni t y, t hat t he bel i evers shoul d par-
ti cul arl y have r et ai ned the fatal i sti c aspect of the Kor a ni c mes-
sage and shoul d have f ound i n it the j ust i f i cat i on f or a tindi-
t i onal way of life (whereas predest i nat i on does not necessarily
signify pr edet er mi nat i on and bel i ef in predest i nat i on can actu-
ate an entirely different way of behavi or) t hese are the facts that
create a probl em. I f we expl ai n the fatal i sti c at t i t ude of the be-
liever as bei ng caused by rel i gi on al one, woul d we not be put-
110
The Algerians
t i ng f or war d as an expl anat i on t he very t hi ng that needs to be
e xpl a i ne d?
B
T h e religious message combines both al l usi on and el l i psi s; it
suggests more t han it defines. I t is characteri zed by a superabun-
dance of meani ngs and by a great number of possible i nt erpret a-
tions. Consequent l y it offers only glimpses of its true meani ng,
and no one i mage conveys the ent i re message. I t has often been
r emar ked that what seem to theol ogi ans to be the crudest and
most superficial aspects of the Kor ani c message are of t en those to
whi ch t he great est i mpor t ance is at t ached i n social l i f e. Inversel y,
t he most strictly prescri bed ways of conduct are not the ones t hat
are most rigorously obeyed. Th e r e are few Mosl em Al geri ans, for
exampl e, who say their five prayers daily, part i cul arl y in the
urban envi r onment , whereas prescri pti ons that are secondary
f rom the poi nt of view of dogma (taboos concer ni ng food, cir-
cumci si on, the wearing of t he veil, etc.) are scrupul ousl y observed
and play an i mpor t ant rol e i n the life of the religious communi t y.
We also know that hi st ori cal Isl am is qui t e the opposi te of a
monol i t hi c reality and that i n it there may be di sti ngui shed pro-
foundly di fferent and even contradi ctory tendenci es (moderni st,
tradi ti onal i st, Secul ari st, ref ormi st ) . Thus it woul d seem as if
t he act ual rel i gi on of a ci vi l i zati on were t he result of a sel ecti on,
a sel ecti on whi ch woul d i l l ustrate the total i ty of choices (con-
scious or unconsci ous) that this ci vi l i zati on is maki ng by the very
fact of its exi stence. Wi t hout denyi ng that each religious message
has its own structure and presents an ori gi nal system of mean-
ings and values whi ch are offered as " obj ect i ve pot ent i al i t i es, "
wi t hout denyi ng that among these pot ent i al i t i es t her e are some
whi ch offer themselves wi th greater urgency and whi ch seem to
5
One coul d make a similar analysis concerning the social character of
the religious duties. Th e fact that the fundamental religious practices
(prayer, fasting, almsgiving, pilgrimage) should often assume the form of
social demonstrations, the fact that the observance of the religious impera-
tives may often be attributed pri mari l y to group pressure, all these features
and many others besides are by no means special features of the Moslem reli-
gion, but must be understood by reference to the type of social attitude fa-
vored by Al geri an society: the relationship to others takes precedence over
the relationship to oneself, and consequently the feeling of the fault as
shame in the eyes of others takes precedence over the feeling of sin as shame
in one's own eyes or in the eyes of God.
The Common Cultural Heritage
111
have a greater claim t o exi stence, one must nevertheless admi t
that everythi ng seems to i ndi cat e that every ci vi l i zati on, at each
period of its devel opment , "was maki ng a choi ce, " by ref erence
to the system of its f undament al choices (a cul ture being a system
of choices whi ch no one makes), of those aspects of the rel i gi ous
message whi ch were t o be t urned i nt o real i ty whi l e t he others
woul d be discarded.
Thus it is that al l the choices that the cul ture has t ur ned
i nt o reality i n such spheres as rel i gi on, economi cs, pol i ti cs, etc.,
appear t o have been organi zed ar ound t he same f undament al
i nt ent i on. T h e strength of Isl am in Al ger i a is due, i ndeed, to
the fact that it is i n har mony wi th the spirit of the Al ger i an
ci vi l i zati on. T h e Kor ani c message contai ns prescri pti ons t hat are
i n conf ormi t y with the t radi t i onal i st way of life, and the system
of standards that it proposes is i n agreement with the underl yi ng
structures of Al geri an society. But are we not merel y i l l ust rat i ng
t he mi racl e of the pre-establ i shed har mony between the two by
maki ng an arbitrary di st i nct i on bet ween t he i mpl i ci t pat t erns
of behavi or and the expl i ci t standards set by rel i gi on? Ar e not
t he patterns of behavi or i n real i ty t he nor ms t hat are i mposed
by rel i gi on, even when they are not underst ood as such? Let
us t ake, f or exampl e, t he pr ohi bi t i on agai nst l endi ng money at
i nterest. Does t hi s not i l l ustrate t he i nfl uence of t he religious
doct ri ne, and should we not t hen concl ude that the I sl ami c ethi-
cal system determi nes the economi c ethos of Al geri a? I n reality,
t he cont rol of rel i gi on over daily l i fe and parti cul arl y over eco-
nomi c behavi or is due to t he fact that it is " pr eachi ng t o the
convert ed, " so to speak, to the fact that the standards and the
values whi ch it proposes are i n f ul l agreement with establ i shed
pat t erns of behavi or . Si nce the f or m of credi t they empl oy is a
credi t devised t o meet t he needs of consumpt i on and not of
pr oduct i on, popul ar consci ence is strongly aroused agai nst
excessive usury. I n the or i gi nal Al ger i an society, specul ati ve prac-
tices were l eft t o t he members of het er odox sects, such as t he
Mozabi tes, or of di fferent fai ths such as the Israel i tes.
6
T h e system
of values that is i mpl i ci t l y affirmed in the economi c life does not
" In the cities, lending at usurious rates o interest has always been
practiced by certain Moslems, al though in a disguised form.
112
The Algerians
per mi t mat er i al values to be recognized. Mor eover , is not t he
pr ohi bi t i on against l oani ng money at interest merel y the negat i ve
aspect of a positive demand f or a moral i t y based on honor , as
exempl i f i ed i n the obl i gat i on to extend f r at er nal aid? I n short,
the economi c ethos of this civilization finds a perf ect expression
i n the mor al phi l osophy of Isl am. Thej exal t at i on of the at t i t ude
of cont empl at i on oyer that of act i on, the sense of_the f ut i l i t y of
all eart hl y things, the condemnat i on of cupi di t y and of the love
of' wealtR",Tne censure cf"those who look down upon the poor and
the~unforturiate, the encouragement given to the virtues of hospi-
tality, ' mut ual aid and politeness (adab), the feel i ng of bel ongi ng
to a religious f r at er ni t y that is f r ee of any economi c or social
basis, are all prescri pti ons of t he Kor ani c doct ri ne that are i n
close agreement wi t h t he spi ri t of t he Al geri an cul t ure. Hi st ori cal
Isl am has codified the concept i on of pr oper t y that is characteri sti c
of Al ger i an society ( j oi nt possession, t he ri ght of pre- empt i on,
etc.), and has sanct i oned the essential structures of this society.
T h e Kor a n makes the agnat i c f ami l y the base of the umma and
recognizes the agnat i c gr oup to be the mai n concern of l aw: hence
all the regul ati ons concer ni ng mar r i age, repudi at i on or i nheri t-
ance; hence t he pri macy of the group and the i nferi or status of
woman. Fi nal l y, whi l e wor ki ng to create a uni versal communi t y
f ounded on ties ot her t han those of ki nshi p, Isl am has nevert he-
less al l owed social communi t i es such as the cl an or t he t ri be to
cont i nue to exist, so that ties of blood have long cont i nued to
prevai l , at least i n r ur al society, over the ties created by bel ongi ng
to t he Mosl em communi t y.
I t is, t hen, because of t he acknowl edged f act t hat t her e ex-
ists a structural affinity bet ween the way of life f avor ed by
t he Mosl em r el i gi on and t he way of l i fe pecul i ar to t he Al geri an
society that the Kor ani c message has been abl e to penetrate so
deeply i nto this society. But , i n addition, one has the f eel i ng that
havi ng cal l ed upon the religious message to provi de sol uti ons to
t he probl ems created by its exi st ence, Al ger i an society has re-
t ai ned mai nl y those answers whi ch consecrat e, t hat is to say cor-
r obor at e and rati fy, sancti on and sanctify, the answer that it had
al ready provi ded t hrough t he very f act of its exi stence. Th us t he
l i nk bet ween Al ger i an society and t he Mosl em rel i gi on is not t hat
of cause and effect, but r at her t hat of t he i mpl i ci t to the expl i ci t ,
The Common Cultural Heritage 113
or, we could equal l y say, of the experi enced to the f ormul at ed.
T h e Mosl em rel i gi on provides an unexcel l ed means of expres-
sion whereby the tacit rules of conduct may be enunci at ed.
Al ger i an society avows and procl ai ms itself to be Mosl em, and
the nat ur e of this confessi on is such t hat it bri ngs i nto bei ng what
is bei ng confessed by the mere fact of expressi ng it i n words.
T h e pr oduct of an i nvol ved i nt er act i on bet ween t he under-
lying structures of the cul ture and the standards proposed by the
religious message, or t hodox religion is one of the forms of self-
awareness acqui red by the communi t y. Accor di ng to Wi l he l m
von Humbol dt , " Ma n appr ehends obj ects mai nl y . . . as l an-
guage presents t hem to hi m. I n accordance wi th the same process
by whi ch he unravel s l anguage out of his own bei ng, he also be-
comes i next r i cabl y ent angl ed i n this l anguage; and each l an-
guage f or ms a magi c ci rcl e ar ound the peopl e to whi ch it bel ongs,
a ci rcl e f r om whi ch one can escape onl y by t aki ng a l eap i nt o a
different ci r cl e. " I l i st cj r j adj r ej j j ^on, as a l a n g u a g e ^ j Kj t j j t si mpl e
r epr oduct i on of real i ty, but i ndeed t he symbol i c form t hr ough
whi ch t he real i t y itself is reveal ed. Rel i gi on unveils reality, but
at t he same t i me r t vSTs Tt , since this reality is unvei l ed onl y by
way of rel i gi on. The s e ri t ual words, t he vows, t he refl ecti ons con-
cer ni ng exi st ence, the pr ohi bi t i ons and prescri pt i ons, the in-
numer abl e f or mal phrases of daily l anguage, do not mer el y de-
scribe t he worl d and act ual exper i ence, but , by expressi ng t hem
i n words, they are actual l y creat i ng t hem; by sayi ng t hem al oud,
they shape t hem to the spoken word.
T h e rel i gi ous l i fe of Al ger i a bears witness to this reci procal
adj ust ment of the standards set up by rel i gi on and the cul t ur al
structures. Among the f unda me j i t a l j ^ng^
whi chj xe^unani mousl y^obseryed^ ones whose social char-
acter is most cl earl y mar ked; thus the fast of Ra ma da n, wBi i h is
cont t oi l ed .By te pressure of'"pTrMic'ISpTnTon, is I nmos t unani -
mousl y pract i ced, whereas prayer is of t en negl ect ed. Isl am is fel t
as a pressure r at her t han as a cal l , and the rel i gi on of the masses
tends to ensure t hat a mi ni mum of ext er i or conf or mi t y of behav-
i or will be observed. Thi s type of rel i gi osi ty, expressed pri nci -
pal l y by ways of conduct t hat are regul at ed by ri tual prescri pt i on
and cont rol l ed by custom, results f r om t he way of life pecul i ar to
the masses r at her t han f r om t he Mosl em rel i gi on itself. As Ma x
114 The Algerians
We b e r has wri t t en, " A rel i gi on fit f or a ' hero' or a ' vi rtuoso' has
always opposed a religiosity of t he masses"; i n t hi s r espect one
must not take the word " mass" to mean those who occupy a
socially i nf er i or posi ti on in the secular hi erarchy, but r at her
those who, f r om the religious poi nt of view, are not " vi r t uosos. "
And how coul d they be? T h e great maj or i t y of t he Mosl ems of
Al ger i a do not have access to the rel i gi ous texts, and general l y
know t he message of Moha mmed onl y t hr ough oral t radi t i ons
whi ch have def ormed and cari caturi zed it; they possess only frag-
ment s of Mosl em law, which have been often r ei nt er pr et ed
and conf used wi th popul ar bel i efs. T h e t eachi ng of the Kor an,
whi ch f or mer l y flourished even i n the count r y districts, has lost
its vi tal i ty and its dynami sm. Mor eover , because of the absence
of any properl y consti tuted clergy, the rel i gi ous educat i on of t he
masses r emai ns i n a very r udi ment ar y state. Ri t ua l phrases
and ways of behavi or are t r ansmi t t ed much mor e easily t han are
t he doct r i nal wri ti ngs, whi ch are general l y reserved f or scholars.
So it is not surprising t hat religious f er vor and the upl i ft of t he
hear t are of t en repl aced by t he aut omat i sms of custom and t he
illusions of superst i t i on.
7
I n the t radi t i onal society t he rel i gi on of t he city dwellers,
t hat of t he of t en cul ti vated and refi ned bourgeoi s who are con-
scious of bel ongi ng to a uni versal rel i gi on and who seek to define
t hei r f or m of rel i gi on by cont rast i ng it wi th t he ri tual i sm of t he
count ry dwel l erst he cities have always been the f avori t e site
of t he r ef or mi st movement has been opposed by the rel i gi on of
t he r ur al dwellers, a rel i gi on compl et el y permeat ed wi t h survivals
f r om the past, prof oundl y root ed i n the soil, and general l y un-
aware of the subtleties of dogma or theol ogy. But each of these
forms of rel i gi on was defined by compari son wi th t he other: t he
rel i gi on of the country districts, however f ar removed it was i n
7
T h e obs e r v a nc e of t he Mo s l e m r el i gi on, pa r t i c ul a r l y t he pr e s c r i pt i o ns
wh o s e s oci al as pec t is e v i de nt ( f as t i ng, etc.) is al so, i n t he c o l o ni a l c ont e x t ,
a wa y of d e f e n d i n g t he pe r s o na l i de nt i t y , a nd i t has n o w t a ke n o n t he f unc -
t i on of a s y mb o l , a s y mb o l wh i c h expr esses b o t h an a l l i a nc e a nd an e x c l us i o n.
He n c e ma y b e e x pl a i ne d, at l east i n par t , t he r e v i v a l of I s l a m f o l l o wi n g t he
c onque s t (e.g., t he e r e c t i on of t he mos que s i n Ka b y l i a b e t we e n 1925 a nd
1945) a nd t he r e n e we d de v o t i o n t o r e l i g i o us pr act i ces wh i c h ha s b e e n no t e d
s i nce 1955.
The Common Cultural Heritage n j
spi ri t and in practi ce from the aut hent i c Mosl em rel i gi on, never-
theless remai ned at t ached to Islam because of the fact that i t
never ceased j udgi ng and i nt er pr et i ng itself by reference t o the
standards prescribed by I sl am; as for the religion of the city
dwellers, it was certai nl y not unaffected by the nat uri st i c bel i efs,
t he f ear of t he " geni i " or the cul t of saints t hat were character-
istic of the r ur al r el i gi on.
8
T h e Isl am of t he r ur al communi t i es is closely l i nked to t he
cul t ural real i ty; it is correl at ed wi t h the social structures and t he
economi c activities. I ndeed, this f or m of religiosity is basi cal l y
appropri at e to t he communi t y- mi nded, to t he man whose rel i -
gi ous exper i ence spri ngs f r om his awareness of col l ect i ve ties.
T h e venerat i on f or the head of t he f ami l y ( t he symbol of t he
c ommuni t y and t he priest of t he domest i c rel i gi on) and t he ances-
tor-worship (whi ch was f ormerl y the f ocal poi nt of al l rites and
ceremoni es) i l l ustrate the f act t hat t he ext ended fami l y, t he
keyst one of the cul t ur al system, is also a rel i gi ous uni t - ^The cul t
of nat ur e, of grottoes and springs, trees and rocks; the bel i ef that
the world is peopl ed wi th " geni i , " mysteri ous beings everywhere
present and i mbued with a sort of diffused and i mper sonal
holiness, the baraka, this mysteri ous and benefi cent power
whi ch favors elite bei ngs and can be t ransmi t t ed by heredi t y, by
i ni t i at i on or by the bor r owi ng of t he name; t he ma gi c pr a c t i c es
designed to conj ur e up the powers of nat ur e and t o make t he
" l i ui r ] Jt er j i l r >. ad^ . t he reli-
gi on of A^,pejasanj^ii.jnan_3KhO; feffils^g%eatlY dependent on the
na t j i Ki l _v^ pn ritual, " makes
l i fe become a kind of l ong-drawn-out liturgy!.
T h e God of Kor ani c dogma remai ns r emot e, i naccessi bl e and
i mpenet r abl e; t he common ma n feels t he need to be i n closer
cont act wi t h this Di vi ni t y, and at t empt s to draw near Hi m by
cal l i ng on medi at or s and intercessors. T h e fellah and the woman
of the peopl e, who qui t e often are compl et el y i gnor ant of t he
t rue rel i gi on, beg favors of those saints who are bot h f ami l i ar a nd
prestigious, human and superhuman, whose mi racl es have been
recorded by t he ancients, whose names are attached to par t i cul ar
8
On e c o u l d al so ma k e a di s t i nc t i on b e t we e n t he r e l i g i on of t he me n
a nd t hat of t he wo me n .
116 The Algerians
sites, regi ons or tribes, and to whom are at t r i but ed specific
powers. Si nce the sai nts have been endowed wi th baraka, t hey can
cur e illnesses, foresee the f ut ur e or bestow the bl essi ng of f ert i l i t y.
So it is that the bel i ef i n baraka has become the essential tenet
underl yi ng the organi zat i on of t he rdjgious__bjjpjhrfioo^is and
t he zaouia, bot h of whom cl ai m to be i nvested wi t h t he aut hor i t y
of some fj arti cul arl y revered and powerf ul sai nt. T h e mar about s
and the di gni tari es of the~T>rotherhoods offer a f or m of rel i gi on
whi ch speaks to the heart and to the i magi nat i on; by t hei r
materi al and mor al power they exerci se an i mmense i nf l uence
over the l i fe of the count r y districts. On the whol e, Isl am has
ac qui r ed its strength among t he r ur al popul at i on and t aken on
its pr esent f or m because i t has been abl e t o accommodat e i tsel f
t o t he aspi rati ons of these country f ol k at t he same t i me as i t
was assi mi l ati ng them and because they were shapi ng it whi l e i t
was shapi ng t hem. T h e popul ar rel i gi on is t he scene and t he
resul t of a cont i nuous, compl ex i nt er act i on bet ween t he l ocal
forces and the uni ver sal message. T h e at t i t ude of t he or t hodox
rel i gi on wi t h respect to this mar gi nal rel i gi on has always been
one bot h of i nt ransi gence and of t ol erance. T h e t endency to
consi der the l ocal laws, such as the Ber ber customs, or the bel i efs
i n magi c and the nat uri st i c cults as survivals or devi at i ons has
always been count er bal anced by the mor e or less met hodi cal
attempt t o absor b these f or ms of rel i gi on or these laws wi t hout
gr ant i ng t hem open r ecogni t i on. I n the same way a great number
of l ocal customs have been i ncor por at ed i nt o the penal and ci vi l
law, al t hough they were not officially recogni zed as l egal obl i ga-
tions. Agai nst this backgr ound, because t he " ma r gi na l " f ol k rel i -
gion, for its part , is at all times referri ng to the uni versal rel i gi on
f or gui dance, there is an i next r i cabl e mi ngl i ng of r eci pr ocal atti-
tudes: cert ai n ani mi st i c or magi cal pract i ces are t r ansl at ed i nt o
t he l anguage of the uni versal rel i gi on: f or exampl e, it is f r e-
quent l y the case that sacred spri ngs, grottoes and rocks are pl aced
under the pr ot ect i on of a hol y personage; precept s of t he uni ver-
sal rel i gi on are redefined i n terms of local customs; thus there is
bot h an obst i nat e defense of t he rural religion' s i ndi vi dual i t y and
a unani mousl y fel t recogni t i on of t he fact that it is a part of
I sl am. T h e secret feel i ng of shame i nspi red by cont act wi th t he
The Common Cultural Heritage n y
or t hodox r el i gi on is always count eract ed by the sometimes exag-
gerated assertion of i rreduci bl e uni queness. T h e i nt eract i on of
rei nt erpret at i ons, opposi ti ons, and compromi ses has made Al -
geri an Islam into a singularly compl ex whole, i n whi ch no dis-
t i nct i on can be made, except arbi t rari l y, bet ween what is pecul i ar
to Isl am and what has been cont r i but ed by t he l ocal stock, and
i n whi ch agr ar i an beliefs cannot be di st i ngui shed f r om the strictly
rel i gi ous beliefs. Isl am i n Nor t h Af r i ca presents itself as a strati-
fied system i n whi ch di fferent levels can be isolated by analysis:
ani mi st i c devoti on, nat uri st i c cults, agrarian ri tes; t he cul t of
saints and marabout s; the cont r ol of pr act i cal affairs by rel i gi on;
appl i ed law; dogma and esoteric mysticism. A di f f erent i al analysis
woul d no doubt reveal a di versi ty of " r el i gi ous profi l es." The s e
woul d i ndi cat e t he hi er ar chi cal i nt egr at i on i n each i ndi vi dual of
the different levels, t he relative i mpor t ance of whi ch woul d vary
wi th his way of life, his educat i on, and his aspi rati ons.
Hi st or i cal rel i gi on, j oi ned by a t housand ties to the cul t ur al
real i ty, was bound to feel t he repercussi on f r om the upheaval s to
whi ch Al ger i an society was subj ect ed as a result of t he clash
bet ween avl Ti zat i onsxaused by Eur opean col oni zat i on. T h e result
i s j h a t t here can now be discerned, i n addi t i on to the t radi t i onal "
I sl am of the r ur al Communi t i es or of t he cities, a rel i gi osi ty
of t he masses. T h e di si nt egrat i on of t he or gani c communi t i es
and t he process of urbani zat i on have gi ven bi r t h to the man of
the masses, ber ef t of roots and t radi t i ons, of aspi rati ons and con-
victions, of social ties and of laws. T o r n f r om his f ami l y surround-
ings and the social setting i n whi ch his enti re life, and part i cul arl y
hi s rel i gi ous l i fe, was spent, r emoved f r om the rel i gi ous atmos-
pher e of his f or mer communal exi stence, placed i n ext r emel y try-
i ng mat er i al ci rcumstances and conf r ont ed wi th radi cal l y new
probl ems, t he ma n of t he masses has no choi ce ot her than i ndi f-
ference or supersti ti on, al t hough his i ncl i nat i on to i ndi f f erence
is checked by t he hi st ori cal si tuati on, whi ch has made of Islam a
social and pol i t i cal signum. T h e supersti ti on that consti tutes
his al t ernat e choi ce is a sort of i nsti tuti onal i zed piety, a series of
gestures, devoi d of meani ng, that are passively and mechani cal l y
car r i ed out, a whol e gr oup of observances det er mi ned by t he
apat het i c submission to a changi ng t radi t i on. T h e r upt ur e wi t h
} 1
g The Algerians
t r adi t i on br ought about by emi gr at i on, t he cont act wi t h a techni-
cal ci vi l i zati on that is compl etel y directed towards secul ar ends,
the passing over f r om the clan, whose members are uni t ed by
sacred bonds, to the workshop and the factory, or to the pol i t i cal
party and the trade uni on, in whi ch solidarity is based on mat e-
r i al i nterest or pol i t i cal choi ceal l these are i nfl uences whi ch
have l ed to a veri t abl e t r ansmut at i on of values and are destroy-
ing the very soil i n whi ch t radi t i onal rel i gi on was root ed.
Must this decl i ne of communi t y rel i gi on, whi ch is l i nked to
the di si nt egrat i on of the social structures, be consi dered an irre-
sistible and irreversible movement whi ch can have no concl usi on
ot her t han a slow death by i ndi fference, or a possible repri eve
i n the f or m of supersti ti on? Or can one expect that a per-
sonal rel i gi on, f ounded on the conscious adherence and the elec-
tive will of i ndi vi dual s, may arise f r om the rui ns of the com-
muni t y rel i gi on? Wi l l t he attempt at revi val be made by t he new
el i te, who have general l y been educated i n West er n schools? I n
t he case of t he Al geri an i nt el l ect ual a man standi ng bet ween
two ci vi l i zati ons, who has been deepl y st ri cken by al l t he trage-
dies of his peopl e, and who qui t e often is hi msel f i ncl i ned to a
l ukewar m or an i ndi fferent at t i t ude in regard to r el i gi oni s i t
possible t hat he wi l l have the abi l i ty, the knowl edge or the desire
to lead a movement for t he revival of Isl am whi ch will offer the
disorganized masses a new ki nd of personal r el i gi on, a r el i gi on
t hat wi l l be f r ee of the r i t ual i sm and f or mal i sm whi ch, in t he
past, have been i mposed onl y by the f or ce of publ i c opi ni on, a
r el i gi on that wi l l be free at last f rom the spell and f r om the en-
chant ment s of magic? Wi l l he consi der this task to be the most
urgent? Wh a t we can be sure of is t hat t he onl y message t hat wi l l
ma ke i tsel f heard, whet her it be rel i gi ous or pol i t i cal , wi l l be the
one in whi ch this deeply di srupt ed society will be abl e to recog-
nize its true self and find j ust i f i cat i on f or its exi st ence.
6. Disintegration and Distress
Thi s society, whi ch has been successful i n achi evi ng the
hi ghest degree of equi l i br i um compati bl e wi th the l i mi ted tech-
ni ques at its disposal, and whose i nt egrat i on seems to be in in-
verse rat i o to its precari ous and uncertai n adj ustment to the
nat ural world, has been subj ect ed to a radi cal chal l enge as a
resul t of col oni zat i on and the influx of Eur opean ci vi l i zati on.
Thi s expl ai ns t he occur r ence of those phenomena rel at i ng to t he
dest ruct i on and r econst r uct i on of t he social structures whose
pr i nci pal laws may be defined as fol l ows: the law of unequal
rates of change, whi ch appl i es when cer t ai n aspects of t he cul-
t ur al system are t ransf ormed mor e rapi dl y t han ot hers (for ex-
ampl e, the popul at i on i ncrease on the one hand, the economi c
system and pr oduct i on t echni ques on t he ot her) , wi th a resul ti ng
i mbal ance; the law of di fferenti al compat i bi l i t y, whi ch allows
the l i mi t of possible borrowings bet ween two civilizations to be
defined, a l i mi t beyond whi ch the borrowi ng can no l onger be
i nt egrat ed except at the cost of a compl et e mut at i on of the so-
ciety; the law of cont ext , accordi ng to whi ch the borrowi ng is
rei nt erpret ed i n terms of t he recei vi ng cont ext ; t he l aw of change
i n scale and of change i n the f r ame of reference, accordi ng to
whi ch nat i ve cul tural traits are significantly altered when pl aced
i n a new cul tural setting: f or exampl e, when si tuated i n t he
f r amewor k of an economi c system based on monet ar y exchange
the marri age payment tends to be i nt erpret ed as a purchase pri ee
and the bond of honor bet ween mast er and sharecropper be-
comes a si mpl e r el at i onshi p between capi t al and labor; finally,
the law of i nt er connect i on of cul t ural el ements, accordi ng to
whi ch one change i n detail may suffice, i n cert ai n cases, to bri ng
about a complete and radi cal di srupt i on of the whole cul t ure.
* T h e d o g ma t i c t one o t hi s c h a p t e r (very s c he ma t i c a l l y or gani z ed) is
me r e l y a r e s u l t o a l a c k o s pa c e , wh i c h pr e v e nt e d t h e i nc l us i on o c or r obor a -
t i ve anal ys es a nd e x a mpl e s .
119
1 20
The Algerians
Th e Col oni al System
T h e col oni al society is a system whose i nt er nal necessity and
l ogi c i t is i mpor t ant to underst and, because it is t he cont ext
whi ch gives meani ng to al l f or ms of behavi or, part i cul arl y to t he
r el at i ons bet ween the two et hni c communi t i es. Whi l e the con-
tact bet ween a hi ghl y i ndustri al i zed civilization, suppor t ed by a
strong economi c system, and a compl etel y unmechani zed civiliza-
t i on mi ght have been sufficient to br i ng about a br eakdown i n t he
structures of t he t r adi t i onal society, i t is nevert hel ess t rue t hat
to t hese di sturbances, whi ch are t he nat ur al and i nevi t abl e con-
sequences of t he contact bet ween two ci vi l i zati ons whi ch are so
very different f r om an ec onomi c and social poi nt of vi ew, t her e
mus t be added the di srupt i ons t hat were knowi ngl y a nd met hodi -
cally produced i n or der to ensure t he cont r ol of the domi nant
power and to f ur t her the interests of its own nat i onal s.
One of the mai n consequences of the col oni al si t uat i on is
t hat t he exerci se of the power of choi ce, whi ch t heoret i cal l y
bel ongs to those societies that conf r ont one anot her, has not been
gr ant ed to t he domi nat ed society; the mer e f act t hat t he domi nant
power shoul d have been abl e to i mpose its own j udi ci al and
admi ni st r at i ve standards, i n defi ance of the social real i t i es and
i n cont empt of the resi stance offered by the domi nat ed society,
was sufficient to br i ng about a br eakdown i n the social structures
of t he domi nat ed society. Thus t he i mpor t ant laws per t ai ni ng
t o l anded pr oper t yt he Cant onment of 1856-1857, t he Senatus
Consulte of 1863 and the Wa r ni e r law of 1873were concei ved,
even by t hei r ori g nat ors, as measures which would lead to t he
dest ruct i on of t he f undament al structures of the economy and of
t he t r adi t i onal society. One of t he advocates of the Senatus Con-
sulte of 1863, A. de Br ogl i e, decl ared t hat t hi s measure had a
doubl e purpose: in t he first pl ace, " t o cause a general l i qui dat i on
of t he l a nd, " so t hat one por t i on woul d r emai n i n t he hands of
its f or mer owners, not as a col l ecti ve her i t age of the t r i be, but
as " st ri ct l y defined, pri vat el y owned, personal pr oper t y, " a nd
t he r emai ni ng por t i on woul d be avai l abl e " t o at t ract a nd recei ve
Disintegration and Distress
121
emi gr at i on f r om Eur ope" ; i n the second pl ace, " t o disorganize
t he t r i be, " the mai n obstacle to the " paci f i cat i on" of the count r y.
1
A true exampl e of social vi vi secti on that cannot be confused wi t h
mere cul tural ' cont agi on, t hi s agrarian pol i cy, whi ch tended to
t ransf orm j oi nt l y owngcTTalid^^
t he concent r at i on of the best properti es i n the hands of the
Europeans t hrough t he sale by auction to a single purchaser of
lands held in common, or through the i l l -consi dered sale of f arms
by i ndi vi dual s; .at t he same t i me it cont r i but er Lt aJ J i e di si ntegra-
timuaL^h^j^lj^^
hakj i ce_3h^S_bs4_^^ of
t he l and by thejjmiilyj3r_the t r i be; finally t he di si ntegrati on of
th~tr Be ahcTthe hr nx i e vi c l ^
l et ari at . .a-mass of disgc^s^sj ed^uprooted i ndi vi dual s, fit only to
provi de a reserve of cheap l abor .
2
Capt ai n Vai ssi re rel ates t hat when t he Oul ed Rec ha i c h
f ound out t hat t he l aw of the Senatus Consulte was goi ng to be
appl i ed to t hei r t ri be they were t hr own i nt o const er nat i on, so
clearly were they awar e of the destructi ve power cont ai ned i n
this measur e. " T h e Fr e nc h defeated us i n t he pl ai n of Sbi kha , "
decl ared one ol d man. " Th e y ki l l ed our young men; they f orced
us to make a war cont r i but i on when they occupi ed our t erri t ori es.
Al l that was not hi ng; wounds event ual l y heal . But t he setti ng up
of pri vate property and the aut hori zat i on given t o each i ndi vi d-
ual to sell his share of t he l and, this means t he deat h sentence
f or t he t ri be, and twenty years aft er these measures have been
carri ed out the Oul ed Re c ha i c h will have ceased to exi st . "
3
T h e
cl earl y reasoned resi st ance t hat the whol e of the domi nat ed
society offered to this law, whi ch had been i nt r oduced like a
Tr oj a n horse and was capabl e of stri ki ng at the very hear t of its
1
A . de Br o g l i e , Une Rjorme administrative en Algrie, Pa r i s , i 8( i
s
B y t he e n d o 1961, t wo- f i f t hs of t he f a r m l a nds we r e unde r F i c n c h
c ont r ol , t hat is t o say, subj ect to t he r e g ul a t i ons of Fr e n c h l a w (al l Eu r o p e a n -
o wn e d l and pl us an addi t i onal 5,607,500 acres); t wo-f i f t hs of t he no n- Fr e nc h
l a nds we r e pr i v a t e pr o pe r t y (melk); one- f i f t h of t he no n- Fr e nc h l a nds r e-
ma i ne d t he p r o p e r t y of t he t r i bes (arch). Du r i n g t he l ast t we nt y year s
br eac hes i n t he f a mi l y s ys t em of j o i nt possessi on h a d be c o me mo r e and mo r e
f r e que nt .
3
Ca p t a i n Vai s s i r e, Les Ouled Rechaich, Al gi e r s , 1863, p. go.
122
The Algerians
cul t ur al system, has r emai ned i neffecti ve, because it cl ashed wi t h
t he interests and t he powers of t he domi nant society. Whe t he r
it was openl y and cyni cal l y confessed to be an " engi ne of war , "
4
or whet her it was supposed to be based on an assi mi l ati oni st
ideology t hat was mor e gener ous in i nt ent but no less fat al i n
its result, t he col oni al pol i cy wi t h its af or ement i oned property
laws, its sequestrati ons of l and after the early revolts, its expro-
pri at i ons, its forestry laws, its regulations concer ni ng past ure
l ands, and a host of ot her measures that were ei t her f or ced upon
t he admi ni st r at i on or i nspi red by its policy of giving pr ef er ent i al
consi derat i on to the interests of the Eur opeans, weakened t he
keystone support i ng the whol e of the t radi t i onal cul t ural system.
Accor di ng to agr i cul t ur al statistics, 22,037 Eur opean f ar m
propert i es (of whi ch 13,017, about 59 per cent, are less t han 125
acres i n size; ,2,635 are f rom 125 to 250 acres; 2,588 f rom 250 to
500 acres; 3,797 or 17 per cent are mor e t han 500 acres i n size)
occupy an area of 6,815,000 acres, whereas 630,732 nati ve-owned
farms (of whi ch 438,483 or 69 per cent are ^less t han 25 acres,
167, 170 f r om 25 to 125 acres, 16,580 f r om 125 to 250, 8,499
o r
1.3 per cent are over 250 acres) cover an area of 18,372,900 acres,
the average size of each f a r mEur opea n and nat i vebei ng 300
as compar ed to 27 acres (see Fi g. 11). Moreover, whi l e the mor e
fertile, usually i r r i gat ed Eur opean propert i es produce profit-
abl e crops (870,000 acres of vineyards, citrus fruits, early vege-
tabl es), at least hal f of the lands bel ongi ng to the Al geri ans are
made up of past ure lands, and the ot her hal f consists mai nl y of
soils whi ch are sui tabl e only for cereal crops and small orchards
(fig and olive trees) and whi ch produce very poor yields. But t he
state di d not stop at merel y faci l i tati ng t he set t l ement of col o-
nists by procuri ng them the necessary land. It constantl y gave
t hem ai d i n various f orms: the creati on of the substructures that
are i ndi spensabl e f or agri cul t ural devel opment , such as drai nage
* Ca p t a i n Va i s s i e r e c o mme nt s as f ol l ows on t he a bo v e i nc i dent : " S u c h
pe r s pi c a c i t y is s ur pr i s i ng on t he pa r t of s i mpl e , i g no r a nt mi nds . T h e Senatus
Consulte of 1863 i s i nd e e d t he mos t efficient e n g i n e of wa r t ha t c o u l d b e
de v i s e d a g a i ns t t he na t i v e s oc i et y a nd t he mos t p o we r f u l a n d mos t us e f ul
t ool t ha t c o ul d be pl ac e d i n t he hands of o u r c ol oni s t s . " He r e c an b e s een
t he c o mb i n a t i o n of c l ear - s i ght ednes s as t o t he s hor t - t e r m r es ul t s a nd i na bi l i t y
to r e al i z e t he l o ng - t e r m r es ul t s .
Disintegration and Distress 1 23
and i r r i gat i on proj ects (three-quarters of the i rri gat ed lands
bel ong to Eur opeans; the result is that now one hect are, or
appr oxi mat el y 2.5 acres, of i rri gat ed l and produces ten ti mes mor e
t han one hect ar e of uni r r i gat ed l and and, in t he case of cert ai n
crops, twenty to thi rty times more) , f i nanci al and t echni cal assist-
ance, and commer ci al pr ot ect i on.
Bet ween the years 1830 and 1880, t he state sought to br i ng
i n colonists on lands that it had t aken over, purchased or cl eared
for thei r use. I t was a very small-scale at t empt at col oni zati on i n
whi ch progress was slow and success uncer t ai n. Shor t of capi tal ,
and wi shi ng to obt ai n a cr op dur i ng thei r first year of set t l ement ,
t he earl y col oni sts devoted t hei r efforts mai nl y to the growi ng
of cereal crops. I n 1880, however, the phyl l oxer a disease that
attackd_thj s4&ael i -
;
v4ne^ about a' sudden trarTifor-
matipn.irixQionizj ng niethQrJs,wi.th the i nt r oduct i on of the wine-
growi ng industry. T h e j a t t e r r equi r ed hej yyj nvesxmei r t s. i n farm-
i ng ecjmpjnjeni^-stQrage f aci l i t i es and processing pl ants; this, in
t ur n, led to thj..rjKelaprjient-oIIxQQperative associations and to
the close connect i on whi ch has exi sted si nce that time bet ween
t he wi negrowi ng i ndust ry and the Ba nk. I t was i n 1880 that the
B a i i k j Df _ A^ r i a j ^ to ext end credi t to indivictuals.
Thi s capi t al i st f or m of agr i cul t ur e^h^aTWays^r odu^d- f or - expor t
(43 per cent of the total vaj ue of export s in^ 1907;_66-.pfiLcent i n
^S22lS9-peX-CjiX-in^ig!o). I t was i n 1884 t hat a customs uni on
was establ i shed. T h e rai l way net work, bui l t between 1879 and
1892, connect ed t he great wi negrowi ng regi ons. T h e ports were
devel oped. T h e wine^awer-s--assoeiations f ormed prt' ssuu: groups
who soon demonst rat ed t hei r power i n t he pol i t i cal and economi c
domai ns. Fr om 1900 to 1946, i n accordance with the pol i cy of
granting- t he colony fi nanci al aut onomy, t he admi ni st rat i on of
t he Al geri an budget was handl ed by the Fi nanci al Del egat i ons,
whi ch i nc l ude d^oj a nde dpr opr i e t or s out of a t ot al of 72' si t t i ng
ipemiifiiSjjrhe first i ndustri es to be creat ed suppli^cTtKe^iro'dSets"
r equi r ed f or t he upke e pof the pl ant at i ons and processed the' by-
products of f er ment at i on. Par al l eTt oTEi s de^eIoprnenfrdl e~Euro-
pc a npoj x ul a j j on i ncreased, f rorn_4i o, ooo i n 1882 to 780,000 in
i g n and at the same time began to br eak up i nt o j ioriaT"classes:
the 11,500 vi ne^r f _r j r or i et or s were highly_ pri vi l eged persons
moi ns del Oha. . del h a .
(From Z'A to less than 25 acres) (Less than 2 Vi acres)
Fi g . 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n of F a r m P r o p e r t i e s A c c o r d i n g t o Si ze a n d E t h n i c
C a t e g o r y
T h e s u r f a c e a r e a o f e a c h c i r c l e is p r o p o r t i o n a l t o t h e t ot a l a r e a
c o v e r e d b y t h e f a r ms i n a p a r t i c u l a r c a t e g o r y . T h e s e c t o r i n b l a c k
r e p r e s e n t s t h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e t o t a l a r e a t h a t i s c u l t i v a t e d b y E u r o -
p e a n s ( i n d i c a t e d b y t he figures i n s i d e t he c i r c l e ) . T h e figure i n s i d e t h e
s q u a r e r e p r e s e n t s t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f f a r ms o w n e d b y E u r o p e a n s .
T h e a v e r a g e s i z e o f t h e E u r o p e a n p r o p e r t y i s a b o u t 225 a c r e s ,
w h e r e a s t h e a v e r a g e p r o p e r t y o w n e d b y A l g e r i a n s i s o n l y a b o u t 45
a c r e s i n si ze. T h e s ma l l o r a v e r a g e - s i z e E u r o p e a n f a r m i s r a r e l y f o u n d ,
a l t h o u g h s u c h f a r ms d o e x i s t i n t h e S a h e l o f A l g i e r s a n d i n t h e wi n e -
g r o w i n g c o a s t a l r e g i o n o f C h e r c h e l , b o t h o f w h i c h w e r e s e t t l e d as a
r e s u l t o f t h e c o l o n i z i n g ef f or t s of Ma r s h a l B u g e a u d a n d t h e g o v e r n -
m e n t of 1848. T h e s e s ma l l E u r o p e a n f a r ms , p l a n t e d w i t h v i n e y a r d s a n d
o r a n g e g r o v e s , ma y a l s o b e f o u n d i n t he c o a s t a l r e g i o n of Mo s t a g a n e m
a n d of O r a n , i n t h e v a l l e y o f t he I sser s, i n t he c o a s t a l r e g i o n o f B o u g i e ,
B o n e a n d P h i l i p p e v i l l e , a n d i n t h e w i n e g r o w i n g r e g i o n s of M6 i e a a n d
Mi l i a n a . O n t h e H i g h P l a i n s , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e l a r g e p r o p e r t y
( f r o m 125 t o mo r e t h a n 250 a c r e s ) p r e d o mi n a t e s .
compared to t he grai n growers (160,000 francs gross i ncome per
hect ar e as opposed to 30,000). Propert y became concent r at ed i n
a f ew ha nds .
5
T h e contrast bet ween t he east ern and t he western
sections of the count r y became accent uat ed as wi negrowi ng con-
t i nued to expand i n Or ani e (67 per cent of the total in 1954)
and to di mi ni sh in the areas around Algiers and Const ant i ne.
Wi negr owi ng is essentially, however,, a Eur opean f or m of enter-
5
I n 1930 s ome 26,153 Eu r o p e a n s o wn e d 5,585,000 acres; i n 1950, 22,037
o wn e d 6,815,000 ac r e s . T h e 6,385 pr ope r t i e s t ha t ar e mo r e t ha n 250 a c r e s i n
si ze c ov e r a p p r o x i ma t e l y 80 pe r c ent o t he t ot al ar ea.
124
Disintegration and Distress
125
S e v e n t y p e r c e n t o f t h e f e l l a hs o w n f a r ms o f l ess t h a n 25 a c r e s , of
w h i c h o n a n a v e r a g e o n l y 12 a c r e s c a n b e f a r me d e a c h y e a r , a f a c t
w h i c h t e n d s t o p r e v e n t a n y mo d e r n i z a t i o n o f f a r mi n g me t h o d s a n d
t e c h n i q u e s . T h e f e l l a h s w h o f a r m mo r e t h a n 125 ac r e s a r e f e w i n
n u mb e r . T h e s ma l l A l g e r i a n p r o p e r t y o n l y e x i s t s i n v e r y s ma l l n u m-
b e r s i n t h e r i c h z o ne s o f h e a v y E u r o p e a n de ns i t y , wh e r e a s i t i s i n
t he s e z o ne s t h a t t h e s ma l l E u r o p e a n p r o p e r t y p r e d o mi n a t e s . T h e H i g h
P l a i n s , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i s t h e a r e a i n w h i c h a r e l o c a t e d t h e l a r g e
E u r o p e a n p r o p e r t i e s a n d i n w h i c h t he s ma l l A l g e r i a n f a r ms h a v e b e e n
p u s h e d b a c k t o t h e l ess f e r t i l e l a n d b o r d e r i n g t h e p l a i n s . A t S a i n t
A r n a u d , f o r e x a mp l e , i n t h e w h e a t g r o w i n g p l a i n s o f t h e S t k i f r e g i o n ,
t h e 13 E u r o p e a n f a r ms a r e a l l o v e r 250 a c r e s i n s i z e ; a l o n g s i d e t h e m,
157 f e l l a h s a r e e a c h f a r mi n g l ess t h a n 25 a c r e s , 120 a r e f a r mi n g f r o m
25 t o 125 ac r es , 30 f r o m 125 t o 250 ac r es , a n d 50 o n l y h a v e f a r ms o f
o v e r 250 a c r e s . A t Li t t r , i n t h e Chl i f f a r e a , o u t o f 14 E u r o p e a n s , 13
a r e f a r mi n g o v e r 250 a c r e s , wh e r e a s a mo n g t h e n e i g h b o r i n g f e l l a h s ,
64 a r e e a c h c u l t i v a t i n g l ess t h a n 25 a c r e s a n d o n l y f o u r h a v e p r o p e r t i e s
g r e a t e r t h a n 250 a c r e s i n s i z e .
T h u s i t i s o n l y i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n s a n d i n t h e z o n e s p r o d u c i n g
l u c r a t i v e c r o p s ( v i n e y a r d s a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e v i n e y a r d s p l a n t e d o n
t h e hi l l s i d e s ) t ha t t h e s ma l l E u r o p e a n p r o p e r t y h a s b e e n a b l e t o
e s t a b l i s h i t sel f . I n t h e S e r s o u d i s t r i c t , o n t h e H i g h Pl a t e a u s of C o n -
s t a n t i n e , o n t h e H i g h P l a i n s of Se t i f , t h e s ma l l f a r ms c r e a t e d b y t he
of f i ci al p r o j e c t s of c o l o n i z a t i o n d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h
c e n t u r y h a v e b e e n r e p l a c e d b y t h e i mme n s e m o d e r n f a r ms , w h i l e i n
t h e s a me z o n e s t h e s ma l l A l g e r i a n f a r m h a s c o n t i n u e d t o e x i s t .
Wh e t h e r h e i s f a r mi n g a s ma l l p r o p e r t y o n w h i c h h e r a i s e s l u c r a -
t i v e c r o p s , s u c h as g r a p e s , e a r l y v e g e t a b l e s o r c i t r u s f r ui t s , o r w h e t h e r
h e i s ma n a g i n g a l a r g e - s c a l e f a r mi n g d e v e l o p me n t , t he E u r o p e a n
c o l o n i s t i s a l w a y s t h e h e a d of a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e o r i s a h i g h l y p a i d
ma n a g e r r a t h e r t h a n a me r e f a r me r . T h i s f a c t e x p l a i n s t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e
e x t e n t hi s b e h a v i o r a n d p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t i t u d e . ( B a s e d o n t h e De -
p a r t me n t o f A g r i c u l t u r e c e ns us . )
prise. Thus t he rapi d devel opment of this i ndustry coi nci ded wi t h
t he appear ance of a geographi cal f or m of segregation t hat is
reveal ed by t he regi onal structure of Al geri a (see Fi g. 12): on t he
one hand, t he ri ch facade of the coastal plains and hills cont ai n-
i ng 75 per cent of the vineyards and 80 per cent of the Eur opean
popul at i on (cities i ncl uded) ; on the ot her hand, the Hi gh Pl ai ns
devoted to the growi ng of cereal crops and to sheep rai si ng.
6
Si nce
wi negrowi ng requi res a pl ent i f ul supply of l abor, the dispos-
0
It is e s t i ma t e d t ha t i n t he Mi t i dj a mo r e t ha n 80 pe r cent o t he l a nds
b e l o ng to t he col oni s t s a nd i n t he Sa he l o Al g i e r s mo r e t ha n 90 p e r c e nt .
An a l o g o u s pe r c e nt age s ma y b e obs er ved i n t he p l a i ns o B o n e a nd o Ph i l i p p e -
v i l l e as we l l as i n c e r t ai n r e g i o ns a r o u n d Or a n .
(Thousands of inhabitants)
Milliers
d'habitanrsAlger (Algiers)
1500
6 0 0 -
00
300
200
100
OJ
POPULATI ON (19601
[Europens E 3 A l g r i e n s
(Europeans) (Algerians)
Stif
-IS00
Tizj-Ouzou .
Balna
150
i - 0
sessed fellahs and the f or mer t enant farmers became the hi r ed
wor ker s of the colonists. T h e gap wi dened bet ween the colonists
(who t ended mor e and mor e to take up resi dence in the cities,
l eavi ng t he wor ki ng of t hei r l ands to thei r f ar m manager s or
f or emen) and thei r very poorl y pai d Al ger i an wor kmen.
As a resul t of the regul at i ons cont rol l i ng t he wi ne i ndustry
t hat were set up i n 1929, t he r api d growt h of t he vi neyards was
qui ckl y checked and t he ma x i mum of 1 mi l l i on acres was reached
i n 1935. T h e economi c equi l i br i um t hat had been based on con-
t i nuous expansi on was br oken. As M. I snar d has remarked, " An
i ndustry t hat was f or mer l y one of risk now became one of pri vi -
lege, wi negrowi ng bei ng a hi ghl y profi tabl e under t aki ng. . . .
T h e pi oneers were r epl a c edby the bourgeoi s, j ealpns_af i hej r l egal
advantages, keen to d e f ^ n d t h e i r class interests, cont i nual l y
vays ready, i n c a s e oFdi s put e s , to cal l
e t e c t SnTAf t e r havi ng*Te^nprogressi ve
and even revol ut i onary in character, wi negrowi ng became a con-
servative br anch of agr i cul t ur e. " However, the growi ng of ci t rus
frui ts, whi ch also r equi r es l ar ge capi t al i nvestments, soon c ame
to r epl ace it and expanded r api dl y as a result of the i ncrease in
i rri gat ed areas ( const ruct i on of t he great dams) and the openi ng
up of t he met ropol i t an mar ket (the civil war i n Spai n) . T h e years
1940 to 1953 mar k t he end of the progress of colonization, f or i n
126
(Doctors)
Mdecins
10D
(Beds)
5.00<>
F i g . 12
S t a t i s t i c a l T a b l e s A c c o r d i n g t o Dpartement
T h e t h i r t e e n A l g e r i a n dpartements h a v e b e e n a r r a n g e d i n d e s c e n d -
i n g o r d e r a c c o r d i n g t o t he n u m b e r o f E u r o p e a n i n h a b i t a n t s . I t wi l l be
n o t e d t h a t t h e i n d i c e s o f e c o n o mi c d e v e l o p me n t ( e q u i p me n t , r e s o u r c e s
a n d r e v e n u e s ) v a r y p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y t o t he s i z e o f t h e E u r o p e a n popu-
l a t i o n . V a l u e of t h e f r a n c : 5 n e w f r a n c s t o $1.00.
127
128 The Algerians
t hat per i od t he lands pur chased by Al ger i ans f r om Eur opeans
exceeded those purchased by Eur opeans f rom Al geri ans. |
T h e progress of col oni al agri cul ture has coi nci ded wi t h t he
mar ked decl i ne i n nat i ve agri cul t ure. T h e great gap bet ween
these two sectors has constantl y become wi der, since one uses t he
most moder n methods and t echni ques and the ot her (some
5,125,000 peopl e) has r emai ned f ai t hf ul to the met hods and
i mpl ement s handed down by t radi t i on. Whi l e t he col oni st s'
share of t he nat i onal product has cont i nual l y i ncreased i n rel at i ve
and i n total val ue, the Al ger i ans' share has no doubt decreased
i n total val ue and most certai nl y has decreased i n rel at i ve val ue,
si nce t he popul at i on has been steadily i ncreasi ng. Al t hough t he
t ot al area under cul t i vat i on by t he f el l ahs has been i ncr eased
t hr ough encroachment s on the pasture l ands (this par t l y expl ai ns
t he decrease i n the size of the flocks) and t hr ough t he devel op-
ment of less ferti l e lands, it has been cal cul at ed t hat the quant i t y
of grai n avai l abl e for consumpt i on was 500 pounds per 2.5 acres
i n 1871, 400 pounds i n 1900 and 250 pounds in 1940. Thi s is
because the yield appears to have i kopj J ed_^an average of 500
pounds peT~2j[7acres f or cereal crops J Kitweeii, 1950 and, 1956),
whi ! e_t Eej opul a t i on has^nj creasj dj ve^^ reason
o f _ t h e j y e j x J ^ i - ^ t i i - i a i e
J
_ ^ h i c h is closely connect ed wi th t he
pauj per i zat i oi i j j j ^^ the upset t i ng of t he econom-
i c and social equi l i br i ums, ancTjoarfTy.JxyZithe. dx<j i j r l j l i e deat h
rat e, particularly^tiiat^f-Gh.Udr.en,_as_acomej^ujence of- i mpr oved
rriedical J j e a t me n t.
Thus the lack of bal ance between t he size of t he popul at i on,
the area that can be cul t i vat ed, and t he nat ur al resources, is
steadily growi ng worse. T h e 438,483 smal l farmers can no l onger
l i ve on pl ots averaging less t han 12 acres i n size. Si nce 1948 t he
agr i cul t ur al popul at i on has r emai ned f ai rl y constant (5.8 mi l -
l i on) ; it is esti mated that, out of 2.7 mi l l i on men of wor ki ng age,
1.7 mi l l i on are empl oyed on the average f or 100 days a year. For
all Al ger i ans who live by means of agri cul ture, the average f ami l y
i ncome was esti mated i n 1957 at about 175,000 francs ($350) a
year. I n 1954 t he Eur opeans produced 55 per cent of the t ot al
gross r evenue, t he Al geri ans onl y 45 per cent (of whi ch 20 per
Disintegration and Distress
1 2
g
cent came f r om stock rai si ng). Wi t h respect to the total real
money i nc ome resul t i ng f r om the sale of t hei r product s, t he
Eur opeans have a 2 to 1 advantage,, si nce t he f el l ah consumes
mor e t han 40 per cent of his own produce as opposed to 3 to 4
per cent f or the col oni st. A large part of the rural popul at i on has
great difficulty i n eki ng out a bar e subsi st ence. Th i s expl ai ns t he
abnor mal ur bani zat i on of r ur al workers t hat has t aken pl ace, par-
ticularly after 1930, as a result of thei r bei ng driven f rom thei r
farms by sheer poverty. Si nce 1954 there has been a great i ncrease
i n the number of gover nment empl oyees and mi nor officials, a
group that was relatively few in number up to that ti me. Com-
merce and t he manual trades empl oy a good por t i on of the pop-
ul at i on. But , i n 1957 wor kmen and unski l l ed l aborers made up
t he most i mpor t ant soci al gr oup: t he t ot al unempl oyed or part-
ti me workerssome 900,000 persons, fami l i es i ncl udedpr obabl y
remai ned constant between 1954 and 1957 and decreased slightly
bet ween 1957 and 1959.
Part l y uni nt ent i onal , partl y met hodi cal , dependi ng on t he
ti me and ci rcumstance, this col oni al pol i cy of systematically
i nduced di si ntegrati on operat ed i n the same di recti on as the laws
gover ni ng the contacts bet ween civilizations and t he laws of
i nt er cul t ur al exchanges and so hast ened t hei r act i on and in-
creased t hei r effectiveness, r at her t han havi ng a t emper i ng or
moder at i ng effect upon t hem; thus it was to be expect ed t hat
Al ger i an society, t hrown off bal ance and i n a compl et e state of
di sorder, shoul d have been swept down a dizzy pat h l eadi ng to
t he abyss.
T h e Col oni al Society
It is in ref erence to the col oni al si t uat i on, that one must at-
t empt to achieve a comprehensi on of t he way of l i f e pecul i ar t o
t he Europeans, and to know their system of values and the type of
rel at i onshi p they mai nt ai n with the indigenous society. Indeed, if
we merel y consider this society as an empi re wi t hi n an empi re,
as bei ng cut off f r om any rel at i ons wi th the col oni zed society and
i go T h e Al geri ans
the met r opol i t an soci ety,
7
if we note only its origins and present
st r uct ur e,
8
we shoul d be overl ooki ng t he factors whi ch give it its
specific charact er.
T h e hi story of the settling of Eur opean society gives us
a bet t er underst andi ng of its or i gi nal characteri sti cs. J Fj i e "first
colonists, settled in large numbers on farms that were too smal l
f or efficient product i on, often i gnorant of farmi ng met hods, con-
f r ont ed wi t h a difficult and unheal t hy cl i mat e, general l y l acki ng
i n capital resources, were of ten_the v i c t i ms o j specul ators. As a
resul t, the smal l col oni al farms (in 1954, 8,000 account ed f or
onl y 1.5 per cent of the t ot al l and owned by colonists) have pro-
gressively been repl aced by large-scale proj ect s.
T h e spirit pecul i ar to the Eur opeans of Al ger i a was forged
duri ng the time of the expansi on of the winegrowing industry,
and it was also duri ng this per i od that the r ur al landscape and
t he social and r egi onal structure of t he Al ger i an count rysi de
began to assume thei r present f orm. T h e first col oni sts emi grat ed
mai nl y i n order to have a bet t er life t han they had had i n Fr anc e;
wjjrh__t1m s u r r p K s o the JvJTigEXgdllg - YELVXf l J J l ^j i gi l ^
r s
- - ^J i g
had come to a new- count ry a s j j r e he i r s of a t echni cal ci vi l i zati on
but also as peasants who were desirous of acqui r i ng a l arger prog-^
erty, were repl aced by_ the capi tal i sti c spe^ulat__rs7 who' devoted
al l their profits and any money they could borrow to i ncreasi ng
t he size of thei r domai n and devel opi ng thei r means of produc-
tion. For ced to work qui ckl y i n order to overcome t he hazards
of cl i mate, and compel l ed as a result to use heavy t echni cal
' T h e p i o ne e r (or pied noir) por t r ay s hi ms e l f as t he o ppo s i t e of hi s def i -
ni t i o n of t he F r e n c h ma n ( wh o m h e cal l s a "jrancaoui"): o n t he one h a n d
gener os i t y, v i r i l i t y , t he c ul t of t he body , t hat i s, of t he e nj o y me nt of phy s i c a l
s t r e ng t h a nd b e a u t y a c ul t who s e t e mp l e i s t he b a t h i n g b e a c h; o n t he
o t h e r h a n d pet t i nes s , i mp o t e n c e , i nt e l l e c t ua l i s m, as c e t i c i s m, et c. B u t t h e n
a g a i n , he de s c r i be s h i ms e l f as b e i n g t he oppos i t e of t he " A r a b , " w h o i n hi s
eyes i nc a r na t e s an i ns t i nc t i v e wa y of l i f e, a l ac k of c u l t u r e , i g n o r a n c e , r o u t i n e ,
et c. T h u s hi s de s c r i pt i on of hi ms e l f is s o me wh a t c ont r a di c t or y .
8
Ac c o r d i n g t o t he cens us of 1954, 79 pe r c ent of t he Eu r o p e a n s we r e
bor n i n Al ge r i a, 11 pe r cent i n Fr a nc e , 6 pe r cent are f or ei gner s (59,000). I t
i s e s t i ma t e d t ha t ha l f a r e of Fr e nc h or i gi n a n d h a l f of f or e i g n o r i g i n
( Spani ar ds , I t al i ans , Ma l t e s e , et c. ) . T h e s t r uc t ur e of t he Eu r o p e a n soci et y is
a na l og ous t o t hat of Fr a nc e ; t he mos t i mp o r t a n t di f f er ence l i es i n t he s ma l l
pe r c e nt a g e of f a r me r s (6 p e r cent ) ; on t he o t he r h a n d t he t er t i ar y sect or is
l ar ge r . T h e pe r c e nt a g e of wo r k e r s i s pr ac t i c al l y t he s ame as i n Fr a nc e .
Disintegration and Distress i g i
equi pment r equi r i ng a l arge financial outl ay, t he col oni sts were
necessarily obl i ged to resort to credi t. Thi s was true i n the case
of t he gr ai n growers and even mor e so in the case of t he wi ne-
growers. Thus , in 1914, the pr opor t i on owned by Al geri ans of
t he total val ue of stocks and bonds and the total val ue of chattel s
and personal fixed assets, part i cul arl y the val ue of real estate, was
ext r emel y l ow (32.5 and 73.7 per cent i n Fr a nc e as opposed to
4.5 and 6 per cent i n Al ger i a) . I f to this we add the fact that t he
col oni sts were, to a cert ai n ext ent , persons who had been up-
r oot ed f r om t hei r homel and, had br oken wi th t hei r t radi t i onal
worl d and, in t hei r isolated condi t i on, had been compel l ed to
depend on themselves to create their own land and their own
world, then it becomes clear why they devel oped a real i sti c atti-
t ude of mi nd, mor e at t ached to mat er i al values t han to specula-
tive t hought . At the same t i me the face of t he count r y was bei ng
changed: the accuratel y surveyed fields wor ked by machi nes and
marked by r egul ar furrows; the gi gant i c grain el evators; t he
f er ment at i on pl ants; at the heart} Cjf t he new domai n, the house
of the col oni st. Al l these t hi ngs i ndi cat ed his compl et e appropri -
ati on of the l and, his desire to i nt roduce his own way of l i f e
and to enf orce its adopt i on wi t hout maki ng any concessions to
the t radi t i onal or der . Thi s same atti tude was evi dent i n t he
col oni al villages, whi ch wer e l ai d out i n perfectl y straight l i nes,
and i n the great cities, whi ch were then begi nni ng to take on
t hei r pr esent appearance. Thus the Eur opean gradual l y creat ed
an envi r onment t hat reflected his own i mage and was a negat i on
of the t radi t i onal order, a worl d i n whi ch he no l onger fel t
hi msel f to be a st ranger and in which, by a nat ur al reversal, t he
Al geri an was fi nal l y consi dered to be the stranger.
T h e capitalistic speculators, t he industrialists of agri cul t ure,
had been superseded by i nheri t ors, who were bor n i nt o this
wor l d al ready mol ded and fashi oned by t hei r fathers and whose
at t i t ude was often like that of parvenus det er mi ned to def end
their new pri vi l eges.
9
Al l through col oni al history the Arab seems
to be recedi ng i nt o the backgr ound; t he Eur opean has become
" Wh i l e i t i s mo r e pa r t i c ul a r l y c har ac t er i s t i c o t hos e col oni st s a mo n g
w h o m i t de v e l ope d, t hi s a t t i t ude is mo r e or l ess e v i de nt i n t he wh o l e o t he
Eu r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n , wh i c h ha s l o n g h a d t he gr e at l a nd o wne r s as i ts l eader s .
132 The Al geri ans
more and more separated f rom hi m by the many walls and ob-
stacles that have been erected between them; as proof of this,
we have the evol uti on i n the i mage of the Ar a b given to us by
l i t er at ur e and pai nt i ng, an i mage varying f r om pure r omant i ci sm
and exot i ci sm to sheer i gnor ance or cari cature. T h e Eur opean' s
knowl edge of t he aut ocht honous peoples has steadily di mi ni shed
wi th the devel opment of a de facto segregation t hat is based
on di fferences i n standards of l i vi ng and on the economi c i so-
l ati on of t he various regi ons. T h e ' Ar a b " no l onger receives any
not i ce apart f r om his economi c r el at i on to the Eur opean. Re l a -
tions are becomi ng mor e and mor e t i nged wi t h pat er nal i sm or
raci sm. As the Eur opea n moves i n and becomes est abl i shed, t he
Al geri an society becomes even more disintegrated, t hereby gi vi ng
the Eur opean an addi t i onal excuse f or avoi di ng it and f or view-
i ng it wi th cont empt . j Qi i c nj ^t ^c l j i t ^ t he
Eur opeanj l j sj ^r kt s^f _t h^ popu-
l at i on lives unt o itself and finds_irjua. compl acent press sufficient,
j uj i t r i i c a t l on^ to-
war ds t hej xagj l i es
y
- - t i ^^
As t he Eur opeans dr aw_f ar t her uapar t . i r om .tbe-Ar-absr-they
also dr a wj a xt her ^a pa r t faraiJxanccyjn Qt o n l y .fj&mt-he i deal
Fr anceTwhose values al l seem r at her nai ve and i n radi cal con-
trast to t he l ogi c of j t he col oni al systemTfni t |r or QEeI i I Er . ench-
rheri of Tr a nc e , " who are always suspected of l i berahj m_arj d.j v.ha
are "assigned" t her oTe^of _^apegoat whenever^ i t. is. a .question., o f
expl ai ni ng a clash bet ween t he real world and the i magi nar y
wor l d i n whi ch this whol e society seeks t o l i ve. - * " "
Consi dered f rom a synchroni sti c~p?i nt of view, t he col oni al
society makes one t hi nk of a caste syst em.
1 1
It is, i n poi nt of
fact, composed of two di sti nct, j uxt aposed " c ommuni t i es " whi ch
1 0
Se v e n h u n d r e d a nd s i xt y t h o u s a n d E u r o p e a n s we r e l i v i n g i n t he u r b a n
c o mmu n i t i e s i n 1954.
" Al t h o u g h t her e are n o r ac i al l a ws i n Al g e r i a , a l t ho ug h t he Al g e r i a n
c a n t r av e l i n t he s a me bus es or i n t he s ame r a i l wa y c ompa r t me nt s , g o t o t he
s ame hot el s or s e nd t hei r c hi l dr e n to t he s ame s chool s as t he Eu r o p e a ns , t he
di f f er ences i n c ul t ur a l t r adi t i ons ( t he r ol e of t he wo ma n i n soci et y is a case
i n poi nt ) a nd i n e c o no mi c s t a n d a r d s as we l l as t he f r e q ue nt s e pa r a t i on o f
r e s i de nt i al di st r i ct s, t ends t o c r eat e a r eal f or m of s e gr e gat i on, si nce s oc i al
r e l at i ons b e y o n d t hos e de v e l o pe d at wo r k or i n bus i nes s ar e r a r e l y e nt e r e d
i nt o .
Disintegration and Distress 133
have not uni t ed to f or m a l ar ger gr oup. Member shi p i n each of
t hese communi t i es is det er mi ned by bi r t h; t he badge of member -
ship is one's physical appearance or sometimes one' s cl ot hi ng or
f ami l y name. T h e f act of bei ng bor n wi t hi n the super i or caste
aut omat i cal l y confers pri vi l ege, and this tends to develop a feel-
i ng of nat ur al superi ori ty i n the person benefi ti ng f r om these
advantages. The_ separat i on bet ween t he castes is also i l l ust rat ed
by t he f ew instances of i nt ermarri age and by the rari ty of any
kJnrT^r*mutu^r~ex between them in t he form of such
things as gifts, meal s, etc. Th e two societies are pl aced in a rela-
tion of superi or to i nf er i or and are separated by a great many
i nvi si bl e barri ers, set up by i nst i t ut i ons or by spont aneous self-
defense. As a result, relations bet ween members .of ..the two castes
seem to have been r educed to an^i ngdj i cj Me mmi r num, by a
sort of taci t agreement . T h e two " c ommuni t i es " are thus con-
t ent to coexi st wi t hout maki ng any real at t empt to communi cat e
and, sti l l less i n f act , to cooperat e wi th one anot her. Every-
thi ng, then, wi l l r un smoothly, provi ded that each i ndi vi dual
per f or m the rol e f or whi ch he is nat ur al l y fitted. Hence a de facto
raci al segregation has devel oped. T h e f unct i on of racism is none
ot her t han t o provi de a rat i onal i zat i on of t he exi sti ng state of
affairs so as to ma ke i t appear to be a l awful l y i nst i t ut ed order.
Si mi l arl y, pat ernal i sm is the pri vi l eged mode of behavi or of t he
superi or, so l ong as t he system is not chal l enged and each person
remai ns i n his pr oper place. T h e Eur opean society, a mi nor i t y
exerci si ng t he r i g ht s ^o f a ma j o r i t y i n the social, economic and
pol i t i cal spheres, is at t empt i ng, through_j -acisFi(ieoingy, to trans-
form its privileges i nt o law, in ot her words, to aut honze~each
society to r emai n as~it~Is7with the domi nanf^oTTtmuifig' to domi -
nate and the domi nat ed cont i nui ng to be domi nat ed. To be sure,
the hi erarchy rul i ng social status will not in fact be f ound to
coi nci de exactly with the hi er ar chy system governi ng the two
societies, since each caste is itself di vi ded i nt o classes. But whi l e
each caste has its own system of graded soci al posi ti ons, and each
i ndi vi dual is permi t t ed to climb the rungs of the social ladder of
his caste, it is practi cal l y i mpossi bl e to cross the abyss t hat
separates the two l adders. Caste spirit stifles class conscious-
ness, a fact that is clearly demonst rat ed by t he atti tude of the
134 The Algerians
T h e Tot al Di srupti on of a Society
Th e phenomena of di si ntegrati on can be observed in al l
aspects of Al ger i an exi st ence a nd ar e al l i nseparabl y connect ed,
al t hough for great er cl ari ty each must be deal t wi th i n t urn.
T h e popul at i on expl osi on resul ti ng f r om the coexistence of an
ext r emel y hi gh bi r t h rat e t hat is l i nked to the condi t i ons of ex-
treme poverty and a deat h rat e that has been appreci abl y reduced
by i mproved sani tati on is undoubt edl y one of the mai n fact ors
cont r i but i ng to the present mal adj ust ment , because t he f or mer
hi ghl y precari ous state of equi l i br i um was based i n part on t he
1 3
Si nce t he s y s t e m t ends t o pr e s e r ve i t sel f i nt ac t , i t wo u l d be eas y t o
d e mo n s t r a t e t ha t i t r u i n s a ny a t t e mpt s at r e f or m, e i t he r by t ur ni ng t h e m t o
t he a dv a nt a ge of t he Eur o pe a ns or by ma k i n g t hem i nef f ec t ual .
Eur opean l ower classes; pol i t i cal life and pol i t i cal consci ence
have become Mani chean i n f or m.
But the col oni al system can f unct i on properly onl y if the
domi nat ed society is willing to assume t he very negative nat ur e
or " essence" (the " Ar a b " cannot be educat ed, is i mpr ovi dent ,
etc.) that t he domi nat i ng society holds up f or it as its destiny.
And thus the situation has devel oped whereby, as t he system
gai ns in l ogi c, it loses real i t y; as it tends to become ful l y realized,
it tends to prepare f or its own di sappear ance.
1 2
T h e gap separat-
i ng the domi nant society f r om the domi nated society steadily
becomes wi der, as much i n the social and psychol ogi cal as i n t he
economi c domai n. T h e effect of the system is to produce persons
whom the colonists scornf ul l y cal l " nat i ves, " t hat is to say, i n-
di vi dual s who have been det ached f r om t hei r communi t y but
who, even t hough t hey have been cast i nt o a capi tal i sti c econ-
omy mar ked by compet i t i on, have mai nt ai ned a way of life and
an at t i t ude of mi nd whi ch onl y had meani ng i n t he cont ext of
t hei r ol d communi t y. T h e col oni al si tuati on thus creates t he
" c ont empt i bl e" person at the same ti me t hat it creates the con-
t empt uous at t i t ude; but it creates i n t urn a spirit of revol t against
this cont empt ; and so the tension that is teari ng the whol e so-
ciety to pieces keeps on i ncreasi ng.
Disintegration and Distress 135
smal l size of the popul at i on. Th e disparity bet ween popul at i on
and resources is f ur t her i ncreased by the fact that the soil, whi ch
is now less f er t i l e and mor e intensively c ul t i vat ed,
1 3
is rapi dl y
becomi ng exhaust ed, wi t h a resul tant drop i n yield, and above
al l by t he fact that a popul at i on that has i ncreased enormousl y
i n size (to t he demogr aphi c f act or has been added the mass
descent of t he mount a i n dwellers i nt o t he pl ai ns) must live on
a much reduced pat r i mony. Wi t h the very f oundat i ons of the
agr ar i an order shaken and i n certai n regions completely de-
stroyed, a rapid decl i ne i n the standard of living has become
evident. T h e closed and static t radi t i onal i st economy cannot
stand up to compet i t i on wi th a capi tal i sti c economy whi ch pro-
motes t he growth of l arge commerci al enterprises, is provi ded
wi th t he most moder n equi pment , has its own credi t corpora-
tions, and utilizes a met hod of f ar mi ng that is designed to pro-
duce hi gh yields and is ai med pri mari l y at t he expor t trade,
a met hod whi ch, needless to say, has qui ckl y br ought about the
r ui n of the rural craftsmen and of the way of l i fe exempl i fi ed by
t he nomads and semi-nomads, who have now been driven back
to t he Hi gh Pl ai ns. T h e peasant, caught up i n t he machi nery of
t he moder n fi nanci al systemwhose r egul at i ng mechani sms (sale
at the lowest pri ce i mmedi at el y af t er the harvest, purchase at
t he hi ghest pri ce i n or der to tide hi m over ) br i ng about t he
i rrevocabl e r ui n of t he whol e previ ous system of bal ancessoon
has no resort ot her t han to bor r ow at usurious rates, to sell hi s
l and or to emi grat e and assume t he status of a sub-prol et ari an;
as such, he will be " consi dered as good for anyt hi ng and conse-
quent l y as good f or not hi ng by his empl oyer s" (Dresch), will be
pl aced i n condi t i ons of mat er i al and mor al mi sery, wi l l feel " de-
soci al i zed" and dehumani zed, and, wi t h the under mi ni ng of his
f undament al val ues, wi l l be a prey to a f eel i ng of chroni c frus-
trati on (see Fi g. 13). Wi t h the changes i n j j i e prcj pef4y.Jaws and
t hej n_r ocki t i c^^
t j t k ^ j v l i i c h j i a s j ^ for the smal l f ar mer to sell hi s
l and, al l t he protections of the agrarTan~orcfer, such^sTrlFInTtltu-
1 8
T h e f el l ah has h a d t o c l e ar and b r i n g i nto c ul t i v a t i on new l a nds wh o s e
s oi l i s of t en r a t he r poor ; he has al so b e e n o b l i g e d t o wo r k mo r e c o nt i nuo us l y
t he l ands whi c h he f o r me r l y a l l o we d t o l i e f al l ow.
Whol e of Algeria Large Cities
Other Citles-aad Towns Rural Cross-Section
EUD Employed E M Unemployed Inactive Sick, aged, unfit
Real rate of unemployraenl
F i g . 13. D i s t r i b u t i o n of t he Ma l e A l g e r i a n P o p u l a t i o n A c c o r d i n g t o
T y p e of A c t i v i t y a n d A g e G r o u p
( B a s e d o n a n i n v e s t i g a t i o n c a r r i e d o u t b y s a mp l i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
g r o u p s d u r i n g t h e s u m m e r o f 1961, t h e r e s u l t s o f w h i c h a r e t o b e
p u b l i s h e d u n d e r t h e t i t l e , Travail et Travailleurs en Algrie, V o l . I ,
S t a t i s t i c a l D a t a , b y A . D a r b e l , J. P. R i v e t a n d C l a u d e S e i b e l ; V o l . I I ,
S o c i o l o g i c a l S t u d y , b y P. B o u r d i e u . )
T h e r e a l r a t e o f e m p l o y m e n t ( d e n n e d b y t h e p e r c e n t a g e of p e o p l e
w h o w e r e w o r k i n g o n t h e d a y t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n w a s ma d e ) i s i n g e n e r a l
v e r y l o w (57.5 p e r c e n t ) a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y , i f o n e c o n s i d e r s t he w h o l e
of A l g e r i a , f o r t h e p e o p l e i n t h e f o u r t e e n - t o t w e n t y - y e a r a g e g r o u p
(36.7 p e r c e n t ) . Li f e h i s t o r i e s i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e y e a r s of a d o l e s c e n c e
h a v e b e e n t h e mo s t di f f i c ul t y e a r s o f e x i s t e n c e f o r t h e g r e a t ma j o r i t y
of A l g e r i a n s . A g o o d n u m b e r of t h e m h a v e b e e n c o mp e l l e d t o l o o k
1 3 6
Disintegration and Distress
137
f o r w o r k v e r y e a r l y , s o me t i me s e v e n at t h e a g e o f t en. B e f o r e s u c c e e d -
i n g i n f i n d i n g a s t a bl e e mp l o y me n t , mo s t o f t h e w o r k e r s a n d t h e mi n o r
e mp l o y e e s h a v e e n g a g e d i n s e v e r a l t e mp o r a r y t r a d e s . T h e p e r c e n t a g e of
t h o s e e mp l o y e d i n c r e a s e s q u i t e r a p i d l y f r o m t h e a g e o f f o u r t e e n t o t h e
a g e of t we nt y - f i v e , t h e n r e ma i n s r e ma r k a b l y c o n s t a n t u n t i l a b o u t t h e
a g e of f i f t y, a f t e r w h i c h t h e r e i s a s u d d e n d r o p . Ne v e r t h e l e s s , t he p r o -
p o r t i o n o f p e o p l e o v e r s e v e n t y y e a r s of a g e w h o d e c l a r e t h a t t h e y a r e
s t i l l e mp l o y e d r e ma i n s q u i t e h i g h . T h e ma i n b r e a k i n e mp l o y me n t
t a ke s p l a c e at t he a g e of fifty i n t h e / l a r g e ci t i es a n d is a p p a r e n t l y q u i t e
dr a s t i c . 8g. a p e r c e n t of t h e m e n f r o m f o r t y t o f o r t y - n i n e y e a r s of a g e
w e r e e mp l o y e d t h e d a y o f t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n as c o mp a r e d t o 59 p e r c e n t
o f t h e m e n f r o m fifty t o fifty-four y e a r s o f a g e ; t h e s a me s h a r p b r e a k
o c c u r s a t fifty y e a r s of a g e i n t h e o t h e r c i t i e s , b u t f r o m t h e n o n t h e r e
i s n o p e r c e p t i b l e d r o p u n t i l t he a g e o f s i x t y - f i v e ; t h e s a me s i t u a t i o n
p r e v a i l s i n t h e r u r a l c r o s s - s e c t i o n; i n t h e K a b y l e s t r a t a , t h e r e i s a v e r y
s h a r p b r e a k w h i c h t a k e s p l a c e a t t h e a g e o f s i x t y . F i n a l l y , i n t h e
s o u t h e r n a r e a s , t h e d r o p i n t h e r e a l r a t e of e m p l o y m e n t o n l y s h o ws u p
a t t h e a g e of s e v e n t y , a n d e v e n t h e n 80 p e r c e n t of t h e m e n o v e r
s e v e n t y y e a r s o f a g e d e c l a r e d t h e ms e l v e s t o b e e mp l o y e d .
T h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e m e n w h o d e c l a r e t h e ms e l v e s t o b e e mp l o y e d
i s a l wa y s h i g h e r t h a n t h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e m e n w h o a r e a c t u a l l y e m-
p l o y e d . T h e g a p i s p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e i n t h e s o u t h e r n c r os s - s e c t i ons ,
s i nc e h e r e , f o r e x a mp l e , t h e m e n f r o m fifty t o fifty-five y e a r s of a g e d e -
c l a r e d t h a t t h e y w e r e 100 p e r c e n t e mp l o y e d . T h e r e a s o n f o r t hi s i s t h a t
t h e i d e a s o f e m p l o y m e n t o r u n e m p l o y m e n t a r e r e l a t i v e t o t h e w h o l e of
t h e c u l t u r a l s y s t e m. T h u s , i n t h e c as e of r e a l r a t e s o f e m p l o y m e n t
w h i c h a r e v e r y m u c h t he s a me , t h e r u r a l d w e l l e r s o f t h e K a b y l e c r os s -
s e c t i o n s q u i t e r e a d i l y s t at e t h a t t h e y a r e u n e m p l o y e d i f t h e y j u d g e
t h a t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s a r e i ns uf f i c i e nt t o p r o v i d e a l i v i n g , w h e r e a s t h e
i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e S o u t h p r e f e r t o s ay t h a t t h e y a r e e mp l o y e d . T h i s
ma y e a s i l y b e u n d e r s t o o d b e c a u s e o f t h e f a c t t h a t t h e f o r me r , b y r e a s o n
o f a l o n g t r a d i t i o n of e mi g r a t i o n t o F r a n c e a n d t o t h e A l g e r i a n c i t i e s ,
h a v e a d i r e c t o r me d i a t e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e m o d e r n e c o n o mi c s y s t e m,
w i t h w h i c h t h e l a t t e r h a v e r e ma i n e d r e l a t i v e l y u n a c q u a i n t e d . I n t h e
t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l e n v i r o n me n t , t h e l a c k o f w o r k i s n o t u n d e r s t o o d as
b e i n g u n e mp l o y me n t . A g r i c u l t u r e a n d s t o c k r a i s i n g h a v e t h e i r r h y t h ms ,
t h e c h a n g e s f r o m p e r i o d s of g r e a t a c t i v i t y t o p e r i o d s w h e n w o r k p r o -
c e e ds at a m u c h r e d u c e d p a c e . A l l t h e me mb e r s of t h e f a mi l y , f r o m
t he o l d p a t r i a r c h d o w n t o t he y o u n g a d o l e s c e n t , t a k e p a r t i n t h e f a r m
t as ks i n v a r y i n g d e g r e e s a n d wi t h d i v e r s f u n c t i o n s . T h u s t h e y a l l f e e l
t h a t t h e y a r e f u l l y o c c u p i e d a n d p e r ma n e n t l y e mp l o y e d b e c a u s e , h o w -
e v e r l i t t l e i t ma y be , t h e r e i s a l wa y s s o me t h i n g to do f o r e v e r y o n e .
T h e ma n w h o d e c l a r e s h i ms e l f t o b e u n e mp l o y e d , o n t h e c o n t r a r y ,
u n d e r s t a n d s a n d j u d g e s hi s c o n d i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o a n e w s y s t e m o f
r e f e r e n c e a n d b r i n g s i n, e i t h e r i mp l i c i t l y o r e x p l i c i t l y . T h e i d e a of full
e mp l o y me n t w h i c h h e ha s d e r i v e d f r o m hi s e x p e r i e n c e of t h e mo d e r n
e c o n o my a n d f r o m hi s w o r k i n t h e E u r o p e a n e n v i r o n me n t . T h i s i s
al s o i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e f a c t t h a t t h e y o u n g me n f r o m f o u r t e e n t o t we n t y -
f i ve y e a r s of a g e w h o h a d n o e mp l o y me n t t he d a y o n w h i c h t h e
i n v e s t i g a t i o n w a s m a d e a l mo s t a l l d e c l a r e d t h a t t h e y w e r e u n e m p l o y e d
i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e s t a t e me n t s of t he o l d e r i n d i v i d u a l s .
i
3
8 The Algerians
I t ma y b e s e e n, mo r e o v e r , t h a t t h e r e a l c h a n c e s of o b t a i n i n g e mp l o y -
me n t i nc r e a s e as o n e mo v e s f r o m t he c o u n t r y t o t h e c i t y , t h e r e a l r a t e
of e m p l o y m e n t r i s i n g f r o m 46.5 p e r c e n t i n t h e K a b y l e a r e a s t o 54.8
p e r c e n t i n t h e n o n - K a b y l e r u r a l a r e a s , 61 p e r c e n t i n t h e c i t i e s o f
a v e r a g e s i z e, a n d f i na l l y t o 78.8 p e r c e n t i n t h e l a r g e c i t i e s . I t i s a l s o
a k n o w n f a c t t h a t i n d u s t r i a l wa g e s a r e h i g h e r i n t h e l a r g e c i t i e s t h a n
t h e y a r e i n t h e s ma l l e r t o w n s a n d c i t i e s a n d t h a t , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g ,
u r b a n i n c o me s a r e h i g h e r t h a n r u r a l i n c o me s .
t i on of j oi nt propert y, have ei ther been abol i shed or have lost a
great deal of their effectiveness. I n addi t i on, t heJ r f nxul anr A. gi ven
t o^cmi oj r i i cva|u^^
an order" that was formerl y bascU on personal rel at i ons. Thus
t he f or mer bond of pat ronage that uni t ed the l andowner and the
t enant f ar mer is now br oken: ei ther t he advances to the t enant
are consi dered as a l oan whi ch must be repai d, so t hat t he l at t er,
no l onger f i ndi ng the system to his advantage, pref ers to become
a wage ear ner , or else the f or mer system is mai nt ai ned; but her e
too, al t hough t he si t uat i on may appear i dent i cal to what it was
bef ore, t he whol e rel at i onshi p has been al t er ed.
1 4
T h e resul t has
been the advent of wage-earning, whi ch i mpl i es an i mper sonal
rel at i onshi p between capi tal and l abor, and the appear ance of
the f ar m wor ker who has br oken wi t h his f ami l y or his t ri be, a
person unknown to the f ormer society. Moreover the col oni st,
wi th his t echni ques, his di fferent atti tude to the l andhi s way
of l ooki ng on it as a mer e raw mat er i al and t he surveyor, wi t h
his i nt r oduct i on of t he not i on of property limits, have br ought
about a t ransmut at i on of values and the collapse of the f or mer
agencies whi ch medi ated the rel at i onshi p between t he peasant
and his l and. T h e very nat ur e of this rel at i onshi p is bei ng modi -
fied; al ong wi th Eur opean agri cul t ural met hods and t echni ques,
there is bei ng i nt roduced a " mat er i al i st i c" view of the l and, and
t he old met hods of f ar mi ng are losing t hei r ri t ual si gni fi cance.
Thi s l and, mor eover , seems to shr i nk in size once its com-
W n 1956 t he t r a di t i ona l t enant f a r mi n g s ys t em wa s p r o h i b i t e d a n d
r e p l a c e d b y t he metayage s ys t em ( s har e c r oppi ng) . Ce r t a i n owner s at t hat
t i me d e ma n d e d a s u m of mo n e y or an a c k n o wl e d g me n t of i nde bt e dne s s
c o v e r i n g t he h i r i n g o u t of a ni ma l s , t he pr o v i s i o n of f a r m i mp l e me nt s , a nd
ha l f t he cost of t he f eed. I n ot he r cases t he t enant (khamms) be c a me a
f a r m wo r k e r . Ce r t a i n ones c o nt i nue d as i n t he past i n spi te of t he n e w l aw.
Disintegration and Distress i gg
mer ci al val ue is reveal ed. An i mpersonal and abstract monet ar y
val ue is repl aci ng t he f or mer values of prestige and honor . I n
this topsy-turvy worl d each one adapt s hi msel f as best he can
or succumbs; there is a strong t empt at i on to convert one' s miser-
abl e l i t t l e plot of gr ound i nt o cash and buyi ng power, and
those who yield to this t empt at i on end by j oi ni ng the ranks of
the upr oot ed and di sori ent ed r ur al prol et ari at . T h e cleverest
among them make use of legal t echni ques to accumul ate a f or t une
or to acqui re great domai ns; the great lords, l oath to adapt them-
selves to these new condi t i ons, preserve a mere facade of weal t h
by mort gagi ng t hei r l ands, a f act whi ch has cont r i but ed to t he
rel ati ve overthrow of t he t radi t i onal hi erarchi es; finally, t her e
are those who r emai n f ai t hf ul to the soil and cont i nue to work
it as i n the past, but wi t h a much keener awareness of t hei r
wret ched condi t i on.
By reason of t hei r f unct i onal i nt er connect i on, the economi c
and the social structures were doomed to a si mi l ar, paral l el dis-
i nt egr at i on: the emi gr at i on of the uproot ed, poverty-stri cken
pr ol et ar i at to the towns and cities, t he destructi on of t he eco-
nomi c uni t y of the fami l y, the weakeni ng of the anci ent solidari-
ties and of the restrai nts which had been i mposed by the group
and which had prot ect ed the agrari an order, t he rise of t he
i ndi vi dual and of economi c i ndi vi dual i sm whi ch shattered t he
communi t y framework, wer e al l so many breaches in t he coher ent
f abr i c of the social structures. T h e admi ni strati ve and pol i t i cal
measures that were adopt ed mer el y i ncreased t he shock to t he
anci ent or der : t he SexmLus Cnnsidte^pL i86ft created new social
uni ts, t he douais^iqthe_most par t Aej nej y_^r r i t oj j c_j
:
hat . were
car-Vd^ouTaf"that"' ti me_dj d_j i gt fol l ow t h e j i a t m^ Wj ^ ^ of
t hej t j adi i i f i nal soci et y; j . he f ami l y gr oup wasoj f t enj i i vi ded among
s e
X_ _ y j ^S 2 i J >Kf e ? . ^?
J
g r
o u
P
s
of di fferent fami l y^ori ghi . woul d
be j oi ned t oget her i n the same douar. It even happened that,
when a tribe was consi derecTto be t oo smal l i n number s, i t was
i ncor por at ed i nt o the douars of a nei ghbor i ng tri be. Wher eas
i n Ar ab t erri t ory the Senatus Consulte di vi ded what had been
uni t ed, i n Kabyl i a they uni ted what had been di vi ded by group-
i ng several villages into the same douar. If, i n Kabyl i a and the
Aur es, par al l el i nst i t ut i ons l ong cont i nued to f unct i on (t he
140 The Algerians
counci l of the cl an or group) whi l e the djemda of the douar
r emai ned an artificial and superi mposed organi zati on, the ad-
mi ni st rat i ve uni t in t he Arabi c- speaki ng terri tori es gradual l y
became a real social entity at the expense of the t radi t i onal uni t s,
because member s of t he same douar came to f eel uni t ed by t hei r
c ommon i nterests, preoccupat i ons and admi ni st rat i ve probl ems.
T h e appoi nt ment of t he cai'ds has also t ended to hasten the
di si nt egrat i on of the anci ent structures by subst i t ut i ng an ad-
mi ni st rat i ve hi erarchy for the tradi ti onal hi erarchi es.
T h e l a ws o f aeml t rrxat i on have been_operat i ng in the same
di rect i on as t he ill-considered policy of i nt er vent i on on t he*part
of tdre admi ni st r at i on: new methods of t ransport at i oj i J^ay^J^ed
to a shi f t i ng of the mai n trade routes; thus, _wj th t he cormng of
the r ai l f SM7~Tl er ncen gradual l y losTTts i mpor t ance as a great
comme^rcTal7center;Thefe
r
haTTJ earTa wi deni ng i n the r ange of
huma n contacts; _a_numl aexj xEj tl ^_smal l t ri bal markets have lost
t hei r i mpor t ance j n ^ J i a y e di sappeared, ~being repl aced by t h e
market s of t he Eur opea n cities, stocked~wifh~the i ndus t r i al wares
( ki t chen utensi l s, toi l et articles, fabri cs, etc.) that have t aken t he
place of the products f ormerl y made by the fami l y_i n r ur al com-
muni t i es; the once closed social uni ts now have many outsi de
contacts, and t he r ange of mat r i moni al exchanges has great l y i n-
creased. T h e wi der acquai nt ance wi th t he wor l d br ought about
by emi gr at i on, by ur bani zat i on and by i ncreasi ng mobi l i t y, t he
i mpact of t he new ideas and i mages i nt r oduced by t he school ,
radi o, ci nema and newspaper, have f avor ed the creat i on of new
needs and of a rise i n t he aspi rati on l evel . Bot h of these have
devel oped mor e qui ckl y t han the techni ques and values re-
qui r ed f or adapt at i on to t he West er n economi c system can be
t r ansmi t t ed (saving, t he r at i onal uti l i zati on of money, credi t, t he
sense of the i mpor t ance of workmanshi p) and far mor e qui ckl y
t han t he product i on of the goods r equi r ed to satisfy these needs
and ambi t i ons can be i ncreased (see Fi g. 14) . At the same t i me
t here devel oped a gr owi ng awareness of the i nequal i t i es and
barriers separat i ng t he two societies, t he f undament al cause of
t he revol t against t he domi nant society. Thi s new awareness is
all the more acute, since it is developing bot h at a t i me when
t he Al geri ans are discovering, above and beyond the col oni al
Disintegration and Distress
system, the i mage of t he i deal Fr ance, a Fr a nc e that is the her al d
of new ideals, and at a t i me when the domi nat ed society is bei ng
swept al ong in a great prol et ari ani zi ng movement .
Var i ous di srupti ve forces are br eaki ng down the uni t y of
the fami l y, whose f unct i onal significance has al ready been ana-
lyzed. We have seen those forces bei ng exert ed against the r ur al
f ami l y; i n the cities the chal l enge is even mor e radi cal . T h e
di si nt egrat i on of the agrari an or der has l ed to an abnor mal de-
vel opment of t he cities. Li f e appears to have not hi ng stable or
dur abl e to offer the ur ban popul ace, whi ch has been compl et el y
and i rrevocabl y cut off f r om its f or mer envi r onment , lives
cr ammed together i n i ncredi bl e densities i n t he unsani t ary dwell-
ings of the ol d city districts or of the new shant yt owns,
1 5
and is
general l y filled wi th uncer t ai nt y as to the f ut ur e. T h e mi sery
and i nsecuri t y have been made even worse by t he distress re-
sul ti ng f r om t he loss of t he gr oup ties on whi ch the i ndi vi dual ' s
psychol ogi cal and social stabi l i ty was based i n the ol d communi -
ties. One can i magi ne how precarious f ami l y uni ty must be i n
such a cont ext , under mi ned as it is by a great many factors: by
t he f r equent r epudi at i on of wives; by t he tension exi sti ng
bet ween the t radi t i onal standards, whi ch demand widely ex-
t ended solidarities, and t he i mperat i ves of t he i ndi vi dual i sti c
economi c system, i n whi ch the single f ami l y househol d is t he
basic uni t; by the crisis in t he mor al educat i on of the chi l dren,
who are now of t en l eft to r oam the streets; by the di sori entati on
of the young peopl e, who are gai ni ng a pol i t i cal consciousness,
are haunt ed by t he fear of unempl oyment , and are general l y
bei ng i nduced to chal l enge bot h t he t radi t i onal standards and
pat er nal aut hori t y; by the conflict bet ween the di fferent genera-
ti ons, a confl i ct that is especially not i ceabl e i n matters concern-
i ng the concept of marri age and t he role of t he wi fe in society
(the law of mat r i moni al const rai nt , the wearing of the veil, the
questi on of equal i ty in marri age, of empl oyment f or women,
et c. ) ; by the dispersion of the single-family uni t s, connected wi t h
t he new economi c condi t i ons and wi th t he desi re to at t ai n t he
1 5
A n ef f or t ha s b e e n ma d e to r es ol ve t he p r o b l e m o u r b a n ho us i ng .
T h u s t he r e h a v e be e n c ons t r uc t e d d u r i n g t he l ast f o u r year s s ome 100,000
dwe l l i ng s .
status of wage earner and thereby gain economi c i ndependence.
Thj r s j i hf i ^xt ended f ami l y i s bei ng repl aced by t he^i ngl e- f ami l y
uni t ; t he communi t i es of t he ol d society are di si nt egr at i ng' i nt o
a cloud of separate i ndi vi dual s at the same time that t he tradi -
tions they mai nt ai ned and on which they were based are also dis-
appeari ng.
Thi s radi cal upheaval of the economi c, social and psychologi-
cal worl d has led to a deep feel i ng of angui sh, whi ch finds ex-
pression i n t he French- l anguage novel and in t he oral l i t erat ure
of t he common peopl e. Al l these cont radi ct i ons affect the i nner
nat ur e of " t he man bet ween two wor l ds " t he i nt el l ect ual , the
man who formerl y worked i n France, the city dwel l eri s exposed
1 4 2
7
Fi g . 14. P o p u l a t i o n Shi f t s Wi t h i n A l g e r i a B e t w e e n 1954 a n d i 960
T h i s m a p , w h i c h h a s b e e n d r a w n u p i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e figures
g i v e n f o r e a c h c o m m u n e o r di s t r i c t as a r e s u l t of t h e c e ns us of 1954
a n d of i g6o, s h o u l d b e c o mp a r e d w i t h t h e m a p s h o w i n g t h e mi l i t a r y
s i t u a t i o n i n 1957 ( Fi g. 15) a n d a r e l i e f m a p . I t c a n b e o b s e r v e d , o n
t h e o n e h a n d , t h a t t h e z o n e s i n w h i c h t h e p o p u l a t i o n h a s d e c r e a s e d
t h e mo s t a r e t h o s e i n w h i c h t h e a r m y o f n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n h a s b e e n
m o s t f i r ml y e n t r e n c h e d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e r e v o l u t i o n a n d w h i c h ,
as a r e s u l t , h a v e b e e n mo s t a f f e c t e d b y t h e wa r . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d ,
i t c a n b e s e e n t hat , i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e f r o n t i e r z o n e s , t he r e g i o n s i n
w h i c h a g r e a t d e c r e a s e ha s b e e n r e c o r d e d c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e m o u n t a i n
z o n e s , w h o s e i n h a b i t a n t s h a v e d e p a r t e d f o r t h e c i t i e s o r h a v e b e e n r e -
s e t t l e d i n t h e p l a i n s . T h e b l a c k s pot s , i n d i c a t i n g a n i n c r e a s e of o v e r
100 p e r c e n t i n p o p u l a t i o n , c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e c i t i e s o r t o t h e a r e a s
i n w h i c h t h e r e s e t t l e me n t c e n t e r s h a v e b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d .
143
144 The Algerians
to the conflicts created by the weakeni ng of the t radi t i onal sys-
tems of sanctions and by the devel opment of a double set of
mor al standards. Const ant l y bei ng faced wi th al t ernat i ve ways
of behavi or by reason of the i nt rusi on of new values, and there-
fore compel l ed to make a conscious exami nat i on of the i mpl i ci t
premises or the unconsci ous pat t er ns of his own t r adi t i on, this
man, cast between two worl ds and r ej ect ed by bot h, lives a
sort of doubl e i nner life, is a prey to f rust rat i on and i nner
confl i ct, wi t h t he resul t t hat he is const ant l y bei ng t empt ed
to adopt ei t her an at t i t ude of uneasy oyeri denti fi cati on or one
of rebel l i ous negati vi sm.
Whi l e presented onl y in broad outl i ne, t he precedi ng pages
make possible a bet t er underst andi ng of the war i n Al geri a. Th i s
conf l i ct was not merel y t he sum t ot al of t he i ndi vi dual passions
i nvol ved, that is to say, the i r r at i onal and subj ect i ve mani fest a-
t i on of i nner tensions, nor was it by any means a mere mi sunder-
standi ng whi ch coul d be cl eared up by a conversi on of mi nds
i nduced by pr opaganda or educati on or even by some si mpl e
economi c changes; but i n real i t y it was based obj ect i vel y on an
obj ect i ve si tuati on of whi ch t he i ndi vi dual tensions ar e onl y t he
resul t ant s. Its underl yi ng causes may be f ound i n a bi t t er l y real
dr ama: the overt hrow of a vi tal or der and t he col l apse of a
whol e world of values.
7- The Revolution Within
the Revol uti on
T h e causes of t he war i n Al geri a, the part i cul ar f or m i t
assumed and the consequences i t has ent ai l ed are al l aspects of
a si ngl e phenomenon of whi ch it is i mpor t ant to under st and
the over-al l significance. I f any one of these t hr ee aspects is dis-
associated f r om the whol e of whi ch it f orms a part, it cannot be
properl y understood.
T o deny t hat the revol ut i onary war had its basis i n an ob-
j ect i ve si t uat i on is to refuse to admi t its true charact er and to
deny the real reason f or its exi stence. T o cl ai m that the war was
i mposed upon the Al ger i an peopl e by a ha ndf ul of ri ngl eaders
who resorted to compul si on and t ri ckery is to deny the fact that
the struggl e was abl e to draw on strong popul ar senti ment for its
vi t al strength and purpose, a sent i ment i nspi red by an obj ect i ve
si tuati on. I t is true t hat the war exi sted and cont i nued onl y i n
rel at i on to t he si tuati on wi t hi n whi ch and because of whi ch i t
came i nt o bei ng; but at t he same t i me i t modi fi ed the ori gi nal
si t uat i on by the very fact of its exi stence and its persistence.
As we have al ready seen, t he i ndi genous society had been
shaken to its f oundat i on on t he eve of the revol ut i on as a result
of the col oni al pol i cy and t he clash of opposi ng civilizations.
Mor eover , the whol e of this society was bei ng t or n asunder by
t he hi dden or open tensi ons t hat exi sted bet ween the domi nant
Eur opean society and t he domi nat ed Al ger i an society. Now t he
evol ut i on of the col oni al system causes the gap (and the correl a-
tive tensi on) whi ch separates the domi nant and the domi nat ed
societies to keep on wi deni ng, and this occurs i n al l the spheres
of exi st enceeconomi c, social and psychol ogi cal . T h e al most
stati onary state of equi l i br i um i n whi ch t he col oni al society was
mai nt ai ned is t he resul tant of two opposi ng forces whose strength
145
146 The Algerians
is const ant l y i ncreasi ng: on t he one hand, the force that tends
to br i ng about an i ncrease i n i nequal i t i es and in real di scri mi na-
ti on, a consequence due i n part to t he pauperi zat i on of the peopl e
and to the di si nt egr at i on of t he or i gi nal Al ger i an cul t ur e; on
t he ot her hand, t he f or ce consti tuted by the feelings of revol t
and resent ment aroused against this i ncrease i n social i nequal i -
ties and di scri mi nat i on. I n short, when carri ed al ong by its own
i nt er nal l ogi c, the col oni al system tends to devel op al l the con-
sequences i mpl i ed at the ti me of its f oundi ngt he compl et e
separat i on of the social castes. Vi ol ent revol ut i on and repressi on
by f orce fit i n perfect l y wi th the l ogi cal coher ence of t he system;
whi l e t he col oni al society is as uni nt egr at ed as ever, t he war
now became compl et el y i nt egrat ed wi t hi n the col oni al system and
al l owed it to be recogni zed f or what it real l y is.
I ndeed, t he war pl ai nl y reveal ed t he t rue basis f or t he
col oni al order: t he rel at i on, backed by f orce, whi c h allows t he
domi nant caste to keep the domi nat ed caste i n a position of
i nf er i or i t y. Thus it becomes evi dent why t he r et ur n of peace
shoul d i n t he eyes of cert ai n members of t he domi nant caste seem
t he worst ki nd of menace. Wi t hout the exerci se of f or ce, t her e
woul d be not hi ng to count er bal ance the f orce di rect ed at t he
very roots of t he syst emt he rebel l i on agai nst an i nf er i or soci al
posi t i on.
T h a t onl y a revol ut i on can abol i sh t he col oni al system, t hat
any changes to be made must be subj ect to t he law of al l or
not hi ng, ar e facts now consciously real i zed, even i f onl y con-
fusedly, j ust as much by the members of the domi nant society
as by t he members of the domi nat ed society. Thos e among t he
f or mer who l i nked t hei r very exi st ence to thei r member shi p i n
the domi nant caste wer e unabl e to concei ve that any possi bl e
or der coul d be subst i t ut ed t hat woul d not ent ai l t hei r disappear-
ance f r om the scene. T h e member s of t he domi nat ed society,
f or t hei r part, underst ood that they coul d expect no real result
f r om reforms carried out f r om wi t hi n t he system and di rected at
changi ng it i nt ernal l y, because these measures t ended i n real i ty
to st r engt hen or at least to conserve and prot ect t he system under
t he pr et ext of an at t empt to transform or abol i sh it. Thus it must
be gr ant ed that the pri mary and i ndeed the sole radi cal chal l enge
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 1417
to t he system was the one t hat t he system itself engendered; the
revol t against the pri nci pl es on which it was f ounded.
Special Form and Meani ng of the War
We must now define very roughl y the special form and mean-
i ng that this war acqui red because of its bei ng waged i n this
uni que si tuati on. If , as is so of t en done, one adopts the stand-
poi nt of f or mal legality, and i f one admi ts that in i nt ernat i onal
rel ati ons vi ol ence may l egi ti matel y be resorted to by bot h sides,
whereas wi t hi n a single count ry it may be l egi ti matel y empl oyed
onl y by those who represent the power of the state, then one will
apparent l y be j usti fi ed i n l ooki ng on the Al ger i an war as a
rebel l i on against the establ i shed order and i n regarding the re-
pressive measures adopt ed as being a mere pol i ce operat i on in
whi ch the forces of law and order have the legal ri ght to act
against t he criminals. I t woul d be onl y too easy to show t hat the
poi nt of view of f or mal legality implies an i gnorance of the
sociological facts and a refusal to recognize the si t uat i on i n whi ch
t he r evol ut i on br oke out and agai nst whi ch it was di rected.
Once the false issues have been put aside, the t hi ng that
strikes one is that t he " host i l e i nt ent i on" of this war had a cer t ai n
abstract qual i t y. T wo texts f r om a great many that coul d be
ci ted will suffice to i l l ust rat e this poi nt : " T h e Al geri an revolu-
tion is not a hol y war but an attempt to regai n our l i berty. It
is not a work of hate but a struggle against a system of oppres-
si on. "
1
" T h e war in Al geri a is not the war of Arabs against
Europeans nor that of Moslems against Chri sti ans, nor is it the
war of the Al geri an people against the Fr ench peopl e. "
2
One
will possibly l ook on these sentences as mere tricks of propaganda.
However, they do seem to express one of the essential character-
istics of this war, namely, that it was directed less (in its hosti l e
i nt ent i on, it must be r epeat ed) agai nst act ual enemi es t han
against a system, t he col oni al system.
1
Let t er f r o m t he Fr ont de Li b r a t i o n Na t i o na l e to t he Fr enc h: q u o t e d
by Fa v r o d: La rvolution algrienne ( Pi on, 1959), p. 174.
2
F e r h a t A b b a s : Spe e c h of Fe b r ua r y 17, i960.
148 The Algerians
T h e revol ut i onary radi cal i sm of t he Al ger i an rebel s is a
di rect consequence of thei r conscious awareness that the col oni al
society constitutes a system and for this reason can not be only
hal f-destroyed; that what must be changed are not atti tudes of
mi nd, economi c structures or legal and pol i t i cal i nst i t ut i ons, but
t he establ i shed system i n its enti rety. As Moha mmed Di b has sai d:
" No doubt racism was evi dent even i n t he looks di rected our
waybl ank looks whi ch seemed to rel egate us to t he backgr ound.
But we used to t hi nk that even this was the result of a system;
it is the system i n its enti rety that we wish to be ri d of, not
onl y these l ooks. "
3
Th e col oni al si t uat i on is t he cont ext i n
whi ch al l actions must be j udged. Thus as l ong as there is a con-
t i nuance of this system f r om whi ch the European, whet her will-
i ngl y or unwi l l i ngl y, knowi ngl y or unknowi ngl y, cont i nues to
derive advantages, t he most generous actions f rom t he poi nt of
view of strict i nt ent i on, whet her they be t he acts of i ndi vi dual s
or those of government , will t urn out in pract i ce to be ei t her
perf ect l y useless or, because t hey take on t hei r meani ng f r om
t he social cont ext , actually harmf ul . T h e benevol ent or generous
acts t hat the members of the domi nant society per f or m (more
f requent l y t han is commonl y bel i eved) in favor of the member s
of the domi nat ed society are almost necessarily bound to be
mi sunderst ood, because they are i nterpreted in t he light of the
rel ati onshi p based on domi nat i on whi ch exists between the two
societies; thus in answer to benevol ent acts, whi ch may be ei t her
subj ecti vel y or obj ect i vel y t i nged wi th pat ernal i sm, the usual
response is an at t i t ude of dependency. So i nt ersubj ect i ve com-
muni cat i on rarel y fulfills its end. Woul d it not be easy to show,
f or exampl e, that the unacknowl edged purposes of many i ndi vi d-
ual acts of generosi ty is to allow the benef act or hi msel f to hi de
f r om hi msel f the fact that i nj usti ce is consubstanti al wi th t he
exi sti ng state of affairs and that, all t hi ngs consi dered, they are
really taki ng advantage of t he inj ustice of the system in order to
do good?
Even if t he relations between two persons are perfectl y happy
and harmoni ous, t here is always l urki ng i n the backgr ound the
8
I nt e r v i e w g r a nt e d t o t he n e ws p a p e r El Pueblo o Bue no s Ai r e s ,
Ma r c h 16, 1958.
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 149
hosti l i ty which separates the two groups and whi ch is constantl y
t hr eat eni ng to come forward to i mpai r the good will. Thi s may
perhaps be an expl anat i on of the fact that t he ties bet ween per-
sons of the two societies are often excepti onal l y intense, when
they do succeed in getti ng established. But the col oni al si t uat i on
never lets itself be forgotten, and somet i mes it succeeds i n com-
ing between men who considered themselves to be face to face.
Thus it would appear in this context as if the most generous
i nt ent i ons cannot hel p havi ng a har mf ul effect. Thi s is why,
al t hough it may be pure and si ncere in its i nt ent i ons and al-
t hough it is a thousand times to be preferred to a passive or
cynical adherence to the prevai l i ng condi t i ons, f ormal good
will is pervert ed in its very essence by a si t uat i on whi ch it seeks
to overcome, because it tends to sanction an established order
whi l e appeari ng to be attempti ng to correct it. I n the col oni al
cont ext , no ot her f or m of good will is possible except that whi ch
works f or the comi ng of an order i n whi ch good will some day
will be the rul i ng f orce i n det er mi ni ng human rel at i ons.
4
Not hi ng woul d then be mor e erroneous t han to see in t he
Al geri an conflict a mer e expl osi on of aggressiveness and hat r ed,
an i r r at i onal and subj ect i ve mani f est at i on of i nner tensi ons bor n
of frust rat i on and i nsecuri ty. Al t hough aggressiveness may have
made this war take on a special f or m i n pr opor t i on as i ndi vi dual s
came to find i n it an opport uni t y to resolve t hei r personal con-
flicts, and al t hough the rol e of i ndi vi dual passions and of sub-
j ect i ve mot i vat i ons may have cont i nued to become mor e im-
por t ant as the conflict was prol onged, it is nevertheless a fact that
t he i ndi vi dual conflicts were based on an obj ect i ve si t uat i on
whi ch condi t i oned all the dr amas that went on in men' s con-
sciousness.
T h e real quest i on concerns the ki nd of si tuati on i n whi ch
4
On e e x a mpl e wi l l suffice to pr ov i de a f ac t ual c ont e nt f or these anal ys es
wh i c h ma y a ppe a r r a t he r s ophi s t i c at ed. Af t e r t he upr i s i ngs i n Ma y 1958 si gns
we r e pos t ed b e a r i ng t hi s t ext : " Ea c h Mos l e m hand t ha t y o u s ha ke br i ng s
i nt e g r a t i on near er . " Is f r a t e r ni t y pos s i bl e wh e n " f r a t e r ni z a t i o n" is of f i ci al l y
e nc o ur a g e d, pa r t i c ul a r l y wh e n t hi s pol i c y is l i nke d t o t he pol i c y of r epr es-
si on? He nc e one c an unde r s t and t he di ffi cul t posi t i on i n wh i c h t he ant i - c ol o-
ni al i s t Eu r o p e a n s , wh o ha v e a c t u a l e x p e r i e n c e of al l t hes e c o nt r a di c t i o ns , f i nd
t hems el ves .
i go The Algerians
personal rel at i ons may be establ i shed i n the f ut ur e, since t he
nat ur e and f or m of these rel ati ons are det er mi ned by the sit-
uat i on i n whi ch they are est abl i shed. I t woul d i ndeed be use-
less to hope to abol i sh raci sm wi t hout destroyi ng the col oni al
system of whi ch it is t he product ; it woul d be t he hei ght of
phari sai sm to condemn t he r aci sm and t he raci sts spawned by
t he col oni al si t uat i on wi t hout condemni ng t he col oni al system
itself, t hat is to say, t he oppression exerci sed by one gr oup of
men over anot her group of men.
T h e destructi on of t he col oni al system c annot be t he resul t
of a conversi on of mi nds whi ch woul d i nduce t he member s of
t he domi nant society sol emnl y and col l ecti vel y to gi ve up t he
privileges t hey hol d i n order, by a conscious choi ce, to " i nt egr at e
t hemsel ves" wi l l i ngl y i nt o the domi nat ed caste or to " i nt egr at e
i t " i nt o thei r caste, whi ch woul d mean the same t hi ng if we
ascribe to t he words t hei r f ul l meani ng. Th i s conversi on can
onl y be t he act of a few " t rai t ors to t hei r cast e. " T h e whol e
r at i onal e of the col oni al system tends, on t he cont rary, to make
this sort of col l ecti ve sui ci de impossible, and it woul d be even
mor e i mpossi bl e i n this war, whi ch made the schism mor e
mar ked. T h e " mi racl es of t he t hi r t eent h of Ma y" must be re-
garded as mer e attempts at mystification or as staged demonst ra-
ti ons.
T h e awareness of the fact t hat t he col oni al system can onl y
be ei t her mai nt ai ned i n its ent i ret y or total l y destroyed was
equal l y acute among t he member s of bot h societies. I f the idea
of an Al geri an state was i nconcei vabl e to t he maj or i t y of Eur o-
peans, it was because they fel t that it woul d i nvol ve a r epudi at i on
of all t hey stood f or and their compl et e dest ruct i on. Hence is
expl ai ned an ext remi st type of radicalism whi ch is i n perfect
conf ormi t y wi th the l ogi c of the col oni al si t uat i on.
I f the first demand of t he members of the domi nat ed so-
ciety is t hat they be t r eat ed wi th respect and di gni t y, it is be-
cause the real nat ur e of the col oni al system and the caste di vi si on
of the col oni al society have been concretel y exper i enced t hr ough
humi l i at i on or al i enat i on. Even when they do not t hi nk of i t
i n this manner on a r at i onal level, t he i mpl i ci t and affective
atti tude of the masses towards the col oni al society is to regard
The Revolution Within the Revolution i p ^
it as a system whi ch can be r epl aced onl y by destroying it i n its
enti rety. Thus it fol l ows that the r evol ut i on di rect ed agai nst
a distinctive social or der has itself cert ai n di sti ncti ve charac-
teristics and cannot be consi dered as purel y and simply a class
struggle i nspi red by economi c demands, al t hough it is true t hat
mot i vat i ons of this sort are present , owi ng to t he fact that differ-
ences i n economi c status are one of the most obvi ous i ndi cat i ons
of bel ongi ng to one or ot her of the castes, and al t hough economi c
r evol ut i on appears to be a necessary step i n the destructi on of
t he col oni al order. For the same reason the Al ger i an revol ut i on
can be consi dered nei t her an i nt er nat i onal nor a civil war, al-
t hough it presented features remi ni scent of bot h. I f the struggle
against the caste system assumed t he f orm of a war of nat i onal
l i ber at i on, it was because the creat i on of an aut onomous nat i on
t oget her wi th the setti ng up of a gover nment of the Al geri ans
by the Al geri ans appeared to be the onl y decisive way of bring-
i ng about the radical change i n si t uat i on that could cause the
total and definitive collapse of t he caste system.
T h e war unveiled the true face of the col oni al system. Al l
the masks and ambi guous expressions were removed; hence there
became evi dent among a good number of the members of the
domi nant society a conscious or unconsci ous fear of peace, moti -
vated by the real i zat i on that the war br ought about an irreversi-
ble change whi ch would become fully appar ent with the return
of peace; hence also the admitted or unadmi tted desire among
certai n others f or a total war that woul d end i n absolute vi ctory
or, i n ot her words, i n t he rest orat i on of t he caste system, un-
changed and i ntact. For the members of the domi nat ed caste,
the di sagreement and the cont r adi ct i on between t he i deal Fr ance,
whi ch is of t en passionately loved,, and t he col oni al Fr ance, whi ch
based its domi nat i on on force and di scri mi nat i on, became glar-
ingly apparent. By its very l ogi c or, if one prefers, by force of
ci rcumstance and of t en cont rary to the i nt ent i on of those en-
gaged i n it, t he war, as repression, t ended to reveal bot h its own.
nat ur e and the nat ur e of t he col oni al system and to show up
France as a col oni al power.
So it is that even today the Algerians often di sti ngui sh
between " t he true Fr e nc hme n" or the " Fr e nc hme n of Fr a nc e "
152
The Algerians
and the " Fr enc h of Al ger i a" or, better, " t he Eur opeans of Al-
ger i a. " By the latter expressi on and by the insistence wi th whi ch
they recal l the Spanish ori gi n (and mor e rarely t he I t al i an ori-
gi n) of the pieds noirs (descendants of t he pi oneers), they mean
to under l i ne t he fact t hat t hey refuse to ascri be to these peopl e
t he qual i t i es of t he t r ue Fr enchmen. Al l these st ereot ype phrases,
whi ch are based to a cert ai n ext ent on actual exper i ence (par-
ti cul arl y among those who formerl y wor ked in Fr ance) but whose
mai n f unct i on is to express the di sti ncti on they wish to mai nt ai n
bet ween i deal Fr ance and col oni al Fr ance, were cal l ed i nt o
quest i on by the act ual fact of the war i n whi ch al l Fr enchmen
i ndi scri mi nat el y part i ci pat ed, and i n whi ch t he soldier " of
Fr a nc e " sometimes behaved as t he worst of t he pieds noirs woul d
(or woul d not . . . ) behave. Havi ng l earned by exper i ence that
t he member s of the Home Ar my (mtropolitains), when pl aced
i n t he col oni al situation, woul d be convert ed very rapi dl y to t he
col oni al i st and racist at t i t udei s it not t rue that t he great
maj or i t y of the leaders of the ext remi st movement s were f r om
met r opol i t an Fr ance?t he Al geri ans have felt (without always
stating it expl i ci tl y or admi tti ng it) that this at t i t ude was not
at t r i but abl e to i ndi vi dual mal i ce or to a congeni t al di sposi ti on
pecul i ar to a cer t ai n et hni c gr oup, but r at her to a special situa-
ti on and t he condi t i oni ng it i mposes.
5
0
I n t he c ol oni a l s i t ua t i o n, col l ect i ve pr es s ur e a nd s oc i a l d e t e r mi na nt s
a c q u i r e e x c e p t i o na l s t r e ng t h a nd i nt ens i t y. T h e s oci al c o nd i t i o ni ng o t he
i n d i v i d u a l is g o i n g on c ons t a nt l y . T h e r ef us al to a d o p t t he r aci st a nd c ol o-
ni al i s t a t t i t ude on t he pa r t of t he Eu r o p e a n me a ns t hat he is c ut t i ng hi ms e l f
off f r o m hi s o wn g r o u p a nd e x p o s i n g hi ms e l f to b e i ng r ej ec t ed as a t r ai t or .
T h a t is wh y t he r e is a g ood de a l of unf a i r ne s s i n t he at t i t ude of t hose Fr e nc h-
me n wh o ma k e t he pieds noirs t he i r s c apegoat s a nd b l a me al l t he t r agi c
ha ppe ni ng s i n Al g e r i a on t hei r r ac i s m. Wh e n de a l i ng wi t h t he Fr e n c h of
Al g e r i a , one c a n adopt t wo po i nt s of vi ew, wh i c h mus t be s ha r pl y di s t i n-
g u i s h e d f r o m o ne a not he r : by a d o p t i n g t he s t a ndpo i nt of f o r ma l mo r a l i t y ,
one c an c o n d e mn raci st d e h u ma n i z a t i o n , or, b y c ons i de r i ng t he f act t ha t i t
is t he c o l o ni a l s i t ua t i on t hat ma k e s t he r ac i s t a nd, mo r e pr ec i s el y, t ha t i t i s
t h e c ol oni a l Al g e r i a t h a t h a s p r o d u c e d t he pied noir a nd no t t h e r ever s e, o ne
c a n c o nc l ude t h a t al l ( " Fr e nc hme n of Fr a n c e " a nd pieds noirs) a r e e qua l l y
r es pons i bl e f or t he c ol oni al s ys t em wh i c h ha s gi v e n r i se to r aci s m. Wh i l e
t he r e is no q ue s t i o n of d e n y i n g t ha t r a c i s m i n t he a b s o l ut e is a c r i me , one
c a nno t h e l p t hi nk i ng t ha t t he v i r t uo us i n d i g n a t i o n di s pl a y e d by t hos e wh o s e
ma i n c o nc e r n is t o r el i eve t he ms e l ve s of a n y r e s pons i bi l i t y i n t he ma t t e r ha s
al l t he a ppe a r a nc e of pha r i s a i s m.
The Revolution Within the Revolution j gg
Thus the war carried t he col oni al system to its ext r eme
l i mi t s. Generous actions pr ompt ed by an ethi c of pure good
i nt ent i on stood out as ri di cul ousl y weak pal l i ati ves when viewed
against the backgr ound of this system of oppression. T h e dis-
play of a false sol i ci tude t hat is i nt ended to hi de the real i ty
of the col oni al si tuati on appeared ei t her as a cont r adi ct i on or
as a cyni cal met hod of reconquest . T h e i deol ogy that f avors as-
si mi l at i on, the last resort of those who had f ought wi th t he
utmost vi ol ence against any at t empt to give equality of rights
to the Al geri ans, appears as a r at her crude effort to obscure
the issue at a t i me when the i nf er nal l ogi c i nher ent in terrori sm
and repression was tendi ng to reveal the schism between t he
castes i n t he most cl ear-cut manner . I n such ci rcumst ances, any
attempts at trickery or subt er f uge are at once reveal ed i n t hei r
true light. T h e war hel ped to bri ng about a hei ght ened aware-
ness.
T h e effectiveness of terrori sm lies i n the fact that it causes
a vi ol ent br eak bet ween the member s of the two castes by creat-
ing an atmosphere of mut ual fear and distrust. And repression
cannot fai l to pr oduce the same effect. T h e reason f or this is
that those engaged i n repression cannot hel p consi deri ng all the
members of the domi nat ed caste as bei ng suspect, even when
they try to di scri mi nat e between them. By t he mere fact of re-
gar di ng t hem all as suspect, it separates t hem f r om the member s
of the ot her caste and develops in them an awareness of the
exi sti ng schism. One of the obj ecti ves of the war of subversi on
was precisely to make Al geri ans aware of this schism, and t hereby
to st rengt hen the solidarity between the member s of the domi-
nated society. Ter r or i sm, then, increases scission and provokes
repression; this, i n turn, f ur t her increases the scission whi ch i t
is supposedly i nt ended to prevent.
On the one hand, certai n Europeans claimed that the vtar
of l i ber at i on was bei ng carri ed on by a handf ul of conscienceless
killers di rected by cyni cal ri ngl eaders who sought to stir up
agai nst Fr ance, by ruse and terror, popul at i ons that had real l y
r emai ned f ai t hf ul to her , but, on the ot her hand, t he behavi or
of these same people appeared to be based, consciously or un-
consciously, on their real feel i ng that all " Ar abs " were i n l eague
154 The Algerians
wi t h one anot her and were supporters of the ar my of t he
Na t i ona l Li ber at i on Fr ont . T h e result was that this type of
behavi or merel y st r engt hened t he solidarity of t he Al geri ans.
T h e gener al atti tude of suspicion, the met hodi cal searchi ng of
cars whose passengers are weari ng the veil or Chechia, the i den-
tity checks, t he arbi trary arrests, t he daily vexati ous measures (to
cite onl y t he mi nor ones) are all exampl es whi ch i l l ustrate t he
exi st ence of raci al di scri mi nat i on and whi ch f orce al l member s
of t he domi nat ed caste to become aware of t hei r opposi t i on to t he
domi nant caste and t hei r solidarity wi th the ot her member s of
thei r own caste.
Mor eover , every war , carri ed al ong by a sort of dizzy mo-
me nt um, tends to go to ext remes and become a total war. And
t hi s is even mor e t r ue i n the case of a war i n whi ch the ci vi l
popul at i on is bot h the prize t hat is at stake and t he pl ayt hi ng
of the opposi ng f orces, a war wi t hout a f r ont l i ne or wi t hout
f r ont i er s, a war i n whi ch t he enemy is everywhere and nowhere,
i n whi ch neutral i ty, or the adopt i on of a wait-and-see policy or
a pol i cy of i ndi fference, are pract i cal l y i mpossi bl e, i n whi ch t he
ar my char ged wi th repressi ng t he revol t finds itself besi eged and
surrounded and i nevi t abl y distressed by the collective conspi racy
wi th whi ch it is conf r ont ed.
T h e chai n of vi ol ence causes t he adversaries, who are pl aced
i n an i nevi t abl e concat enat i on of acts and counter-acts, to be
dr i ven i nexor abl y i nt o maki ng unl i mi t ed use of every avail-
abl e weapon. The r e seems to be a spiral movement , i n whi ch
any i ncrease i n t he size of the forces of repression leads to in-
creased t ensi on and a correspondi ng i ncrease i n t he revol u-
t i onary forces and vice versa. No doubt our abstract ar gument
as to t he nor mal evol ut i on of a war of l i berati on was not strictly
ful fi l l ed by the t ur n of events, and the actual war, however
atrocious it mi ght be, still remai ned short of absol ut e war. How-
ever, this spiral movement tends to lead not onl y to a quant i t a-
tive i ncrease i n the opposi ng forces and i n t he i ntensi ty of t hei r
empl oyment , but also to a qual i t at i ve t ransf ormat i on, a mut at i on
i n i nt ent i ons and sent i ment s. T h e host i l e i nt ent i on, t hat is to
say, t he obj ect i ve t hat one desires to at t ai n t hrough war , and the
feeling of hosti l i ty, the hatred that one feels toward the enemy,
The Revolution Within the Revolution 155
War as Cul tural Agent
Thus the Al geri an war, by i ts mere existence as well as by
its special f orm and its durat i on, t ransf ormed t he si t uat i on i n
whi ch and by whi ch it was br ought i nt o bei ng. T h e social set-
ting i n which the acts of everyday exi stence are carried on was
radi cal l y changed and, wi t h it,, t he at t i t ude of the i ndi vi dual .
How are we to descri be and under st and this compl et e and sud-
den t ransf ormat i on, this revol uti on wi t hi n t he revol uti on?
One expl anat i on is t hat t he war of l i berat i on consti tuted the
first really severe chal l enge to the col oni al system, and, above
al l , consti tuted the first chal l enge whi ch was not , as i n the past,
symbol i c and, to a certai n ext ent , magi c. T h e adher ence to
cert ai n tradi ti ons, to cert ai n ways of conduct, to certai n beliefs
and values, coul d formerl y be consi dered as a way of expressing,
t hr ough f orms of behavi or whi ch were i mpl i ci t l y or expl i ci t l y
endowed wi th a symbol i c f unct i on, t he refusal on the part of
t he Al geri ans to adher e to a West er n ci vi l i zati on t hat was i den-
tified wi th t he col oni al or der , t hei r will to affirm t hei r radi-
cal and i rreduci bl e di fference f r om t he Eur opeans, thei r re-
sistance to any at t empt to make t hem deny t hei r own way of l i fe
and thei r desire to defend their besieged i dent i t y. I n the co-
l oni al si t uat i on any r enouncement of their ori gi nal way of l i fe
would have meant , in fact, a r enouncement of themselves and
the acceptance of an al l egi ance to the ot her civilization, that is
to say, to the col oni al order. And such is, i ndeed, the meani ng
that t he supporters of the col oni al order gave to what they
t er med " t he signs of evol ut i on. "
tend to develop i n inverse r at i o. T h e hosti l e i nt ent i on, i n this
case the abol i t i on of the caste systeman i nt ent i on which, when
consi dered i n its pure f or m, excl udes all hatred towards those
who, whether they like it or not, benefit f r om the system one
desires to dest roycoul d very well be repl aced by a passi onatel y
emot i onal f eel i ng of hosti l i ty di rected against an enemy who is
not distant and abstract, as in other wars, but who is i nt i mat el y,
closely and f ami l i ar l y known.
156 The Algerians
Col oni al t radi t i onal i sm had come to repl ace t he tradi ti onal -
ism of t he t radi t i onal society. As a result, ways of behavi or
whi ch i n appearance had r emai ned unchanged were real l y en-
dowed wi th a very different meani ng and functi on, because of
t he fact that they were now set in relation to a totally new
f r ame of r ef er ence. T h e veil and the Chechia, for exampl e, had
been in t he t radi t i onal cont ext mere vesti mentary details en-
dowed with an almost f orgot t en significance, simple elements of
an unconsci ousl y devised system of symbols. I n t he col oni al situ-
at i on, however, they take on the f unct i on of signs t hat are
bei ng consci ousl y uti l i zed t o express resi stance to t he forei gn
order and to forei gn values as well as to pledge fidelity to t hei r
own system of values.
I n a society whose self-knowledge is obt ai ned excl usi vel y
by r ef er ence to itself, t he cul t ural model s, al t hough convent i onal
and t herefore ar bi t r ar y, are yet consi dered nor mal and nat ural .
Wi t h t he discovery of a f orei gn cul t ural system, however, t hei r
hi dden essence is suddenly reveal ed. Tr adi t i onal t radi t i onal i sm
meant f ol l owi ng a t radi t i on t hat was consi dered, not as the best
possi bl e (whi ch woul d have presupposed t he awareness and
knowl edge of ot he r possibilities), but as t he onl y possi bl e tradi-
tion. T h e discovery of the exi stence of anot her tradi ti on leads to
a new underst andi ng of one' s own t radi t i on as bei ng onl y one
among several , or, i n ot her words, as bei ng j ust as convent i onal
and ar bi t r ar y as al l the others. Whe n this happens, it means
t he end of t radi t i onal t radi t i onal i sm, whi ch can onl y cont i nue
to exist on condi t i on t hat it r emai n i n i gnor ance of its t r ue na-
t ur et hat is to say, t hat it r emai n as a choi ce not bet ween but of.
T h e col oni al situation favors the emer gence of a new tradi ti on-
alism. Al l those f orms of behavi or whi ch, i n a society that con-
sti tuted its own f r ame of r ef er ence, were fel t to be qui t e nat ur al ,
and whose convent i onal char act er became evi dent onl y by com-
pari son wi th ot her f or ms of behavi or charact eri st i c of di fferent
cul tures, are now bei ng purposel y adopt ed and chosen in opposi-
tion to a whol e series of ot her possible choices that t he domi nant
soci ety proposes and whose adopt i on it of t en imposes by t he mer e
fact of its existence and by t he compulsion i nherent in t he co-
l oni al order.
The Revolution Within the Revolution 157
Such is the significance and t he f unct i on of all the f or ms of
resistance whi ch seem to have been accumul at ed consciously or
unconsci ousl y, the significance and function of all the apparent l y
aber r ant and absurd f orms of refusal. I t is as if this society had
chosen to r emai n tightly closed upon itself, as i f it had taken
great pai ns to set up a thousand invisible, i mpr egnabl e barri ers
against the i nt rusi on of new methods and ideas. Feel i ng t hat
t hey wer e const ant l y exposed to t he cr i t i cal eye of t he Eur opeans,
anxi ous not to give them any pr et ext or reason f or thei r unfavor-
abl e j udgment s, t he Al geri ans, by thei r behavi or, thei r cl othi ng
and thei r whol e way of life, created a l anguage of refusal. Such
a refusal , to be sure, coul d only be expressed in a symbol i c
fashi on.
Consequent l y the exi st ence of a revol ut i onary organi zat i on
capabl e of st andi ng up to and at t acki ng the col oni al order, t he
exi stence of an effective f or m of negat i on of the system operat i ng
wi thi n the system itself and recogni zed as suchwhet her they
l i ked it or not by those who were goi ng to great l engths to
deny its effectiveness, was enough to make valueless ma ny of the
forms of behavi or by whi ch t he domi nat ed caste had expressed
its refusal to be domi nat ed. T h e war, in itself, consti tuted a
l anguage; it gave t he Algerian peopl e a voice, a voice capabl e
of saying " No ! " Bet ween the member s of t he domi nat ed and
t he domi nant castes a new presence, a t hi rd man, was i nt erposed:
t he char m of the strai ghtforward conversati on ended; t he di al ec-
ti c between humi l i at i on and cont empt br oke off. T h e cont ext i n
whi ch personal rel ati ons formerl y were establ i shed is now qui t e
di fferent and the rel at i ons themselves have changed. Underst and-
abl e now is the ext remel y i mpor t ant rol e per f or med by t he
clandestine radi o broadcasts and by t he passage of i nf or mat i on
by word of mout h. Thr ough these media each Al geri an was abl e
to catch an echo of the language of the combat ant s, spokesmen
whose very exi stence consti tuted a l anguage.
Each Al ger i an may hencef or t h assume ful l responsi bi l i ty for
his own actions and for the wi despread borrowi ngs he has made
f r om West er n ci vi l i zati on; he can even deny a port i on of his
cul t ural her i t age wi t hout denyi ng hi msel f in t he process. Be-
cause t he negat i on of t he system r emai ns, per manent and un-
158 The Algerians
changed, a negat i on made up of t he sum t ot al of al l the refusals
on the part of i ndi vi dual s, any i nnovat i on i nt r oduced by t he
West can be adopt ed wi t hout its accept ance bei ng consi dered as
an expressi on of al l egi ance. An Al ger i an once said: " T h e war
has ki l l ed off a good many phant oms . " He meant by this t hat t he
war had al l owed a number of t radi t i ons, i nsti tuti ons and be-
liefs, whi ch they had tri ed to keep al i ve by arti fi ci al means, to be
fi nal l y consi der ed as dead and bur i ed. I t made possi bl e a self-
confessi on that had been i mpossi bl e previously. One often hears
t hem say, " Ti mes have changed. " By this they mean that, wi th
the change i n situation, ways of behavi or t hat had meani ng i n a
di fferent context have now lost their significance.
Thi s total change i n atti tude reveals itself i n di fferent
spheres. T h e most obvi ous t ransf ormat i ons have occurred i n t he
tradi ti ons endowed wi th an essentially symbol i c si gni fi cance,
such as the customs per t ai ni ng to dress. A second f unct i on has
been added, for exampl e, to the t radi t i onal f unct i on of t he wear-
i ng of t he veil. Li ke the Chechia (distinctive cap worn by t he men) ,
the vei l has the rol e of a symbol t hat expresses bot h an al l i ance
and an excl usi on; it is pri mari l y a defense of t he i nner self and
a pr ot ect i on against any i nt rusi on f r om wi t hout . But i n addi t i on
to this, by t he weari ng of t he veil, t he Al ger i an woman is also
creati ng a si tuati on of non- reci proci t y; l i ke a cheat i ng gambl er ,
she can see wi t hout bei ng observed; and it is t hr ough her t hat
t he whol e of this domi nat ed society is symbol i cal l y refusi ng to
establ i sh any reci procal rel at i ons, is l ooki ng on wi t hout l et t i ng
itself be observed. T h e veil is t he most obvious symbol of this
cl osi ng i n upon oneself, and the Eur opeans have always obscurely
felt it to be such. I n this way it becomes evi dent why all at t empt s
at assi mi l at i on have t aken t he discarding of t he veil to be t hei r
pr i mar y obj ect i ve. T h e demonst rat i ons of May 13, 1958, i n t he
course of whi ch several Al geri an women r emoved t hei r veils or
" b ur nt t hem symbol i cal l y" (as t he newspapers r epor t ed) , a mi d
t he appl ause of t he cr owd of Eur opeans present, was t ant amount
t o a cer emoni al magi c ri t e by whi ch t he whol e of Al ger i an society
was offering itself, naked and wi l l i ng, to the embrace of t he
Eur opean society.
Thi s symbol of refusal , l i ke many others, can now be aban-
The Revolution Within the Revolution 159
doned. T h e girls and even t he mar r i ed women who have gi ven
up the veil are every day becomi ng mor e numer ous i n the
cities. And if, as a result of the demonstrati ons of May 1 9 5 8 , there
was a slowing down and even a regression i n this movement ,
it was because t he weari ng of t he vei l once agai n was t aki ng on
its meani ng as a symbol i c f or m of negat i on and because to discard
the vei l mi ght appear to be a sign of adher ence to the pol i cy of
i nt egr at i on.
Thi s total t r ansf or mat i on i n atti tude can also be not ed in
ot her domains. Certai n i nsti tuti ons, such as educat i on or t he
medi cal services, whi ch were i nsti ncti vel y felt to be part and
parcel of the col oni al system and whi ch, because of this fact, pro-
voked ambi guous and ambi val ent attitudes towards t hem on t he
part of the Al geri ans, are now ascri bed qui t e a di fferent signifi-
cance because the tie l i nki ng t hem to the system of col oni al
domi nat i on has been br oken.
6
Thi s change is part i cul arl y not i ceabl e i n the field of edu-
cati on. The r e was or i gi nal l y a good deal of resistance to t he first
attempts at maki ng educat i on avai l abl e f or al l chi l dren, part i cu-
larly for girls. T h e school, it was said, produced renegades
(m'turni), i ndi vi dual s who had br oken wi th t hei r communi t y
and t hei r ancestral tradi ti ons. T h e first teachers, who, wi t h much
zeal and devot i on, came to teach i n Al ger i a about t he year 1 8 8 5 ,
were astoni shed at t he swift progress ma de by thei r pupi l s, who
were eager to acqui re a general educat i on a nd even mor e eager
to obt ai n t echni cal or agri cul t ural t rai ni ng. But the years t hat
fol l owed br ought not hi ng except cri es of di sappoi nt ment and
acknowl edgment of fai l ure. I t seemed that once t he chi l dren had
gone back to t hei r home envi r onment t hey forgot everythi ng
they had l earned i n school . One of t he reasons for this was t hat
t he rel at i on between mast er and pupi l (like t he rel ati on bet ween
a
T h e f act t hat t he a r my of t he Na t i ona l Li b e r a t i o n Fr ont ( F. L. N. ) t o o k
ove r r e s pons i bi l i t y f or t hese i ns t i t ut i ons a nd t e c hni que s b y l e v y i ng t axes , b y
t a k i ng ov e r t he ver i f i c at i on of vi t al st at i st i cs, by oc c as i onal l y ope ni ng u p n e w
s chool s , etc. , has be e n a ma j or f act or c ont r i but i ng to t hi s di s as s oc i at i on.
Si mi l a r l y , wa y s of b e h a v i o r wh i c h , i n a n o t h e r c ont e x t , wo u l d ha v e b e e n c o n -
s i de r e d an a bs ol ut e de ni a l of t he Al g e r i a n wa y of l i f e h a v e b e c o me pos s i bl e,
be c aus e t he y h a v e be e n a ut hor i z e d or pr e s c r i be d b y or der s of t he F. L. N. T h u s
mo d e r n i ns t i t ut i ons a nd t e c hni que s h a v e be e n as s i gned a c ha ng e i n s y mb o l
a nd ma y n o w be adopt e d wi t ho ut he s i t a t i on o r r es er ve.
160 The Algerians
doct or and pat i ent ) was set against the backgr ound of the col oni al
si tuati on, so that the t eachi ng of the school master or the i nstruc-
tor i n agr i cul t ur e was i nt ui t i vel y felt (wi thout t her e necessarily
bei ng any conscious awareness of the basis for this feel i ng) as
an at t empt to impose the norms of a f orei gn ci vi l i zati on. Duri ng
the past few years, however, t here has no l onger been any re-
si stance to education. I n all social classes, in the rural as well as
the ur ban communi t i es, an ext r aor di nar y desire for educati on has
become evident. Teacher s are besieged by parents comi ng to de-
mand an educat i on for their children. It is becomi ng mor e and
more f r equent for poor families to undergo great sacrifices in
order that t hei r chi l dren may be al l owed to cont i nue thei r
studies. Thi s devoti on to education is undoubtedl y the clearest
possible i ndi cat i on of an over-all adherence to the moder n worl d,
a world to which educat i on opens the door.
But it has gone even beyond this. Wha t was consi dered to be
an i mposed restrai nt or a graci ous gi ft up to a few years ago is
now r egar ded as a due right or as a prerogati ve won by right of
conquest . Thi s was not ed i n the demandi ng atti tude of the
parent s who came to ask that their chi l dren be enr ol l ed in t he
school s or in the at t i t ude of the women who crowded about t he
doors of the f r ee medi cal dispensaries or wel f are centers. Every-
where the same consciousness of their rights is now i n evi dence:
t he ri ght to work, t he ri ght to decent housi ng, the r i ght to t he
di fferent social benefits (social security, f ami l y al l owances, et c. ).
For t he at t i t ude of t he beggar who comes humbl y to sol i ci t a
char i t abl e gift there has been substi tuted a demandi ng and revo-
l ut i onary state of mi nd which is i nduci ng the Al geri ans to insist
on t hei r ri ght s to social benefits and services.
T h e i mage t hat the i ndi vi dual of t he domi nat ed caste had
f or med of the i ndi vi dual of t he domi nant caste was composed
of certai n basic concepts. On the one hand the Al geri an, parti cu-
l arl y t he Al geri an of the poorer classes, t ended to i dent i fy t he
Eur opean wi th al l social superiors. And on the ot her hand he
t ended to percei ve all t he member s of t he domi nant soci et y
t eacher, col oni st, doctor, engi neer, f oreman, pol i ceman and
admi ni st r at or i n an i ndi st i nct or syncret i c fashi on, in ot her
words, as havi ng sol i dari t y wi t h one anot her and i ndi ssol ubl y
The Revolution Within the Revolution
connect ed wi t h the col oni al si tuati on. T h e at t i t ude of dut i f ul
obedi ence was l i nked confusedl y to an atti tude of resi gnat i on,
pr ompt ed by an awareness of the real obstacles whi ch made i t
actual l y i mpossi bl e t o i mi t at e or equal t he Eur opean. Roughl y,
then, the social order was such that the experi ence of the rel at i on
to t he boss or t he superi or was superi mposed upon, and i denti fi ed
itself wi th, the exper i ence of t he rel at i on to t he Eur opean. As
a consequence the Al geri an t ended to play the rol e of the Ar ab-
as-seen-by-the-Frenchman. T h e man who is going to apply f or
a certai n j ob knows that he must speak a certai n l anguage, t hat
he must arrive on ti me, and t hat he must adopt a specific atti-
t ude and so on. Rel at i ons bet ween the member s of the two
societies, therefore, were gener al l y based on mi sunderst andi ng.
T h e Al geri an' s answer to the European' s protecti ve pat ernal i sm
was to assume an atti tude of dependency ti nged wi t h aggressive-
ness. T h e rel ati ons between the admi ni st r at i on and those bei ng
admi ni st er ed were f or med on the same pat t er n.
7
T h e war re-
vealed to everyone t hat the posi ti on of t he domi nant caste can
be br ought i nt o quest i on and wi th it t he si tuati on of the domi -
nat ed caste. T h e Eur opean and his whol e worl d no l onger cast a
spell over the Al geri an, now resolutely penet r at i ng into this worl d
and seeking to take it over for hi msel f. T h e discovery t hat the
domi nant caste can be hel d i n check and that the order over
whi ch it r ei gned can be shaken led t he Al ger i an to set a hi gher
val ue on his own si t uat i on. He no l onger fel t ashamed of t he
i nf er i or i t y of his social condi t i on; he r at her regarded as scan-
dalous i nj usti ce al l t hat he f or mer l y endur ed as an i nel uct abl e
and i nescapabl e necessity. T h e sense of shame that one coul d
' Me d i c i n e a nd, g e n e r a l l y s pe a ki ng , a l l f o r ms of s oc i a l s e r v i c e h a v e o f t e n
b e e n ut i l i z e d ( es pec i al l y si nce 1954) as " i ns t r ume nt s f o r t he p e ne t r a t i o n a n d
c o nque s t of p o p u l a t i o n s , " t o a dopt a c e r t a i n of f i ci al ese, t hat is t o say, as a
me ans e mpl oy e d f or t he ma i n t e n a n c e of t he c ol oni al or der . T h u s i t 111.i\ In-
unde r s t o o d wh y i t is t ha t me mb e r s of t he d o mi n a t e d cl ass ha v e t r o ub l e i n con-
c e di ng t hat t he acts of t he me mb e r s of t he d o mi n a n t caste c a n e v e i he m
s pi r ed b y a n et hi c bas ed on pur e i nt e nt i on o n l y t h a t t hese act i ons c a n conT
s t i t ut e an end i n t hems el ves . T h e y ar e a l wa y s i nc l i ne d t o see t h e m as me r e l y
a me a ns to an end, becaus e t he act i on t ha t i s most g e ne r ous i n i nt e nt i o n i s
i n t e r p r e t e d agai nst t hi s b a c k g r o u nd of t he c o l o ni a l s i t ua t i on a n d he nc e
r ecei ves a qui t e di f f erent me a n i n g t ha n t hat wh i c h i ts a ut ho r wi s he d t o c on-
f er u p o n it. T h u s i t is t hat t he Al g e r i a ns at t r i but e a l l t he soci al me a s ur e s
f r o m wh i c h t he y h a v e benef i t ed f or s ever al y e ar s to t he act i on of t he F. L. N.
i6g
The Algerians
not e i n cert ai n i ndi vi dual s has been repl aced by pri de i n t hem-
selves and a shame at havi ng been ashamed. Because he no l onger
looks on his condi ti on as bei ng an i nevi t abl e destiny but r at her
as a si t uat i on that can be changed, the Al geri an can at t he same
ti me accept hi msel f as an Al geri an and can i gnor e his status as a
domi nat ed member of society; he can adopt the t echni ques and
i nst i t ut i ons i nt r oduced by the col oni zer wi t hout accept i ng t he
posi t i on of the colonized.
T h e rel ati ons bet ween t he member s of the domi nat ed so-
ciety have also been modi fi ed. T h e war was, at the begi nni ng,
a r at her episodic affair that each Al ger i an lived f r om day to day
wi thi n the confines of his own village. Gradual l y, however,
t hr ough exchanges of i nf or mat i on, t hr ough the readi ng of news-
papers and listening to the radi o, each person began to realize
t hat the same events were goi ng on t hr oughout al l the regi ons
of Al geri a. T h e f eel i ng of bei ng engaged i n a common advent ure,
of bei ng subj ect to a common destiny, of conf r ont i ng the same
adversary, of shar i ng t he same preoccupat i ons, the same suffer-
ings and t he same aspirations, wi dened and deepened the senti-
ment of solidarity, a senti ment whi ch was undergoi ng at the
same t i me a ver i t abl e t ransf ormat i on as t he idea of f rat erni t y
t ended to lose any et hni cal or religious col orati on and became
synonymous wi t h nat i onal sol i dari ty. T h e vi l l age, t he closed
mi crocosm i n whi ch t he count ry dwel l er once lived, was now
i n contact wi th the whol e of Al geri a. Thr ough the press, t hr ough
the radio, t hr ough wider contacts, t hrough the acti on of the
pol i t i cal commissaries, each Al geri an communi cat ed wi th and
was i n communi on wi th a wi der social uni t ; he parti ci pated i n
a nat i onal exi st ence.
8
T h e war provi ded this peopl e, kept so l ong on l eadi ng
stri ngs, wi t h an oppor t uni t y to demonst r at e that it can be adul t,
sensi bl e and responsi bl e. It al l owed t hem to gai n a true exper i -
ence of a self-discipline t hat was vol unt ari l y adopt ed because im-
posed by t hei r own freely recogni zed authori ti es; i n ot her words,
6
T h i s d e e p s ol i da r i t y f i nds e x pr e s s i o n i n ma n y di f f er ent wa y s : us ur e r s
h a v e pr a c t i c a l l y di s a ppe a r e d, wh e t h e r bec aus e t he y we r e t he obj ect of p o p u l a r
s anc t i on, or be c aus e l oans ar e n o w b e i n g ma de wi t ho u t d e ma n d i n g a ny secu-
r i t y; to d e ma n d t he p a y me n t of a ny de bt c ont r ac t ed be f or e 1954 is c ons i de r e d,
i n c e r t a i n cases, di s ho no r a bl e .
The Revolution Within the Revolution 163
t he Al geri an peopl e have exper i enced aut onomy. Thus , f or ex-
ampl e, i n various regi ons a very definite r educt i on i n the number
of repudi at i ons was not ed as a result of t he i nstructi ons issued by
the F. L. N. It was also report ed by the cadis that the number of
lawsuits had greatly decreased. T h e i nst ruct i ons issued by t he
F. L. N. , whi ch were of all ki nds and concer n al l aspects of dai l y
l i fe, qui ckl y put an end to what was f ormerl y consi dered an
unshakabl e resistance to change on t he par t of t he Al ger i an
peopl e and i nduced t hem to accept efforts, sacrifices and be-
havi or al changes whi ch one hundr ed and t hi r t y years of "civiliz-
i ng i nf l uence" had never been abl e and never woul d have been
abl e to br i ng about. Thus the war created a pr of ound altera-
t i on i n the si t uat i on, and there is not a single aspect of the
social system that has not been modified as a result of this
change i n context. Wi t h the outbreak of war, there began the
process of decol oni zat i on.
T o this total mut at i on that the war pr ovoked t hrough t he
fact of its exi stence and t hr ough t he resul t i ng awakeni ng of
consciousness it produced, there must be added the upheavals
and disturbances whi ch are the direct consequence of the conduct
of the war or of t he pol i t i cal and economi c measures that were
adopted to meet the emergency. By reason of its special f or m and
its durat i on, this war affected all aspects of real i ty: the economy
and the vital statistics as wel l as t he social structures, t he religious
beliefs and observances, and even the system of values.
The Resettlement Policy
T h e Al geri an peopl e have been subj ect ed to a veri t abl e
di aspora. T h e f or ced or vol unt ary di spl acement of peoples as-
sumed gi gant i c proport i ons. T h e number of persons who no
longer i nhabi t the home i n whi ch they were l i vi ng in 1954 may
be roughly esti mated at about 3 mi l l i on, if one takes i nt o ac-
count t he moves that occurred as a resul t of the reset t l ement of
communi t i es and t he exodus to t he towns and ci ti es. Thi s means
t hat appr oxi mat el y one Al ger i an out of t hree is no l onger l i vi ng
i n his f or mer pl ace of abode. Whi l e t he regroupi ngs of communi -
164 The Algerians
ties are onl y one aspect of these i nt er nal shifts i n popul at i on,
they are undoubt edl y the most i mpor t ant .
Af t er havi ng first been carri ed out i n t he most t r oubl ed
regi ons, i n or der to f aci l i t at e t he conduct of mi l i t ar y oper at i ons,
these regroupi ngs or resettl ements of popul at i on l at er became
muc h mor e f r equent , part i cul arl y dur i ng the years 1958 and
1959 (and often in spite of t he i nstructi ons issued by t he ci vi l
authori ti es), unt i l finally they were bei ng carri ed out as a
systemati c pol i cy. I n addi t i on to the purel y mi l i t ary reasons and
the desire to cut off the forces of the F. L. N, from the civil popu-
lation who were gi vi ng t hem much- needed support, new reasons
were put f or war d in f avor of this policy, reasons i nspi red mai nl y
by the i nt egrat i oni st doct r i ne resul ti ng f r om the demonst ra-
tions of May 13, 1958, and by a strategy f or wagi ng counter-
revol ut i onary war that was very popul ar i n mi l i t ar y circles,
part i cul arl y among the readers of Mao Tse- t ung and the veterans
of the war i n I ndochi na. Communi t i es whi ch had formerl y l i ved
i n widely scattered dwel l i ngs or i n r emot e regi ons, and who as
a resul t wer e nat ural l y difficult to admi ni st er, to educat e and
to control , were to be set t l ed in villages that woul d be r un on a
col l ecti ve basis and would be l ocated along the great communi ca-
ti on routes. I t was hoped t her eby to effect a reconst i t ut i on of
t he social structures and to set i n mot i on a movement of acceler-
ated social evol uti on.
Fr om t he st andpoi nt of the total society, t her e has resul ted
f r om these measures an upheaval wi t hout precedent i n t he
hi story of Al ger i a (see Fi g. 15): t he mount ai nous regi ons (Aurs
and Nemenchas, Kabyl i a and the Tel l i an Atlas) and the zones
bor der i ng t he fronti ers have been al most compl et el y cl eared of
t hei r i nhabi t ant s. Thes e peopl e were ei ther resettl ed i n t he
pl ai ns of Pi mont or have gone to the towns and cities. As a
resul t of this mi gr at i on the cities have all had an increase in
popul at i on varying f rom 50 to more than 100 per cent.
T h e most severely di st ur bed regions are those which had
been rel ati vel y spared up to the out break of war because they had
been part i al l y shel tered f r om the col oni zi ng enterpri ses. I t was
i n the mount ai nous zones, those t hat were most affected by t he
war and the pol i cy of reset t l ement , t hat the l i t t l e r ur al communi -
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 165
ties, l eadi ng a secl uded way of l i fe and r emai ni ng obsti natel y
f ai t hf ul to thei r past and to t hei r t radi t i ons, had been abl e to
safeguard the essential features of a ci vi l i zati on whi ch can hence-
f ort h be spoken of only i n the past tense. Thi s si tuati on pre-
vailed among the Kabyl es and in the Aures, where the Ber ber -
speaki ng societies had mai nt ai ned themselves relatively un-
changed, i n spite of the sequestrati ons of t hei r property that
were made after t hei r early i nsurrect i ons, i n spite of the creat i on
of new admi ni strati ve uni ts (see Chap. 6) and many ot her hostile
measures (see Fi g. 1 6) . Doubtl ess t he cont act wi th t he Eur opean
civilization, part i cul arl y the i nfl uence of emi gr at i on (especially
i mpor t ant among t he Kabyl es) and also t hat of t he school (the
first classes havi ng been opened in Kabyl i a about 1 880) , had re-
sulted in great changes in t he economi c sphere and t he social
structures as well as i n t he system of values. However, because of
thei r i sol at i on, because also of the ext remel y powerful i nt e-
gr at i on of t he cul t ural system, t he Kabyl e and Shawi an societies,
and to a lesser degree t he societies of the ot her mount ai nous
regi ons, had conserved the mai n essentials of t hei r ancestral
tradi ti ons. I ndeed, only the coherence of t he social structures,
the i ntensi ty of the col l ecti ve sent i ment , and the force of tradi -
ti on coul d cause these peasants to r emai n attached to a l and
t hat was becomi ng less and less capabl e of supporti ng them,
part i cul arl y when they were exposed to the powerf ul at t ract i on
of t he hi gh wages bei ng pai d i n t he cities of Al geri a or of Fr ance.
Thus t he war and its af t er mat h merel y finished what col oni al
policy had begun. Onl y t he great l and acts and t he i nt r oduct i on
of large-scale col oni zati on i nt o the areas of the plains and hills
t he effects of whi ch were to create a sub-prol etari at of agri-
cul t ural workers, cut off from t hei r geographi cal and social en-
vi r onment and from t hei r tradi ti ons and way of l i f ehave been
abl e to cause any compar abl e upheaval i n Al geri an soci et y.
9
One is struck by the fact that, when conf r ont ed wi th i denti -
9
T h e c o mpa r a t i v e st udy o t wo g r o ups wh o ha d a ver y di f f er ent hi s t or y
d u r i n g t he ni ne t e e nt h c e n t u r y o n t he one hand, t he popul at i ons o r e g i ons
s i t uat ed on t he b o r de r o t he ar eas o l ar ge- s c al e c ol oni a l d e v e l o p me nt (i n
t he pl ai n o t he Chel i f f , f or e x a mp l e ) a nd wh o t he r e by es caped t he f or ces of
di s i nt e gr a t i on, a nd on t he ot he r ha nd, t he a g r i c ul t ur a l wor ke r s e mp l o y e d
on t he gr e at Eu r o p e a n pr ope r t i e s , a cl ass r e s ul t i ng f r o m an a na l og ous , al -
cal condi t i ons, al t hough a century apart , those responsi bl e f or
f r ami ng col oni al policy have resorted to measures that are iden-
tical i n both f or m and spirit. Ever yt hi ng that has already been
said about the Senatus Consulte and the moti ves behi nd its for-
mul at i on of policy is also true of the policy of reset t l ement . Origi-
nally concei ved as a means of " t aki ng i n hand" and " cont r ol l i ng"
communi t i es by pl aci ng t hem in close pr oxi mi t y t o a mi l i t ary
post, t he resettl ements were also supposed to "assure the emanci -
pat i on of t he Mosl em masses" accordi ng to the army theori sts.
T h e conf usi on bet ween t he two obj ecti ves was i ncreased by t he
convi ct i on t hat i n order t o br eak down the resistance t hat thi s
society opposed t o the Fr e nc h or der and t o t he moder n wor l d,
it was necessary t o destroy its social structures.
Al t hough the widest powers of i ni t i at i ve had i n most cases
been gr ant ed t o t he mi nor officials i n charge, t he vi l l ages con-
structed for these reset t l ement proj ects all had a basi c si mi l ari ty,
because they were creat ed in pursuance of this i mpl i ci t or ex-
pl i ci t policy, and because Al geri a has been the exper i ment al
gr ound to whi ch t he mi l i tary mi nd, as i n a proj ect i ve test, has
appl i ed its own structures. Of t en, i n poi nt of fact, gr ant ed an
absol ute aut hori t y, the army officials deci ded on ever yt hi ng
t h o u g h l ess b r u t a l a nd l ess c o mpl e t e , u p h e a v a l t o t hat wh i c h i s be i ng c a us e d
by t he pol i c y o r e s e t t l e me n t c a n pr o v i de a basi s f or f or e c a s t i ng t he c on-
s e q ue nc e s of t hi s pol i c y.
166
F i g . 15. T h e Mi l i t a r y S i t u a t i o n i n 1957
T h i s m a p , w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e s (1) t h e " r o t t e n douars" ( t h e r e g i o n s
i n w h i c h "90 t o 100 p e r c e n t " o f t h e p e o p l e h a v e r a l l i e d t o t h e
n a t i o n a l i s t c a us e ) , (2) t h e " v e r y h e a v i l y c o n t a mi n a t e d douars" (50 t o
90 p e r c e n t ) , a n d (3) t h e " c o n t a mi n a t e d douars" (20 t o 50 p e r c e n t ) ,
wa s d r a w n u p b y t h e a r m y a t t h e e n d of t h e f i r st y e a r of t h e wa r . I f
o n e s et s a s i d e t h e f r o n t i e r z o n e s , t h e r e g i o n s i n w h i c h t h e a r my of
t h e N a t i o n a l Li b e r a t i o n F r o n t e n t r e n c h e d i t s el f mo s t s t r o n g l y a n d
mo s t r a p i d l y w e r e t h e mo u n t a i n o u s r e g i o n s , t h e mo s t di f f i c ul t of
a c c e s s a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , t he mo s t f a v o r a b l e f o r t h e c o n d u c t o f a
r e v o l u t i o n a r y wa r . B u t t hes e a r e al s o t he p o o r e s t r e g i o ns , i n w h i c h
75 t o 100 p e r c e nt of t he f a r ms o w n e d b y A l g e r i a n s a r e l ess t h a n 25
a c r e s i n si ze. T h e y a r e t he r e g i o n s i n w h i c h t h e B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g s oc i e -
t i e s h a v e ma i n t a i n e d t h e i r w a y of l i f e , s t r o n g l y i n t e g r a t e d s o c i e t i e s
w h i c h h a v e b e e n r e l a t i v e l y s p a r e d t h e d i s i n t e g r a t i o n t h a t h a s b e e n
t h e l o t o f s o c i e t i e s i n t h e r e g i o n s of l a r g e - s c a l e c o l o n i z a t i o n ( as i n t h e
H i g h P l a i n s of C o n s t a n t i n e , t h e v a l l e y of t h e Che l i f f , t he P l a i n s i n t h e
O r a n Di s t r i c t , f o r e x a mp l e ) . F i n a l l y , t h e y a r e r e g i o n s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y t he
K a b y l e r e g i o ns ) i n wh i c h t h e F r e n c h i n f l u e n c e ha s b e e n mo s t d e e p l y
f e l t t h r o u g h t h e ef f ect s of s c h o o l i n g a n d e mi g r a t i o n ( i t i s i n K a b y l i a , f o r
e x a mp l e , t h a t t h e mo s t a c u t e a wa r e n e s s of c o n d i t i o n s o f u n e mp l o y -
m e n t h a s b e e n n o t e d : cf. t h e c o mme n t a r y a c c o mp a n y i n g F i g u r e 13).
T h e s e c ha r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s o f t h e r e g i o n s i n w h i c h t he r e v o l u t i o n h a s
b e e n mo s t s t r o n g l y r o o t e d ma y a p p e a r c o n t r a d i c t o r y ; i n r e a l i t y , 1.
c a u s e o f t h e f a c t of t h e i r s t r o n g i n t e g r a t i o n , t h e mo u n t a i n peoples
h a v e r e ma i n e d h i g h l y c o n s c i o u s of t h e i r o w n o r i g i n a l i t y , wh i l e at t h e
s a me t i me c o n t a c t wi t h F r e n c h c i v i l i z a t i o n ha s h e l p e d t o ma k e t h e m
a w a r e of t h e i r p o v e r t y a n d h a s s u p p l i e d t h e m w i t h t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y
i d e o l o g i e s t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e y c a n e x p r e s s t h e i r r e v o l t a g a i n s t a s i t ua -
t i o n w h i c h g i v e s t h e m a n i n f e r i o r s t a t us , b o t h i n t he e c o n o mi c a n d
i n t h e s o c i a l d o ma i n .
167
Fi g . 16
P o p u l a t i o n Shi f t s i n t he N o r t h
of t h e Departement of C o n s t a n t i n e
A d e t a i l d r a w i n g o f a p o r t i o n of t h e m a p i n d i c a t i n g t h e p o p u l a t i o n
s h i f t s t a k i n g p l a c e i n A l g e r i a b e t w e e n 1954 a n d i 960 ( F i g . 14), t h i s
m a p g i v e s a mo r e e x a c t i d e a of t h e u p h e a v a l s t h a t h a v e t a k e n p l a c e
i n A l g e r i a s i nc e 1955 ( t h e f i g u r e p l a c e d w i t h i n e a c h c o m m u n e , o r di s-
t r i c t , i n d i c a t e s t h e r a t e of i n c r e a s e o r d e c r e a s e ) . Ho w e v e r , i t f ai l s t o
i n d i c a t e t h e s o me t i me s v e r y l a r g e - s c a l e mo v e me n t s w h i c h h a v e t a k e n
p l a c e w i t h i n a s i n g l e c o m m u n e , s u c h as t h e s hi f t s i n p o p u l a t i o n r e s ul t -
i n g f r o m t h e r e s e t t l e me n t c a r r i e d o u t b y t h e mi l i t a r y a u t h o r i t i e s i n t h e
r e g i o n of C o l l o ( see F i g u r e i g ) .
1 6 8
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 169
t he site of the villages, t he l ayout, the width of the streets, the
i nt eri or arrangement of the houses and many other detai l s.
Ei t her unacquai nt ed wi th, or wi l l f ul l y i gnor ant of, the tradi-
t i onal structures and standards, little i ncl i ned to consult the peo-
ple i nvol ved, and bei ng placed i n a si t uat i on such that, even if
they had sought it, this cooper at i on woul d have been tacitly re-
fused t hem, they went ahead and i mposed t hei r own arrange-
ments, generally wi t hout not i ci ng the distress caused by the meas-
ures they i ni t i at ed. Convi nced that they must make men happy i n
spite of themsel ves, persuaded t hat t hey knew t he real needs of
others bet t er t han t he l at t er di d themsel ves, assured of bel ongi ng
t o a superior ci vi l i zati on that was absol utel y good i n itself, t he
officials were unabl e to concei ve of t he customary life of t he
peopl e as bei ng anyt hi ng ot her t han a pri mi t i ve and bar bar ous
survi val , and concl uded that any resistance offered to the order
they wished to i mpose was t he mer e expressi on of an obst i nat e
and absur d r out i ne way of t hi nki ng.
Thus , t hrough ei ther a del i berate or an unconscious ig-
norance of the human real i ti es i nvol ved, the l ocal aut hori t i es
charged wi th or gani zi ng these new settl ements usually i mposed,
wi t hout any r egar d f or the desires and aspi rati ons of those bei ng
resettl ed, an or der t hat was absol utel y f or ei gn to t hem, a way of
l i fe for whi ch they were not sui ted and whi ch was not sui ted to
t hem. Ani mat ed by t he f eel i ng that t hey were carryi ng out a
great pl an, were " br i ngi ng about the evol ut i on of the masses, "
exal t ed by t hei r passion for put t i ng things i n order, and often
devoti ng all of thei r enthusiasm, good will and resources t o t he
per f or mance of t hei r activities, t he officers i ndi scri mi nat el y put
i nt o pr act i ce pl ans whose i mpl i cat i ons had not been t hought out.
Th e y began by at t empt i ng to di sci pl i ne space, as if t hr ough i t
t hey hoped t o di sci pl i ne men. Ever yt hi ng was characterize! 1 l)\
uni f or mi t y and strai ght lines. Bui l t on prescri bed sites i n . u-
cordance wi th set standards, the houses were l ai d out i n st rai ght
lines along wide streets, whi ch coul d serve equal l y well to out l i ne
the pl an of a Roma n camp or a col oni al vi l l age. I n the center is
the square, wi th the charact eri st i c t r i ad of the villages of Fr ance
t he school, the town hal l and t he war memor i a l .
1 0
I t is as if the
1 0
On t he wa r me mo r i a l o a reset t l ed v i l l a g e i n t he r e g i o n o Co l l o t her e
i s a s i ngl e name , t hat o a c a i d wh o was ki l l e d b y t he F. L. N.
The Algerians
authori ti es thought that they could create vi l l age life by creat i ng
its out er symbols. A census woul d be taken, a muni ci pal counci l
and a mayor chosen, a gr oup organi zed for defense of t he vi l l age,
a commer ci al center set up preferabl y i n t he mai n street, wi t h a
grocery store, a butcher shop and a Moor i sh cafe, and t he most
l oyal villagers woul d be gr ant ed as a reward and a favor t he au-
thority to set up shop; an i nfi rmary woul d be bui l t , t o whi ch t he
mi l i t ary doctor came to gi ve consul tati ons and admi ni st er t o t he
sick once or twi ce a week. And t hey woul d consider t hat they had
accompl i shed the mai n par t of t hei r task when they were abl e to
show the visitor a vi l l age wi th well-laid-out houses and wi de,
cl ean streets, wi th the basi c essentials of col l ect i ve equi pment
and wi th a rudi ment ary admi ni st rat i ve organi zat i on. The y
seemed to have been f ai t hf ul to the revol ut i onary pr i nci pl e of al l
or not hi ng. But this was only i n appearance. T h e resettl ements
mi ght really have been (and still coul d be, i n anot her cont ext )
t he occasi on f or a true revol ut i on of t he agr i cul t ur al society, if
they had been accompani ed by an agrari an ref orm, by a redis-
t ri but i on of l and, and by a concert ed attempt to i mprove agricul-
t ural methods; but that would have presupposed a chal l enge to
the very foundati ons of the col oni al order.
Al l these villages, even those t hat appear to be t he most
" successf ul , " now have t he desolate aspect of dead ci t i es. Thos e
who live i n t hem, even when they are enj oyi ng a st andard of
comf ort previously unknown ( and this is somet i mes t he case)
express i n t hei r whol e at t i t ude a pr of ound di scont ent and i nner
di st urbance. T h e mere fact of a change of residence (by emi gra-
tion to t he cities, f or exampl e) is known to be sufficient to br i ng
about a compl et e change i n t he atti tude t oward t he worl d. I n t he
case of the resettl ed popul at i ons, the shar p br eak wi t h t hei r fami l -
iar envi r onment and their customary social world, i n whi ch
t he t r adi t i onal ways of behavi or were fel t to be t he nat ur al ways,
l ed t o the abandonment of these f orms of behavi or , once these
peopl e had been cut off f r om t he ori gi nal soil in whi ch they were
r oot ed. T h e ext ended f ami l y, cl an or vi l l age br oke up once it was
pl aced i n a resettled communi t y. T h e change i n envi r onment
real l y requi res a compl et e change i n conduct . But t he f eel i ng
of havi ng been uproot ed f r om thei r accustomed surroundi ngs
The Revolution Within the Revolution 171
was usually so st r ong t hat disgust, angui sh and despai r al most
al ways t r i umphed over the desi re t o i nvent t he new ways of
conduct requi red for the adapt at i on to radically new condi ti ons
of exi stence.
T o under st and the f ul l ext ent of the upheaval s br ought
about by these resettl ements of popul ati on, , it is first necessary to
realize that they affected peasants almost entirely, and it is also
necessary to recal l that gr oup of characteri sti cs that is almost
i nseparabl e f r om the peasant condi t i on i n its t radi t i onal f or m.
It is his at t achment to his l and and t o his ani mal s that makes
t he peasant. T h e qual i ty of his work is det er mi ned by the
st rengt h of his devotion to his occupat i on as f ar mer , a devot i on
t hat is much mor e mysti cal t han rat i onal i n char act er (see Chap.
5, para. 2). T h e t r ue peasant identifies hi msel f wi t h his f ar m:
his whol e exi stence and all his t hi nki ng are t ur ned t oward his
l and and his flock; his property possesses hi m much more t han
he possesses it. T h e house is of t en t he cent er of his domai n. It
is i mport ant , i ndeed, t o be as close as possible to t he plots of
l and t hat he owns. I n Kabyl i a t he most prized lands are those
whi ch i mmedi at el y sur r ound t he vi l l age, and this pr ef er ence can-
not be expl ai ned merel y on economi c grounds. Does not t he
peasant have the habi t of goi ng, as they say, " t o pay a visit to his
fi el d?" T h e wor k of t he f ar m is carri ed on wi t hi n t he domest i c
gr oup, as wel l as on f ami l i ar l and i n the i mmedi at e vicinity of
t he house. T h e i nt er i or ar r angement of the house itself is t he
best i ndi cat i on of t he i nt er pnt r at i on of home l i fe and of t he
l i fe of the f ar m. I n t he Kabyl e house, composed of a si ngl e r oom,
the section reserved for t he ani mal s is separat ed f r om the par t
l i ved i n by t he huma ns onl y by a low wal l , on whi ch ar e pl aced
t he eart henware j ars cont ai ni ng the wheat f r om the last harvest.
Thus t he field, t he ani mal s, t he i mpl ement s, t he f a r m products
and all t he preoccupat i ons connect ed wi t h these thi ngs have
t aken their pl ace at the cent er of the home and family life. But
t he peasant enj oys great aut onomy. Whet her a small f ar mer or
a sharecropper, he determi nes his own wor ki ng condi t i ons; he
himself, decides on the nat ur e of his tasks, on t he ti me to do them
and the rate at whi ch they will be carried out ; he disposes of his
pr oduce as he sees fit. But t he i ndependence it assures hi m can-
172 The Algerians
not be consi dered as t he real cause of the peasant' s devoti on to
his cal l i ng, this compl et e and ut t er adherence, not to a trade, but
to an art of l i vi ng that is i nseparabl y l i nked to t he peasant atti-
tude of mi nd. I t is i ndeed this peasant spirit or atti tude of mi nd
that makes the peasant, but this spirit, like any ot her passion,
must be abl e to feed on the obj ect of its devoti on and fares badly
when separated f r om i t.
Removed from t hei r l ands, whi ch were of t en i naccessi bl e
because si tuated in f or bi dden t er r i t or y, r emoved f r om t hei r
houses, whi ch they were al most always obl i ged to destroy wi th
t hei r own hands bef or e l eavi ng to j oi n the reset t l ement pr oj ect ,
someti mes separated f r om t hei r ani mal s for hygi eni c reasons,
compel l ed to pl ace t he whol e of t hei r cereal crop i n t he store-
house of the mi l i t ar y aut hori t i es who al l ocated a set amount each
mont h f or t hei r use, these peasants fel t t hei r f or ced r emoval to
be a separ at i on i n t he strongest sense of t he t er m; stri cken to t he
core of t hei r bei ng, t hey gave vent to t hei r i ndi gnati ons and de-
spai r (the wor d is not too strong) in a voi ce of wret ched suffer-
i n g . "
T h e peasant can exi st onl y when r oot ed to hi s l and, the
l and where he was bor n, whi ch he received f rom his parents and
to whi ch he is at t ached by his habi ts and memori es. Once he
has been uproot ed there is a good chance that he wi l l cease to
exi st as a peasant, t hat t he i nsti ncti ve and i r r at i onal passion
whi ch bi nds hi m to his peasant exi stence will die wi t hi n hi m.
No doubt t her e are degrees of deraci nat i on, and the monogr aphi c
study of different resettl ement villages has shown t hat there are
also degrees of " de r e a l i z a t i on. " Bef or e the reset t l ement s t ook
pl ace, t he r ur al popul at i on was almost ent i rel y composed of work-
1 1
T h e anal ys es put f o r wa r d he r e are t he r esul t of i nv e s t i gat i ons unde r -
t a ke n d u r i n g t he s u mme r of i960 i n di f f erent Al g e r i a n c ent er s . I n t he vi l l ages
i n t he r e gi on of Col l o, of wh i c h a st udy wa s ma de , t he per sons wh o h a d b e e n
r e s e t t l e d we r e c o mpe l l e d t o ask f o r a pass i n o r d e r t o g o a n d wo r k t he i r f i el ds;
t hey t ur ne d ove r t he who l e of t he i r c r o p t o t he S. A. S. ( Sect i on Ad mi n i s t r a t i v e
Spc i al i s e) . Ma n y h a d g i v e n u p c ul t i v a t i ng t he i r f a r ms , e i t he r be c a us e t hes e
we r e s i t uat e d i n t he f o r b i d d e n z one, or be c a us e t he y h a d b e e n o v e r r u n b y
p r o wl i n g a n i ma l s a nd wi l d boa r s , s i nce t he f ar me r s c o ul d n o l o n g e r wa t c h
ov e r t he i r f i el ds. At Dj e b a b r a , a c e nt e r i n t he r e g i o n a b o ut Mi l i a n a , t he g r e a t -
est caus e of i n d i g n a t i o n wa s t he f act t hat t he s e p e o p l e we r e s e pa r a t e d f r o m
t hei r ani mal s, whi c h we r e now al l be i ng kept t oget her i n a c ol l ec t i ve s t abl e
s ome 50 y a r d s r e mo v e d f r o m t he i r gourbis ( houses) .
F i g . 17. T h e " R e s e t t l e me n t s " i n t h e T e r r i t o r y of Ai ' n A r b e l
S i t ua t e d t o t h e eas t o f C o l l o , o n t h e t e r r i t o r y o c c u p i e d b y t h e
zariba of Ai ' n A r b e l , t h e n e w v i l l a g e g r o u p s t o g e t h e r a b o u t 2,500 pe r -
s ons b e l o n g i n g t o g r o u p s (zaribat) t h a t w e r e f o r me r l y s e t t l e d at di s -
t a nc e s v a r y i n g f r o m a h a l f - mi l e t o t wo mi l e s f r o m o n e a n o t h e r . S i t u a t e d
i n t h e c e n t e r of a f a r mi n g a r e a o n l a n d t h a t h a d b e e n c a r v e d o u t o f
t h e f o r e s t , e a c h zariba ( c l a n) g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r a l l t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f
a c o m m o n a n c e s t o r , t h a t i s t o s a y , t h e r e w e r e s o me s e v e n t y p e r s o n s i n
t h e s ma l l e s t zariba a n d s o me 420 p e r s o n s i n t h e l a r g e s t . H a v i n g a b a n -
d o n e d t h e i r h o u s e s , mo s t of t h e s e r e s e t t l e d p e r s o n s h a v e a l s o g i v e n
u p f a r mi n g t h e i r l a n d s ( al l t h o s e t h a t w e r e s i t u a t e d t o t h e e as t of t h e
h a c h u r e d l i n e ) . I t i s n o t so m u c h t h e f a c t t h a t i t t a k e s f r o m h a l f a n
h o u r t o a n h o u r a n d a h a l f t o w a l k t o t h e m ( r e s u l t i n g i n t he a b a n d o n -
me n t of t h e f a r ms ) , as t h e f a c t t h a t t h e o w n e r s c o u l d n o l o n g e r l i v e
s u r r o u n d e d b y t h e i r f i el ds .
ers who made thei r l i vi ng directly f r om agri cul t uref el l ahs, f ar m
workers, sharecropperswhi l e the unvari ed and general l y simi-
lar nat ur e of f ar m work t ended to give rural society its ui mv
Li vi ng in t he same di stri ct as t he peasants, engagi ng in deal i ngs
with them and often doing f ar m work themselves, the smal l
merchant s, the owners of cafes or cheap restaurants, and the
artisans did not stand out in contrast to the f ar m worker because,
i n gener al , t hei r acti vi ty was still very much the same and was
at any rat e compl ement ar y to the agri cul t ural activities. As a
173
174
The Algerians
resul t of the policy of reset t l ement this si t uat i on has been total l y
changed: i n al l of the f our centers studi ed, onl y 25 per cent of
t he heads of families said t hat t hey wer e f armers ( l andowners
and pai d f ar m workers); 4 4 per cent cl ai med to be unempl oyed,
whi l e t he r emai nder of the popul at i on was largely made up of
small merchant s, shopkeepers, peddlers, cafe owners and small
craftsmen.
Compel l ed to give up f ar mi ng all or part of t hei r l and, a
good number of the fel l ahs who have been resettl ed are now con-
demned to idleness or to a mor e or less reduced f or m of activity.
T h e wor k on the l and, even when i nt errupt ed by rest peri ods
and even t hough it never gave empl oyment to al l the avai l abl e
wor ker s, was no doubt sufficient t o keep alive i n each i ndi vi dual
the f eel i ng that he was fully empl oyed; f ol l owi ng r eset t l ement ,
however , this seasonal i nact i vi t y al t er nat i ng wi t h busy peri ods of
full empl oyment i n accordance wi th the r hyt hm of f ar m work
became, for cert ai n individuals, a condi ti on of per manent i nac-
tivity, and hence was fel t to be abnor mal and not t o be en-
dur e d.
1 2
But generally speaki ng, because it is i nt er pr et ed as
be i ng t he consequence of a si tuati on to whi ch t hey ar e ab-
solutely opposed, an or di nar y reduct i on i n empl oyment , even
when very sl i ght, is sufficient to br i ng about a radi cal change i n
t he atti tude t o work and a real i zati on of t hei r condi t i on of
chr oni c under empl oyment that has of t en only been made worse
by resettl ement.
No doubt the fel l ahs had al ready gone t hr ough mor e or less
l ong peri ods of i nact i vi t y i n t he past. But these fitted i n wi t h an
accustomed cycle that was fixed by t radi t i on and l i nked t o t he
" H e r e ar e t wo e x a mp l e s : " Fo r me r l y , wh e n my c h i l d r e n we r e he r e , I g ot
a l o ng , I wa s we l l e s t abl i s he d, I us ed t o wo r k my f i el ds wi t h my b r o t h e r s a nd
my c h i l d r e n. W e c o ul d ma n a g e . N o w h e r e I a m i n t he r e s e t t l e me nt v i l l a g e " ;
" I us ed to sel l wh e y i n Co l l o , n o w I onl y h a v e f o u r goat s l ef t . I us ed t o t ake
t wo ho ur s t o ma k e t he t r i p t o Co l l o . Al l t hat ha s b e c o me i mpos s i bl e t oda y ,
we ha v e n o t h i n g l ef t . Si nce I wa s mo v e d t o t hi s cent er , I ha v e n' t d o n e a s i ngl e
day' s wo r k . " T o t he pa r t i a l o r t ot al a b a n d o n me n t of t he f a r ms t he r e has
g e ne r a l l y b e e n a d d e d c o ns i de r a bl e r e duc t i o n i n t he a mo u n t of l i ves t ock. T h e
c o ns e q ue nc e s of r e s e t t l e me nt e v i d e n t l y ar e pa r t i c ul a r l y s e r i ous wh e n t he mo v e
is one t ha t c o nc e r ns t he n o ma d s (200,000 of t h e m a p p r o x i ma t e l y ar e sai d to
h a v e been reset t l ed) whos e sol e we a l t h consi st ed of t he fl ock a nd f or w h o m
t he sedent ar y l i f e me a ns a c o mp l e t e c ha ng e i n t he i r mo d e of e xi s t e nc e .
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 175
rhyt hms of nat ur e. Wi t h reset t l ement , however, these cycles and
these rhyt hms changed; as a consequence, what was bei ng ques-
t i oned was not only the act ual amount of empl oyment provi ded,
but the actual schedule of empl oyment and unempl oyment as
well. Hencef or t h, t he f el l ah had a different out l ook on bot h his
pr esent and his past occupat i ons. " Al l t hese peopl e, " one of
t hem said, " ar e begi nni ng to find out what work real l y is and
t o realize that what they used to do bef ore, di ggi ng away at t he
gr ound, was not real l y wor k at al l . " T h e peasant now regards as
busywor k what was formerl y hi s l i f ework. T h e total devoti on to
his peasant exi stence whi ch enabl ed hi m t o endure of t en
wr et ched l i vi ng condi t i ons is now a t hi ng of the past.
Al t hough t hei r love of t he l and was someti mes expressed
t hr ough the nostal gi c recal l of t he way of l i fe they had had to
abandon, al l t he peasants who were quest i oned i n t he resettle-
ment villages i n the Col l o regi on said t hat they di d not l i ke t hei r
occupat i on. No doubt this must be r egar ded as an effect of t he
t endency t o pr oj ect i nt o al l spheres t he di scont ent roused by
thei r f orced set t l ement . It remai ns to be seen, however, whet her
this at t i t ude was t he result of speci al ci rcumst ances and wi l l
di sappear enti rel y wi t h t he r et ur n of t hei r usual way of l i f e, or
whet her there is a possi bi l i ty t hat it may have become firmly
ent r enchedi n whi ch case one could prophesy that, wi th free-
dom of movement restored, a good number of these " der ur al i zed"
count ry men will go to i ncrease t he popul at i on of t he city
suburbs r at her t han r et ur n t o t hei r f ar ms and t hei r ancestral
pursuits. " Onc e peace has come, " said a but cher of Ker ker a
( Col l o) , " I shall not go back to the zariba [a quart er i n whi ch ar e
grouped together t he member s of t he same cl an] ; I shall go i nst ead
t o Ta ma l ous or to some ot her city, but not back to t he zariba.
Wher ever I find a j ob, t hat will be my count r y. We' ve had
enough of ' hard' l i f e; we want a ' soft' l i fe, an ' easy' l i fe. Any-
one who wants t he l i fe in the mount ai ns, let hi m go t here. He
can have i t . "
T h e awareness of t hei r l ack of empl oyment , combi ned wi t h
t he f eel i ng of r ebel l i on against t hei r f orced di spl acement , domi -
nat ed the whol e of t hei r exi st ence. Part i al l y or totally depri ved
of thei r ol d occupat i ons, many of t he f or mer fellahs aspired t o
176 The Algerians
become wage earners. I n those areas i n whi ch a t radi t i on of
emi gr at i on exi sted, they depart ed for France when they coul d
obt ai n the necessary authori zati on, whi ch general l y presupposes,
thei r obt ai ni ng a certificate that they have a j ob wai t i ng f or t hem
or a l et t er f r om a rel ati ve who is wi l l i ng to give t hem boar d and
l odgi ng.
1 3
Cert ai n individuals succeeded dur i ng the war i n find-
i ng empl oyment i n local concerns or factories or i n the bui l di ng
yards opened up by t he army. But these were usually only
t emporary means of support, and the f eel i ng of i nsecuri ty per-
sists.
I t is this cont ext t hat expl ai ns t he excessive growt h i n the
number of very smal l businesses and of manual trades. Wha t
are they wai ti ng for, these merchant s wi thout customers, whom
we see si t t i ng al l day l ong i n f r ont of t hei r shops t hat stretch
out in a row al ong t he mai n street of cer t ai n reset t l ement vil-
lages? Wha t can be the f unct i on of these pr et ended trades f or
those engaged in t hem? The y cannot be consi dered as mer el y a
means of l i vel i hood, because their mat er i al result, or t he profit
to be gai ned f r om t hem, only parti al l y expl ai ns t hei r real sig-
ni fi cance. I t is as if, because these pseudo- t radesmen have been
unabl e to have access t o wor k as a means of obt ai ni ng a wage
or an i ncome, they have ended, t hrough force of ci rcumst ances,
by disassociating wor k f r om its economi c result, and now l ook
on it, not so much as bei ng connect ed wi th its product , but as
bei ng opposed to no work at all. Is not this mul t i pl i ci t y of smal l
shops and businesses par t i cul ar l y i l l ogi cal at a t i me when t he
dr op i n buyi ng power, correl ati ve to t he drop i n the st andard of
1 3
A n e w f a c t t ha t has b e e n obs er ved is t ha t mo r e a nd mo r e f r e que nt l y
e nt i r e f ami l i e s are l e a v i ng f or Fr a nc e as a r es ul t , pr i ma r i l y , of t he pr e v a i l i ng
i ns ecur i t y. It of t en ha ppe ns t hat t he e mi g r a nt r e t ur ns t o get hi s f a mi l y as s oon
as h e has t he me a ns to assur e t h e m de c e nt l i v i ng c ondi t i ons . T h u s i n Ag h b a l a ,
f or e x a mp l e , a v i l l a g e of a bout 2,000 i nha bi t a nt s , onl y si x f ami l i es h a d g o ne
to Fr a nc e be f or e 1954. By ear l y 1962 e i g ht e e n f ami l i es h a d mo v e d t he r e , a nd
f o u r of t hese i nc l ude, i n one case, t he mo t he r a nd si st er of t he h e a d of t he
f a mi l y and, i n t he ot he r cases, hi s ne p he ws a nd ni eces. Ab o u t t we nt y f ami l i e s
ha v e mo v e d t o ne i g hbo r i ng s mal l t owns , Si di Ar c h a nd El Ks e ur , o r to Al g i e r s .
T h e e x o dus wo u l d h a v e be e n on a st i l l l a r g e r scal e, i f it h a d not be e n c he c ke d
b y t he ma y o r , wh o wo u l d g r a nt aut hor i t y to l eave onl y i n r e t ur n f or t he
p a y me n t of a l a r g e s um of mone y . At Ke r k e r a a wh o l e c l an, c o mpr i s e d of
a bout o ne h u n d r e d per sons, e mi g r a t e d to Phi l i ppe v i l l e as a c ons e que nc e of
t he pol i c y of r e s e t t l e me nt .
Fig. 18. The "Resettlement" of Ain Arbel (detail)
The black squares represent the site of the houses that formerly
belonged to the members of the zariba Ain Arbel and the zariba
Brouta. These people have now been resettled in the new village. Each
group of houses sheltered a single social unit and was surroiuickil by
the lands cultivated by the group.
177
178 The Algerians
l i vi ng caused by the reset t l ement pol i cy, woul d be sufficient to
cause a slump i n business and i n t he manual trades? Wor k of this
nat ur e consti tutes to a certai n extent its own end, since i n
real i ty it has no end apart from its own exi stence. T o be en-
gaged i n some ki nd of work, even when one works f or not hi ng
or f or a mer e pi ttance, is, i n one' s own eyes and i n t he eyes of
the gr oup, to do al l that one can to rise above t he posi t i on of
t he unempl oyed wor ker . Thus the f unct i on of these occupat i ons,
whi ch cannot be cal l ed trades or professi ons, is symbol i c i n a
doubl e sense: they bri ng a fictitious sati sfacti on to those engaged
i n them, and at the same ti me provide t hem wi th j ust i f i cat i on
i n t he eyes of t he gr oup. By gi vi ng t hem a sembl ance of an
occupat i on, t hese smal l businesses provi de an out ward show of
adapt at i on f or these count ry dwel l ers condemned to idleness be-
cause of t he remoteness of t hei r lands and because of t he l ack
of empl oyment .
1 4
T h e pr ol i f er at i on of smal l business is one aspect of t he
process of shantytown devel opment ("bidonvillisation"), i n
whi ch t he whol e of r ur al Al ger i a was bei ng swept al ong as a
resul t of t he reset t l ement pol i c y.
1 5
A soulless aggl omerat i on whi ch
has t he superficial aspect of a town but whi ch cannot ensure t he
advant ages nor mal l y associated wi th ur ban l i vi ngempl oyment ,
housi ng and a mi ni mum of comf or t t he reset t l ement pr oj ect is,
i n t r ut h, a ki nd of r ur al shant yt own. By depri vi ng t hem of t he
assurance and security provi ded by t he soci al and economi c
order of f or mer days, by abandoni ng t hem t o idleness or t o make-
shi ft forms of empl oyment , by st ri ppi ng t hem compl etel y of any
responsi bi l i ty f or t hei r own destiny, by gi vi ng t hem t he status
1 4
T h e c o unt r y di st r i ct s h a v e a l wa y s b e e n t h e s c e ne o a s or t o p e n d u l u m
mo v e me n t : dr i v e n f r o m t he l a n d b y a p o o r y e ar , s ome o t he f e l l a hs a nd t he
a g r i c u l t u r a l wo r k e r s wo u l d go a nd seek a l i v e l i ho o d i n t he ci t i es. A p r o mi s i n g
y e a r wo u l d b r i n g ba c k t o t he a g r i c u l t u r a l l i f e t hi s p a r t i c u l a r p o r t i o n of t he
r u r a l po pul a t i o n. T h e r e s e t t l e me nt ha s g i v e n f ul l s c ope t o t hi s mo v e me n t
of d e r e a l i z a t i o n , t o s uc h a n e x t e nt t hat i t ha s p e r ha p s ma d e t he l a t t e r
i r r e ve r s i bl e .
1 6
T h e l ar ge- s c al e r e s e t t l e me nt s , l i k e al l gr e at soci al uphe a v a l s , f a v o r e d t he
a p p e a r a n c e of a cl ass of prof i t eers, wh o we r e of t e n s uppor t e d by t he a r my
by r e a s o n of t he i r " l o y a l t y , " w h o h e l d a ma j or i t y of t he a dmi ni s t r a t i v e r e s pon-
s i bi l i t i es ( t he ma y o r a l t y f unc t i ons , f o r e x a mp l e ) , a n d w h o we r e a l l o we d t o r u n
t he p r i n c i p a l bus i nes s c onc er ns .
The Revolution Within the Revolution
179
of persons on r el i ef , t he aut hor i t i es t ransf ormed these derural i zed
country dwellers i nt o a sub-prol etari at who had lost all memor y
of thei r f or mer ideals of honor and di gni ty and who wavered
between atti tudes of meek resi gnati on and ineffectual revol t.
T h e whol e of thei r exi stence was l acki ng that whi ch nor-
mal l y constitutes its mai n f r amewor k: the daily work at one' s
customary occupat i on, wi th its t empor al and spatial rhyt hms,
t he demands it imposes, the security that it offers, the f ut ure t hat
it al l ows one to envisage and pl an f or. T h e tragedy of unempl oy-
ment does not lie solely i n bei ng depri ved of real opport uni t i es
t o work, but i n bei ng depri ved of a regul ar daily occupat i on
and t he stabi l i ty guar ant eed by t he assured product of one' s
l abor. For i ndi vi dual s pl aced i n this cat ast rophi c si tuati on, what
is t hr eat ened is t hei r whol e psychol ogi cal bal ance and, mor e
part i cul arl y, t hei r emot i onal bal ance. Th e y gradual l y lapse i nt o
an apat het i c at t i t ude of fatal i sti c r esi gnat i on. Th e y i nevi t abl y
become reconci l ed and accustomed to a parasi ti c and vegetati ve
f or m of exi stence. Is it not a fact, for exampl e, that, after two
years of idleness and misery, the i nhabi t ant s of a reset t l ement
pr oj ect i n the Col l o r egi on refused t he chance t o move to an-
ot her pl ace wher e they were assured of finding f ar ms that coul d
be worked? Is it not likely t hat f ami l i ar i zat i on wi t h pr ol onged
unempl oyment and the habi t of pr et endi ng to be busy at poor
trades will produce parasites who are l acki ng i n di gni ty, com-
pl acent l y resigned to bei ng on rel i ef and i mbued wi t h a vague
and peevi sh f eel i ng of resentment r at her t han wi th any trul y
revol ut i onary ideas? Th e r e is a good chance that such may be
t he fate of t he popul at i ons of cer t ai n centers who, as a result
of the l ack of any f a r m work, were pl aced i n a si tuati on of
absol ute dependency on t he admi ni st rat i on or t he mi l i t ary au-
t hori t i es, and had no ot her means of support t han t hei r peri odi c
al l ot ment of semol i na, t hei r pay as auxi l i ary pol i ce, and t he
wages they were abl e to ear n i n the workshops t hat had been
opened up by the ar my.
Moreover, the constrai nts, persecuti ons and unf ai r mani pu-
lations to whi ch they had been subj ect ed finally br oke down
their resistance. At Cherai a, i n t he Col l o r egi on, t he peopl e came
a l ong di stance ( f rom two to f our miles) t o bui l d at t hei r own
i8o The Algerians
F i g . i g . T h e " R e s e t t l e me n t s " i n t h e K e r k e r a R e g i o n ( C o l l o )
I n t h e w h o l e of t h e arrondissement ( a d mi n i s t r a t i v e d i s t r i c t ) of
C o l l o , s o me 33,000 p e r s o n s o r mo r e t h a n a t h i r d o f t h e t o t a l p o p u -
l a t i o n h a v e b e e n r e s e t t l e d . T h e r e s e t t l e me n t c e n t e r of K m 10 ( k i l o -
me t e r 10) wa s c o mp r i s e d o f 3,264 p e r s o n s ( a b o u t 589 f a mi l i e s ) t o w h i c h
w e r e a d d e d i n S e p t e mb e r i 960 t h e i , o g i i n h a b i t a n t s (205 f a mi l i e s ) of
t h e zariba K e r k e r a , s i t u a t e d a b o u t o n e - h a l f mi l e a w a y f r o m t h e r e -
s e t t l e me n t c e n t e r o n t h e s i d e o f t he h i l l w h i c h o v e r l o o k s t h e v a l l e y of
t h e W a d i Gu e b l i . A t R e d i r , 371 f a mi l i e s , c o mp r i s i n g i,8g4 p e r s o n s ,
w e r e r e s e t t l e d . F i n a l l y , a t K m i g t h e a u t h o r i t i e s g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r t h e
zaribat La z i l e t , e l Af i a , O u t a i e t A i c h a , e l H a m m a m a n d B o u r g u e l .
Wh e r e a s at A i n A r b e l t h e n e w v i l l a g e wa s e s t a b l i s h e d i n a n a r e a a l r e a d y
o c c u p i e d b y o n e of t he c o n t r a c t e d g r o u p s , t h e s i t e of t h e r e s e t t l e me n t
p r o j e c t o f K e r k e r a , at t h e e d g e of t h e W a d i G u e b l i w i t h i t s d a n g e r o u s
s p r i n g o v e r f l o ws , h a d b e e n o c c u p i e d b y o n l y a f e w s c a t t e r e d h o u s e s . B y
r e a s o n of i ts si ze a n d t h e a r b i t r a r y w a y i n w h i c h i t s si t e wa s s e l e c t e d ,
t h e K e r k e r a p r o j e c t , w h i c h b r i n g s t o g e t h e r f o r me r l y s e p a r a t e g r o u p s ,
is t he p r i z e e x a mp l e of t h e r u r a l s h a n t y t o w n (bidonville).
( Se e m a p o n o p p o s i t e p a g e . )
expens e houses i n whi ch they were to l i veand they were aware
of t hi sonl y unt i l such t i me as the definitive site of the vi l l age
coul d be acqui red. At Ker ker a the i nhabi t ant s of a zariba, situ-
ated hal f way up the slope of a hi l l , were obl i ged bef ore the
end of summer to leave thei r houses, whi ch were almost al l
solidly bui l t and very comf or t abl e, to go and l i ve i n gourbis situ-
ated i n a part of t he val l ey t hat was regul arl y flooded i n wi nt er
by the Wa di Guebl i . Thus , gradual l y, they get used to an un-
st abl e existence. And each one experi ences i n his i nmost heart all
t he tragedy of havi ng his customary exi stence and way of life
shattered about hi m.
Groups of di fferent origins were br ought together, a fact
whi ch t ended to weaken the ol d communal ties. A new type of
sol i dari ty now made its appearance, qui t e di f f erent f r om t he
f or mer sol i dari ty and cl osel y l i nked to a f eel i ng of revol t against
commonl y shared condi t i ons. T h e real and sometimes t er r i bl e
mat er i al misery they had to endure was, however, not hi ng com-
pared to t he mor al misery of these men who had been torn f r om
t hei r f ami l i ar worl d, t hei r home, thei r lands, t hei r customs, thei r
beliefs, ever yt hi ng that hel ped them to l i ve.
1 6
Pl aced by f orce i n
1 0
As a c ons equenc e o t he depr es s ed c o nd i t i o n o agr i c ul t ur e a nd s t ock
r ai s i ng, t he r e ma y be not e d i n n e a r l y al l cases a d r o p i n t he s t a n d a r d o l i v i ng
a si t uat i on they detested, prevent ed f r om taki ng control of t hei r
own destiny, they coul d not turn t hei r thoughts to devising
met hods of devel opi ng a cooperati ve movement that would be
based on the c ommon i nterest and on del i berat e par t i ci pat i on i n
a c ommon effort. Ra t her , they demonst rat ed i n a great many
t hat is difficult t o e v a l ua t e pr ope r l y . I n s uch c ondi t i ons a ny avai l abl e c a p i t a l
fl ock, po ul t r y , r e s e r v e s i s r api dl y c o ns ume d. Li f e bec omes a h a n d - t o - mo u t h
e x i s t e nc e , a s i nk - or - s wi m af f ai r. T h e phy s i ol og i c a l c o ndi t i o n of t hes e p e o p l e
l e a ds to a v e r y h i g h d e a t h r at e, pa r t i c ul a r l y a mo n g c hi l dr e n.
1 8 1
182 The Algerians
ways t hei r refusal to par t i ci pat e.
1 7
Is t here, i ndeed, any bet t er
way of gai ni ng vengeance against t he oppressi on of whi ch t hey
are t he vi cti ms t han to shi f t t he responsi bi l i t y f or t hei r own f at e
to the shoul ders of those who are r esponsi bl e f or it?
Thus this policy of reset t l ement achi eved results which are
t he di rect opposi te of its proposed obj ecti ves. It onl y succeeded
i n i ncreasi ng the feel i ngs of revolt and resent ment agai nst t he
col oni al authori ti es wi t hout i n any way depri vi ng the F. L. N,
of t he support i t was obt ai ni ng from t he nat i ve popul at i on. I t
pl ayed a par t i n maki ng a whol e society adopt a n at t i t ude of
opposi t i on t o modern progress, a society whi ch, at t he same t i me,
had been di srupt ed to t he greatest possible ext ent . Fi nal l y, by
encouragi ng the worki ng out of a new ki nd of col l ect i ve exist-
ence, by causi ng the peasants to become fully aware of the true
nat ure of t hei r condi t i on, by spl i tti ng t he ol d col l ecti vi ti es based
on geneal ogi cal ties, by cr eat i ng new communi t i es t hat have
br oken wi t h t hei r tradi ti ons and t hei r past and t hat are, as a
result, ready to try any new experi ment , it may be that a
si t uat i on has been created of such a nat ur e that it will i mpose
sol uti ons of a collectivist type on peopl e who will be ready to
accept t hem.
T h e i nt er nal movement of popul at i on also took the f or m of
an exodus to the cities, whi ch appear to t he count ry dwel l ers as
a refuge against war a nd poverty. T h e shantytowns cont i nue to
i ncrease in size. Citizens of l ong st andi ng take i n t hei r count ry
relatives. Li ke the persons i n the resettl ement villages, those who
have sought r ef uge i n the cities find themselves suddenl y t hrown
into an unaccust omed world that is i ncapabl e of assuring them
steady empl oyment and, above all, of provi di ng them with the
security that could give bal ance and stabi l i ty to thei r exi stence.
Thi s will be seen i n t he f ol l owi ng typi cal st at ement :
I have been i n Const ant i ne since Mar c h 1959. Bef or e t hat
I was at C. du R. . . . I came to the shant yt own at H. The y
destroyed our gourb is and they f ound us a new home in the city
1 7
T h i s ma y be seen, f o r e x a mp l e , i n t he f act t ha t t he p e o p l e wh o h a v e
b e e n r es et t l ed r ar e l y ma k e a ny mo di f i c a t i o n t o t he i r ho us e s o r a t t e mp t to
be a ut i f y t h e m i n any way, and he nc e d o not di s pl ay a ny r e a l f e e l i ng of
o wne r s h i p .
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 183
of El Bi r . T h e house bel ongs to the S.A.S. [Section Administrative
Spcialise]. The r e is nei t her water nor el ectri ci ty. The r e are
ei ght of us in two rooms, one f or my brot her and his family, the
ot her for me. My f at her was a day l aborer, " a pick-and-shovel
man, " and a fel l ah bef ore that. I used to work as a "trabadjar"
[the pej orat i ve name f or a f ar m worker] . Now I am unempl oyed.
Ever y day I go l ooki ng f or a j ob i n several work yards, but I
haven' t found one, ei t her i n B. or elsewhere. I would do anyt hi ng
at all if I coul d find a j ob, provi ded I coul d br i ng home a bi t
of bread to my chi l dren. But I have no trade [ no specialty]. T h e
specialist, he gets a j ob ri ght away. He' s never out of work. I ' d
do any work at all, but I haven' t any trade. T h e man who hasn' t
a trade is always unempl oyed.
Charact eri st i c of the class of rural dwellers who had recentl y
come to the city to flee f r om war and poverty, dri ven f r om pi l l ar
to post, not underst andi ng very clearly what was happeni ng to
hi mei t her when t he powers that be demolish his tin-can hut to
find hi m a new l odgi ng i n the city or when they refuse hi m work
i n yard aft er ya r dhe had been able to obt ai n onl y a few days'
empl oyment here and t here since his arri val in the city over a
year bef ore. He was able to exist onl y with the hel p of his br ot her ,
a little candy peddl er whose i ncome is compl et el y dependent on
chance.
Unempl oyed wor ker , unski l l ed l aborer, unl i censed peddl er,
all may be successive occupat i ons of the same i ndi vi dual ; i n any
case they are t hree cal l i ngs that are easily i nt erchangeabl e. Th e r e
was not hi ng solid, not hi ng stabl e, not hi ng per manent f or al l
these men who were ready to do any ki nd of wor k and were
consci ous of t hei r i gnorance of all trades; who were always avai l -
abl e f or empl oyment and compl et el y at the mer cy of ext er nal
forces; who were condemned to live a hand- t o- mout h exi stence
and who craved security; who had no real trade and so were
forced to engage i n all kinds of pseudo-trades; who were com-
pel l ed to gain a knowledge both of the t echni cal world and of
city l i f et o become acquai nt ed with work regul at i ons, to l earn
t he Fr ench language, to learn the use of tools and measur i ng
i nst rument s, and to acqui re cert ai n skills. The i r whol e l i fe ap-
peared to be a series of t emporary j obs. Poorl y adapted to an
ur ban society i n whi ch they seemed qui t e out of pl ace, cut off
184 The Algerians
End of a Worl d
No one is unaware of the fact that a deep gul f now separates
Al ger i an society f r om its past and t hat an i rreversi bl e change
has taken pl ace. T h e i mpor t ant thi ng is, however, not so much
the br eak wi t h t he past as t he f eel i ng that such a br eak has
occurred. T h e result of this real i zati on has been t o raise doubts
and questions about the values whi ch gave meani ng t o t he
f or mer exi stence. T h e per manent state of i nsecuri ty, the experi -
ence of a way of life constantly unsettl ed and t hreat ened wi th
sudden change, has made these people consider the tradi ti ons and
beliefs whi ch were formerl y hel d sacred to be futi l e. T h e strictest
pr ohi bi t i ons have been vi ol at ed.
1 8
T h e revol ut i onary si t uat i on
has upset t he f ormer social hi erarchi es, now associated wi t h the
system of outmoded values, and has substi tuted f or t hem new
men to whom aut hor i t y was gr ant ed f or reasons ot her t han
bi r t h, weal th, or mor al or rel i gi ous ascendancy. T h e f ormer
values based on honor have crumbl ed as a result of the cruel -
ties of the war. T h e ideal i mage these peopl e had f or med of
M
T o t a k e a s i n g l e e x a mp l e : at t he t i me o a l ar ge- s cal e mi l i t a r y o pe r a -
t i on i n 1959, t he wi v e s o a ma r a b o u t , f r om a v i l l a g e n e a r Mi c h e l e t , f l ed i n
t he mi d d l e of t he ni g ht to a n e i g h b o r i n g v i l l age wh e r e t he y h a d no a c qua i nt -
ances. T h i s c onduc t , wh i c h wo u l d f or me r l y h a v e b e e n c ons i de r e d s c a nda l ous ,
si nce t he wi v e s of a ma r a b o u t r a r e l y l eave t he i r h o me , was l o o k e d o n as b e i n g
a l mos t n o r ma l .
f r om t he r ur al society and its reassuri ng tradi ti ons, they went
about , persons wi t hout a past and wi t hout a f ut ure, desperately
t r yi ng to gai n a hol d on a present whi ch i r r emedi abl y escaped
them.
T h e man of the rural communi t i es, hel d in the powerf ul
gr i p of communi t y ties, placed under the strict gui dance of the
elders, and support ed by a whol e gr oup of tradi ti ons, has been
repl aced by the isolated, defenseless and gregarious man, torn
f rom the organi c units in whi ch and through which he formerl y
existed, cut off from his group and his home soil, often pl aced
i n such mat er i al condi t i ons that he is unabl e to recal l his f or mer
ideals of honor and di gni ty.
The Revolution Within the Revolution 185
t hei r society and t he values they associ ated wi t h it have been put
to t he cruelest ki nd of test. As wi tness of thi s, we have these
words of an ol d man of the Kabyl es: " At the end of all this, there
will not be a man l eft who can say ' I am a man. ' " The r e are the
cases of rape and abducti on of women, of army i nterrogati ons
duri ng whi ch the husband was slapped or knocked about i n the
presence of the women. Thi s r enouncement of tradi ti onal values
took place in an atmosphere of despair and great mor al anguish.
Li ke some i nf er nal machi ne, the war has made a clean
sweep of the social real i ti es, gri ndi ng up and scatteri ng to the
f our winds the t radi t i onal communi t i es of the village, cl an or
f ami l y. Thousands of men were in t he under gr ound movement ,
i n the i nt er nment camps, i n prison, or l i vi ng as refugees i n
Tuni s i a and Mor occo; ot hers depart ed f or the cities of Al geri a
or Fr ance, l eavi ng thei r families behi nd i n the resettl ement proj -
ects or i n thei r home villages; many others have di ed or disap-
peared. I n enti re regions there are practically no men left. I n
these deserted villages will there r ema i n even a memory of t he
f ormer tradi ti ons? For this enforced separati on i nt er r upt ed t he
transmi ssi on of the t radi t i onal civilization, whi ch, because of
t hei r adherence to new values, t end to be no l onger regarded
with reverence by the young peopl e. T h e women and the ol d
men have r emai ned behi nd i n t he villages wi t h t he chi l dren.
T h e young men, t hr own i nt o an ur ban way of life, no l onger
l earn f r om t hei r elders the precepts, the customs, the legends or
the proverbs whi ch f or med the soul of t he communi t y. T h e
teachi ng of t he elders has been r epl aced by a ki nd of politi-
cal educati on i mpar t ed by those who are abl e to read. T h e
mai nt enance of t r adi t i on presupposes a cont i nui ng contact be-
t ween the successive generat i ons and a respect f or t he el ders on
the part of t he young. T h e pat ri archal fami l y, the pr i mor di al
communi t y whi ch had escaped di si nt egrat i on to a much grc. ner
ext ent in the country areas t han in the cities, and whi ch r emai ned
t he keystone of the whol e social structure, now is someti mes
dispersed and is split by the conflict bet ween the di fferent
generat i ons, whi ch is really the expressi on of the conflict bet ween
the ol d and the new systems of val ue.
T h e young men of t he great cities are no l onger subj ect to
186 The Algerians
t he t r adi t i onal controls and the pressure of publ i c opi ni on, t he
pr i nci pal means of enf orci ng respect f or l aw and or der i n t he
vi l l age communi t i es. Mor eover , t hr ough the absence of a f at her
or of an ol der br ot her , they are often l eft ent i rel y to thei r own
devices. A good number of them, especially i n the cities, are
now i n the posi t i on of the young man whom the Kabyl es call
" t he widow' s son, " that is to say, t he one who has been depri ved
of a past, of tradi ti ons and ideals, because he has not recei ved
any pat er nal educat i on. T h e aut hori t y of the f at her , al t hough i t
still makes itself felt, is of t en weakened. I n any case the head of
t he fami l y is n o l onger regarded as the f ount ai nhead of al l
val ues a nd t he di rector of all fami l y affairs. T h i s is because t he
war has upset t he scal e of values whi ch gave precedence and
aut hori t y to t he elders. T h e revol uti onary values ar e t hose of the
younger generati on. Schooled by the war, t urned towards the fu-
t ure, and compl et el y i gnor ant of a past to whi ch t hei r elders
cannot hel p r emai ni ng at t ached, t he adolescents are often ani-
mat ed (and the part they pl ayed i n the revol ut i onary war bears
witness to this) by a spi ri t of radi cal i sm and negat i vi sm whi ch
of t en separates them f r om t hei r elders.
T h e t radi t i onal patterns f or the rel at i ons between t he sexes
have also been al t er ed. Wi t h the depar t ur e of t he men f r om
t he vi l l ages, the women themselves gradual l y became mor e and
mor e affected by t he war. I n many cases they now find t hem-
selves responsi bl e for mat t ers whi ch t radi t i onal l y devol ved upon
t he men. Of t en they must wor k to support t he f ami l y, even when
they are recei vi ng aid f r om a br ot her , a brot her- i n- l aw or an
uncl e. The i r f or mer severely restri cted field of act i on has now
been greatly enl arged. The y go about i n t he Eur opean ci t y, ent er
t he bi g depar t ment stores, under t ake business ventures and carry
out admi ni st rat i ve formal i t i es. The y are now br eaki ng out of
t hei r closed and secret wor l d to t ake part in activities formerl y
reserved f or t he men. The y are shari ng i n t he pol i t i cal preoccupa-
tions and aspi rati ons whi ch, i n the t r adi t i onal society, were the
prerogatives of the men. Engaged i n the war, either directly or
i ndi rectl y, as actor or vi cti m, driven by the force of ci rcumstances
to take on totally new roles, t he Al ger i an woman has acqui r ed a
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution 187
gr eat er i ndependence and, at the same t i me, a keener pr i de i n her
tasks and responsi bi l i ti es.
Thus , combi ned wi th ot her i nfl uences such as educat i on,
whi ch has i ncreased the demands of t he young and t hei r desire
f or emanci pat i on, t he wi der acquai nt ance wi th ot her cul tures
t hat has been produced by the shifts i n popul at i on, the urbani za-
t i on and pol i t i cal i ndoct r i nat i on of t he masses whi ch has led to
a wi deni ng of t he " i nt el l ect ual out l ook, " the war si t uat i on has
upset the ent i re cul t ural system. However , cont r ar y to what
one mi ght t hi nk, a state of open war f ar e is less unf avor abl e to
cul t ur al exchanges t han a si t uat i on i n whi ch resistance is under-
ground and disguised. Paradoxi cal l y, open conflict bri ngs the two
sides together j ust as much as it places t hem i n opposi ti on, be-
cause, i n order to win t he war, it is necessary to bor r ow t he most
efficient weapons of one' s adversary, and perhaps, al so, because
war remai ns a di al ogue when al l is said and done.
T o express t he present state of affairs t he ol d Al geri ans
of t en say: " We are now i n t he f ourt eent h cent ur y. " T o t hem
t he f our t eent h cent ury is the century of the end of t he worl d,
at whi ch t i me everyt hi ng t hat was t he rul e will become the
except i on, when al l that was f or bi dden will be now per mi t t ed,
a t i me, f or exampl e, when chi l dr en wi l l no l onger respect t hei r
par ent s, the wife wi l l go to the mar ket pl ace and so on. T h e
mi nd of the peopl e thus expresses its experi ence of a topsy-turvy
worl d i n whi ch everyt hi ng works backwards; it sees i n the dis-
or der and chaos whi ch surround it t he fi nal state announci ng
the end of t he worl d. And i ndeed, i n Al geri a, we are wi tnessi ng
t he end of a worl d. But t he end of this worl d is fel t by the peopl e
t o be t he announcement of a new worl d to come.
Al ger i an society has been under goi ng for 130 yearsand is
under goi ng t odaya great upheaval . No domai n has been spai ed.
T h e pi l l ars of the t radi t i onal order have been shaken or over-
t hr own by the col oni al si tuati on and t he war. T h e ur ban mi d-
dl e class has been br oken up and dispersed; the values t hat i t
represented and prot ect ed have been swept away by the er upt i on
of new ideologies and by t he appear ance on t he scene of a new
elite, of new leaders who of t en come f r om t he common peopl e
188 The Algerians
and who are ar med wi t h an aut hori t y that has been forged i n
the struggl e f or i ndependence. T h e great f eudal chi ef s, of t en
compromi sed by t he support that they gave to t he Fr e nc h ad-
mi ni st r at i on, and hence associated in the eyes of the masses wi t h
the system of oppression, have lost i n most cases t hei r mat er i al
power and t hei r spi ri t ual aut hori t y. T h e great mass of peasants,
who opposed t hei r deepl y r oot ed t radi t i onal i sm and conservati sm
to any i nnovat i ons offered by the West , have been carri ed al ong
i n t he whi rl wi nd of vi ol ence whi ch is sweepi ng away even the
vestiges of the past. Because it has been disassociated f r om t he
magi co- myt hi cal practices and beliefs t hat kept it root ed t o the
soil, because for a t i me it was mor e or less deliberately used
as a revol ut i onary ideology capabl e of mobi l i zi ng t he masses and
enl i st i ng t hem in the struggl e, Isl am has become progressively
changed i n meani ng and funct i on. I n short, the war, by reason
of its nat ur e, its speci al f or m and its dur at i on, was accompani ed
by a radi cal revol ut i on. One coul d forecast wi th some assurance
that the r et ur n of peace woul d reveal an Al ger i a qui t e different
f r om t he Al geri a at t he out break of war, an Al ger i a hi ghl y
revol uti onary because it has been hi ghl y revol ut i oni zed.
Of al l the count ri es of Nor t h Af ri ca, Al ger i a is undoubt edl y
the one i n whi ch t he i nfl uence of West er n cul t ure, t echni ques
and i deol ogy has made itself fel t most strongl y. I t is si gni fi cant
t hat dur i ng the years of war Al ger i a f ound the replies t o its
questions in Fr enc h newspapers and Fr ench books and f or mu-
lated its probl ems, its anxi eti es, its feelings of revolt and its hopes
of r evol ut i on i n the very terms empl oyed by West er n t hought .
It must not be overl ooked that the number of chi l dr en ent eri ng
the schools is steadily i ncreasi ng, that mor e and mor e of the mal e
and even f emal e popul at i on can now express themselves i n
Fr enc h, and t hat t he provi si on of modern housi ng f or an increas-
i ng number of city dwellers has led to a pr of ound change in
habits and atti tudes. Equally significant is t he fact that the
efforts of t he admi ni st r at i on and the ar my, whatever one may
t hi nk of t hem, di d have an effect in all domai nsbasi c educat i on,
prof essi onal t r ai ni ng, agr i cul t ur al t r ai ni ng, etc. Anot her i mpor -
t ant fact is that the revol ut i onary si tuati on awakened a pol i t i cal
consci ence in al l Al ger i ans, of al l classes and of al l ages, and at
The Revolution Within the Revolution 189
the same ti me led to a new at t i t ude toward society and toward
the f ut ur e t hat is f eat ured by a great thirst for l earni ng, under-
standi ng, i nf or mat i on and mat eri al progress. One can see a
mani f est at i on of this awakeni ng of the pol i t i cal conscience in
the appearance of an oral l i t erat ure composed pri nci pal l y of
popul ar songs whi ch exalt the revol ut i onary struggle. Usual l y
anonymous and i nspi r ed by preci se events,, they si ng of t he
atrocity of the war, the heroi sm of the combat ant s and of hope
f or peace. Si mpl e and nai ve, these poems i n Ber ber or Ar a b
l anguage, sung i n accordance wi th the modes of the t radi t i onal
musi c, are bot h chr oni cl e and chanson de geste.
The r e has been an i nfi l trati on of trai tors i nt o t he Ar my of Li ber -
a t i o n
The y al most succeeded i n shaki ng it to its f oundat i ons;
De Gaul l e is begi nni ng to boast about it, happy at his success,
He cont i nues to watch mor e and mor e closely, t hi nki ng t hat his
seeds of discord have t aken root ,
Wher eas we have sworn that Al ger i a wi l l l i ve, even shoul d onl y
one man survive.
T h e numer ous students [ who have j oi ned t he F. L. N. ] have been
forced by traitors to abandon thei r post.
I f they sl umber, they dream, but if t hey ar e awakened, t hey wi l l
say " Al l ri ght , count on me . "
At the bot t om of his heart , he wishes to betray his brothers.
On the man who goes astray f r om his duty the eagle wi l l pounce
and he wi l l be carri ed off.
T h e flag is unf ur l ed by t he wi nd and dawn has ri sen over i t .
And on the day when Al geri a lives agai n, t he or phan wi l l once
mor e find his f at her.
( Recor ded in Kabyl i a in 1958.)
Li st en to this story.
Be attenti ve and in order to hear
And underst and what I say,
Be sure not to fal l asleep.
Wher ever t he Fr enchman goes,
He leaves behi nd bl oody traces;
No one is spared,
Even the old are struck down.
He has despoiled the trees whi ch were l aden with frui t.
He has poi soned t he waters of t he streams.
i go
The Algerians
Wher ever the Fr enc hma n goes,
Bul l et s pi erce the walls,
T h e wheat fields are destroyed by fire.
T o feed t he people even acorns are becomi ng har d to find.
And as for the honor that has been vi ol ated,
Wor ds are not sufficient to descri be it.
Fr om one generati on to anot her
T h e message will be t ransmi t t ed
So that it wi l l never be f or got t en
How the people were seized by the throat.
Every day each village can count one mor e person who has died.
Poor chi l d who weeps wi t hout underst andi ng
T h e stiffness of the body of its mot her.
Everywhere the Fr enc hma n goes
T h e fields are l eft bur ned behi nd hi m,
T h e cattle that were tied up
Have died bur ned to a crisp.
The y even bur n the swaddl i ng clothes
I n whi ch are wrapped the new- born babes.
No t omb will be opened f or t h e m
Only the common grave
Wi l l receive the dead.
( Recor ded in Al gi ers in i960.)
Fi nal l y, it must be r emember ed t hat the Al geri ans f eel
themsel ves to be affect ed by t he experi ences of al l t he countri es
t hat were f ormerl y col oni al possessions, and t hat t he Chi nese
vent ure, of whi ch they are general l y i l l - i nf ormed, has aroused
ambi val ent attitudes of mi ngl ed interest and distrust. Al ger i a
has now become resolutely open to the worl d.
T h e size and dur at i on of t he col oni al enterpri se, t he numer i -
cal i mpor t ance of the Eur opean popul at i on settled i n Al ger i a
and t he i nfl uence it has exert ed t hrough the power of exampl e,
t he setting up of a capi t al i st i c economy, t he prol onged cont rol
of t he civil and mi l i t ary admi ni st rat i on i n a great many fields,
t he unusual appeal and deep penet r at i on of Fr e nc h cul t ur e, t he
severity and l ong dur at i on of t he war of l i ber at i on, whi ch had
a di rect or an i ndi rect effect on all spheres of exi st ence and on
al l social cl assesal l these are factors whi ch have l ed to a com-
plete t ransf ormat i on of t he ol d Al geri a. T h e economi c and social
The Revolution Wi thi n the Revolution l gi
structures, the system of values, and t he categories of t hought
have also been greatly altered. Cont rary t o what has happened
i n ot her new countri es, it wi l l be i mpossi bl e for any f ut ur e
pol i ti cal r egi me to draw support f r om the f or mer social struc-
tures, such as the t ri be, or f r om the ol d social hi erarchi es, such
as the great l anded propri et ors or the educated bourgeoi si e of
t he cities; nor will i t be abl e to base itself upon t he old r ur al
tradi ti ons or even upon t he c ommon r el i gi ous bel i efs of t he
peopl e. Because of t he devel opment of a capi t al i st i c economy i n
whi ch a constantl y i ncreasi ng pr opor t i on of the Al geri an popu-
l at i on is f i ndi ng empl oyment , and because of t he diffusion of
educat i on, a new elite has come to t he f ore. Toget her wi t h an
enormous sub-prol etari at of unempl oyed workers, day l aborers
and peddlers, there has appeared i n t he cities a prol etari at made
up of per manent employees i n t he publ i c and pri vate sectors,
qual i fi ed t radesmen, empl oyees of t he railways, of the l arge
t r ucki ng compani es and of the Publ i c Wor ks Admi ni st r at i on,
etc. Bot h a moder n l ower mi ddl e cl asscomposed of mi nor gov-
ernment employees and admi ni st rat i ve officials and of a section
of the shopowners and f act ory wor ker sand an upper mi ddl e
cl asswhi ch i ncl udes member s of the l i ber al professions, t he
hi gher officials of t he publ i c and pr i vat e sectors, commerci al and
i ndustri al cont r act or shave been added to t hat smal l por t i on
of the ol d mi ddl e class whi ch survi ved because it was abl e to
adapt itself to t he moder n economi c system. Whi l e t he conflicts
between classes are not consciously fel t or expl i ci tl y expressed,
and whi l e they r emai n hi dden or at t enuat ed because t he gener al
f eel i ng of the domi nat ed society was one of opposi ti on t o the
domi nant European society, these conflicts nevertheless pot en-
tially exist. I n this connect i on, too, the war favored an awakeni ng
of consciousness. T h e pr ol et ar i ani zed and uprooted r ur al dwell-
ers, as well as the sub-prol etari ans and prol et ari ans of the cities,
are conscious of havi ng played a decisive role in this war, and
it could be expected that wi th t he t ermi nat i on of the war of
nat i onal l i ber at i on they woul d insist on a t rue social revol ut i on.
It is not only the interests of one social class but the whol e
economi c and social si tuati on t hat will make mandat or y t he
adopt i on of a revol ut i onary pol i cy. A society whi ch has been so
192 The Algerians
greatl y revol uti oni zed demands that revol ut i onary sol uti ons be
devised to meet its probl ems. I t will insist t hat a way be f ound
to mobi l i ze these masses who have been f r eed f r om the t r adi t i onal
di sci pl i nes and thrown i nt o a chaot i c, di si l l usi oned worl d, by
hol di ng up bef or e them a collective i deal , t he bui l di ng of a har-
moni ous social order and the devel opment of a moder n economy
capabl e of assuring empl oyment and a decent standard of l i vi ng
for all. Al ger i a contai ns such expl osi ve forces that it coul d well
be t hat there now remai ns onl y a choice bet ween chaos and an
or i gi nal f or m of socialism that will have been careful l y designed
t o meet t he needs of t he actual si tuati on.
Glossary of Arab and Berber Terms
T h e F r e n c h s ys t em o o r t h o g r a p h y f or t he f o l l o wi ng t er ms is e mp l o y e d
i n t hi s b o o k bec aus e it ref l ect s t he l oc al di al ect i n a wa y t he s t andar d
o r t h o g r a p h y does not ; al so, si nce al mos t al l wor ks on t he subj ect are i n
F r e n c h a nd use t he F r e n c h o r t h o g r a p h y , i t was d e e me d advi s abl e f or c on-
v e ni e nc e of r e f e r e nc e to f ol l ow t he pr ac t i c e i n t he f i el d.
Fr e n c h S t a nda r d De f i ni t i on
Or t h o g r a p h y Or t h o g r a p h y
achoura ' a s h u r a ' ( Ar abi c . ) Re l i g i o u s f est i val .
acils asi l ( Ar abi c . ) De s c e nda nt s of t he first
ci t y i nha bi t a nt s i n t he Mz a b ; see
nazils (nazi l ).
adab a d a b ( Ar abi c . ) Educ a t i o n, c ul t ur e , c our -
tesy.
adainin a d a y n l n ( Ber ber . ) Pa r t of Ka b y l e hous e
si t uat ed o n t he l o we r l evel , serves
as st abl e.
adekuan a d u k a n
adroum a d h r u m
akham a k h m
akharroub a k h a r r u b
( Ber ber . ) Li t t l e wal l . Pr o t r us i o n of
g a b l e wa l l s e r v i ng as s hel f o r c up-
b o a r d f or ut ens i l s ; see tadekuant
( t a duk a nt ) .
( Be r be r . ) Cl a n ; pi . iderman ( i d-
h a r ma n ) .
( Be r be r . ) T h e " l a r g e ho us e . " Bo t h
a s oci al uni t ( e x t e nde d f ami l y) a n d
c o l l e c t i o n of bui l di ng s wh e r e t hi s
s ame g r o u p l i ves.
( Ber ber . ) A l l t he f a mi l i e s who s e
me mb e r s ar e de s c e nde d f rom t he
s a me anc es t or t o t he f o ur t h or f i f th
g e ne r a t i o n, gener al l y h a v i n g t he
same name a nd c o ns i de r i ng t h e m-
s el ves as " b r o t he r s " ; see takhar-
roubt ( t ha k ha r r ubt h) a nd khar-
rouba ( k ha r r ub a h) .
193
194
Glossary
F r e n c h St a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y Or t h o g r a p h y
akoufi akf i
De f i ni t i on
amin a ml n ( Ar abi c , Be r be r . ) Re p r e s e n t a t i v e a n d
r e s p o ns i b l e p e r s o n of vi l l age .
rch ' ar s h ( Ar a bi c , Be r be r . ) T r i b e , g r o u p of
v i l l a g e s . Arch l and is l and be l o ng -
i ng i n an i ndi vi s i bl e ma n n e r t o
t r i be as a wh o l e a n d is not t he
pe r s o na l p r o p e r t y of i n d i v i d u a l
me mb e r s .
azriya az r i y ah
baraka b a r a k a h
( Loc al Ar a bi c . ) Wo ma n wi t h o u t a
hus band, wi d o we d or r e pudi a t e d.
I n t he Au r e s r e g i on she c onduc t s
her s el f as a v e r i t a bl e c o ur t e s a n
(azri : s i ngl e) .
( Ar a bi c , Be r be r . ) My s t e r i o us a nd
benef i cent p o we r f a v o r i ng sel ect ed
per sons. C a n be t r a ns mi t t e d t h r o u g h
he r e di t y , i ni t i at i on or na me - bor -
r o wi n g ; c an be wi t h h e l d b y gi f t of
n a t u r e or di v i ne p o we r .
berrou bat'el b a r r u ba t a l (or t i na- ( Ber ber . ) A c t b y wh i c h h u s b a n d
b r a wt h ba t a l ) s ends wi f e bac k t o he r pa r e nt s , pr o -
n o u n c i n g t he t r a di t i o na l f or mul a s
a nd r ef us i ng t o accept t he e qui v-
al ent of wha t h e pai d at t he t i me
of ma r r i a g e . T h i s r e p u d i a t i o n
wi t h o u t r e t ur n of t he ma r r i a g e pa y -
me n t i s pa r t i c ul a r l y of f ens i ve be -
c aus e i t s hat t er s t he s y s t e m of r ec -
i p r o c i t y g i v i n g wi t h o u t r e c e i v i ng
i n e x c h a n g e wh i c h i s c ont r a r y t o
t he l ogi c of ho no r .
( Ber ber . ) La r g e j a r of dr i e d c l ay,
pl a c e d e i t he r i n t he u p p e r pa r t of
t he hous e ne a r t he e nt r a nc e , f or
i mp o r t a n t f o o d s uppl i e s ( gr ai ns) , or
on t he p r o t r u d i n g wa l l t ha t s epa-
r at es s t abl e f r o m l i v i n g qua r t e r s ,
f or s ma l l e r pr ov i s i ons ( dr i ed f i gs,
me a l , be a ns a nd ot he r l e g u mi n o u s
f oods, seeds). T h e l at t er j ars, mu c h
s mal l er , ar e al so c al l e d tikoufiyin
( t i kuf i yi n) , si ng, takoufit ( t ha ku-
f i th).
Glossary
cheikh
COS
ohba
diia
djelf
djemda
douro lahldl
fellah
ferqa
freda
S t a nd a r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
s ha b a k a h
s haf ' ah
s h a y k h
saff
s u h b a h
d y a h
j a l f
j a ma ' a h
d r l a h l l
f a l l h
firqah
f a r i da h
*95
gandoura
g a n d r a h
( Ar abi c . ) Ma n ' s r obe of l i ne n or
wo o l .
Fr e n c h
Or t h o g r a p h y
chebka
chefda
De f i ni t i on
( Ar abi c . ) Ne t , ne t t i ng .
( Ar abi c . ) R i g h t o r e d e e mi n g r e a l
est at e o r o pr e - e mpt i o n, wh o s e
d e v e l o p me n t r ec ei ved g r e a t i mp e t u s
f r o m Be r b e r c u s t o m i n o r d e r t o
k e e p s t r anger s or f or ei gner s a wa y
f r o m t he pr ope r t y .
( Ar abi c , Be r be r . ) Lo c a l h e a d of r el i -
gi ous l i f e.
( Ar abi c. ) Moi e t y . Pol i t i c al a nd ag-
oni st i c a l l i a nc e (pi . suf uf ) .
( Ar abi c. ) " T h e c o mpa ny . " Pa t r o n-
age. Pr o t e c t i o n as s ur ed by a p o we r -
f ul f a mi l y to p o o r e r f ami l i es i n
e x c h a ng e f or fidelity a nd a l l e g i a nc e .
( Ar abi c , Ber ber . ) Bl o o d mo ne y .
Co mpe ns a t i o n pa i d by mur de r e r ' s
f a mi l y to f a mi l y of vi c t i m.
( Loc a l Ar a bi c . ) Ho l l o w, s oi l of
wh i c h is c ul t i v a t e d by n o ma d s .
( Ar a bi c . ) As s e mb l y of al l ma l e
me mb e r s of v i l l a g e ; see tajmadt
( t aj ma' t h) .
( Ar a bi c . ) Douro pi e c e or s u m of
mo n e y ) of s al e by a uc t i o n a mo n g
T o u a b a ; see haqd-dkhoul h a q q -
d u k h u l ) .
( Arabi c. ) Fe l l ah, pe a s a nt .
( Ar a bi c . ) Di v i s i on, f r a c t i on ( soci al
uni t ) .
( Ar abi c . ) Ac t b y wh i c h a cadi ( Mos -
l e m magi s t r at e ) es t abl i s hes t he s ha r e
of e ac h of t he par t i e s ent i t l ed i n
t he i nhe r i t a nc e .
Glossary
F r e n c h
Or t h o g r a p h y
gourbi
guela
habous
hachouma
St a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
g u r b i
q a l ' a h
h u b u s
h i s h ma h
De f i ni t i on
halqa
hammam
haouch
haouita
haqd-dkhoul
harfiqt
h a l q a h
h a mma m
h a ws h
h a wi t a h
h a q q d u k h u l
h a r f q t h
( Ar abi c. ) T h e " c i r c l e " ; as s e mbl age
of l e a r ne d per s ons i n Mz a b .
( Ar a b i c , Be r be r . ) Mo o r i s h b a t h .
( Ar a bi c . ) " F a r m. " Co n t i n u o u s p r o p -
e r t y wi t h b u i l d i n g i n t he c e nt e r .
Co u r t of c i t y dwe l l i ng s .
( Ar abi c. ) Ge ne r a l l y a s ma l l , roof l ess,
st one e nc l os ur e , e nc ompa s s e d by a
h i g h wal l a r o und t he t o mb of a
ma r a b o u t . I n t he Mz a b, an el l i pse
of 26 t ombs t one s l a i d out i n t he
ma r k e t pl ac e , wh e r e ques t i ons of a
secul ar na t ur e ( l egal de l i be r a t i ons ,
f i nanc i al t r ans act i ons , pol i t i c al de-
bat es) ar e di scussed unde r t he pr o-
t ec t i on of t he de a d.
( Ar abi c. ) We d d i n g pr e s e nt f r o m
s al e by a uc t i on consi st i ng of one
douro a mo n g t he Be ni - Bo u - S l i ma ne
i n t he A u r e s r e g i on.
( Ber ber . ) C l a n , g r o u p uni f y i ng sev-
er al e x t e nde d f ami l i e s ; pi. hirfiqin
( hi r f l ql n) .
( Ar abi c . ) Ro u g h l y b u i l t dwe l l i ng ,
of t en consi st i ng of s i ngl e apar t -
me nt ma d e of mu d or b o u g h s
d a u b e d wi t h e ar t h.
( Ar a bi c , Be r be r . ) Gr a n a r y c i t a d e l ,
c as t l e f or t r e s s ; s mal l t o wn or vi l -
l age si t uat ed on pl a t e a u or st eep
r ock. T h e def ens i ve si t e e nc our a ge s
t he g r o u p t o st ore t he i r pr ovi s i ons
he r e f or s af e ke e pi ng.
( Ar abi c. ) Re l i g i o us f ounda t i on; do-
na t i on ma d e t o r e l i g i ous es t abl i s h-
me n t c ons i s t i ng of pr o pe r t y , t he
r e v e nue f r o m wh i c h is kept f or one -
sel f a nd hei r s .
( Ar abi c . ) S ha me , mode s t y . Di g ni t y ,
Glossary
h'orma
iderman
ikufan
ittifqt
kanum
kharrouba
khouan
hitman
ksar
*97
lada
St a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
h r m
h u r ma h
i d h a r m n
i kuf a n
i t t i f q t
k n n
k h a r r b a h
k h w n
k i t m n
kas r or qas r
al ' ada
De f i ni t i on
( Loc al Ar a bi c . ) Sa c r e d t er r i t or y, si te
of t he five t o wns of t he Mz a b ,
whe r e t he o bs e r v a nc e of t he t r ue
r e l i g i on, f r ee f r o m al l c o nt a mi na -
t i on, is ma i nt a i ne d.
( Ar a b i c , Be r be r . ) Ho n o r by opos i -
t i on to p o i nt of ho no r .
( Ber ber . ) Cl a ns ; si ng, adroum ad-
h r u m) .
( Ber ber . ) La r g e j ar s; s i ng, akoufi
( akuf i ) .
( Arabi c. ) Co l l e c t i o n of Mo z a b i t e
wr i t t e n c us t oms .
( Ar a bi c , Be r be r . ) Ent r a nc e , h e a r t h
c ons i s t i ng of a hol e h o l l o we d i n t he
g r o u n d i n u p p e r pa r t of hous e a nd
d a u b e d i ns i de wi t h cl ay.
( Ar abi c . ) See akharroub ( a kha r r ub) .
( Loc al Ar a bi c . ) " Bo t h e r s . " Me m-
ber s of a r e l i g i ous b r o t h e r h o o d .
( Ar abi c. ) Ac t of v e i l i ng , h i d i ng , si-
l e nc i ng ; a r r a n g e me n t p e r mi t t i n g
Mo z a bi t e aus t er i t y to adj ust t o r el i -
gi ous pr e s c r i pt i ons .
( Loc a l Ar a bi c . ) Oas i s g a r de ne r s '
vi l l age; t he hous es of st one or dr i e d
e a r t h c l i ng to t he s he l t e r of t he
r a mp a r t s as a pr ot e c t i on agai ns t
n o ma d i nc ur s i ons ; pi . ksour.
( Ar a bi c , Be r be r . ) Cu s t o m, t r a di t i on,
r ul e . Ldada imezwura ( al ' ada
i ma z wu r a ) : " t he c us t om of t he
f i srt , " or " t h e c us t om ( es t abl i s hed)
by t he first ones . " T h e anc es t r al
t r a di t i on.
lhara a l - h r a h ( Ber ber . ) " T h e hous e . " Dwe l l i n g
pl ac e. Co l l e c t i o n of hous e s s hel t er -
Fr e nc h
Or t h o g r a p h y
h'orm
i.8
matmoura ma t m r a h
malla mus a l l a
mechmel ma s h ma l
Glossary
De f i ni t i on
mechta
meddah
ma s ht
ma d a h
( Ar abi c. ) At first, wi nt e r e n c a mp -
me n t of s e mi - noma ds of e a s t e r n
Al g e r i a , e v e nt ua l l y a v i l l a g e .
( Ar abi c . ) P o p u l a r s i nge r , k i n d of
wa nd e r i ng t r o u b a d o u r wh o r eci t es
poe t r y , na r r a t e s r e l i g i o us hi s t or y of
I s l a m or r e l a t e s l o c a l l e g e nds .
mektoub ma k t b ( Ar abi c. ) Fat e, or wh a t ha s be e n
wr i t t e n.
nazils naz i l ( Ar abi c . ) As o ppo s e d to acils (asi l ),
r e c e nt l y a r r i v e d i nha bi t a nt s of
t o wns i n t he Mz a b .
qanoun q a n u n ( Ar abi c , Ber ber . ) Co l l e c t i o n of c us -
t o ms , us ual l y o r a l , b e l o n g i n g t o
e a c h v i l l a g e .
rahnia r a h n l y a h ( Ar abi c . ) Mo r t g a g e of r e v e nue s of a
pr o pe r t y i n pa y me nt of i nt er es t on
a l oa n.
souq si i q ( Ar abi c , Be r be r . ) Ma r k e t .
srir s ar i r ( Ar abi c . ) " B e d " ; e l e v a t i on c on-
s t r uc t e d of e a r t h , i n t he f o r m of a
b e nc h o n wh i c h is s pr ead b e d d i n g ,
pa r t i c ul a r l y of i mpo r t a nt pe r s on-
ages.
taricht t a' r i s ht h ( Ber ber . ) A sort of l of t . Ap a r t me n t ,
or r o o m, s i t uat e d u n d e r t he s a me
Fr e n c h S t a n d a r d
Or t h o g r a p h y Or t h o g r a p h y
i ng Be r b e r f a mi l y , c at t l e l e a s e d o u t
a nd f ood s uppl i e s .
( Ar abi c . ) U n d e r g r o u n d si l o, p r o p -
e r t y of f a mi l y o r g r o u p .
( Ar a bi c . ) Sl ab r ai s e d u p o n a n d
s u p p o r t e d b y a pa r a l l e l - f a c e d b l o c k
wh e r e pr a y e r s ar e sai d.
( Ar abi c. ) C o mmo n l a nds of t he c l a n
or v i l l a g e , g e n e r a l l y s e r v i ng as pas-
t ur es.
Glossary
*99
S t a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
De f i ni t i on
taddart
tadekuant
tadjadit
tajmat
takharroubt
takiya
taleb
t h a d d a r t h
t a dk a nt
t a j a ddi t h
t a j ma ' t h
t h a k h a r r b t h
t a q y a h
t l i b
tamaouokt t i m' a w q t h
r oof as t he rest of t he hous e , a b o v e
t he s t abl e, adainin, a nd c o nne c t i ng
wi t h t h e l i v i ng qua r t e r s ( t aqa' at ) .
Re a c h e d by l a dde r or by " a d h a b -
d h a r , " a s ma l l bui l t - up e l e v a t i o n
s u p p o r t i n g l i t t l e akoufi ( akuf i ) .
( Ber ber . ) V i l l a g e . Ca n be ma d e up
of a s i ngl e c l an, adroum, or s e v e r al .
( Ber ber . ) S ma l l adekuan.
( Ber ber . ) Li t e r a l l y , of jadd; g r a nd-
f at her , ancest or . Co ns a ng ui ni t y ;
l i ne age . Al l t he de s c e ndant s of t he
s ame ancest or , r e a l or my t hi c a l .
( Ber ber . ) See djemda ( j am' ah) .
( Ber ber . ) See akharroub a nd khar-
rouba. Li t t l e akharroub; pi . tikhar-
roubin ( t i khar r ubl n. )
( Ar abi c . ) P r u d e n c e i n s u p p l y i ng
do g ma t i c j us t i f i cat i on f or adj us t -
me nt s ma d e wi t h t r a di t i ona l con-
s e r v at i s m.
( Ar abi c . ) Sc hol ar , s t ude nt i n g e n -
er al . On e wh o seeks k n o wl e d g e : b y
e x t e ns i o n, a wi s e ma n , v i r t uo us ,
pi ous , u n c o mp l i c a t e d , d e t a c h e d
f r o m t he wo r l d ' s g o o ds a nd d e v o i d
of al l pas s i on.
( Be r be r . ) Li t e r a l l y , " t h e w o ma n
wh o is put i n di stress, l ef t i n a
st at e of he s i t a t i on. " Wo ma n wh o ,
by t he f act of barrou batel, or b y
r ef usal of do wr y s e t t l e me nt a nd i t s
c ount e r pa r t s , f i nds he r s e l f i n a n
a mb i g u o u s s i t ua t i on, wi t h o u t a set-
t l e d soci al st at us a nd t hus e v e n ex-
c l ude d f r om t he cycl e of ma t r i mo -
ni a l e x c ha ng e s af t er t he ma n n e r of
a gi f t r ef us ed t o wh i c h n o c ount e r -
gi f t c an be ma de .
F r e n c h
Or t h o g r a p h y
200
St a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
Glossary
De f i ni t i on
( Be r be r . ) " S p o k e s ma n " o takhar-
roubt, i t s r e pr e s e nt a t i v e i n t he as-
s embl i es , o wh i c h i t is t he g ua r a n-
t ee be c aus e i t is t he de pos i t or y o
t he c onf i de nc e (amen) o al l i ts
me mb e r s .
taousa
t ws a h ( Ar abi c. ) Gi f t i n k i nd ma d e by
gue s t t o hos t a nd publ i c a l l y pr o-
c l a i me d o n t he occasi on o f est i val s
a nd c e r e moni e s .
taqaat
(adainin)
taqbilt
taymat
tikharroubin
timechret'
tiouizi
toufiq
t aqa' at
( a da y ni n)
t h a y ma t
t ha q b i l t
t i k h a r r u b n
t i ma s hr a t
/
t i wi zi
t f i q
( Ber ber . ) Pa r t o hous e c ont i g uous
wi t h s t abl e a nd speci f i cal l y r es er ved
for h u ma n bei ngs. Ha b i t a b l e p a r t
o hous e .
( Ber ber . ) Co n f e d e r a t i o n o t r i bes .
( Be r be r . ) Li t e r a l l y , o ayma: br ot he r .
Br o t h e r h o o d , al l t he br o t he r s .
( Ber ber . ) Si ng, takharroubt (t ha-
kha r r f l bt h) .
( Berber. ) Ap p o r t i o n me n t o me a t
a mo n g al l t he i n h a b i t a n t s o a
v i l l age on t he oc c as i on o agr i c ul -
t ur a l c e r e moni e s (f est i val s of t he
first a u t u mn a l pl o wi ng , r a i n cer e-
moni es , et c. ), or of r e l i g i ous f est i val s
( ' i d- assghi r, Mu l u d , et c. ) .
(Berber. ) Col l e c t i v e wo r k ; s ee touiza.
( Lo c a l Ar a bi c . ) Te r r i t o r i a l uni t
wh e r e c l a n or " c o n f e d e r a t i o n " of
c l a ns has t a ke n r oot .
touiza t wi z a h
u mma h
z wi y a h
( Ar a bi c . ) Col l e c t i v e wo r k ; see ti-
ouizi.
( Ar abi c . ) Mo s l e m c o mmu n i t y ; mo d -
e r n sense of t e r m: nat i on.
( Ar abi c . ) Es t a b l i s h me n t f or i ns t r uc -
t i on a t t a c he d t o a r e l i g i o u s br o t he r -
ho o d.
Fr e nc h
Or t h o g r a p h y
t'amen
Glossary
S t a nda r d
Or t h o g r a p h y
zariba z ar i ba
201
De f i ni t i on
( Ar a bi c . ) V i l l a g e of mo u n t a i n
dwe l l e r s i n t he Co l l o massi f , g r o u p -
i ng wi t h i n an e nc l o s ur e of t hor ns
a nd s hr ubs t he me mb e r s of f ami l i es
des c ended f r om a c o mmo n ancest or
(pi . z ar a' i b) .
Fr e nc h
Or t h o g r a p h y
Selected Bibliography
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BERQU E, J . Etudes d'histoire rurale maghrbine, Tangi er s , 1938.
. Les Arabes, Robe r t Del pi r e, Pari s, 1959.
BI ROT a nd DRESCH. La Mditerrane et le Moyen-Orient, Presses
Uni versi t ai res de Fr ance.
CAPOT- REY. Le Sahara franais, Presses Uni versi t ai res de Fr ance,
1953-
CHARLES. Le droit musulman, " Que sais-j e?" sries no. 702, Gal l i -
mar d.
CHOU RAQU I . Les Juifs d'Afrique du Nord, 1952.
DEPONT and COPOLANI . Les confrries religieuses musulmanes,
1897.
DERMENGHEM. Le culte des saints dans l'Islam maghrbin, 1954.
DSPARMET. Ethnographie traditionnelle de la Mitidja, 1918.
. Coutumes, institutions, croyances des Musulmans d'Al-
grie, 2d d., 1948.
DESPOI S. L'Afrique du Nord, Presses Uni versi tai res de Fr ance,
1949-
DOU TTE. Magie et religion dans l'Afrique du Nord, 1909.
EMERI T. L'Algrie a l'poque d'Abd-el-Kader, Al gi ers, 1951.
E. S. N. A. Cahiers nord-africains, Pari s.
Fichier de Documentation berbre, For t - Nat i onal .
GARDET. La cit musulmane, Vr i n, 1954.
GAU DEFROY- DEMOMBYNES. Les institutions musulmanes, %d d.,
1946.
GAU DRY. La femme chaoua de l'Aurs, Geut hner , 1929.
GAU TI ER. Le pass de l'Afrique du Nord, Payot , 1937.
. Moeurs et coutumes des Musulmans, Payot , 1931.
GOI CHON. Lavie fminine auMzab, Geut hner , 1927.
HANOTEAU and LETOU RNEU X. La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles,
3 vols., 1873.
ISNARD. Algeria, trans. by O. C. War den, Oxf or d, 1955.
202
Selected Bibliography 203
. La rorganisation de la proprit rurale dans la Mitidja,
Al gi ers, 1948.
. " Vi gne et structures sociales en Al gr i e, " Diogne, Sep-
t ember 1959.
LARCHER. Trait lmentaire de lgislation algrienne, Al gi ers,
1903-
LETOU RNEAU . L'Islam contemporain, Ed. I nt . , Pari s, 1950.
. Les villes musulmanes de l'Afrique du Nord, Al gi ers,
1957-
MARAI S, G. Les Arabes en Berbrie du XI
e
au XIV
e
sicle, 1913.
MASQU ERAY. Formation des cits chez les populations sdentaires
de l'Algrie, 1886.
MAU NI ER. Mlanges de sociologie nord-africaine, Al can, 1930.
. Coutumes algriennes, Pari s, 1935.
MERCI ER. La civilisation urbaine au Mzab, Al gi ers, 1922.
MiLLioT. L'association agricole chez les Musulmans du Maghreb,
1911.
. " Les i nst i t ut i ons kabyl es, " Rev. et. isl., 1932.
MI NER, H. M. , a nd DE VOS , G. Oasis and Casbah: Algerian Cul-
ture and Personality in Change, Uni versi t y of Mi chi gan
Press, i960.
RA HMA NI . Coutumes du Cap Aokas, 1936.
Revue Africaine, Algiers.
Tabl es on Al geri an Economy, Statistique gnrale de l'Algrie,
1958.
TI LLI ON, G. Algeria: The Realities, trans, by R. Mat t hews,
Knopf , 1958.
. " Dans l ' Aur s, " Annales, J ul y- Sept ember 1957.
. " Les socits berbres de l ' Aurs mr i di onal , " Africa,
1938-
YACONO. Les bureaux arabes, Larose, Pari s, 1953.
. La colonisation des plaines du Chliff, Algiers, 1955.
Index
Ab a d h i t e doc t r i ne , 38-42, 44, 45-48,
Ab a d h i t e s , 38. See also Moz a bi t e s
Ab o d a o u i , 33
Ab d e r r a h ma n e , Ou l e d , 36
A b d i , Ou l e d , 25, 35
A b d i , Wa d i e l , 25
A b i o d , Wa d i el , 25, 34, 35
Achoura, f es t i val of , 79
A cils, 43
Adab, 112
Adroum, 3, 12
Ag g r e g a t i o n , t r i bal , 87-91; p o we r of
n a me i n, 88-90
Ag h b a l a , i76n
Ag n a t i c p r i n c i p l e , 3, 5, 7-8, 10-12,
17, 23, 32, 44, 82, 83, 97, 102. See
also F a mi l y or ga ni z a t i on
Ag o u n i - n - Te s e l l e n t (A' it Akbi l ) , 2on
Ag r i c u l t u r e , de c l i ne of n a t i v e , i28n.
See also Re s e t t l e me nt pol i c y; Fel -
l a h, di spossessi on of
A h ma r K h a d d o u , 27
Akham, 3
Al g e r i a , t opog r a phy , x i i i
Al g i e r s ( ci t y) , 59, 62, 65n, 66, 124,
i25n, i76n
Al g i e r s (dpartement), yjn
Al g i e r s , S a he l of, i25n
Al ms g i v i n g , 30, 47
Amin, 3
A r a b c ul t ur e , i nt e r c ha ng e wi t h
Be r be r , x i i - x i v , 5, 27, 30, 56, 92,
93. See also Be d o u i ns
Arch, 3, 32, 36
As s i mi l a t i o n a nd di s s i mi l a t i on, pr i n-
c i pl e of, 90-91, 93, 94n
At h b e d j , 84
At l as : Sahar an, 66; Te l l i a n , 164
Aur s , t opog r a phy , xi i i
Au t o c o n s u mp t i o n , 26, 103
Azriya, 30-31
Ba ni s hme nt . See Os t r a c i s m
Ba n k of Al g e r i a , 123
Baraka, go, 115, 116
Be do ui ns , c ul t ur al i nt e r p n t r a t i on
wi t h Be r be r s , 56, 57, 93
Be ni - Bo u- Sl i ma ne , 10, 35
Be ni I s guen, 40
Be ni Me l k e m, 35
Be n i Me n n a , 76
B e n i Me r z o u g , 76
Be r b e r c ul t ur e , i nt e r c ha ng e wi t h
Ar a b . See A r a b c ul t ur e
Be r r i a ne , 39, 40, 49
Berrou bat'el, 10
B ne , 57, i25n
Bor dj i a , 78
B o u No u r a , 40
Bo u r d i e u , P. , 105
Bour g e oi s i e , i n A r a b ci ti es, 64
De Br o g l i e , A. , 120
Bu r i a l c us t oms , 12, 35-36, 41
Bus i nes s success, Mo z a b i t e , 51-54
Cadi , 7, 30, 42
Ca ds , 140
Ca n t o n me n t of 1856-1857, 120
Ca pi t a l , 9, 39, 48, 64, 72, 73, 103
Ca p o t - Re y , 67n, 69
Ce r e a l g r o wi ng , 27, 58, 66, 67, 70-72,
73, 80; c ol oni al , 123
Chebka, 37
Chechia, 154, 156, 158
Chefa, 5, 6, 75, 82
Chl i f f , 56, 57, 78, 16511
Che r a a , 179
Ci t r us g r o wi ng , c o l o ni a l i ndus t r y of,
123-126
Cl a n, 1, 2, 4: A r a b , 67, 82, 83; Ka -
b y l e , 12-13, 17, 22; Moz a bi t e , 41,
42, 48; S ha wi a n, 31, 32-36
Cl as s es , u r b a n , 64, 191
ndex
205
Cl i ma t e , ef f ect on e c o no my , 57, 65,
68, 72, 73, 103
off: Ar a b , g o- g i ; Ka by l e , 13- 16;
Mo z a bi t e , 42, 4 3 ; S ha wi a n, 29, 34-
35
ohba, 78
Co l l o , i 6g n, i 7 2 n, i 7 4n, 175, 179
Col oni s t s , a l i e na t i on o, 132
Col oni z a t i on a nd Fr e nc h r ul e , x i v ,
44, 57, 64, 65n, 84, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8. See also
Re s e t t l e me n t pol i c y
Co mme ns a l i t y , 3, 4, 13
Co mt e , 109
Conf e de r a t i ons , t r i ba l , 83-84
Co ns t a nt i ne , 124, 182
Co ns t a nt i ne , Hi g h Pl ai ns of , 56-57,
64, 65n, 125, 135. See also Wo m a n
Co r po r a t i o ns , u r b a n A r a b , 60-62
C r i me a nd p u n i s h me n t , 20-23, 4 1 , 43,
47
Cur s e , 3-4
Da h r a , 57
Da o u d , Ou l e d , 25, 35
De s poi s , 84, 86
Diia, 33
Di v o r c e , 29-30
Dj e b a b r a , i 7 2n
Dj e b e l Bo us , 26
Djelj l ands , 67
Djema, 42, 43n, 7 0, 140
Dj e r b a , 45
Dj u r d j u r a , i n
Doutrs, 35, 59, 7 1 , 139- 140
Douro, 10; lahll, 10
Do u t t , 87
Dr e s c h, 135
Ed u c a t i o n , 48, 51 , 95, 1 65. See also
Wa r , effects of
El A r a b ( Bou Ok k a z f ami l y) , 84
El At euf , 39, 40
Emi g r a t i on, 39; a nd g r o u p ti es, 1 1 ,
45- 46-47. 49- 5 0- 5
1
. 7
8
"
8
2 .
l 6
5
Ex c o mmu n i c a t i o n , 43, 49
Fa mi l y or g a ni z a t i on, 3-5: A r a b , 60;
Ka b y l e , 5- 12; Mo z a bi t e , 41 ; Sha w-
i an, 27-32; of bus i nes s , 48, 60; as
s t r uc t ur a l mo d e l , 97-98: Ka b y l e ,
12-24; S ha wi a n, 35-36
Fa mi l y s ol i dar i t y, as soci al f ac t or ,
97: A r a b , 60; Ka b y l e , 12; Mo z a b i t e ,
49, 51 ; S h a wi a n , 28; b r e a k d o wn
of, 1 41 - 1 42. See also Soci al St r uc-
t ur es
Fat al i s m, I s l ami c, 103, 109- 111
Fa t he r , r ol e of, 3-4, 102, 186: A r a b ,
83; Ka b y l e , 1 0- 1 1 ; S ha wi a n, 25,
27-28, 31
Fa v r o d, 14711
Fe l l a h: a t t i t ude t o l i f e, 103-106; di s-
possessi on of, 64, 126, 129, 135,
139, 1 7 1 - 1 7 6; r e l i g i on, 1 1 5 - 1 1 6
Fe r hat Abba s , i 4 7 n
Ferqa, 83
F i n a n c i a l De l e g a t i o n s , 123
Fo r t Na t i o n a l (arrondissement), 1
Fr anc e, i mages of, 151- 152
Freda, 74
Fr ont de Li b r a t i o n Na t i o na l e
( F . L. N. ) , i 47 n, 154, i 5 g n , 16111,
163, 164, i 6g n, 182
Gandoura, 7g
Ga ut i e r , E. F. , 38, 45-46
Ge nt i l i t i a l f a mi l y . See F a mi l y o r g a ni -
zat i on
Gha r da ' i a , 40, 68
Gourbi, x i , 63, i 7 2 n, 182
Gours, 37
Gr a na r y , as s oci al i ns t i t ut i on, 33-34.
See also Guela
Gr e a t f a mi l y , 78; a nd p o we r of n a me ,
88-go
Gu e b l i , Wa d i , 180
Guela, 33, 40, 104
Gue r r a r a , 3g, 40
Habous, 5, 6, 74, 75, 82
Hachouma, g6
Halqa, 4 1 , 43n
Hamada, 37
Hammam, 62
Ha n e n c h a ( Ha r a r f a mi l y ) , 84
Ha n o t r e a u a nd Le t r o u n e u x , 7-8
Haouita, 42
Harfiqt, 32-34, 36
Haqd-dkhoul, 10
Hi l l a l i a n A r a b i nvas i ons , 56, 8g
Ho me Ar my , 152
2o6
Index
Ho n o r , 96, 1 1 2: Ka b y l e , 3, 6, 10, 17,
20-23; Sha wi a n, 28, 33; decl i ne o,
184; as g u a r a n t o r of s ha r e c r o ppe r
pact s, 78-81
Ho no r a b l e e x c ha ng e , 9, i 6 n, 81, 103
H'orm, 40
H'orma, 87
Hos pi t a l i t y , 28
Hu mb o l d t , Wi l h e l m, v o n , 1 1 3
I nhe r i t a nc e cust oms, 3, 5, 102; Ka-
byl e , 5-6; Sha wi a n, 28
I r r i g a t i on, 67, 68
I s l am, c onve r s i ons t o , 56, 62
I s l ami c l aw, 6, 13, 38, 42, 7 4 , 92;
c u l t u r a l i nf l uenc e, 107- 118
I snar d, 126
Ittifqt, 39, 42-44, 47
Jews , 63, 93, 1 1 1
Ka b y l i a , t o po g r a phy , 1
Ke r ke r a , i 76n, 180
Khamms, I38n
Kha r e dj i t e s , See Ab a d h i t e s
Khe l o uf , Ou l e d , 78
Khouan, 109
Kh o u i d e m, Ou l e d , 78
Ki n s h i p , f i ct i t i ous, 84-86
Kitmn, 54
Ko r a n i c s chool s , 43, 48, 60
Ko u l o u g h l i s , 62
Ksar, 67n
Ksourien, 67-68, 69
Liada imeitvura, 95
La g h o u a t , 66, 68
La n d h o l d i n g , 5, 102: A r a b , 66-67,
70, 74- 76; Ka b y l e , 1-2, 5; Mo z a b i t e ,
34-36; a basi s f or s oci al uni t y , 82-83;
c o l o ni a l pol i c y on, 120- 122; sal e
of no ma ds ' l ands , 58. See also
Re s e t t l e me n t pol i c y
La r t i q ue , 35
La w, 20-23, 92. See also ittifqt
L v i - St r aus s , 91
Li t t l e Ka b y l i a , 56
Ma d h i , Ou l e d , 84, 86, 89, 90
Ma g i c , 10, 1 1 8; a nd wo ma n , 29, 30-
3
1
- 49- 93. 95. 9
8
Ma o Ts e - t ung , 164
Ma r a b o ut s , 4, 27, 89, 93; t r i be s of
89. See also Pr i es t s
Ma r a i s , G., 85, 89
Ma r a i s , W. , 62
Ma r c y , G., 92
Ma r ke t s , xi i i , 26, 40, 59, 62, 68
Ma r r i a g e c o mpe ns a t i o n: Ka b y l e , 8-10;
S ha wi a n, 29-30
Ma r r i a g e cust oms, 4: Ka by l e , 5- 10;
Sha wi a n, 29-30
Matmoura, 71
Ma y , 1958, de mons t r a t i ons of, i 4g n,
150, 158- 159, 164
Mechmel, 1
Mechta, 71
Meddah, x i i i , 94
Mda, 62
Mdersas, 60
Medina, 67n
Me dj a na , Ou l e d ( Mo k r a n f a mi l y ) ,
84
Mektoub, 109
Me l i k a , 40, 47
Melk, 12 i n
Me n a , 35
Mtayage au quint. See Sha r e c r op-
pi ng
Mi c he l e t , i 84n
Mi l i a na , 62, i 72n
Mi t i dj a , 57, i 25 n
Mo h a mme d Di b , 148
Mo nt e s q u i e u , 20-21
Moor s , Anda l us i a n, 62
Mor oc c ans , 84
Mor oc c o, 60, 185
Mos que , 40-42, 49, 59, 60, i i 4 n
Mo u l o u d Ma mme r i , 95
M'turni, 1 59
Mu t u a l ai d, 2, 1 1 - 1 2, 28, 48, 60, 7 5 ,
1 1 2; pact s, 76
Mz a b , t o po g r a phy , 37
Mz a b , Wa d i , 37, 40
Mz i r a , 36
Na i l , Ou l e d , 84, 86, 91
Nazils, 43
Ne d r o ma , 62
Ne g r oe s , 63
Ne me n c h a s , 164
Index
207
Nomads, Saharan, 76; Shawian, 27,
32-33
Oases, paradox of, 37-38
Oat h, collective, 22-23, 33
Oi l , 54" . 69
Oran, 57, 60,6511, 66, 12511
Oranie, plains of, 57
Ostracism, 17, 22, 43, 45
Ouarsenis, 57
Pacts, 76, 78-82, 103
Past, idealization of, 94-95. See also
Tradi ti onal i st society
Pastoral society, decline of, 69
Patrimony: legalized break-up, 58,
82-83; as social factor, xi i , xi i i ,
33.
8 2
"
8
3
Personality, concealment of, 96
Philippeville, i25n, i76n
Pi mont, 164
Pied noir (pioneer), i3on, 152
Politeness, 95
Population: growth, 63n, 119, 128,
134-135; ratios, 67n
Population growth, European, 123
Priests, 42-44. See also Marabouts
Proletariat, in Arab cities, 64, 191
Qanoun, 13, 20-23
Racism, 133-134, 150
Rahnia, 105
Ramadan, fast of, 113
Rechaich, Ouled, 121
Resettlement policy: economic ef-
fects, 164, 170-179; failure, 182;
motives, 164, 166; procedures, 169-
170; social effects, 164-165, 171-176
Resolutions of 1748, 6
Richard, Captain, 76
Rivire, T. , 36
Sahara, xi , 25, 27, 60, 64, 67, 68, 69
Saussure, Ferdinand, de, 90
Section Administrative Spcialise,
i72n, 183
Senatus Consulte of 1863, 33n, 35, 58,
82, 120, i22n, 139, 166
Sersou, 69
Stif, 64, 65n
Shantytowns, 178
Sharecropping, 2, 78-82
Sheik, 42, 83-84
Social structures: continuity of, 66-
67, 98; decline of, 139-144
Souq, 62
Speech, conventions of, 96, 107
Standard of living, 135, 177-178
Stock raising, 57, 58, 65, 70-73, 128,
i34-35
Swing-plow, 67, 72
Syncecism, 44
Taddart, 3
Tajmat, 3, 12, 17, 22
Takharroubt, 3, 12
Takiya, 54
Taleb, 47
Tamaouokt, 10
T'amen, 3
Tamesroit, 3 m
Taousa, 9, 106
Taqbilt, 3
Tel l region, xi, 45-49, 58, 65n, 66,
68, 69, 76, 84
Terrorism, 153
Theocracy, 43
Thresholds, 12
Tiaret, 69
Ti l l i on, G., 35, 36
Timechret', 3, 12, 22
Tiouizi, 11
Tl emcen, 60, 62, 140
Tolls, paid by nomads, 66
Touaba, 10, 33
Touaregs, 3111,9111
Toufiq, 13
Trabadjar, 183
Traditionalism, colonial, 155-156
Traditionalist society, 94-96; aU i-
tudes toward work, 104; and eco-
nomic planning, 104-105; sources,
109-114
Transhumance, 25, 35, 71, 334
Tri be: Arab, 82, 83-84, 86-87; Kabyle,
3; Shawian, 32, 36
Tunisia, 185
Turks, 62
208
Index
We b e r , Ma x , 104, 114
Wi f e , r ol e of, 1, 4, 95: Ar a b , 83;
Ka b y l e , 7; S ha wi a n, 25, 27-31. See
also Wo ma n , status of
Wi n e g r o wi n g , c o l o n i a l i ndus t r y of,
123-126
Wo ma n , st at us of , 97-98: Ka b y l e , 5-
10; Mo z a bi t e , 49; S ha wi a n, 29-32;
c ha ng e i n, 186-187.
S e e
Wi f e ,
r ol e of
Y a c o n o , 78
Zaouia, 8g, 116
Zariba, 175, 180
Umma, 112
Un e mp l o y me n t , 129, 174-176, 182-
183, 191
Us ur y , 39, 111-112
Vai s s i er e, Ca p t a i n , 88, 121, i22n
V e i l , 154, 156
V i l l a g e , Ka b y l e : l a y out , 1; s oci al
uni t , 3, 13
Wa r , Al g e r i a n : causes, 145-147; a nd
c u l t u r a l e x c ha ng e , 187-188; a nd
de c ol oni z a t i on, 163; a nd na t i v e
v i e w of d o mi n a n t c u l t u r e , 159-162
Wa r n i e r l a w of 1873, 120-121