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4
Racial Discrimination & Cardiovascular Disease
PLOS ONE | www.plosone.org 9 October 2013 | Volume 8 | Issue 10 | e77174
the black participants were not robust to control for socioeconomic
position and other covariates, nor did controlling for exposure to
racial discrimination and socioeconomic adversity account for the
black excess risk for elevated SBP and risk of hypertension or affect
the null excess risk (after controlling for age and gender) for the
Framingham CVD score.
Study limitations and strengths: considering the MBMS
participants in context
As a first step in interpreting our study findings, it is important
to consider study limitations and strengths. One limitation is that
our investigation, by virtue of study design, was cross-sectional,
limiting causal inference, even as we did obtain data on exposure
to racial discrimination and socioeconomic position across the
lifecourse. Strengths include: the high response rate within our
random sample; little missing data; and reliance on both validated
instruments and innovative use of new implicit and structural
racial discrimination measures.
A second limitation pertains to the unexpectedly poor and
constrained socioeconomic and health profile of both the black
and white participants. Here we note that we chose to recruit
participants from community health centers [11] for two
important reasons. First, the mandate of community health
centers is to provide health care to persons who are low income
and medically underserved, as well as are diverse in their racial/
ethnic composition [49], and so are likely to serve populations who
are harmed by racial discrimination and economic deprivation.
Second, community health centers are trusted community-based
organizations [49], which is especially important for recruiting
participants from social groups that have been subjected to social
and economic deprivation and historically exposed to unethical
research practices [50]; the high MBMS participation (black:
97.0%; white: 91.9%) and response rates (black: 86.0%; white:
81.4%) attest to the value of this recruitment strategy [11]. A
corollary is that community health centers are used by individuals
who value these aspects of community health centers, whether or
not low income, thereby resulting in an economically heteroge-
neous (and not solely low income) membership [49].
Thus, as expected, the MBMS study participants both black and
white, spanned from those with lower to higher income and
education, whereby although 33.8% of the black and 21.3% of the
white participants were below the US poverty line and 16.1% and
Table 5. Univariate and multivariable associations of racial discrimination and socioeconomic position with Framingham 10-year
cardiovascular risk scores: My Body My Story study (504 black, 501 white US born non-Hispanic participants; Boston, 20092010)
(imputed data).
Variable
Framingham CVD 10-yr risk score (log-transformed values)
b (95% CI)
Black White
Univariate Multivariable Univariate Multivariable
Racial discrimination
Explicit
EOD: continuous (09) 0.04 (0.01, 0.07) 20.01 (20.03, 0.01) 0.03 (20.02, 0.08) 0.00 (20.03, 0.03)
Implicit
IAT: black vs. white (B/W) as target 20.09 (20.38, 0.20) 20.17 (20.38, 0.05) 20.02 (20.26, 0.21) 20.01 (20.17, 0.14)
IAT: me vs. them (M/T) as target 20.20 (20.45, 0.06) 20.03 (20.24, 0.19) 20.36 (20.63, 20.08) 20.17 (20.33, 20.01)
Interaction: IAT B/W x IAT M/T 0.15 (20.35, 0.65) 20.13 (20.52, 0.27)
Structural
born in Jim Crow state: yes vs. no (ref) 0.57 (0.38, 0.76) 20.08 (20.22, 0.06) 20.08 (20.49, 0.33) 0.22 (20.01, 0.44)
Economic
Poverty: 0.05 (20.13, 0.24) 0.02 (20.10, 0.15) 0.11 (20.08, 0.30) 20.04 (20.15, 0.07)
,200% vs. .=200% (ref)
Education: , high school (HS) 0.33 (0.01, 0.65) 20.08 (20.29, 0.14) 0.74 (0.41, 1.07) 0.11 (20.11, 0.32)
.= HS and ,4 yrs college 0.02 (20.23, 0.27) 20.07 (20.23, 0.08) 0.52 (0.32, 0.71) 0.18 (0.05, 0.30)
.=4 yrs coll (ref) 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
Census tract poverty: .=20% 0.13 (20.24, 0.51) 20.02 (20.22, 0.19) 0.20 (20.10, 0.49) 0.06 (20.10, 0.23)
.=5% and ,20% 0.07 (20.31, 0.44) 20.06 (20.28, 0.16) 20.00 (20.26, 0.25) 0.01 (20.13, 0.15)
,5% (ref) 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
Parents/guardians
highest education: ,HS
0.33 (0.00, 0.65) 0.09 (20.13, 0.32) 0.28 (20.09, 0.66) 0.01 (20.18, 0.21)
.= HS and ,4 yrs college 20.04 (20.38, 0.30) 0.04 (20.12, 0.21) 0.21 (20.03, 0.44) 0.06 (20.06, 0.18)
.=4 yrs coll (ref) 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
Note: Parameter estimates whose 95% CI exclude 0 are indicated in bold highlight. Multivariable analyses controlled for all variables listed in the above columns and
also: response to unfair treatment; social desirability; body mass index; waist to hip ratio; cigarette smoking (current and smoked within 8 hrs of exam, current did not
smoke within 8 hrs of exam; ex-smoker, never smoker); alcohol within 8 hrs of exam (yes; no); food within 8 hrs of exam (yes; no); taking anti-hypertensive medication
(yes; no).
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0077174.t005
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9.9% had less than a high school education, 20% of each group
nevertheless had household incomes over 400% of the US poverty
line, and 15.5% and 33.6% had 4 or more years of college. Of
note, and as shown in Figure 2, whereas the poverty and education
levels of the black participants were on par with or worse than
those of the 2010 black population in Boston and the US [5153],
the white participants, by contrast, were 2 to 3 times more likely to
be currently impoverished compared to the 2010 white non-
Hispanic population in Boston and the US [5153] and half as
likely as Bostons 2010 white non-Hispanic population to have
completed 4 years of college [53].
Also of note, and also shown in Figure 2, the self-report and
implicit measures of racial discrimination, were, for the black
participants, in the lower range, and, for the white participants, in
the higher range, compared to what has been reported in prior
research, especially in relation to studies whose participants had
higher income or education [26,27,54,55]. Thus, the values for the
explicit and implicit measures of racial discrimination among the
black participants were similar to those of other economically
deprived black populations [22,26], but lower than those of black
populations with higher education [27,54]. By contrast, as
compared to other low-income white populations, the white
participants had higher values for the explicit racial discrimination
measures [22,55] and lower values for the IAT/black vs. white
[26].
Perhaps most germane to interpreting results, both the black
and white participants had health profiles considerably worse than
their Boston and US counterparts (Figure 2). For example, the
proportion of black and white MBMS participants who were
current smokers, obese and hypertensive was, contrary to what we
expected, 1.5 to 2 times higher compared to population-based
estimates for Boston and nationally [51,52,56]. These comparative
data thus suggest that the community health center members
from whom the MBMS participants were randomly selected,
without regard to their health status or health care utilization were
disproportionately in poorer health compared to other persons in
the same income range.
Interpretation of results
Our effectively null results regarding associations between
exposure to racial discrimination and risk of cardiovascular disease
among black Americans are not an unusual finding. A 2003 review
article that reviewed 17 US studies published between 1972 and
2001 observed that The existing data on the relationship of
racism to BP [blood pressure] level or HT [hypertension] status
are mixed and concluded that methodological limitations limit
their interpretability and are likely to account for the inconsistent
and relatively weak findings (see [57], p. 62). Of note, similar
summary comments can be found in a series of 3 review articles
published between 2011 and 2013 focused on racial discrimination
and CVD. Thus, a 2011 review article that analyzed 24 US studies
published between 1984 and 2010 concluded: Direct evidence
linking individual/interpersonal racism to [hypertension] HTN
diagnosis is weak but, suggesting that acute rather than chronic
effects may be more readily observed, further stated the
relationship of individual/interpersonal racism to ambulatory
blood pressure (ABP) is more consistent, with all published studies
reporting a positive relationship of interpersonal racism to ABP
(see [4], p. 518). A 2012 review article that critically assessed 15
studies of African Americans published between 1990 and 2012
likewise averred that although its systematic review supports the
association of racial discrimination with an increased risk of
developing hypertension; however, the picture is not uniform and
argued that [m]ethodological challenges, such as floor or ceiling
effects of reported discrimination and low sample size, may have
prevented researchers from detecting important associations (see
[5], p. 422). Another review article, also published in 2012, in turn
focused on 22 US articles on racial discrimination and cardiovas-
Table 6. Black vs. white difference: effect of adjusting for racial discrimination (RD)
a
and socioeconomic position (SEP)
b
, separately
and jointly (imputed data).
CVD outcome
Parameter estimate:
for black vs. white
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
adjusting for: (age + gender) (RD
a
+ core
c
) (SEP
b
+ core
c
) (RD
a
+ SEP
b
+ core
c
)
SBP b (95% CI) 3.79 (1.81, 5.78) 3.77 (0.23, 7.30) 3.81 (1.63, 5.98) 3.80 (0.12, 7.48)
Hypertension OR (95% CI) 2.40 (1.77, 3.24) 2.96 (1.72, 5.12) 2.14 (1.55, 2.97) 2.70 (1.53, 4.75)
Framingham 10 year
CVD risk score
(log-transformed values)
b (95% CI) 20.02 (20.10, 0.06) 0.04 (20.10, 0.18) 20.06 (20.14, 0.03) 20.00 (20.15, 0.14)
Model adjusts for:
age + gender 3 3 3 3
racial discrimination
a
3 3
socioeconomic position
b
3 3
core covariates
c
3 3 3
Note: models run (on the imputed data) for the total study population (504 black and 501 white participants), except for analyses for uncontrolled hypertension, which
were restricted to participants with hypertension (315 black, 209 white); for estimating the black vs. white risk of the outcome, b = parameter estimate for linear
regression, OR = odds ratio for logistic regression, CI = confidence interval; bold italic: 95% CI for b excludes 1 or 95% CI for OR excludes 1. Values for the Framingham
scores are log transformed.
a
RD models: included interaction terms between race/ethnicity and each RD measure (explicit: EOD; implicit: IAT/black vs. white, IAT/me vs. them, and their
interaction; structural: Jim Crow birthplace status); because none of the interaction terms were statistically significant, we report only the main effect.
b
Socioeconomic position: poverty, educational level (participant and participants parents/guardians).
c
Core covariates: age; gender; socioeconomic position (poverty level: household and census tract, education: respondent and highest level attained by parents/
guardians); psychosocial (response to unfair treatment, social desirability); anthropometric (body mass index, waist-to-hip ratio); health behavior (smoking status;
cigarette, food, or alcohol within 8 hrs of exam); for SPB only: taking anti-hypertensive medication.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0077174.t006
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cular disease published between 2000 and 2010 and reported that,
among 50 tests for associations performed, 40% were null, 30%
revealed global positive associations, of which 67% were
statistically significant, and 15% were negative (i.e., higher
exposure to racial discrimination associated with lower blood
pressure/hypertension) (see [6], p. 956). Thus, conclusive
evidence of either a positive or null association remains elusive.
To this mixed literature, our study contributes two methodo-
logical refinements potentially relevant to future research i.e., the
use of the IAT and the structural measure of racial discrimination.
Moreover, even though our findings are not in accord with our a
priori hypotheses, we do not deem these effectively null findings to
be conclusive. Rather, in light of the above evidence we present on
study participant characteristics, we argue instead that our finding
of weak or no associations between risk of CVD and both the
racial discrimination and socioeconomic measures likely reflects
the unexpectedly poor health profiles of the MBMS participants,
as well as the high levels of lifetime socioeconomic adversity
among both the black and white participants. The net impact, we
argue, was to constrain variability, especially in the outcomes but
also the exposures, thereby limiting our ability to detect the
expected socioeconomic gradient in the CVD outcomes and
hypothesized associations between exposure to racial discrimina-
tion and the CVD outcomes, were such underlying causal
relationships to exist.
In brief, null findings can occur for two very different reasons
above and beyond such well-established reasons as non-differential
or differential measurement error, variables wrongly omitted from
or included in the analytic models, or inadequate sample size
[58,59]. The first is that the hypothesis can be correct, but the
postulated association is not observable in the examined study
population [6063]; for example, as famously observed by
Geoffrey Rose [60], if everyone smokes, no association will be
detected between smoking and lung cancer, despite their causal
connection. The second is that the hypothesis is incorrect, such
that the association would not be observed even with the ideal data
set [6063]. Determining which explanation is most plausible
consequently requires careful scrutiny of study participants range
of exposures and outcomes [6063].
In the case of our study, given plausible theorized pathways by
which racial discrimination and its social and economic conse-
quences can become embodied and harm cardiovascular health
(e.g., direct physiological damage due to chronic activation of
stress responses; health-harming behavioral responses, e.g., smok-
ing; adverse social and biophysical exposures associated with
residential and occupational segregation and material deprivation;
and inadequate medical care) [110], we suggest two lines of
evidence support our interpretation of our null findings. The first
and most important is that we observed unexpectedly small
socioeconomic and racial/ethnic differences in risk for the study
outcomes, despite a large body of population-based research
documenting substantial socioeconomic and racial/ethnic (and
especially US black vs. white) inequities in cardiovascular
mortality, disease, and risk factors [46,64,65]. Additionally, the
two psychometrically-validated explicit racial discrimination mea-
sures we used have been associated in many studies of more
Figure 2. Distributions of average exposure to racial discrimination, socioeconomic position, and cardiovascular risk factors and
outcomes, for My Body My Story participants (20082010) compared to analogous Boston data and US national data.
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0077174.g002
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economically diverse populations with risk of diverse health
outcomes, including CVD risk factors [1,3,46,66]. The combi-
nation of the unexpectedly poor health status of both the black and
white participants, along with recruiting participants during the
20082010 economic recession (perhaps linked to the poorer
socioeconomic profile of the white participants compared to
populations in Boston, the US, and other studies and their use of
community health centers), could thus conceivably account for not
only the null findings vis a vis racial discrimination and the
selected health outcomes, but also lack of a black excess risk for the
Framingham CVD 10 year risk score and also the lack of impact
of controlling for socioeconomic position on the observed black
excess risk for SBP and hypertension.
Ascertaining whether or not the novel implicit and structural
measures we employed accurately capture the relevant exposures,
however, will require more empirical investigation, given the
paucity of analogous research. Of note, the IAT methodology itself
has been extensively validated [25,67,68], and we have shown that
the novel IAT measures we have developed are immune, as
expected, to social desirability (i.e., saying what one thinks is the
expected right answer, as opposed to what one believes
[11,25,69]), whereas lower self-reports of racial discrimination
were strongly associated with higher social desirability [11]. Also
suggesting the Jim Crow measure may have promise, the handful
of extant epidemiologic studies [7074] on the health impact of
Jim Crow indicate its abolition was associated with declines in
infant mortality and preventable mortality among adults, with
likely intergenerational effects [7]. Underscoring the measures
potential importance, in 2013 all US-born persons whose birth
year was in or preceded 1964, i.e., age 47 and older, were born
when Jim Crow was legal with the implication that their parents
and grandparents, if also US-born, were likewise exposed,
depending on their race/ethnicity, to the discrimination or
benefits conferred by Jim Crow [1,7,74]. Suggesting too that
further work is needed to understand the strength and limitations
of the explicit measures we used [20,24], ours is not the first study
to find an effect for one explicit measure not detected with another
measure; new results from the Jackson Heart Study (4939 African
American participants, ages 3584), for example, found a weak
positive association between hypertension and lifetime racial
discrimination (as measured by the EOD; OR =1.08 (95% CI
1.02, 1.15), comparing the highest vs. lowest quartile, adjusted for
age and gender), but no associations with the EDS [75].
No published studies, moreover, have investigated associations
between racial discrimination and the Framingham CVD 10-year
risk score, even as US investigations have documented socioeco-
nomic and racial/ethnic (including black vs. white) disparities in
this and related Framingham risk scores [76]. Although validated
for use across diverse US racial/ethnic groups [12], concerns exist
as to whether these scores may underpredict risk of adverse CVD
outcomes among persons subjected to economic deprivation [64].
Keeping this caveat in mind (which would lead to conservative
estimates of effect), integrated measures of CVD risk (whether the
Framingham scores or analogous measures [12,13,77]) could
nevertheless be useful, precisely because they provide a clinically-
relevant global estimate of risk that takes into account the varying
levels of the specified key risk factors [12,13,77].
In summary, results of our study underscore why appraisal of
findings on racial discrimination and health, and by extension any
exposure-outcome association, requires careful contextualization
of study participants and their range of exposures and outcomes
[1,7]. If our interpretation is correct, it has important implications
for research on health inequities, with regard to clarifying
circumstances in which associations arising from causal relation-
ships, if extant, may or may not be observed.
Supporting Information
Table S1 Univariate and multivariable associations of
racial discrimination, socioeconomic position, and
additional covariates with cardiovascular outcomes:
My Body My Story study (504 black, 501 white US born
non-Hispanic participants; Boston, 20092010) (imputed
data).
(DOCX)
Acknowledgments
We thank, with written permission, the following contributing non-authors
for their contributions to the My Body, My Story study: Beverly Russell, for
helping to establish connections with the community health centers, and
Kristin Mikolowsky, Rachel Rifkin, and Latrice Samuel for recruiting
participants and conducting the interviews. We additionally gratefully
acknowledge, with written permission, the contributions of the following
persons whose contributions made this study feasible: (a) our two short-
term study interviewers: Suzanne Mac Rae and Valerie Polletta; and (b)
staff of the four participating community health centers: (1) Harbor Health
Services (Geiger-Gibson and Neponset): Robert A. Hoch, MD, Corporate
Medical Director, Harbor Health Services, and Joanne Tuller, Psy.D.,
QAI Data Manager, Harbor Health Services; (2) Southern Jamaica Plain
Health Center: Tom Kieffer, MD, PA-C, Executive Director, Michael
Lambert, MD, Medical Director, and Marisol Lara, Medical Unit
Coordinator; (3) Mattapan Community Health Center: Azzie Young,
PhD, MPA, President and CEO, and Sharon T. Callender, RN, MPH,
Coordinator, Family & Community Health Services; and (4) Whittier
Street Health Center: Frederica M. Williams, MD, President & CEO,
Mark Drews, MD, Medical Director, Dalton Skerritt, Program Manager,
Mens Health Program, and Halima Mohamed, MPH, Director of QA &
PI.
Author Contributions
Conceived and designed the experiments: NK PDW AK JTC KWS DRC
GGB DRW GT ERF. Performed the experiments: NK PDW AK DRC.
Analyzed the data: NK PDW AK JTC DRC. Wrote the paper: NK PDW
AK JTC KWS DRC GGB DRW GT ERF. Facilitated work with the
community health centers: ERF GT.
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