Source: Man, Vol. 53 (Dec., 1953), pp. 194-195 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2793699 . Accessed: 19/04/2011 10:32 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=rai. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Man. http://www.jstor.org Nos. 303-306 Man DECEMBER1, I953 Islam. (Pagans, one is rather startled to see, are entered under 'No religion.') It is a pity that the North Borneo census did not further follow the Sarawak one by including a chapter discussing the ethnic classi- fication used. The Sarawak census report also included an illuminat- ing appendix by Harrisson, the Government Ethnologist. It is true that these are also lacking in earlier North Borneo censuses, but such discussions in this would have enabled one to make more of the figures. This is not merely to instruct anthropologists. These census reports, failing professional ethnographic studies, are the chief records of the present condition of the people, and material for the future writers of the history of the country. More important for census organizers is the fact that shaky ethnography leads to untrustworthy or unusable statistical conclusions. Tables 2 and 3, for example, indicate what would be very profitable points of ethnographic investigation. There seems little getting away from the conclusion that the Murut are decreasing, but when one sees that the stable and prosperous Dusun have increased since I93I by only 6-68 per cent. and that the Other Indigenous have increased by 70-45 per cent. one wonders how much the variations are due to the ethnic classifications used by the two censuses. The 'Orang Sungei' (a problem here) have increased by 95-70 per cent. The Kwijau, who are supposed to have increased by 205 25 per cent. in the period I92I-3I, have decreased by 78-45 per cent. in I93I-5I- No reliable verdict on the Murut can be reached without a separate examination of the Kwijau; but the Kwijau in their turn must be examined in relation to the Dusun, and the Dusun in relation to the Orang Sungei. The Superintendent of Census seems to have been aware of such problems to some extent (e.g. p. 47), and because of this one would have been interested to learn more about his princi- ples of classification. Tribes for which there are figures in previous censuses might well have been separately enumerated: e.g. the Tambunwa and the Idahan were included with the Dusun, but tribes that in I93 i numbered 5,ooo and 3,000 should not be sub- merged without strong reason. Some specific suggestions: when the time comes to plan the next census it would be useful to engage the services of a professional anthropologist (in a university long vacation, perhaps) to help plan the ethnic classification on which to base the census statistics; the report should include a discussion of this by the anthropologist; and-what no census report should be without, and this one is- there should be an ethnic map illustrating the groups distinguished. Mr. Jones has written a clear and instructive report, and the tables are well arranged and clearly printed. Our knowledge of the peoples of North Borneo has been considerably increased. RODNEY NEEDHAM CORRESP ONDENCE Webs of Fantasy. Cf. MAN, I953, I52, 229, 28I SIR,-Dr. Mair invites me to justify my application of 30 4 the term 'fantasy' to the theories of social anthropo- logists. I have read many recent works on social anthro- pology, both British and American, and have been led to conclude that in general the writers describe savages as 'primitive,' which seems to mean that they were isolated from the beginning to the coming of the Euro- pean; believe that savage tribes developed the whole of their cultures for themselves, even if they speak a dialect of a widespread language; believe that savages are inventive, yet never look for the inven- tive savage; believe that savages devise their own rites, yet never indicate any that are not traditional; believe that all customs arose to meet needs, though some, such as those which forbid the eating of wholesome foods, obviously did not; describe savages as 'preliterate,' which seems to mean that they have not yet invented an alphabet; hold that similarities in belief are due to the similar working of the human mind, while ignoring the converse, that dissimilar beliefs must then be due to the dissimilar working of the human mind; ignore the evidence for degeneration in savage cultures; ignore the fact, well attested by history, that cultural advance is a rare and complex phenomenon; ignore the evidence for diffusion even when it is indisputable, such as that domesticated cattle were introduced into Negro Africa; believe that all savage institutions are of non-historical origin, and were developed to fulfil the functions which they now fulfil, though all the institutions of civilized societies are of historical origin, and have mostly changed their function. Some of the above seem to me fantastic in themselves, and the others to lead to fantastic conclusions. Usk, Monmouthshire RAGLAN The Game of 'Kubuguza' among the Abatutsi. Cf. MAN, I953, 262 30 5 SIR,-Mr. Merriam's paper is an important con- tribution to our knowledge of the group of mancala IV games, in which captured beans are not removed from the board, but are added to the capturer's beans and sown on his side of the board. It supplements an account of an Urundi variety which R. de Z. (now Sir Robert) Hall made about 20 years ago when first stationed in Tanganyika. Collation of different descriptions of mancala IV games is laborious, because no two recorders of these games use the same terms of notation. When dealing with mancala in my History of Board Games other than Chess, Oxford, I952, I had to devise a common list of terms and system of lnotation which would serve for all mancala games and which I hope will be used by future recorders: hole for the compartments in which the beans are placed store for the compartments in which captured beans are kept; bean for the pieces; lap for each element of what Mr. Merriam calls 'cumulative moves'; lift for the pick-ups of beans from a hole; sow for the deal of the lifted beans one at a time in successive holes; all of which have been used in the same way by previous recorders. Beginning from each player's end left-hand hole, and proceeding anti-clockwise, I use italic letters, upper case one player and lower case for the other-on the 4 x 8 board, A-P, a-p-to denote the holes. A necessary preliminary to a game is to ascertain that both players have the right number of beans, and this is done not by counting them but by arranging them equally in the holes of the board; Abatutsi do this as in Mr. Merriam's fig. i. Each player then rearranges his beans, generally simultaneously, to obtain the array from which he desires to begin the game. In forming this arrange- ment he does not necessarily observe the rules of move, nor is it necessary that the two players arrange their beans in the same way. Mr. Merriam does not give any example of this rearrangement, unless that shown in fig. 5 is one, but Sir Robert Hall gives the following: 0 0 3 0 3 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I7 The full description of this children's exercise is very welcome for comparison with similar exercises, which are played on the mancala II board. H. J. R. MURRAY Heyshott, Midhurst, Sussex Cranial Deformation in Ancient Egypt? Cf. MAN, I953, 242 SIR,-Some demur is necessary at Mr. Siroto's bland 30 6 acceptance in his review of The Webster Plass Collection of African Art that artificial cranial deformation existed in Ancient Egypt if only as a transitory and limited fashion during the XVIIIth Dynasty. Presumably he refers to the royal family during '94 D)ECEMBER, 1953 Man Nos. 306, 307 the reign of Akhenaten, when heads are usually represented with such distortion that some theorists have been led to advance the sug- gestion, among many others, that artificial deformation must have been practised. For such general deformation in Ancient Egypt there is absolutely no evidence despite the countless human skeletons that have been exhumed and examined. The alleged fashion in Court circles during the Amarna period can be adequately explained as an artistic convention-the expression of a truly revolutionary art that for various reasons consciously attempted to break with the tradi- tions of the Pharaonic style. Such distortion was not confined to the head; the whole body was represented in a 'new' way that is no less bizarre. Just how violent this revolution was can be seen in the re- markable colossi of Akhenaten from Karnak. That such 'expression- ism' is only a convention is shown in the traditional-style reliefs from the tomb of Kheruef and in other Theban reliefs of the early co-regency, which show Akhenaten as a 'normal' Egyptian. There are also representations of Princess Ankhes-en-pa-aten in certain stelx and in the tomb reliefs at Amarna which show her with a de- formed cranium; yet no such distortion is evident in her appearance under Tut-ankh-amun, when the exaggerations of the Amarna style were avoided. Moreover in the famous painted wall fragment from Amarna in the Ashmolean Museum, the princesses Nefer-neferu- aten and Nefer-neferu-re are shown with fully deformed heads even though their ages could not have been more than three or four years at the most. Lastly we have some proof in the mummies of Smenkh-ka-re and Tut-ankh-amun that artificial deformation was not practised even in the case of the royal family, and despite the fact that in the few representations that can plausibly be identified as of Smenkh-ka-re, he is shown in all the conventions of the later Amarna style. Tut- ankh-amun was not much younger than Nefer-neferu-ra and there- fore would presumably have had his head deformed as much as hers, if such practices had been followed. Both he and Smenkh-ka-re had unusual platycephalic skulls, but they inherited this trait from their ancestor Yuya; and though both Elliot-Smith and Derry have closely examined the remains of these three men neither has ad- vanced the least hint that their skulls were artificially deformed. Since members of the royal family were inextricably inter-married at this period it is safe to assume that all their heads were more or less platycephalic, and as such unusual but not unnatural. Royal Scottish Museuin, Edinburgh CYRIL ALDRED Note Mr. William Fagg, British Museum, adds the following note: 'As the too gullible perpetuator of the myth which Mr. Siroto cor- rected, only to be himself taken in the rear by Mr. Aldred, I should like to thank both for turning the error to such good ethnological account. I wonder, though (as one who does not think that all cul- ture, or even all African culture, came from Egypt), whether travellers' tales of a Central African people whose standards of beauty caused them to lengthen their heads may not conceivably have had some influence upon the art forms of the Egyptian expres- sionists, rather as rumours of the "primitive" influenced those of the expressionists and fauves of the twentieth-century revolution. It is doubtful whether we can ever prove that the Mangbetu existed or deformed their heads in those days; but the trait seems likely to be a very old one.'-ED. Stonehenge and Midsummer. Cf. MAN, I953, I5I, 228, 260 SIR -Professor A. T. Hatto's main theses may be thus r3 X7 stated: (I) The complex of trilithons cum bluestone horseshoe cum bluestone circle is to be regarded as a planned unitv in which the trilithons are intended as female sexual symbols (vulvx) and the bluestone horseshoe and possibly the circle also as male sexual symbols (phalli). (2) The concentric arrangement of the elements in this complex imitates the arrangement of participants in concentric dances connected with fertility rituals, the complex being in fact the translation into stone of such a dance. (3) The orientation of the horseshoe 'cove' towards the midsummer sunrise is also connected with fertility rituals, the 'cove' being regarded as a symbolic uterus into which the sun's rays penetrate. (4) The outer lintelled sarsen circle is to be interpreted as a 'ritual fence.' (5) Any calendrical function of the structure is to be regarded as of secondary importance. These propositions will now be considered in Qrder. (i) That the trilithon-bluestone complex as it now exists forms a planned unity may be conceded, but it cannot be regarded as certain that it was originally so. The point of importance in this connexion is that the bluestones were definitely erected later than the trilithons I: it is however impossible to determine the length of the interval between the two operations. If this was not more than a year or two it would not be inconsistent with the two elements having formed part of the original plan, since the erection of the whole structure must have taken a considerable time. But if the interval could be shown to have been substantial this would seem to indicate that the bluestones were an addition to the original design, which would have included only the trilithons and the sarsen circle (together, of course, with the ditch and other incor- porated elements from 'Stonehenge I'). In this event, in order to preserve Professor Hatto's theory as to the relationship between the trilithons and the bluestones it would appear necessary to assume a definite change in the ritual and ideological associations of the whole structure as accompanying the addition; this of course is not impossible, but the introduction of a further assumption, incapable of proof, into his argument does nothing to strengthen it. Consideration may next be given to his novel and ingenious suggestion that the trilithons are female symbols. On this point it seems impossible to concede any validity to the arguments from the alleged symbolism of burial chambers which he adduces in support of his theory. No evidence exists to justify his statement that pre- historic man conceived burial 'as a return to the womb which is symbolized in the burial vault,' 2 and the alleged symbolism has therefore no factual basis 3 and is in fact a mere guess that cannot legitimately be used in support of his claim that so-called 'trilithon entrances' in megalithic tombs are sexually symbolic. Properly speaking, the term 'trilithon entrance' should be confined to a portal formed by two columnar jambs and surmounted bya mono- lithic lintel of comparable cross-section; but such entrances are actually not specially common in megalithic tombs and are as often found in domestic and secular buildings.4 They are generally associated with drystone masonry walling, where their use offers a simple and efficient method of forming an entrance, and there appears really to be no need to look beyond the practical advantages of this form of construction for an explanation of its use in any type of building. The rejection of these arguments leaves, as the sole evidence for the alleged symbolism, thefacies and styling of the trilithons. They are themselves unique; but it would appear legitimate to suggest that if either the trilithon, or the more naturalistic image consisting of the sexual triangle and lower limbs of a female figure, from which the trilithon might be derived by stylization, had been at the appropriate period a recognized sexual symbol it might be expected to be found occurring in the form of figurine or amulet. Such forms appear however to be lacking. In the absence of any such corroboration it appears to me that the stylistic features adduced by Professor Hatto are inadequate to commend his theory. Turning to the bluestones, these are also claimed as sexually symbolic (as phalli) and Professor Hatto further contends that the bluestones in the horseshoe stand in a deliberate and definite relation- ship to the trilithons, considered as female symbols.5 If, as has been argued above, the claim made for the trilithons is to be regarded as erroneous, the latter contention falls with it and it would seem unnecessary to discuss the point further here 6; but this does not necessarily affect the proposition that the bluestones are to be taken as phalli, and on this point I am personally of the opinion that a good case may be made out for this as far as the horseshoe blue- stones are concerned. This view is based primarily on the styling of the surviving stones, which undoubtedly have a certain phallic appearance; in this case, of course, we have very numerous examples of phallic representations with which the bluestones may be I9S