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School Children's Ability To Distinguish Hypothetical Beliefs
School Children's Ability To Distinguish Hypothetical Beliefs
School Children's Ability To Distinguish Hypothetical Beliefs
2
N 0 1 2
Grade 2
Biased belief 2 5 22 24.07** 29
Neutral belief 4 8 17 9.17* 29
Biased preference 15 9 6 4.20 30
Neutral preference 14 10 6 3.20 30
Grade 6
Biased belief 0 4 26 16.13** 30
Neutral belief 3 9 18 11.40** 30
Biased preference 9 7 14 2.60 30
Neutral preference 7 5 17 8.55* 29
Note. The degrees of freedom for all chi-square tests are 2.
* p .05. ** p .01.
Table 1
Means, Standard Deviations, and Normality Indices for
Combined Scores (N 60)
Combined scores M SD Kurtosis Skewness
Biased belief 1.78 0.49 4.40 2.23
Neutral belief 1.48 0.70 0.30 0.98
Total belief 3.25 1.08 0.68 1.31
Biased preference 0.93 0.86 1.65 0.13
Neutral preference 1.03 0.87 1.69 0.07
Total preference 1.97 1.67 1.64 0.08
Note. Maximum possible biased and neutral scores 2. Maximum
possible total score 4.
Table 2
Score Frequencies in Biased and Neutral Categories
Category
Score
2
N 0 1 2
Biased belief 2 9 48 62.47** 59
Neutral belief 7 17 35 20.47** 59
Biased preference 24 16 20 1.60 60
Neutral preference 21 15 23 1.76 59
Note. The degrees of freedom for all chi-square tests are 2.
** p .01.
539
DIFFERENTIATING HYPOTHESES FROM PREFERENCES
ment. On the other hand, negative answers justified on the basis of
individual differences, which would also be more appropriate for
statements of personal preference, were less frequent (28% on
average). For example, Aphrodite (Grade 6) decided that no, we
cannot [determine who is right], because it depends on what color
each one likes. Moreover, about 15% of all students justified their
negative answers by resorting to egalitarian responses. An example
of such a response was given by Christos (Grade 6), who said that
we cannot say [who is right], because both colors are nice. The
frequency of egalitarian responses was comparable across cases of
biased preference and neutral preference. Finally, it is interesting
to note that a few students (5% on average) justified their positive
responses by proposing an objective evaluation of a different but
related belief statement. Phanis (Grade 6), for example, proposed
that the two parties should paint one sheet green and another
yellow and then have their classmates vote which one is more
beautiful.
With respect to statements of belief that could function as
hypotheses (see Table 5), justifications on the basis of objective
evaluations were the most frequent (38% on average), especially
for cases concerning the visibility of colors from a distance.
Typically, these justifications involved looking from a distance.
Maria (Grade 2), for example, indicated that, to determine which
color is more visible from a distance, they should paint both on
pieces of paper, then go far away and see which color can be seen
better. The objective evaluations proposed in the case of the
foods nutritional values were slightly more varied. For Cypriana
(Grade 2), the way to determine which food is more nutritious was
to have each party eat one kind of food and then see who gets
fatter. For Michael (Grade 6), on the other hand, the way to
determine which food is more nutritious was to have each party
eat one kind of food only. Then, after a while, see which person
has gained more weight. The person who has gained the most has
eaten the least nutritious food. A few students thought that health,
instead of growth, was the important indicator and, like Stephanos
(Grade 6), stated that each one should have a blood testmaybe
check for cholesterol? Finally, one student, Stelios (Grade 6),
proposed that we can analyze the hamburger and see how many
vitamins and other nutrition stuff it has. Then we can do the same
with corn flakes and compare them. Justifications on the basis of
objective evaluations, regardless of their completeness or scientific
adequacy, were considered to be the most appropriate for cases of
belief. However, several students (14% on average) also proposed
subjective evaluations similar to the ones proposed for cases of
preference.
Students also justified their positive responses with references to
properties of foods and colors or to objects having a particular
color (11% on average) and with references to authority, such as
parents, doctors, and favorite friends (8% on average). For exam-
ple, Marina (Grade 6) decided that one party was wrong because
potatoes do not have as many vitamins as beans. Antonis (Grade
6) determined that yellow must be more visible from a distance
because the sun is yellow and it is far away. Natasha (Grade 2),
on the other hand, suggested that they should ask their mothers,
and then they will see who is right. It must be noted that
references to properties, objects, and authorities were more fre-
quent in cases of disagreement about the nutritional value of foods
than in cases concerning the visibility of colors (see Table 5).
Finally, egalitarian responses were more frequent in cases of
neutral belief (15% on average) than in cases of biased belief (5%
on average).
Justification categories were not equally frequent across grade
levels. Unjustified responses and belief restatements were more
frequent in Grade 2 (19% on average) than in Grade 6 (6% on
average). With respect to preference cases (biased or neutral), the
younger students were more likely to justify their responses on the
basis of subjective evaluations (46% on average), whereas sixth
graders were more likely to suggest that disagreements were due to
individual differences (51% on average). Moreover, the second
most frequent justification type for the second graders was the
egalitarian response (21% on average), whereas for the sixth
graders, it was the subjective evaluation (26% on average). Dif-
Table 5
Frequency of Justification Categories in Cases of Biased Belief
and Neutral Belief (N 60)
Justification category
Biased belief Neutral belief
Case 3 Case 7 Case 4 Case 8
Yes
No explanation 3 1 0 1
No way to find out 4 1 1 3
Belief restatement 3 4 2 3
Reference to authority 10 0 9 0
Reference to property
or object 14 2 5 4
Subjective evaluation 9 8 11 6
Objective evaluation of
related belief 0 0 1 0
Objective evaluation 12 36 9 34
No
No explanation 1 2 5 2
Egalitarian responses 2 4 13 5
Reference to individual
differences 1 2 2 2
Dont know/no response 1 0 2 0
Table 4
Frequency of Justification Categories in Cases of Biased
Preference and Neutral Preference (N 60)
Justification category
Biased preference Neutral preference
Case 1 Case 5 Case 2 Case 6
Yes
No explanation 1 1 0 1
No way to find out 0 4 2 1
Belief restatement 1 0 3 2
Reference to authority 0 2 1 2
Reference to property
or object 1 2 1 2
Subjective evaluation 28 19 25 18
Objective evaluation of
related belief 2 5 1 3
Objective evaluation 0 0 0 0
No
No explanation 3 0 2 2
Egalitarian responses 8 10 8 9
Reference to individual
differences 15 17 17 19
Dont know/no response 1 0 0 1
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DIAKIDOY AND IOANNIDES
ferences between grade levels were not as clear with respect to the
belief cases. Although the older students were more likely to
propose objective evaluations (48% on average), they also resorted
to references to properties and authorities when considering the
nutritional value of foods (23% on average). In contrast, the
younger students proposed objective evaluations primarily when
considering the visibility of colors (47% on average). Otherwise,
they were more likely to propose subjective evaluations (23% on
average). Finally, egalitarian responses were given by both the
second graders (17% on average) and the sixth graders (23% on
average) only to neutral belief cases.
Discussion
Distinguishing Hypotheses From Preferences
The first question that motivated this study was whether
younger and older elementary school children distinguish hypoth-
eses as beliefs whose validity can be tested from preferences that
are justifiably variable. The findings indicate that, whereas stu-
dents readily agreed that the validity of hypotheses can be deter-
mined, they had difficulty understanding that the same is not true
for statements of preference. As expected, however, older children
were more likely to consider preferences as legitimately variable
and to attribute them to individual differences. In contrast, younger
children were likely to think that disagreements about preference
could also be resolved in favor of one side, and they proposed
evaluations that by necessity involved subjective comparisons that
would not yield generalizable conclusions. These findings suggest
that younger children (7- to 8-year-olds) have difficulty differen-
tiating between hypotheses and preferences. Older children (11- to
12-year-olds), on the other hand, appear to be better able to
distinguish between hypotheses and preferences, but the relatively
small effect size indicates that they do not do so with accuracy.
These findings appear to be in contrast to those of the Carpen-
dale and Chandler (1996) study, which showed that all 5- to
8-year-old children tended to consider differences in preference as
more acceptable than differences in the interpretation of ambigu-
ous stimuli. The fact, however, that a difference in preference is
considered acceptable does not necessarily imply an understanding
that it is not resolvable (see also Flavell, Flavell, Green, & Moses,
1990). The present findings lend validity to the above claim.
Although we did not ask children to decide whether it was okay for
two people to disagree (as in Carpendale & Chandler, 1996), we
can assume that they also considered disagreements acceptable,
even if only in the sense that they recognized that different people
can believe different things. However, the majority of the younger
children and some of the older ones believed also that disagree-
ments can be resolved regardless of whether they involve differ-
ences in preferences or hypotheses. Moreover, the way they pro-
posed this could be done was similar for both kinds of belief
statementsthat is, by directing attention outward, toward the
stimuli in question (comparing foods and colors), rather than
inward, as Flavell et al. (1990) had claimed to be the case with
preferences and as Carpendale and Chandler (1996) had found to
be the case with the older children in their sample. These findings
appear to suggest that the metaconceptual ability that would allow
a reflection on and a further differentiation between the kinds of
beliefs that one may have is either lacking or not consistently
manifested in the early elementary school years.
The tendency to consider preferences and hypotheses as simi-
larly testable can also be taken to reflect an epistemological
presupposition that all statements can be either right or wrong. To
the extent that beliefs and knowledge are justified similarly in the
minds of students (Southerland et al., 2001), such a presupposition
can be thought of as related to a starting, commonsense episte-
mology, according to which knowledge is certain and conflicts are
attributable to incomplete or inaccurate information (Carey &
Smith, 1993; Hofer & Pintrich, 1997). The possibilities of limited
metaconceptual ability and a deterministic epistemological presup-
position do not necessarily represent alternative interpretations of
the findings. In fact, we consider them related in the sense that lack
of reflection on ones own beliefs would help sustain a determin-
istic outlook and that, in turn, a firm conviction that all beliefs can
be right or wrong could inhibit such a reflection and, thereby,
metaconceptual awareness.
Older childrens increased ability to recognize that some belief
statements are not testable may reflect increased metaconceptual
understanding and a weakening deterministic epistemology, both
of these brought about by their greater familiarity with the kinds of
belief statements that drive scientific investigation. It must be
noted, however, that the way science is taught in the Cypriot
elementary school is more likely to reinforce, inadvertently, a less
sophisticated, deterministic epistemological view. Science educa-
tion content and outcomes are determined by a national curriculum
(Cypriot Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996). All teachers
are required to follow the instructional methods that are specified
in detail for each lesson unitincluding presentation content, time
frames, activities, teacher demonstrations, and questionsin the
science teachers manual (Kyprianou, Loizidou, Charalambous,
Matsikaris, & Yiannakis, 1997). According to the manual, lessons
start with definitions and examples of target concepts. Subse-
quently, students engage in classification and example-recognition
activities. In addition, they observe teacher demonstrations or
conduct prespecified miniexperiments, both of which serve to
prove the validity of the previously offered accounts.
Although the manual advises teachers to start each lesson by
asking students what they know about the target concepts or the
general topic, it offers no similarly explicit guidelines on how to
respond to students ideas or, in fact, whether to respond at all (see,
e.g., Kyprianou et al., 1997). In this case, it is up to the individual
teacher to decide whether to have students pursue their ideas
further or to proceed with the lesson. The second option is more
viable given the large amount of content that must be covered
within specific lesson periods, as well as within the course of the
school year (Cypriot Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996). As
a result, the sixth graders in our sample had limited experience, if
any, in formulating and investigating hypotheses in science (see,
e.g., Chinn & Malhotra, 2002). Therefore, their increased ability to
differentiate between kinds of belief, when compared with that of
the younger students, may also simply reflect their greater expe-
rience with unresolved preference disputes in the context of ev-
eryday life.
Although there was a tendency to regard hypotheses and pref-
erences as similarly testable, prior belief bias was found to exert an
influence on responses to hypothetical beliefs only. In general,
students confidence that a disagreement could be resolved was
greater when it involved a hypothetical belief that was favored as
opposed to a neutral belief. A corresponding tendency was not
evident in students responses concerning preferences. Moreover,
541
DIFFERENTIATING HYPOTHESES FROM PREFERENCES
the influence of prior belief bias was greater in the older age group
than in the younger age group. Although, one could speculate that
such differential influences might reflect conceptual differentiation
to some degree, we consider such a speculation as unwarranted
given the modest effect sizes and the limited scope of the study
with respect to this factor.
Proposing Tests for Hypotheses
The second question that the study sought to address concerned
the extent to which students were able to propose objective,
empirical tests for determining the validity of hypotheses. The
findings indicate that although the older children were clearly
better able to think of empirical tests, the younger children were
also able to propose objective evaluations in some cases. More-
over, all children were better able to think of empirical tests when
considering the visibility of colors from a distance than when
considering the nutritional value of different kinds of food. Be-
cause of the current emphasis on health and nutrition, all students
in the Cypriot elementary school have been advised at least once
about the importance of a healthy diet. That, in turn, may explain
the overall higher frequency of references to properties of food,
such as vitamin and sugar content, and to authorities, such as
doctors and dieticians, when considering the nutritional value of
foods. In contrast, students everyday life provided many oppor-
tunities for discovering and evaluating what things can be seen and
from how far away (e.g., letters on the blackboard). Therefore,
conceptual and task familiarity may have been responsible for all
students increased ability to think of a test to resolve disagree-
ments about the visibility of colors.
In agreement with previous research (e.g., Sodian et al., 1991;
Wimmer & Perner, 1983), our findings also indicate that young
elementary school children demonstrate an understanding that a
belief is justifiable on reasons or facts that are distinct from the
belief itself. Few children, even in the younger age group, failed to
justify their responses, and even fewer restated a belief as evidence
for its validity. Moreover, we would argue that failure to justify a
belief does not necessarily reflect lack of understanding of what an
external justification is and of its necessity. Evidence for this is
provided by the few children in our sample who explicitly attrib-
uted their inability to justify to the fact that they did not know of
or they could not think of a way to evaluate who was right or
wrong. Therefore, young childrens notable reliance on external
justifications and evaluations (subjective or objective) necessarily
implies that they also possess the basic ingredients of the strategic
competence that, according to Kuhn (1997), is needed to under-
stand the inferential relationship between evidence and belief.
The objective evaluations that our sample proposed did not
necessarily represent well-designed hypothesis tests, and in the
case of nutritional values, they were often scientifically inaccurate.
They were, however, genuine attempts to set up test conditions that
could yield potentially useful evidence. On the other hand, sub-
jective evaluations can also be taken to represent attempts at
testing and, as expected, were more prevalent with personal pref-
erence conflicts. It is also notable that the few students who
proposed objective evaluations to resolve them did so by interpret-
ing the initial statements as hypothetical generalizations about
peoples preferences. This dominant tendency to propose some
kind of test suggests that elementary school students have a basic
understanding of experimentation (Sodian et al., 1991) even if they
have not yet mastered the intricacies of the skill. We would further
expect the acquisition and the successful application of this skill to
go hand in hand with, if not to depend on, the ability to distinguish
the kinds of belief statements that can be the focus of experimental
investigation.
Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research
One could argue that our basic task requirement may have
biased the students to answer in the affirmative and to do their best
to propose some kind of test. Children may have responded dif-
ferently in the cases of preference if we had asked them whether it
could be determined if someone was right, instead of who was
right. However, we consider this possibility less likely given the
almost equal frequency of correct and incorrect responses in all
cases of preference. On the other hand, it must be noted that our
task was relatively limited when it came to revealing the full extent
of students ability to think of empirical tests. It is possible that
students who proposed objective tests would have been able to
revise and develop their proposals further if they had been asked to
elaborate them. Similarly, students who proposed subjective tests
might have been able to recognize their proposals lack of potential
to conclusively resolve a disagreement if they had been confronted
with the issue. Future research could modify and extend the basic
task to require children to consider the possible and expected
results of their test proposals and the extent to which these would
allow them to resolve a disagreement conclusively.
Arguably, the beliefs that our sample had to consider repre-
sented simple categorical statements. They were not beliefs about
complex causal relationships of the type investigated by Kuhn
(e.g., Kuhn et al., 2000). Therefore, one could suppose that chil-
drens extensive experience with classifying the world might have
better prepared them to deal with the contrasting beliefs that our
tasks involved. It is possible that if we had asked them to consider
disagreements about factors influencing the nutritional value of
foods or the visibility of colors, they might have resorted more
often to belief restatements. To our knowledge, there is no research
that has directly examined the extent to which young childrens
ability to differentiate hypotheses and to coordinate them with
evidence varies as a function of the type of hypotheses. The
contrasting findings of previous research (e.g., Kuhn et al., 1995;
Sodian et al., 1991) suggest that this factor may also play a role.
Therefore, further research in this direction may help to better
describe and explain younger childrens ability to engage in sci-
entific reasoning.
Future research could also be designed to provide a more
in-depth look at the influence of prior belief bias and conceptual
familiarity on the ability to distinguish hypotheses from other
beliefs and on the types of tests proposed. Although prior belief
bias was included as a factor and was found to selectively influ-
ence decisions concerning hypotheses only, the limited number of
disagreement cases involving biased and neutral hypothetical be-
liefs and preferences does not permit any definite conclusions to be
drawn at this point. In contrast, there was no systematic effort to
control for conceptual or task familiarity in this study. Neverthe-
less, there were clear task differences with respect to the ability to
think of objective hypothesis tests and that appeared to be due to
conceptual familiarity differences. Therefore, a more thorough
examination of this factor and its possible interaction with belief
bias would provide a test of this possibility and would contribute
542
DIAKIDOY AND IOANNIDES
to arguments concerning the influence of prior knowledge in
relation to domain-general heuristics in the development of scien-
tific reasoning skills (see, e.g., Klahr et al., 1993).
Conclusions and Implications
The findings of the present study indicate that the related no-
tions of belief justification and evaluation may be acquired earlier
than, albeit to a limited degree, and more or less independently of
the ability to distinguish between different kinds of beliefs. Nev-
ertheless, elementary school childrens limited ability to distin-
guish hypotheses from unverifiable belief statements is likely to
interfere with their understanding of what a conclusive hypothesis
test is all about and with their ability to formulate researchable
questions in a scientific inquiry context. However, students initial
understandings of belief and belief justification can provide a
fertile ground for subsequent conceptual differentiation, refine-
ment, and extension. Early and extensive practice in formulating
and evaluating their own beliefs should facilitate childrens ability
to distinguish those that can be empirically and conclusively
verified from those that cannot. This, in turn, should promote the
development of the metacognitive and metastrategic competencies
that Kuhn (1997) has claimed to be necessary for scientific rea-
soning and increase the epistemological authenticity of scientific
inquiry in educational settings (Chinn & Mahlotra, 2002; Smith,
Maclin, Houghton, & Hennessey, 2000).
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(Appendix follows)
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DIFFERENTIATING HYPOTHESES FROM PREFERENCES
Appendix
Main Questionnaire
Case 1
George and Michael disagree about which food tastes better. George
says that X (students favorite food) tastes better than Y (the student
dislikes it). Michael says that Y tastes better than X.
Question 1: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 2
Peter and Paul disagree about which food tastes better. Peter says that X
tastes better than Y. Paul says that Y tastes better than X (student is
indifferent to both foods).
Question 2: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 3
Helen and Angela disagree about which food is more nutritious. Helen
says that X (student considers it very nutritious) is more nutritious than Y
(a food the student considers to be less nutritious). Angela says that Y is
more nutritious than X.
Question 3: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 4
Mary and Silvia disagree about which food is more nutritious. Mary says
that X is more nutritious than Y. Silvia says that Y is more nutritious than
X (student believes that both foods are equally nutritious).
Question 4: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 5
Lucia and Georgia disagree about which color is more beautiful. Lucia
says that X (students favorite color) is more beautiful than Y (student does
not like it). Georgia says that Y is more beautiful than X.
Question 5: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 6
Kostas and Lazaros disagree about which color is more beautiful. Kostas
says that X is more beautiful than Y. Lazaros says that Y is more beautiful
than X (student is indifferent to both colors).
Question 6: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 7
Marina and Sofia disagree about which color can be seen from a longer
distance. Marina says that X (the student considers it most visible) can be
seen from a longer distance than Y (student considers it less visible from
a distance). Sofia says that Y can be seen from a longer distance than X.
Question 7: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Case 8
Paul and Nikolas disagree about which color can be seen from a longer
distance. Paul says that X can be seen from a longer distance than Y.
Nikolas says that Y can be seen from a longer distance than X (student
believes that both colors are equally visible).
Question 8: Can we determine who is right and who is wrong?
If yes, how?
If no, why not?
Received February 3, 2003
Revision received January 29, 2004
Accepted February 10, 2004
544
DIAKIDOY AND IOANNIDES