ROYAL IMAGES IN PRIVATE

TOMBS AT THEBES IN THE

EARLY RAMESSIDE PERIOD
by
GABRIELLE HEFFERNAN
A thesis submitted to
The Ui!e"sity o# Bi"mi$h%m
#o" the de$"ee o# M%ste" o# Phi&oso'hy
Istitute o# A"(h%eo&o$y %d Ati)uity
*o&&e$e o# A"ts %d L%+
The Ui!e"sity o# Bi"mi$h%m
,ue -./.









University of Birmingham Research Archive

e-theses repository


This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third
parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect
of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or
as modified by any successor legislation.

Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in
accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further
distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission
of the copyright holder.



ABSTRACT
Cultural memory is a relatively new area of study within Egyptology. It is, however, a
key issue in the understanding of how soiety funtioned. Important work has !een done
!y sholars suh as Assmann on the su!"et and this study hopes to !uild on that !y
taking the ase of depitions of kings in The!an tom!s, and disussing what they may
tell us a!out the role of the king in the lives of the people. This study will fous on three
types of sene# the king as a part of everyday life, the king as a historial figure, and the
king as a $divine$ !eing. This will allow a more detailed study of how the king, and
kingship, was understood !y people who were not mem!ers of the royal ourt, or
holders of high offie. Conlusions will !e drawn a!out the senes !oth as sym!ols of
how kingship was understood, and as reords of the ways in whih the king, and the
state, played a part in the lives and ultural memory of ordinary Egyptians.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Maps i
List of Figures ii
List of Appendices viii
Abbreviations x
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: The King as a Part of Everda Life! "
1.1Location and Context of #cenes "
1.2Festiva$s %
1.3Persona$ Tit$es &1
1.4Mortuar Estates &'
1.5(rac$es and A)enhotep I &"
1.6Conc$usion *+
Chapter &: The King as a ,istorica$ Figure! *1
2.1Location and Context of #cenes *1
2.2King$ists and -o.s of Kings *&
2.3Mortuar Te)p$es and Cu$ts */
2.4Conc$usion '0
Chapter *: The King as a 12ivine1 3eing! '4
3.1Location and Context of #cenes '%
3.2(fferings to the King /+
3.3The King .ith ,athor /0
3.4The King .ith (siris 0+
3.5The King .ith Anubis 0&
3.6Conc$usion 00
Chapter ': (ther Aspects re$ating to the King! 04
4.1,eaddresses and Cro.ns 04
4.2Epithets "0
4.3Ite)s he$d b the 5ing "4
4.4Conc$usion 41
Conc$usion 4*
Maps 44
Figures %4
Appendices 1*&
3ib$iograph 14*
LIST OF MAPS
1. Map of the Theban Necropolis (Porter and Moss 1960: Key Map).
2. eir el!Medina (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "##.)
$. ra %b& el!Na'a (North) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map #.)
(. ra %b& el!Na'a ()o&th) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map ##.)
*. %saif and el!Kho+ha (Porter and Moss 1960: Map #".)
6. )hei+ %bd el!,&rna (North) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map ".)
-. )hei+ %bd el!,&rna ()o&th) (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "#.)
.. ,&rnet M&rai (Porter and Moss 1960: Map "###.)
9. Theban te/ples (Porter and Moss 19-2: Map. 000###.)
i
LIST OF FIGURES
1. TT2: Deceased with wife offers on braziers to statue of Amenhotep I in
palanquin carried by priests, and statue of Amun !IA photo 1""#. $eproduced
with permission of !riffith Institute, %ni&ersity of '(ford).
2. TT2: *Deceased+ before Amenhotep I, Ahmose,-efertari and .rincess
/erytamun !IA photo 1"01. $eproduced with permission of !riffith Institute,
%ni&ersity of '(ford).
#. TT2: Deceased offers to two rows of 2in3s and queens 4epsius 105",1010:
2*a+).
5. TT2: *Deceased before statue of Amenhotep I in palanquin carried by priests,
and statue of Amun, both protected by /aat 6ern7 1"28: fi3. 15).
1. TT2: Deceased and family before Amun and Ahmose,-efertari !IA photo
1"08. $eproduced with permission of !riffith Institute, %ni&ersity of '(ford).
9. TT2: :hons and wife before Amenhotep twice depicted) and Ahmose -efertari
6ern7 1"28: pl. I *1+)
8. TT2: :hons and wife before $e, 'siris and Amenhotep I 6ern7 1"28: pl. I *2+).
0. TT5: Ahmose,-efertari and /erytamun on either side, and statue of ;athor cow
protectin3 Amenhotep I in centre 6ern7 1"28: pl. i& *2+).
". TT5: Deceased, ;enutmehyt, and her son, before Anubis, ;athor, Amenhotep I
and Ahmose,-efertari !IA photo 2<15. $eproduced with permission of !riffith
Institute, %ni&ersity of '(ford).
1<. TT1<: :asa and =on before =eti I, $amesses I and ;oremhab 4epsius
105",1010: 18# *b+).
ii
11. TT10: Penbuy and brother, Penshenabu, before Amenhotep I, Ahmose-Nefertari,
[Seti I?, !amesses I and "oremhab #$epsius 1%&'-1%(%: 1)* [+,.
1-. TT1&: Priests before t.o roya/ statues in pa/an0uins #1aud 1'*(: p/. iii,.
1*. TT1&: 2ema/e mourners #before roya/ statues, #3erbrou+4 1'*%: fi5. 6,.
1&. TT1': 7e+eased and priests before t.o ro.s of seated 4in5s and 0ueens #2ou+art
1'*(: p/. 8ii,.
1(. TT1': 1ar4 .ith statue of Ahmose-Nefertari dra55ed from temp/e #2ou+art
1'*(: p/. i9 [A,
16. TT1': [1ar4 of :ut and bar4 of Amun-!e to.ed on +ana/, [statue of
Amenhotep of the fore+ourt in pa/an0uin +arried by priests, and men a++/aimin5
#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 9i,.
1). TT1': 7e+eased .ith son 1e+4nay and .ife adore "athor-+o. in mountain
prote+tin5 4in5 #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. i8 [A,.
1%. TT1': 1ar4 of Ahmose-Nefertari to.ed on /a4e .ith trees, heaps of offerin5s,
and fema/e mourners, and - statues in Amenhotep I in pa/an0uins .ith priests in
front of temp/e #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8i [A,.
1'. TT1': Sin5/e-sti+4 and .rest/in5, and bar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e
#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8iii,.
-0. TT1': Sin5/e-sti+4 and .rest/in5, and bar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e
#2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8iii,.
-1. TT1': 1ar4 of Thutmose III before his temp/e #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 8i9,.
--. TT1': [1ar4 of Amenhotep I on /a4e .ith fema/e mourners and men dra55in5
roya/ statue #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 89i [A,.
-*. TT1': [7e+eased .ith son 1e4nay and .ife +enses and /ibates to !e-"ora4hty-
Atum, Amenhotep I, "athor and 3estern 5oddesses #2ou+art 1'*(: p/. 88iii,.
iii
24. TT19: [Deceased, mother and daughter(?)] before 3 d!ntes and "ng (#oucart
193$: %%!).
2$. TT23: Deceased adores &menhote' ( and &hmose)*efertar (+e'sus
1,49)1,$,: 199 [d]).
2-. TT23: .athor co/ n mountan 'rotectng 0amesses (( (+e'sus 1,49)1,$, 199
[h]).
21. TT23: 2aboons adorng, and sou3s of 4e and *e"hen before bar" contanng
5eren'tah offerng to &mun (Duemchen 1,-9: '3. %3! [f]).
2,. TT31: 6sermontu, 78er, and hs brother .u9, 4ro'het of 5ontu, offer bar" to
5ontu, a33 n bar" to/ed b9 2 m3tar9 boats abreast, /th father of deceased and
hs 3 sons censng and 3batng abo!e, and deceased offers to bar" of Tuthmoss
((( n "os" (Da!es and :ardner 194,: '3. %).
29. TT31: &rr!a3 of bar" of 5onthu /th 6sermontu and .u9 and 2 tugs, fo33o/ed
b9 'rests and 'restesses, nc3udng 6serhet, ;te/ard of <ueen Te9e (Da!es
and :ardner 194,: '3. %).
3=. TT31: &rr!a3 of bar" of 5onthu carred b9 'rests at tem'3e of &rmant, sho/ng
statue of ha/" 'rotectng the "ng, and deceased /th bA 3batng to [bar"] n
shrne (Da!es and :ardner 194,: '3. %).
31. TT31: #est!a3 of Thutmose (((, /th ro9a3 bar" n 'rocesson before tem'3e,
rece!ed b9 'rests and 'restesses (songstresses of 5ontu). .erdsmen /th dogs
brngng co/s and goats before deceased, 0ua, and fam39, /th standard of
estate of Thutmose (7 n front (Da!es and :ardner 194,: '3. %!).
32. TT$1: #est!a3 'rocesson of Thutmose (: 5en brngng su''3es and deceased
3ea!ng tem'3e adores ro9a3 bar"> ro9a3 statue dragged, and n bar" on 3a"e
(?res8ns" 1923: 113).
!
33. TT51: Deceased with mother, wife and daughter, offers on braziers to Thutmose
I and Ahmose-Nefertari Da!ies 1"#$: %&. !'
3(. TT5(: Deceased and fami&) cense and &ibate to Amenhote% I and Ahmose-
Nefertari Da!ies 1"##: 5(, fig.5'.
35. TT1*+: Deceased outside tem%&e a%%ro!es statue of ,eti I -e%sius 1.("-1.5.:
13# /%0'.
3+. TT1*+: Deceased censes and &ibates before /Amenhote% I and Ahmose-
Nefertari0 1ham%o&&ion 1.(5: c&22 /10'.
3$. TT153: Deceased, fo&&owed b) women, censes and &ibates before deified
Amenhote% I, Ahmose-Nefertari and Thutmose III, in 3ios3 4aud 1"35: fig..#.'.
3.. TT15$: Deceased, fo&&owed b) fanbearer and %riest with te2t of a%%ointment in
)ear I as 5igh 6riest of Amun, before 7amesses II and 8er)mut' Nefertari in
%a&ace window ,chott %hoto ++#$. 1o%)right:9riffith Institute, :ni!ersit) of
;2ford'.
3". TT15$: Deceased, fo&&owed b) fanbearer and %riest with te2t of a%%ointment in
)ear I as 5igh 6riest of Amun, before 7amesses II and 8er)mut' Nefertari in
%a&ace window ,chott %hoto ++#.. 1o%)right:9riffith Institute, :ni!ersit) of
;2ford'.
(*. TT#1*: <ather with I%u) brother=' and fami&), offers on brazier to 7e-
5ora3ht), 6tah, 5athor, Amenhote% I and Ahmose-Nefertari.' 4ru)>re 1"#.:
fig. 1#'.
(1. TT#1": ?ife %&a)ing f&ute, offers bou@uet on censer to ;siris, Amenhote%. I,
5athor and Ahmose-Nefertari in front of a mountain 7oss 1"31: 1+$'.
(#. TT#5*: Deceased adores ;siris and wife adores Amenhote% I. 4e&ow are
Ahmose-Nefertari and Anubis in the same %osition, adored b) two %rocessions
!
of the family (Bruyre 1927: pl. vi).
43. TT277: Statues of Teye an !menhotep """ ra##e in pro$ession (%anier
!&!''aie 19(4: pl. vii).
44. TT277: Statues of Teye an !menhotep """ ra##e in pro$ession (%anier
!&!''aie 19(4: pl. ))
4(. TT277: *e$ease $enses an li'ates 'efore statue of +e'hepetre,-entuhotep.
/ueen +eferys (pro's !hmose,+efertari). an 0athor $o1 in mountain (%anier
!&!''aie 19(4: pl. )v213).
44. TT277: Boat 1ith shrine to1e on la5e (0ermann 1934: pl.42a3).
47. TT277: *e$ease $enses an li'ates to !menhotep """ an /ueen Teye (%anier
*&!''aie 19(4: pl. )) 213).
46. TT297: !menhotep " an !hmose,+efertari fa$in# 8siris an !nu'is (Bruyre
1924: pl.)).
49. TT33(: !menhotep " 1ith Buto an +eith (Bruyre 1924a: fi#. 174).
(7. TT33(: !menhotep " 1ith Buto an +eith (Bruyre 1924a: fi#. 174).
(1. TT341: Son. musi$ians. offi$ials 1ith 'ou9uets. 'efore :tah,So5ar,8siris seate
1ith 'eare ;amesses "" 'ehin him (*avies (+ina) 1934: pl.$).
(2. TT341: Son. musi$ians. offi$ials 1ith 'ou9uets. 'efore :tah,So5ar,8siris seate
1ith 'eare ;amesses "" 'ehin him (*avies an <ariner 1946: pl. ))iii).
(3. TT344: 2Statues of !menhotep " an !hmose,+efertari3 in palan9uins $arrie 'y
priests (:etrie 1979': pl.)))i)).
(4. TT3(7: 0athor $o1 in mountain. !menhotep " an !hmose,+efertari (Bruyre
1937: fi#. 32).
((. !16: !hmose,+efertari (=hampollion 164(: pl. $liii 223).
(4. !16 : *e$ease $enses 'efore !menhotep " an !hmose,+efertari (=hampollion
vi
1845: pl. cliii [3]).
57. A18: Deceased libates to Amenhotep I and Queen Ahhotep !hampollion 1845:
pl. cliii [4]).
58. !7: "o# o$ %in&s 'hutmose I( II( III( I)( Amenhotep II( III) and *o+us
!hampollion 1844: 518).
,ii
LIST OF APPENDICES
1. Tomb Details.
2. Titles of Tomb Owners.
3. Appendix to Chapter 1 (the King as part of Eer!da! "ife#.
$. Appendix to Chapter 2 (the King as a %istori&al 'ig(re#.
). Appendix to Chapter 3 (the King as a *Diine* +eing#.
,. The dates of s&enes of the -ing in priate tombs at Thebes.
(a# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a part of eer!da! life.
(b# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a histori&al fig(re.
(&# The dates of tombs with s&enes of &ensing and libating to the -ing.
(d# The dates of tombs with s&enes of offering to the -ing.
(e# The dates of tombs with s&enes of worship of the -ing.
(f# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with %athor.
(g# The dates of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with Osiris.
/. The lo&ations of s&enes of the -ing in priate tombs at Thebes organised b! site.
(a# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a part of eer!da! life.
(b# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing as a histori&al fig(re.
(&# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of &ensing and libating to the -ing.
(d# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of offering to the -ing.
(e# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of worship of the -ing.
(f# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with %athor.
(g# The lo&ation of tombs with s&enes of the -ing with Osiris.
0. The lo&ation of s&enes of the -ing in Theban priate tombs.
iii
9. The scenes found adjacent to scenes of the king in private tombs at Thebes.
10. The sizes of gathered crowds in scenes in private Theban tombs in which the
king is part of a festival or procession.
11. The distribution of kings' names in titles of the owners of private tombs at
Thebes.
12. The freuenc! of depictions of gods with ro!al figures in private tombs at
Thebes"
#a$ The number of appearances of each god in scenes of ro!al figures.
#b$ The kings found depicted with each god in tomb scenes.
1%. The number of appearances of each king in scenes of censing and libating&
offering& and worship in private tombs at Thebes.
1'. The crowns worn b! ro!al figures in scenes in private tombs at Thebes"
#a$ The number of appearances of each crown organised b! t!pe of scene.
#b$ The distribution of appearances of each crown worn b! ro!al figures.
1(. The number of times each ro!al figure is found in scenes in private tombs at
Thebes"
#a$ The number of appearances of each king.
#b$ The number of appearances of each ueen.
#c$ The total number of appearances of each ro!al figure.
1). Tomb plans.
i*
ABBREVIATIONS
ASA Annales du Service des Antiquits de l'gypte (SAE) (Cairo).
BACE Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology (orth !yde).
B" British "useu#.
B$%A& Bulletin de l'$nstitut %ran'ais d'Archologie &rientale ($%A&)
(Cairo).
Cd Chronique d'gypte( Bulletin priodique de la %ondation
gyptologique !eine lisa)eth* Bru+elles (Brussels).
EES Egypt E+ploration Society.
,$A photo ,riffith $nstitute Archive -hoto (held in the ,riffith $nstitute
Archives* .niversity of &+ford).
," ,/ttinger "is0ellen (,/ttingen).
1ild. 1ildeshei# "useu#.
2as3al 2as3al. 4ournal of 1istory* Environ#ent* and Cultures of the
Ancient ear East.
4A!CE 4ournal of the A#erican !esearch Center in Egypt
(Boston5-rinceton5e6 7or35Cairo).
4EA 4ournal of Egyptian Archaeology (EES* 8ondon).
4ES 4ournal of ear Eastern Studies (Chicago).
2"9 2"9: A "odern 4ournal of Ancient Egypt (San %ransisco).
8; 8e+i3on der ;gyptologie. 7 vols.* <. 1elc3* E. &tto* <.
<estendorf (eds.) =>?@A* <ies)aden.
"BA$2 "itteilungen des Beutschen ArchCologischen $nstituts* A)teilung
+
Kairo (DAIK) (Mainz/Cairo/Berlin/Wiesbaden).
MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art.
MMA Photo Metropolitan Museum of Art Photo ta!en b" the #$"ptian
#%pedition (held in the &riffith Institute 'ni(ersit" of )%ford).
)I#* )riental Institute #pi$raphi+ *ur(e" ('ni(ersit" of Chi+a$o).
PI,A) Publi+ations de l-Institut ,ran.ais d-Ar+h/olo$ie )rientale du
Caire (Cairo).
0d1 0e(ue d-1$"ptolo$ie (Paris).
02 0e+ueil de tra(eau% relatifs 3 la philolo$ie et 3 l-ar+h/olo$ie
/$"ptiennes et ass"riennes (Paris).
*+hott Photo *+hott Photo ta!en b" Prof. *ie$fried *+hott 'ni(ersit" of
&4ttin$en (held in the &riffith Institute Ar+hi(es 'ni(ersit" of
)%ford).
*AK *tudien zur Alt5$"ptis+hen Kultur (6ambur$).
'CP 'ni(ersit" of Chi+a$o Press.
'MI 'MI Dissertation *er(i+es.
78* 7eits+hrift f9r 5$"ptis+he *pra+he und Altertums!unde
(Berlin/:eipzi$).
%i
INTRODUCTION
Egyptian kingship has been frequently discussed by Egyptologists, who look at state
monuments and inscriptions in order to understand the ideology of the Egyptian
institution. Less frequently studied are the ways in which kingship was understood by
the lower levels of society
1
. Was the pharaoh viewed in the same way by the common
people as he was depicted on official monuments, and what part did he play in their lives
through images and institutions? odern sociologists have often differentiated between
!high! and !low! culture, implying that the !low! culture of ordinary people is both separate
from, and inferior to, the culture of the elite
"
. #ut can one truly draw such a definite
distinction $ were the cultures of the different social groups in Egypt really so separate?
%his study will look at the way in which lower levels of society viewed the king, in
order to understand how their culture and traditions were linked with the ideas of the
state. &t will also look at how these traditions became embedded in the lives of
communities, such as at 'eir el(edina, and in their cultural memory.
)ultural memory is a term coined by *ssmann
+
as a development of ,albwach!s notion
1 %he !lower level! of society e-amined in this study includes all those who were buried in the %heban
necropolis outside of the .alley of the /ings and the .alley of the 0ueens in the early 1amesside
2eriod.
" annheim 314567 189: suggests that the distinction between !high! and !low! culture is based on the
class distinctions within society. %he concept of !high! and !low! culture has been the focus of much
debate in recent Egyptology, and in sociology. %he ;rankfurt school tended to emphasise the
importance of low culture 3<torey "==67 94(56, >oodall 14457 "+:, while *ssmann discussed the
importance of !,ochkultur! 3see *ssmann7 1489, "==6 for more discussion of the term and its
meaning:. #aines 3148?: e-amined the importance of this dichotomy and helped to encourage a view
of high and low culture as being two sides of the same coin. 1ichards 3"==57 1+: suggests that there
were, in fact, scales of social differentiation including those at local, regional and national levels. &n
contrast to the theory of bifurcation noted by #aines, she stresses the importance of a middle class, or
classes, between the upper and lower ones 31ichards "==57 15:. &t is this connection between levels of
society that this study hopes to discuss further.
+ <ee *ssmann 3"==67 1(+=: for discussion of how to define !cultural memory!.
1
of collective memory. ,albwachs 3144"7 "5: postulates that all memories have a social
basis, and that memory is a social construction that is largely shaped by present social
concerns. ,e emphasises the importance of memory in reaffirming familial bonds
3,albwachs 144"7 65:
9
, and its tendency to erase anything that might threaten these
bonds 3,albwachs 144"7 18":. *ssmann takes this idea further, suggesting that memory
has not only a social but a cultural basis 3*ssmann "==67 1: in which tradition is key
3*ssmann "==67 8:
5
. *ssmann argues that cultural memory encapsulates the memories
that are too far in the past to be encapsulated by communicative memory
6
, and those that
have been disowned by collective
?
and bonding memory as being damaging to the
collective identity of the group 3*ssmann "==67 "?:.
%his study will focus on depictions of royalty in private tombs at %hebes, in order to
e-amine the issues more fully. %he first chapter will discuss the ways in which the king
played a part in the everyday lives of the people, looking at statue cults, temple estates
and personal titles
8
. %his will further our understanding of how the state was involved in
the lives of the people, and the willingness with which the people accepted this
involvement. %he second chapter will look at the king as a historical figure, studying the
!kinglists!
4
found in private tombs. %his will lead to discussion of the importance of royal
genealogy and knowledge of history for ordinary people, and whether there was a public
adoption of royal attempts to legitimise its rule through genealogy, as seen in official
9 <ee *ssmann 3"==67 5(4: for a discussion of !bonding memory!.
5 *ssmann 3"==67 8: notes that this is in opposition to ,albwachs, who treats memory and tradition as
separate entities.
6 *ssmann 3"==67 +: defines this as the social aspect of individual memory, which @grows out of
intercourse between peopleA.
? %his is discussed alongside !bonding memory! in *ssmann 3"==67 5(4:.
8 *s the essay will discuss, the actual person of the king played very little part in the lives of people.
What this study will look at is how ideas of the king, and images of kingship, were felt by the people
to be relevant to their lives.
4 !/inglists! in the conte-t of private tombs in %hebes will be defined more fully in ch. " 3p. +=:. &t
included both images of rows of kings and lists of cartouches.
"
kinglists such as the list of <eti & at *bydos 3'avid 14?+7 146:. &n the third chapter this
study will e-amine images of the king with the gods, and as the subBect of worship and
praise by the deceased. %his will question whether the king was viewed on a similar
level as the gods, and how this may have affected the way in which his role was
understood by the people. Cne must also wonder whether temples, which connected the
king with the gods, were a key source for knowledge of the pharaoh in the lives of
ordinary people. %he final chapter will look at certain other aspects which are relevant to
all scenes of the king. %hese include the crowns of kingship, epithets, and obBects held
by kings in depictions. 'iscussion will focus mainly on the place of the king, but issues
relating to the queen and her role will also be discussed. #y looking at these issues it
will be possible to gain a fuller understanding of the way in which kingship, and
queenship
1=
, was viewed by the people, and whether it mirrored that which the state
attempted to impose. &n its entirety, this study will e-amine the importance of tradition
and cultural memory in reinforcing ideas about the king, as the representative of the
state, and its effectiveness as a uniting factor for the people.
%he focus of this study will be the %heban necropolis in the early 1amesside 2eriod
11
for
several reasons. %he reign of 1amesses && was one in which the cult of the ruler was
heavily promoted by the state
1"
and so it offers a good opportunity to e-amine whether
these ideas were adopted by the people. %hat this period comes soon after the *marna
1= #ecause the focus of this study is the pharaoh, aspects such as chapter headings will refer to the king
only. %his does not, however, preclude discussion of queenship at certain points.
11 %he focus will be primarily from the beginning of the dynasty until the reign of erenptah, with
special emphasis on the reign of 1amesses &&. <ome tombs have been included whose dates go outside
of these reigns $ they are either tombs that have been dated to a wide period 3spanning one or two
dynasties: or whose dates are disputed with some putting them in the early Dineteenth 'ynasty and
others dating them either earlier or later 3see app. 1 for details:.
1" %he !cult! is that in which worship of the king as a divine being was encouraged, as the evidence
discussed by ,abachi 31464: demonstrates.
+
period and its related upheavals
1+
also makes it interesting, allowing discussion of how
people understood kingship following what was a period of great change. *ny study is
also constrained by the evidence, and this period offers a wealth of both tombs and
writing, largely thanks to the settlement of 'eir el(edina. %he %heban Decropolis
comprises several parts, namely 'eir el(edina, 0urnet urai, <heik abd el(0urna, el(
*sasif, el(/hokha and 'ra abu el(Daga 3ap. 1:. Each site contains many tombs
ranging from workmen to high officials 3aps. "(8
19
:
15
. Cf appro-imately 1+= tombs
here from the early 1amesside 2eriod, 98 contain depictions of kings
16
, comprising ?5
scenes. Cf these scenes, 9+ are of *menhotep & 3who appears in 9? scenes: and *hmose(
Defertari 3who appears in 99 scenes: only, while "4 show other kings, and the identities
of the figures in three are uncertain
1?
. Cther kings who appear more than four times
include %hutmose & 3who appears in four scenes:, %hutmose &&& 3four scenes:,
Debhepetre(entuhotep 3five scenes:, <eti & 3five scenes: and 1amesses && 3seven
scenes: 3app. 15:. +5E of the "= scenes of the king as a part of everyday life show the
living king at the time, while none of nine scenes of the king as a historical figure
include the reigning pharaoh, and 11.5E of the 61 scenes of the king as a divine being
depict the current king
18
. *ll categories of scenes discussed occur several times in the
upper areas of the tombs
14
3app. 8:, which were open to the public 3'odson and &kram
"==87 19:. %his means that the scenes would have been visible to the people who visited
1+ <ee <haw 3"===7 "?"("8?: for an overview of the *marna 2eriod.
19 %he tombs that are relevant to this study have been marked with a square.
15 E-amples of this are the tombs of Fser 3.iGier of %hutmose &&&:, %%61 and %%1+1, which represent the
higher level of society, and the tomb of /habekhnet, <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth, %%", which
represents the lower social ranks of tomb owners.
16 <ee app. 1 for a list of the tombs.
1? <ee app. +, 9 and 5 for details of the scenes.
18 <cenes of the king as a part of everyday life that include the reigning king are found in %%"+, %%1=6
3fig. +5:, %%15? 3figs. +8, +4:, %%"16, %%"1?, *19 and )?, while the scenes of the living king as a
divine being occur in %%"+ 3three scenes: 3figs. "6, "?:, %%1=6 3two scenes:, %%15? 3figs. +8, +4:,
%%"16, %%+91 3figs. 51, 5":, and )?.
14 %he upper areas include the hall, chapel, court and shrine 3'odson and &kram "==87 19:.
9
the tombs, which may account for any copying of scenes that occurred.
*ny study will encounter limitations, and these will be looked at fully in the following
chapters. ,owever, some must be addressed before continuing any further discussion.
Cne of the main criticisms will, undoubtedly, be that the %heban Decropolis 3in
particular 'eir el(edina: is not representative of the rest of Egyptian society. 2art of
the issue when looking at %heban private tombs is that they tend not to belong to the
lowest levels of society
"=
, which limits their relevance when discussing society as a
whole 3even the workers at 'eir el(edina, who were not elite, were skilled craftsmen
3Lesko 14497 1::. &t is questionable whether conclusions on the beliefs of ordinary
Egyptians can be drawn when much of the evidence comes from the elite classes, and
literate sections, of society. %his study will, therefore, qualify any conclusions that may
be drawn accordingly. #ut, by including the entire %heban necropolis, and drawing
comparisons with other sites where appropriate
"1
, this essay will ensure as balanced a
discussion as is possible. &t is arguable that until there are many more studied sites with
which to create comparisons, it is not possible to Budge which sites represent general
society and which do not
""
. &t has not been possible to obtain copies of all the depictions
mentioned in this study and so it has been necessary to rely in some cases on
descriptions given in 2orter and oss 3146=: and in other works. 'ue to the reliance in
some cases on secondary material, it is possible that a small number of relevant scenes
have been missed from this research, but it is hoped that this will not alter the
"= %he costs involved in building and decorating a rock cut tomb on the west bank at %hebes must, surely,
have e-cluded the lower levels of society.
"1 <ites such as 2i(1amesse and <aqqara provide good comparisons. 'iscussion of 2i(1amesse can be
found in ,abachi 3145": and ,abachi 31464:, with more detail in #ietak 31485:. 'etails on aspects of
<aqqara are in artin 31485:, artin 3148?: and DavrHtilovH 3"==?:. %he discussion by alek 31489:
on <aqqara in the Dew /ingdom is e-tremely brief, but may be of use in finding more references.
"" Cne is also faced with the issue of whether any one site can ever truly represent society.
5
conclusions made. *nother issue is the frequent use of *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari
"+
as e-amples. %his essay includes all kings depicted in private tombs but a
large amount of evidence involves this couple
"9
. *gain, it may be suggested that they are
not typical e-amples, but, arguably, they represent a specific type of belief in kingship
and show how kings may be viewed by the populace.

"+ %he !queen! in private %heban tombs is almost always *hmose(Defertari, which makes it difficult to
draw conclusions about !queens! in general. ,owever, it is still worth discussing the ways in which she
is depicted to compare images of queenship with images of the king.
"9 ;orty(seven of ?" relevant scenes include only these two royal figures.
6
CHAPTER 1
THE KING AS A PART OF EVERYDAY LIFE
25

%here is a lack of evidence of direct interaction between the king and the non(elite in the
localities during this period, but royal visits to the villages may have occurred
sporadically. C.)airo "556= records <eti && visiting %hebes for the Cpet festival and
crossing the river to the west bank, but the te-t stops before it reveals the reason for this
trip 3Ianssen 144?715":, and E-ell 3"==67 54: suggests that depictions and stelae from
the /henu(chapel at 'eir el(edina show that 1amesses && came to the village in person
to @inaugurate the rebuilt ,athor(temple and /henu(chapelA
"6
. %here is, however, a lack
of administrative documents from 'eir el(edina that mention 1amesses && visiting the
temple, and so it is uncertain whether or not such a visit took place. 'epictions of the
king in tombs suggest that, despite the lack of direct contact between ordinary people
and the king,he remained an important part of the life of the people, or at least his
imagery did.
1.1 LC)*%&CD *D' )CD%EJ% C; <)EDE<7
<cenes of the king as a part of everyday life are spread throughout the %heban
necropolis, with three tombs containing the scenes at 'eir el(edina, five at 'ra *bu el(
Daga, five at <heik *bd el(0urna and one at 0urnet urai 3app. ?:. Dine of the relevant
"5 <ee app. 9 for details of scenes.
"6 %hese stelae representations show ,athor as anthropomorphic and, according to E-ell, probably depict
a ceremony in the main ,athor temple, while stela # E* +"8, which was found in the /henu(chapel,
appears to be connected with a cult of ,athor and the king 3E-ell "==6754:. <ee E-ell 3"==676=: for
discussion of the positioning of the stelae outside of the temple proper.
?
tombs date to the reign of 1amesses && 3although %%"16 may be from the slightly later
reign of <eti &&:, and one from the reign of erenptah, while two are from the reigns of
1amesses & and <eti &. %he other two date from the Dineteenth to %wenty(first 'ynasties
but cannot be pinpointed to a specific reign 3app. 6:. %his type of scene, therefore, was
not restricted to any one reign, although it was prevalent in the first three reigns of the
Dineteenth 'ynasty. %he varied locations of the tombs 3and lack of obvious connection
between the men who owned them, such as positions within the same temple cults
"?
:
makes it more likely that they were designed independently and were not the result of a
!fashion! within a specific group
"8
. %he scenes occur almost e-clusively in the halls of
tombs 3app. 8, 16:
"4
which may be because their content, which recorded events in the
lives of tomb owners, was felt to be more suitable for the outer areas of the tomb which
housed the cult of the dead and were open to the public, rather than the inner, more
sacred areas that were the realm of the dead 3'odson and &kram "==87 19:. 99.?E of
scenes adBacent to those of the king as a part of everyday life are scenes of the gods,
while 18.9E and "6.+E respectively are other scenes of kings and scenes of the
deceased with members of their family 3app. 4:. %he variety of scenes found adBacent to
scenes of the king as a part of everyday life suggests that they were not deliberately
linked with any other type of scene
+=
. Eight scenes include the reigning king, which
suggests that events relating to the living king, as well as deceased kings, were seen as
important by the people buried on the west bank at %hebes in the early 1amesside
2eriod
+1
.
"? %his is discussed below 3p. "":
"8 %his issue will be discussed in ch. " 3pp. ++(5:.
"4 14 out of "= e-amples.
+= %he frequency of scenes of the gods adBacent to scenes of the king as a part of everyday life may be
e-plained by the high numbers of scenes of the gods throughout tombs, such as in %%", wherein "9 out
of "6 scenes described by 2orter and oss 3146=7 6(4: include a depiction of at least one deity.
+1 &t is notable that four of these scenes show the deceased being appointed or rewarded by the king 3eg7
figs. +8, +4:, while a fifth shows the deceased approving a statue of the king 3fig. +5:. %his suggests
8
1." ;E<%&.*L<7
;estivals
+"
are depicted in several private tombs in %hebes
++
. %%+1 includes a depiction
of the festival of %hutmose &&& in which the royal barque is in procession before the
temple, and received by priests and priestesses of onthu 3fig. +1:. * second scene in
this tomb shows a festival of onthu which includes the deceased tomb owner offering
to a barque of %hutmose &&& 3fig. "8:. * similar scene of %hutmose &&& occurs in %%14,
which shows the barque of the king before his temple 3fig. 14:, and is combined with
that of a festival of *menhotep &
+9
. %%"?? contains a scene depicting statues of %eye and
*menhotep &&& being dragged in a procession 3figs. 9+, 99:. %%51 includes the festival
procession of %hutmose & in which the royal statue is both dragged 3fig. +":, and in a
barque on the lake.
&t is important to note the inclusion of large numbers of people in festival scenes 3app.
1=:. *part from in %%"??
+5
, the usual number of people involved in procession scenes is
between 1= and +=. *ll involve at least four priests
+6
and in some the maBority, or all, of
the figures are priests 3e.g. %%", %%+1, %%+99:. ;our out of the 19 scenes include men
rowing or steering boats, which is a reminder that boats played an important part in
that the scenes were biographical, intended to depict the career of the deceased. %his is discussed
further below 3pp. 59(6:.
+" *ltenmKller 314??7 1?1(141: writes that the main factor of a festival is its periodicity, which may be
determined by agricultural, astronomical, mythological or political source. ,e divides festivals into
five types7 'ie ;este des ,immels, 'ie ;este der LeitlMufte, 1egionale ;este, 2olitische ;este and
&ndividualfeste.
++ <ee app. + for details of scenes and references.
+9 <ee below 3pp. "?(+=: for discussion of the role of *menhotep & as an oracle.
+5 %he number of people in this scene is appro-imately ?+, but this is difficult to verify as the scene
continues onto several walls.
+6 &n some cases, the men included in this figure do not have obvious priestly titles. ,owever, their
shaven heads imply that they are priests.
4
certain processions
+?
. Cnly two out of 19 scenes include women holding sistra 3both in
%%+1: which suggests that the presence of such women was not common
+8
, although
seven of the 19 scenes show female watchers, or mourners, 3who have their hands held
up:. ale watchers are also included in seven scenes, so that, in total, 11 of the 19
scenes include people who were not priests or priestesses watching the procession. %his
shows that many people were involved in, or witnessed, festivals of deceased kings and
were, in this sense, connected with him
+4
. Cne must not assume that the numbers shown
in festival scenes in tombs are an accurate depiction of the e-act numbers of people at
the festivals, as it is likely that they were restricted by space, time and aesthetic
preference. ,owever, the scenes create an impression of many people and, therefore,
one must assume that events such as this involved a !crowd!. Without written evidence it
is difficult to speculate as to the e-act numbers of people, but mention of such crowds in
later periods gives some idea. ,erodotus claims that @men and women are wont to
assemble there Nat #ubastisO to the number of seven hundred thousandA 3>odley "==97
+9?:. Cne must not accept this number unquestioningly as e-aggeration is likely, and it
is important to remember that ,erodotus was writing about a divine festival rather than
a royal one
9=
, but it does demonstrate that large crowds were present at festivals in the
Late 2eriod, which may give an idea of the numbers of people who took part in earlier
periods. Cne must also remember that this scene is only a part of the festival and more
people are likely to have been involved at other points
91
. %he public festivals of kings
+? %his issue is discussed below 3pp. 16(1?:.
+8 Cf course, this may have been due to aesthetic preference.
+4 ;estivals may have occurred in several conte-tsP these included within local communities and villages
3such as the ha festivals discussed by c'owell 3144"7 1=1("::, in temple compounds 3such as those
that occurred on sacred lakes like those seen in %%14, fig. 18: and along the Dile 3such as as the
;estival of the Ioyous Fnion discussed by Watterson 314487 1=5(111::.
9= %here may not, however, have always been a clear distinction between !royal! and !divine! festivals and
cults 3see p.1? for more discussion:.
91 <ee below 3pp. "6(?: for a discussion of the siGe of temple estates.
1=
had, it could be argued, a double purpose $ the first was to appease the gods and provide
for the deceased in the afterlife 3which could also be achieved through private cults
within the temples:P the second was both to demonstrate the power of the state to the
people and to bring them together under a common aim, thus creating a unity within the
community. %he success of the second aim depended on the willingness of the people to
support the festivals $ <chudson 314457 +55: suggests that @to pass on a version of the
past, the past must be encapsulated into some sort of cultural formA, and so, perhaps, the
festivals found in Egyptian society can be understood as coming under such a !cultural
form!. Dora 314897 1: saw features such as folk songs, flags, national monuments and
celebrations, and national days of remembrance as the basis of national NcollectiveO
memory. 2erhaps, therefore, these festivals must be seen as forming a basis for the
collective memory of the groups that participated in them. %he crowds depicted in tomb
scenes suggest that large numbers of people attended the festivals and, in a sense,
became more closely integrated into both the community and the state through them.
%he simple fact that the tomb scenes e-ist at all implies that the tomb owners integrated
them into their own tradition and memory.
any people depicted in festivals were priests and priestesses 3app. 1=:
9"
. %wo of the
male titles found in festival scenes are wab and Hm-nTr. %he Hm.w-nTr prepared offerings
and performed rituals amongst other things 3<hafer 14487 1=:, and so it is likely that
they would have been involved in festivals. %he wab(priest performed the lesser tasks
required for maintaining the temples and the rituals
9+
3<hafer 14487 11:, which may have
9" * good e-ample can be found in %%+1 3fig. +1:. &n the top register are men with the titles Hm-nTr and
wab. #elow are women who are Sma (n MnTw).
9+ &n the Dew /ingdom the wab-priests were divided into four phyles that rotated on a monthly basis, and
their wives often served as temple singers and sistrum players 3<hafer 14487 15:. ,aring 3144?7 ""+(9:
discusses the implications of this system in allowing wab-priests to also function as workmen.
11
included carrying the divine image in processions
99
. %hey were not particularly high(
ranking positions but were, according to the depictions in private tombs, necessary for
the carrying(out of rituals and festivals. %his shows that it was not only the elite priests
who had roles within festivals ( all levels of personnel played a part. %he crowds of
people who witnessed processions
95
show that it was not Bust members of the priesthood,
or even the temple employees, who were involved in the event, but members of the
wider community. *n e-ample of lay men who were involved in festivals are those
rowing the boat in %%+1 3fig. +1:
96
. %heir roles could be seen as mundane, simply that of
transporting the priests and shrine to the temple, but they were vital to the completion of
the ritual. Cne must be careful not to assume that only the men and women who played
an active part in the ritual itself 3e.g. the priests: had a connection to the god, or the king.
<imply being a part of the process may have been enough to reinforce the memory of
the king and create the illusion of a connection between the person and the pharaoh
9?
.
Cne must also look at the role of women within festival scenes in private tombs. <ome
women are depicted holding their hands over their faces 3figs. 1+, +1:. &n both festivals
and funerary processions, these women have a specific role which involves watching
and reacting to the events that unfold. * te-tual e-ample of this can be found in
p.1amesseum E
98
, dating to the iddle /ingdom, in which line ?= speaks of the !mAAwt!
3!those who watch!:. %he !k[nwt]! 3!wailing women!: are mentioned in line 8+
94
. %his
99 <auneron 3"===7 4": suggests that the men may have taken turns carrying the barque in processions.
95 'epictions in the Gm-pA-Itn of *khenaten, for e-ample, show crowds of people lining the route of a
procession in the <ed(festival of the king 31edford 14447 5?:.
96 %he lack of priestly titles, along with the lack of shaven heads, suggests that these men were not
priests.
9? *n e-ample of this is female !watchers!, as discussed in the ne-t paragraph.
98 <ee >ardiner 31455: for a copy of the te-t. * satisfactory translation has yet to be published, and
>ardiner!s comments in this article assume that the te-t reads in an incorrect order so that his
comments must be read with some caution. ,elck 31481: provides a more accurate reading of the te-t,
with a more likely sequence of the te-t, but it is still not satisfactory.
94 %he maBority of the word is missing but the determinative clearly points to this understanding of the
1"
shows that the role of the women was to observe the rituals and mourn, which contrasts
with the men mentioned in the te-t whose roles were more practical
5=
. %hat is not to say
that female roles were necessarily viewed as less vital than that of the men $ that they
have been included in tomb depictions suggests that their presence held symbolic
importance.
,erodotus claimed that @no woman is dedicated to the service of any god or goddessA
3>odley "==97 +1?: but depictions in private tombs at %hebes, such as that of %%+1,
contradict this claim. %he women depicted in this tomb had roles that included more
than watching ( they can be seen holding sistra 3fig. +1:. &n the description of the scene
'avies and >ardiner 314987 "=: call the women in %%+1 @chantresses of ontNhuOA.
,owever, the sistra may also suggest a link to the goddess ,athor 3#lackman 14"17
151:
51
. &n %%+1 two of the women who are holding sistra are referred to as !Smayt' 3fig.
+1:, whom #lackman 314"17 195: claims were musician priestesses who @rattle the
sistrum before themA. ,e also argues that @almost every woman who dwelt in or near
%hebes during the Dew /ingdom seems to have served as a musician priestessA
3#lackman 14"17 195: $ this may be an overestimation of the numbers of women who
held this role, but it demonstrates that the numbers of Smaywt 3and xnywt) were high.
While not dismissing a possible link to ,athor, Cnstine 3"==57 1": also suggests that the
women may have been connected to eret, and goes on to link them with her role in
announcing the king at festivals. Evidence for titles relating to female musician
line 3#ommas "==8b:.
5= %he male roles included !carrier of the forelegs of animals 3'Xryw xpS.w' 3line 4":: and carrier of the
ointment 3'Xryw mnHwt! 3line 84::, as well as officiating 3'Hm-pr m pr-wr' 3line 54::.
51 #lackman 314"17 151: suggests that, by the 2tolomaic period, all temples had songstress priestesses
attached to them and goes on to link their role with ,athorP he claims that through holding and rattling
the sistrum the priestesses were not only representing the goddess, but were invoking her, so much so
that certain members of this priesthood were referred to as @,athorsA. %he goddess ,athor had a link
with the royal family 3as will be discussed in more detail in ch. +, pp. 56(6=:.
1+
priestesses can also be found in other conte-ts, such as on temple walls. Cne instance is
in an inscription of 1amesses &&, which describes female citiGens greeting the king with
Boy and music 3'uemichen 186?7 pl. .&&&:. *nother inscription, at 'endara, gives five
titles of musician(priestesses 3'uemichen 18657 pl. .&&&: $ the titles in this temple date
from 2tolemaic times, which shows that the importance of musician priestesses
continued beyond the 2haraonic period. Cnstine 3"==57 "4(+": suggests that the higher
numbers of Smaywt at certain times may be linked to a perceived need by the state to
legitimise the position of the king. <he points to higher numbers of women in this role in
the reigns of 1amesses && and ,atshepsut, where legitimisation of the royal line may
have been more tenuous, and argues that women were encouraged to partake of this role
as a way of creating a link between them and the state which would tie them to the
religious and political order, a link that they may then pass down to their children
5"
.
Dotably, the holding of a priestly title did not necessarily mean a position outside of
society. Evidence from sites such as 'eir el(edina suggests that members of the
community could serve as priests for various cults whilst continuing in another
profession. p.#1==5+ from the %wentieth 'ynasty records men holding the position of
wab(priest alongside that of a workmanP it notes a priest who was also a coppersmith
(2eet 14+=7 pl. J.&&:
5+
, as well as one who held the positions of gardener and goldsmith
32eet 14+=7 pl. JJ:
59
. %here are also e-amples of wab(priests who were also scribes,
5" %he title Smayt first appears regularly in the reign of ,atshepsut where five women held the titleP
between her reign and the end of the Eighteenth 'ynasty, Cnstine 3"==57 "?: cites 1=+ Smayt. &n the
1amesside 2eriod she counts "?9 Smayt, of whom "6 date to the reign of <eti &, 14= to 1amesses &&, 5+
to erenptah, and the rest to later, or uncertain, reigns 3most of whom were affiliated with *mun:. %he
%wentieth 'ynasty shows a reduction in the number of Smayt 3Cnstine "==57 "4(+=:. Cf the Smayt in
the early 1amesside 2eriod, 19 are linked with ,athor 3although only one of these can be definitely
said to have lived in %hebes:, and ? are linked with &sis 3of which " lived in %hebes: 3Cnstine "==57
chart ?:.
5+ p.# 1==5+ rt.+, 147 %he line begins wab-Hmty.
59 p.# 1==5+ vs.+, 67 ,aring 3144?7 ""+: appears to read this as wab-kAr.y although he transliterates the
second word as kAm.y.
19
such as enkheperresonb in the temple of %hutmose &&&, and 2tahemheb, in the temple
of *menhotep &&& 3,aring 144?7 ""+:
55
. %herefore, the people depicted with religious
titles in %heban tombs in the 1amesside 2eriod may also have been workers and
ordinary
56
members of the communities in which they lived, showing that it was not
only a separate priestly class that had a connection with the cults of gods and kings, but
also people who had roles within the local community
5?
.
%he use of secular titles within temples and in festivals shows that it was not Bust priests
who were involved in the running of cults. ,aring 3144?7 "9=("91: states that roles for
the laity within temple comple-es included stewards of the house 3imy-r pr a3 (n) pr:
and overseers of cattle 3imy-r iH.w:
58
. <cribes 3pr-HD: held an important role, as did
workmen such as stonemasons 3Xrty-nTr:, templesmiths 3Hmt.y nbw.y: and carpenters
3Hmw.w:. 2recincts also employed gardeners 3kAr.y.w: and warders 3aSA:, as well as army
personnel such as army scribes 3sSmSa: and troop commanders 3Hr.y-pD.t: 3,aring 144?7
"9+("96:
54
. %his shows that the temples provided work and wages for many people, and
55 ,aring 3144?7 ""+(9: warns caution when discussing men who held multiple rolesP in the case of
scribes, he suggests that scribal duties may have been carried out by wab-priests while attending the
offering cult, so that they saw no real distinction between the two positions. ,e also warns that in
some cases where multiple titles are found inscribed in tombs, this may represent the progression of a
career rather than titles held simultaneously. ,owever, he writes that this was unlikely to be the case
for the combinations of wab(priest with workmen!s titles. ,e e-plains these combinations by
suggesting that the men held priestly office within the phyle system 3acting as priests for three months
out of the year: and carried out workmen!s duties for the other nine, either within or outside of the
temple precinct, possibly with houses in their own neighbourhoods. *lthough the e-amples in this
book refer mainly to a slightly later period than that being studied here, they demonstrate that holding
a secular title alongside a priestly title was not unusual in Egypt.
56 %he term !ordinary! here refers to people who lived and worked within the community for the maBority
of the time and did not have a separate status.
5? Cne must remember that in the Cld and iddle /ingdoms priests acted in a part(time capacity and it
was only in the Dew /ingdom that full(time priests began to be appointed, although many remained
part(time 3<hafer 14487 4:. &n the Eighteenth 'ynasty positions such as !)hief of the servants of the
>od of Fpper and Lower Egypt!, as well as his deputies, were full(time roles 3see <hafer 14487 19 and
,elck 148" for more details on priests:. ;urther evidence can be found in the Dineteenth 'ynasty for
the temple of *nubis near the pyramid of <enwosret && in the ;ayoum, which had si- permanent priests
and four phyles, each consisting of 11 men (<auneron "===7 5+(9:.
58 %he title imy-r iH.w is found, for e-ample, in %%+1.
54 <ee ,aring 3144?7""5("98: for detailed discussion on the various secular roles within temple precincts
15
employed members of many different trades. &t is arguable that the king only truly
became a part of the lives of the people when they played a role in his memorials, in this
case festivals, and it was only when the king became a part of the lives of the people that
he could be fully integrated into the cultural memory of the community.
*s mentioned earlier, the royal barks used in festivals were often rowed on water. %%51
shows the royal statue in a bark on the lake, while %%"?? includes a scene of two boats,
one of which contains a shrine 3fig. 9+:. %his scene closely resembles that of %%51,
suggesting that such events were not uncommon in the lives of ordinary people. %%+1
also includes a scene of two boats, one rowed by five men, and the other containing a
royal bark 3fig. +1:. )ertain titles in the temple of %hutmose &. show the importance of
boats within the cult. Cne was 'imy-r dp.w.t Imn n t3 Hwt Mn-xpr.w-Ra' 3!Cverseer of
boats of *mun in the mansion of enkheperrure!: 3,aeny 14487 1==:. %he sacred lake
at /arnak 3)hristophe 14517 1?(18, pl. ii: and that of 'endara 32orter and oss 14+47
9=:, both of which are known to have been used in festivals, show the importance of
lakes in such events, although they were not the only setting in which boats were used in
festivals. %he ;east of the Ioyous Fnion included the towing of ,athor aboard her
barque up the Dile from 'endara to Edfu 3Watterson 14487 1=5(6:
6=
. %his supports the
idea that images were rowed on bodies of water as part of festivals. %he use of boats
may have served to increase the sense of drama and importance of the festivals, thus
helping them to remain in the memory of the people who witnessed them. %here is no
evidence of such a lake at the mortuary temple of %hutmose &&&, whose statue is depicted
and what they entailed. * large amount of ,aring!s evidence comes from the time of 1amesses &&&, but
this does not preclude its being relevant to the earlier Dew /ingdom.
6= %his feast celebrated the marriage between ,athor of 'endara and ,orus of Edfu. Watterson 314487
1=5: suggests that the Bourney took 19 days to complete, during which the barque also visited several
other shrines that bordered the Dile, and that the Dile @must have been thronged with people
watchingA.
16
as being rowed in a bark in %%+1 3fig. +1:, although this does not preclude there having
been one. ,owever, %hutmose &&& is known to have built the temple of onthu at
*rmant and it is likely that this is the temple depicted in scenes of his festivals in %%+1
and %%14
61
. %he temple in the depiction in %%+1 3fig. +1: has the same name as the
temple of onthu at *rmant and supports the idea that the festivals of onthu and
%hutmose &&& occurred at that site, although unfortunately the temple has not survived
intact and so it is difficult to confirm whether there was a sacred lake in the Dew
/ingdom on which the festival may have taken place
6"
. %he town of *rmant 3&uny: lies
about 1"km south of %hebes, and so it is reasonable that men buried at %hebes could
have been involved in festivals there. %hat there is an archaeological basis for the
depictions of statues of %hutmose &&& being rowed on a lake makes it more likely that the
scenes depicted were actual events rather than merely symbolism. &t is also a reminder
that festivals related to deceased kings did not only take place at the temples which have
been designated, in modern times, !ortuary %emples!
6+
.
61 ond and yers 3149=a7 15: state that a main reason for dating the temple to the reign of %hutmose
&&& is the e-istence of the depiction in %%+1 of the festival of onthu and %hutmose &&&. %his makes it
difficult to use the dating of the temple as proof of the accuracy of the depiction. ,owever, other
artefacts, including a stela of %hutmose &&& Bust inside the pylon 3ond and yers 149=a7 "5: lend
weight to the theory that the temple was built under %hutmose &&&.
6" <ee 2orter and oss 314+?715":, and ond and yers 3149=b7 pl. ii: for maps of the site showing a
pylon of %hutmose &&& and the sacred lake. %he maBority of surviving evidence at the site comes from
the 2tolemaic 2eriod, but the pylon of %hutmose &&& along with two sphin-es and foundation deposits
from his reign 3ond and yers 149=a7 +: prove that there was a temple in the Dew /ingdom. %e-ts
of 1amesses && 3ond and yers 149=b7 pl. viii: show that the site was in use at during his reign.
ond and yers 3149=b7 pl. 89: labelled the lake @)leopatra!s LakeA, and have linked it with the
@ammisi of )leopatraA 3ond and yers 149=a7 4:, but this research has found no evidence that a
lake did not e-ist in the Dew /ingdom.
6+ %here has been much discussion about whether there was a fundamental difference in the minds of the
Egyptian people between !mortuary! and !divine! temples. odern scholarship tends to understand the
term !ansion of millions of years! as designating a mortuary temple although it does not correspond
directly to any Egyptian word. *dolf Erman admits this much when he writes of temples @das wir
heute den %otentempel nennenA 3@that we nowadays call the ortuary %empleA: 3Erman 14+67 56:.
%his implies that the term has been coined in modern times and was not a direct translation of
Egyptian. Early Dew /ingdom engravings at the quarries of %ura link the the term to temples that are
not thought to have served a mortuary purpose ( !r Hwwt.f nt HH m [rnp(w)t]...Hwt PtH Hwt nTr nfr...'
3<ethe 14=67 &.."5, line 4(1=: 3!for the ,ouses of illions Nof yearsO...the temple of 2tah, the temple of
the >ood >od...!:. %he use of the plural !,ouses of illions of Qears! suggests that it was not simply
the term for the mortuary temple of the king, of which there would have been only one, and that it is
followed by a list of temples dedicated to gods 3although 'ntr nfr' could be understood as referring to
1?
De-t to the temple depicted in %%14, which was dedicated to onthu, are the cartouches
of %hutmose &&&, !Mn-xpr-Ra' 3fig. 14:, which shows that kings linked themselves to
specific gods through the building of temples
69
. <uch practices occur throughout Egypt,
such as in the temple of <eti & at *bydosP this temple contains seven chapels $ si- are
dedicated to gods 3namely ,orus, &sis, Csiris, *mun(1e, ,orakhty and 2tah: while the
seventh is dedicated to the king himself 3ariette 186471?:
65
. <ome scholars have seen
this temple as an e-ample of an attempted self(deification by <eti &
66
, which may be the
primary aim of the scenes, but it provides good evidence that scenes linking the king
with the gods were popular at this time in official monuments, perhaps as a way for the
pharaoh to legitimise his position. %he practice of connecting the king with the gods
e-tended to the temples on the West #ank at %hebes. %he temples there were principally
dedicated to *mun alongside the king, and often included chapels to other gods, as
demonstrated by the temple of ,atshepsut at 'eir el(#ahri
6?
. E-ell 3"==67 51: notes that
the pharaoh: supports the view that the term !,ouse 3or ansion: of illions of Qears! could be used
to refer to many temples 3,aeny 14487 84(4=:. %his would suggest that modern distinctions between
!mortuary! and !divine! temples are, in fact, arbitrary. Evidence, such as the festivals of deceased kings
at non(mortuary temples as seen in the private tombs at %hebes, supports this view. Fllmann
emphasises the importance of a threefold cult group in ,ouses of illions of QearsP the patron god of
the area, the ennead and the cult statue of the king 3Fllmann "=="7 669: which she sees as a possible
representative of the king!s kA 3Fllmann "=="7 66":. <he also concludes that there was importance
attached to the cult of ancestors in these temples 3Fllmann "=="7 66+:. ,owever, she reBects the
suggestion that these temples were in any way mortuary 3Fllmann "=="7 668:, linking them instead
with the renewal of royal power 3Fllmann "=="7 66?:.
69 1eymond 314647 9+(5": suggests that the foundation of every temple or institution was equated with
the time of the first creation. %herefore, in additions to linking the king with the god 3or gods:
worshipped in each temple, this linked the king, as the official founder of each temple, with the role of
the creator god.
65 <ee ariette 318647 pl. &&&: for a plan of the temple with the seven chapels, labelled E(/ towards the
rear of the temple. <ee el(<awy 3148?) for discussion of the features of depictions of the king in the
chapel of <eti &.
66 <ee el(<awy 3148?: for a discussion of the deification of <eti & at *bydos, in particular in a scene
wherein he is represented as a @>reat >odA 3el(<awy 148?7 ""6(?, fig. 1:. )alverley and #roome
314++7 viii: state that @the seven deities consist of the Csirian %riad, the great gods of %hebes,
,elioplis and emphis respectively, and lastly king <ethos & himself, who is conceived of as already
dead and dependant upon the pious acts of a son and successorA.
6? &t contained a chapel to *mun, and shrines to *nubis and ,athor, as well as dedications to the queen
3Werbrouck 14947 figs. 1, ?:.
18
1amesses && promoted himself both through integration with the local deities and by cult
activity at %hebes, in particular at 'eir el(edina. #y connecting himself to a god, and
building temples dedicated to that god, the ruler was allocating himself a place in the
festivals dedicated to that deity, even if only in the sense that the temple used for the
festival was built by that king. &mages of festivals in private tombs such as %%+1, which
connect with the king with a god, suggest a public acceptance of this agenda. Ionker
314457 1?4: suggests, however, that the main concern when setting up a personal statue
3and, one supposes, endowing a temple: was to ensure that the individual remained in
the minds of the gods, and that their remembrance by mortals was a secondary concern.
&t is, therefore, important to remember that temples were created, not Bust to underline
the king!s position among humans, but to secure his place with the gods.
c'owell 3144"7 1=1: notes that several of the festivals at 'eir el(edina were referred
to as !xa' 3!appearance!: (festivals of the statue of a particular king, which not only served
to keep alive the memory of that king, but also helped to retain knowledge of key dates
in their reign
68
. &f this is true of 'xa'-festivals then perhaps one may attribute other
festivals of kings to specific events, such as the death or succession of a pharaoh. #arta
argues in favour of this theoryP he includes a list of festivals relating to kings of the
pharaonic period, and links them to one of four events $ the death, succession, burial
and coronation of each pharaoh 3#arta 148=7 51(5":. ,owever, in the case of some
kings, such as *menhotep &, there were too many !appearances! to make such a theory
feasible
64
. 2erhaps certain of the festivals were related to events but others were not
?=
.
68 &n the later case of a festival of 1amesses &&& it can be shown to correlate to the king!s accession 3,elck
14667 "+9:, and c'owell 3144"71=1: argues that the same may be true of festivals of other kings
that were celebrated in the Dew /ingdom.
64 c'owell 3144"7 1=1(": includes a table of seven festivals of *menhotep & and another of two
festivals of the same king.
?= %his leads to the difficult question of why some festivals commemorated events and others appear to
14
<palinger 314467 ?1: suggests that, in the writing of feast lists, it was not the
chronological order of feasts that was important but the mention of the @key festivalsA
?1
,
which implies that their actual dates were not important.
%he use of palanquins
?"
to transport statues of kings during festivals may also give an
insight into how they were viewed. ,aeny 314487 1==, note ?4: writes that this form of
transportation was usually reserved for the living king, and occasionally for the gods
?+
.
&n tombs at %hebes, however, priests are seen carrying statues of deceased kings on
palanquins
?9
. Cne could understand this as evidence of deceased kings being given the
same deference and treatment as living ones, or, alternatively, the use of the same form
of transport for kings and gods could demonstrate a link between the two in the minds of
the Egyptian people. <ilverman 314457 66: suggests that the Egyptian people perceived
several aspects embodied in the pharaoh including the human holder of the office, the
office itself and the administration. %his suggests that they saw a difference between the
mortal king and the eternal office of kingship 3eternity being something that the mortal
king lacked but that the gods achieved:. While the epithet sA Ra supports the idea that,
when he took office, the pharaoh @received divine status retroactivelyA 3<ilverman 14457
have not. &f one accepts that the commemoration of political events 3such as accessions: were
promoted by the state, as seems likely, then it is possible those which commemorated events were state
feasts while those that did not may have been based on local traditions.
?1 <palinger!s discussion of Dew /ingdom private feast lists focuses almost e-clusively on the
Eighteenth 'ynasty and he notes that such lists are rare at %hebes in the Dineteenth 'ynasty
3<palinger 14467 ?":. ,e also notes the lack of recorded feasts relating to mortuary temples in the lists,
which makes analysis of the dating of these feasts difficult 3<palinger 14467 ?1:, although he does
suggest that the regularity of feasts was abandoned in the 1amesside 2eriod 3<palinger 14467 1?5:,
which supports the idea that dates of feasts were not afforded great importance in the 1amesside
2eriod.
?" <ee ,aeny 314487 1==, note ?4: for discussion of the q n i 3which ,aeny translates as @palanquinA: in
Egypt.
?+ %he WRrterbuch states that the qni was a @litter 3of the king and Csiris:A 3Erman and >rapow 14+17
5".1:
?9 %he title given to one priest of 'wAH mww n pA qni n nswt Mn-xpr.w-Ra' 3!'istributor of the water for the
2alanquin of king enheperrure!: 3Ctto 145"7 11": shows that this form of transportation was used for
the image of %hutmose &., while images of *menhotep & being transported on one can also be found
3fig. 16).
"=
?":, literature such as %he %ale of the %wo #rothers emphasises the king!s mortal
aspects
?5
3Lichtheim 14?67 "=+("11:. 2erhaps the problem of defining the status of the
king lies in the fact that the Egyptians had no term for a being between humanity and the
gods, labelling things either as human or divine 3#aines 14457 4:. %he king, however,
e-isted between these two worlds, neither fully divine nor fully human. Cckinga 314457
4": stresses the importance of the bAw as a @manifestation of Nthe king!sO divine
power...with which he has been imbued by the godsA, suggesting that the king did not
hold divine status e-cept that which has been given to him by the gods. #ell!s discussion
of the royal kA implies a similar concept, that the kA of the king was greater than that of
others because of the power and position given to him by the gods 3#ell 14857 "56(8:
?6
.
Cckinga goes on to suggest that statues could be used as the seat of a person!s kA and, as
such, played a role in the cult of living kings 3Cckinga 14457 4?:. 1oyal statue cults,
therefore, may have been directed towards the royal kA rather than towards the mortal
person of the king, which may e-plain the use of palanquins in this conte-t.
1.+ 2E1<CD*L %&%LE<7
<everal men had a connection to a specific king by way of a title or position
??
. /honsu
3%%+1: was the !Cverseer of the cattle of %hutmose &.! 3fig. +1:, while Fserhat 3%%51:
was the !;irst 2rophet of the royal ka of %hutmose &! 3fig. ++:. <ebekmose 3%%"?5: and
?5 Cne e-ample of this is when the king is angry about the smell of the lock of hair that the washermen
cannot rinse out of his clothes. %he pharaoh is ignorant of the hair, and its importance, until a
washerman discovers it and tells him 3Lichtheim 14?67 "=6:.
?6 %he importance of the kA is further discussed by Cckinga 314457 49: who sees it as an @instrument of
the king through which he is active in the worldA, and notes that private dedications were sometimes
made to the king!s kA as opposed to the king himself. Cckinga 314457 46: uses e-amples of the stelae
of viceroys of 1amesses && in *marah, Wadi es(<ebua and West <ilsilah, which show them offering to
a statue of the kA of the king, to support this idea.
?? %welve out of 9? men had titles relating to specific kings 3or temples linked with a king:, and another
five held titles naming either the !Lord of the %wo Lands! or the !/ing!s ,ouse!. <ee app. " for details
of titles, and app.11 for a chart of the distribution of titles relating to each king.
"1
*menomonet 3%%"??: had titles relating to *menhotep &&&, namely @,ead wab(priest,
divine father in the temples of *menhotep &&&A 3>authier 14"=7 8: and @'ivine father of
the mansion of *menhotep &&&A 3.andier d!*bbadie 14597 +5:
?8
. %hese titles are clearly
displayed in tombs, which shows that they were highly valued by the holders. <cenes in
which the deceased received a reward or office from the king also suggests that such
positions and royal appointments were highly valued
?4
. 2eople who held titles such as
the ones mentioned above had a more personal link with the pharaoh than simply
through participating in festivals. %hrough such titles the king became part, not Bust of
what they did, but of who they wereP he became a part of their identity.
%he title n nb tA.wy was added to the titles of many workers at 'eir el(edina, which
SernT 314"?7 141: notes that the term is often attached to the name of *menhotep &
8=
,
but this was not always the case
81
. &f it is taken to be a more general term connecting the
workers with the living king
8"
it suggests that the pharaoh was held in high esteem by
them. ,owever, this practice could be seen as merely the copying by workmen at 'eir
el(edina of titles that they found in the royal tombs they created. Evidence from
private stelae suggests that the Egyptian people copied images that they saw on temple
walls $ one e-ample of this is the smiting stelae of the 1amesside period
8+
. &t is possible
?8 &t is possible that the titles in %%"?5 and %%"?? referred to the same role within the cult. * similar
issue occurs in the temple of %hutmose & where three titles describe the same role. %he titles are 'Hm-
nTr tpy m Xnmt-anx', 'Hm-nTr tpy n aA-xpr-kA-Ra' and 'Hm-ntr tpy n kA nsw n aA-xpr-kA-Ra' 3Ctto 145"7
115(6:.
?4 <cenes in %%"+, %%1=6, %%15? 3figs. +8, +4: and %%"1? show this. *utobiographical scenes which
include the king are discussed further in ch. + 3pp. 59(6:
8= <ee SernT 314"?7 141: for te-t from %%++5 which he translates as @wab-priest of the Lord of the %wo
Lands, king 'Beserkare, Bustified, son of 1e, *menhotep of the %own, servant in the 2lace of %ruth.A
%his, along with other e-amples, links the phrase !Lord of the %wo Lands! with *menhotep &.
81 SernT 314"?7 14": notes that the term may refer to a living king, and was sometimes attached to a
figure who was depicted making offering to other kings.
8" %he importance of titles relating to the living king is discussed further below 3pp. ?6(?:.
8+ <ee 2etrie 314=4a7 pl. 83":: for an e-ample. %he king is depicted smiting a foe before 2tah 3showing
the connection of such images with the gods: with four ears below the scene. <wan ,all 314867 "8:
notes the frequent occurrences of smiting scenes on the e-terior walls of temples in the Dew /ingdom,
""
that the people who requested smiting stelae did not have a full understanding of the
meaning of the scenes contained within them
89
, but they had seen them on temple walls
and, therefore, connected them to the gods. * smiting stela noted by 2etrie 314=4a7 pl.
83"::
85
also includes several ears this appears to be an attempt to include as many
!religious symbols! as possible on one stela
86
. 2erhaps the inclusion of 'nb t3.wy' in
tombs and other private monuments is another e-ample of the practice of including
!religious symbols! in private conte-ts
8?
. ,owever, this is not a picture but te-t and the
men who wrote in the royal tombs 3and in the workers! tombs: would have been fully
literate and likely to have understood what they were writing. %his view is supported by
Ianssen in his discussion of literacy in *ncient Egypt
88
. %herefore, one must accept that
the choice to include this phrase was deliberate and with full comprehension. #y
choosing to place it in their own tombs, and linking it with their own names and titles,
thus possibly making them visible to those Egyptians who were not allowed to enter the inner areas of
temples, using the e-ample of two scenes of <eti & smiting enemies in the e-terior of the hypostyle hall
at /arnak. <he also discusses the production of scarabs and amulets of %hutmose &&& inscribed with
smiting scenes 3<wan ,all 14867 1?: which suggests that smiting scenes may have entered popular
consciousness in ways other than those seen on temple walls. <chulman 314887 9?: agrees that private
smiting scenes may be imitations of monumental ones but also suggests that both monumental and
private smiting scenes may have been representations of actual events at which the private dedicators
were present 3<chulman7 14887 94(5":. >oebs 3"==?7 "?4: also discusses the importance of imagery of
the pharaoh with reference to smiting scenes found on the outer walls of temples, suggesting that such
imagery had a twofold purposeP firstly it @reinforced to the general population the image and myth of
the pharaoh as preserver of maat and EgyptA, and secondly it @represented a symbolic shield against all
threats to the order of the universeA.
89 %he !meaning! is that which was intended when the images were created on walls of temples and
monuments. %herefore, it is the meaning as understood by the state.
85 <ee above 3fn. 81: for more details.
86 %he inclusion of ears in private scenes may also be linked to contratemples such as that of 1amesses &&
at /arnak 3#arguet 146"7 ""5: which <adek 3148?7 96: says was dedicated to *mun and 1amesses &&
@who hears prayersA. %he link between such temples and ear iconography can be seen in the stelae of
the enclosure wall of the temple of 2tah @who hears prayerA which shows the walls decorated with ears
3<adek 148?7 pl. J.&&&:. &t is possible that these monuments were the source of inspiration behind ear
stelae.
8? %his leads to the question of why this title was singled out as holding symbolic power. &t is possible
that this was the title by which workers at 'eir el(edina were known in their lifetimes and so they
copied it onto their tomb walls.
88 Ianssen reBects #aines and Eyre!s hypothesis that there were @around twenty fully literate personsA at
'eir el(edina 3#aines and Eyre 148+7 4=:, claiming that a larger proportion of men, and women,
were either literate or @semi(literateA, which he defines as a person who was not competent in writing
but who could recognise sufficient hieratic signs to read simple te-ts ( he uses evidence of the
uncertain succession of the role of chief workman 3which required literacy: as well as the literature
and letters found on ostraca 3Ianssen 144"7 8":
"+
tomb owners, and artisans, gave it a place in their own lives, and demonstrated their
connection with the king as his chosen workers. 1amesses && is known to have promoted
his cult throughout EgyptP there are over 6= stelae dedicated to him from 2i(1amesses
84
,
and colossal statues at many sites 3E-ell "==67 61:. 'oor Bambs from 0antir also support
the idea that there was a cult of the ruler during the 1amesside 2eriod
4=
. %herefore, it is
quite possible that the stelae, doorBambs, and use of nb tAwy in tombs are all evidence of
the success of 1amesses &&!s efforts to integrate his cult into the everyday lives of his
workers, again using active cults to promulgate his place in the traditions and cultural
memory of the people
41
.
1.9 C1%F*1Q E<%*%E<7
ortuary estates played an important role in Dew /ingdom Egypt, both economically
84 <ee ,abachi 3145"7 5"4(599 and 14647 "8(+4: for details of each of the ,orbeit stelae. %here are
several important points to note about these stelae. %he first is that many belonged to people of little or
no social status, which shows that the beliefs depicted on them were held by lower member of society
as well as higher ones. <econdly, many show the deceased before a statue of the king 3usually
1amesses && but there are also ones to other kings such as 1amesses &&& 3,ild. +?4: 3,abachi 145"7
5+6: and 1amesses &. 3,ild. 9"": 3,abachi 145"7 5+8::. %his suggests that there were statues of the
king erected around 0antir for the public to make offerings and worship to. While most of the forms of
1amesses && are limited to 0antir, one form 31amesses(eryamun(<on of the 1ulers: can be found on
statues at *bu(<imbel, Lu-or %emple, the 1amesseum and #ubastis 3,abachi 145"7 55+: which shows
that some of the forms of 1amesses && found on the stelae may have been national cults rather than
local ones. *ll of this supports the idea of a concerted effort, particularly in the reign of 1amesses &&,
to encourage a cult of the ruler. Cckinga sees these stelae as depicting statues representing the king!s kA
3Cckinga 14457 4?: $ see above 3p. "1: for more discussion of this issue.
4= ;ragments of about "= doorways have been found in the area. %hey include the names of 1amesses &&
and 1amesses &&&, and seem to show the owner kneeling with either one or both arms raised in
adoration in from of the cartouches 3,abachi 145"7 94=:. &nterestingly, one such image belongs to a
wab(priest called %yroy, who ,abachi 3145"7 94?: identifies with the priest named in the conspiracy
trials of the %urin 2apyrus $ this suggests that the creation of such doorways was not caused by any
real loyalty to the king but either by a fashion, or by a desire to appear loyal. <imilar doorways have
been found at *marna and 'eir el(edina which shows that any beliefs identified with them were not
limited to 0antir. *n e-ample from 'eir el(edina is no.5==81, which shows cartouches of
*menhotep &, *hmose(Defertari and <eti & 3%osi and 1occati 14?"7 "4?:. *nother lintel, also probably
originally from 'eir el(edina 3although found at edinet ,abu: is discussed by el(<abbahy 3"==+:
and includes the names of *menhotep &, 1amesses && and %hutmose &..
41 *lthough the title nb tAwy was not specific to 1amesses && it is reasonable to assume that during his
reign it was connected with him as he was living holder of the title.
"9
and socially
4"
. &n %%+1 there is a depiction of activity relating to the mortuary estate of
the kingP herdsmen are shown bringing animals before the deceased, who has the title
!imy-r kA.w Mn-xpr.w-Ra! 3!overseer of the cattle of %hutmose &.!:, and his wife 3fig.
+1:
4+
. %his is especially interesting as /honsu is known, from titles in his tomb, to have
been a !prophet! of %hutmose &&& 3'avies and >ardiner 14987 1":. %his shows that it was
possible to be connected to more than one estate in one!s lifetime. %herefore, it may be
suggested that there was not a great symbolic importance in belonging to a mortuary
estate, as those who held titles did not necessarily see themselves as !belonging! to a
specific king, and may become connected with another at any time. 2erhaps this shows a
focus by the people on the eternal aspect of the office of kingship, rather than on the
individual king through which the office was able to function on earth 3<ilverman 14457
6?:. ,olding positions in more than one cult, therefore, did not necessarily show split
loyalty between kings, but a continued loyalty to the concept of eternal kingship and to
,orus
49
, so that belonging to more than one estate did not reduce its importance in a
person!s life but merely demonstrated a high social standing within the community.
#eneath the festival scene in %%+1 3fig. +1: cows and goats can be seen being herded
towards the deceased. %hat the estate had control of so many animals suggests that it
must have had considerable wealth and, thus, economic power. %he men depicted
herding the animals would have also been employed by the temple
45
, which is a
reminder of the range of Bobs that were linked to royal foundations and shows the
4" <ee above 3pp. 19(16: for some discussion of the Bobs and positions involved within temple estates.
4+ *lthough it is possible that these animals are being offered to the deceased simply as a food offering,
the inclusion of his title of !overseer of the cattle of %hutmose &.! in the scene implies that the offering
of cattle is linked with his holding this title.
49 <ee >oebs 3"==?7 "81: for discussion of the links between the king and ,orus.
45 ,aring 3144?7 "59(5: also discusses the use of temple cattle by workmen to cultivate their own fields,
which demonstrates the wide range of ways in which temples played a part in everyday life.
"5
considerable role that they played in the lives of the Egyptian people. Dumbers of
temple personnel from other temples give an idea of the numbers of people involved in
carrying out ritual tasks. *t %hebes, by the time of 1amesses &&&, there were over 8=,===
male personnel in the employ of the estate of *mun
46
, although this estate was unusually
large, and not all of these people would have been involved in festivals. *t ,eliopolis
there were over 1",===, while at emphis were +,=== 3>randet 14497 84:. )alendars
from temples show the huge amounts of food and provisions that were needed to run
festivals and temple rituals in the 1amesside 2eriod, all of which would have needed
large amounts of staff to tend the animals, work the fields, and control the property. %he
calendar of 1amesses && at *bydos includes huge lists of bread needed for the feast of
Csiris and goes on to list the animals involved in the ritual and sacrifice, which included
a bull, long(horned o-en, long(horned ory-, a rnk(bull, a crane, gaGelles and geese 3el(
<abban "===7 9", 55:. <o, through temple estates, the pharaoh was the provider of Bobs
and wages, and of prestige through the giving of titles relating to his estate. %his
encouraged the idea of a beneficent pharaoh who provided for his people even after
death ( @above all, the king was the builder of the temple, and it was he who endowed it
with personnel, land, cattle and material wealthA 3,aring 144?7 "=9:. Cf course, the idea
that endowing such things automatically guaranteed respect for the king from the people
is untrue 3<ilverman 14457 5?:. Evidence such as pornographic graffiti of ,atshepsut
4?

46 <ee >randet 314497 "+5(6: for a breakdown of where the workers were based. %his translation lists the
total number of people as 86,986. ,aring 3144?7 1?5: states that the lists are @concerned mainly with
the new endowments of 1amesses &&&A and may not have been @incorporated administratively within
the domains of e-isting templesA. &n the case of this list, 6",6"6 people 3out of the total 86,986: were
given to edinet ,abu 3although not all at once:, and worked throughout Egypt @in the northern and
southern districtsA 3,aring 144?71?5:. >randet!s translation supports this view, listing the 6",6"6
people under the headingA !Le chUteau de roi de ,aute et #asse(Vgypte CusermaUtre(Wryamen v.s.f.,
dans le domaine d!*mon dans le3s: partie3s: sud et nord 3du pays:..!A 3>randet 14497"+5:.
4? %hese images have been published by anniche 314??7 "1, fig. 9:. 1omer 3148"7 15?(6=: suggests
that these scenes were a form of political satire commenting both on the unusual nature of having a
female pharaoh and her alleged affair with her chief steward <enenmut. Wente 314897 5+: argues that
the scenes were not aimed at her affair with <enenmut, but were intended solely to show the @absurdity
of ,atshepsut!s acting as kingA.
"6
show that public opinion of the pharaoh may not have always followed the respect
shown in private tomb scenes.
1.5 C1*)LE< *D' *ED,C%E2 &7
&t would not be possible to conclude a discussion on the role of kings in everyday life
without e-amining the role of *menhotep & at 'eir el(edina. %he large number of
depictions of *menhotep & 3who appears in 6+E of all images of royalty in this period:
and *hmose(Defertari 3who appears in 54E of all images of royalty in this period:,
including those in scenes of festivals 3+5E of festival scenes include either *hmose(
Defertari or *menhotep &
48
:, may be linked to their perceived position as founders and
!protectors! of the village of 'eir el(edina. %heir place in the lives of villagers may
have been, in many ways, anomalous, but it does clearly demonstrate that past kings and
queens could be a vibrant part of present day life. ;estivals of *menhotep &, such as that
seen in %%14 3figs. 18, "":, appear to have been similar to those of other kings, but one
must remain aware of an added symbolism in scenes of statues of this king. %%"
contains several depictions of statues of *menhotep &, which include two of his statue
being carried in a palanquin by priests with the deceased or his wife standing before it
3figs. 1, 9:. SernT 314"?7 1?=: suggests that scenes such as the ones in %%" may depict
*menhotep as an oracle
44
, which would seem to be a reasonable assumption. Cther
written sources from 'eir el(edina, such as o.1="64 #erlin
1==
and o.>ardiner 9
1=1
,
48 <ome of these scenes contain images of *menhotep & or *hmose(Defertari alongside another king.
44 %he forms of *menhotep in these scenes are !*menhotep of the town! 3fig. 9: and !*menhotep of the
#eautiful name of NfavouriteO! 3fig. 1: 3see below, note 1=+, for details of this epithet:, both of which
may have been forms of oracles of *menhotep &.
1==%his describes the role of an oracle in solving a dispute about property 3SernT 14"?71?8:.
1=1%his te-t details the sculptor /aha calling on *menhotep & to settle a dispute over stolen clothes
3SernT 14"?71?8:.
"?
show the importance of such oracles in the lives of the villagers. %here were also cases
in which the oracle of *menhotep & was required to solve a dispute over who should
have the right to be buried in a specific tomb 3SernT 14"?7185:. ,ere, the king was not
Bust depicted within the tomb, but was instrumental in the creation of it. SernT
314"?7185: also suggests that the ramp leading to the tomb of /aha would have held the
processions of *menhotep &, like those seen in private tomb scenes at %hebes. ,owever,
the evidence for this is circumstantial, and so it cannot be said with any certainty
whether this was the case.
)ertain epithets are used for *menhotep in scenes in private %heban tombs in this period
that have been linked to his role as an oracle. Cne e-ample is !p3 dmi' 3!of the town!:
(SernT 14"?716?: 3fig. 9:, which refers to 'eir el(edina 3#orghouts 14497 114:.
*nother common epithet found again, for e-ample, in %%", is !m rn nfr n p3...' 3!of the
beautiful name of...!:
1="
3SernT 14"?716?:. <adek 3148?7 1++, 1+5: argues that there were
at least 6 forms of statues of *menhotep & $ *menhotep of the garden, of the court,
navigator on the water, the favoured of ,athor
1=+
, of the town, of the beautiful name of
favourite ( he suggests that each form was responsible for a certain type of problem 3for
e-ample one may be responsible for solving property disputes:
1=9
. ore e-amination is
required before any conclusion can be reached on this hypothesis but it seems likely that
the villagers did recognise a difference between the various forms of *menhotep & that
they depicted on the walls of their tombs.
1=" SernT refrains from translating the last sign of the epithet. <adek 3148?7 1++: transcribed it as !ibib!
meaning !favourite!.
1=+%his epithet is discussed by #etrX 3"==87 4=:, who suggests that it is, in fact, an incorrect translation of
a list of gods.
1=9SernT 314"?7 168: suggests that the different forms of *menhotep & were depicted with different
headdresses. %herefore, the different forms of *menhotep & which are depicted in tombs at %hebes
may have been copies of the different statues of the king that appeared at various events. %his leads to
the possibility that the same is true of depictions of other kings.
"8
Cracles of deceased kings can be found elsewhere in Egypt, albeit irregularly. %here was
an oracle of *hmose at *bydos in the Dew /ingdomP ,arvey 314487 app. 1.994(95":
includes a list of personnel of the cult of *hmose at *bydos which shows that the cult
was important in the area, while <tela )airo I.E. 9+964 describes a land dispute which
was put before the barque oracle of *hmose in the reign of 1amesses && 3,arvey 14487
1"1 and Legrain 14167 16" and plate:. Cracles of pharaohs, therefore, were not
restricted to *menhotep & or, indeed, to the %heban area. ,arvey 314487 118(1"=: argues
that there was a settlement !belonging!
1=5
to *hmose at *bydos in the Dew /ingdom,
which may be used to e-plain the e-istence of this oracle, in much the same way as the
!belonging! of 'eir el(edina to *menhotep & may be used to e-plain his oracle there.
%his is supported by .entura!s discussion of the cults of <nofru and *menhotep &
3.entura 14857 "8+:
1=6
.
%he use of the king as an oracle introduces a more active element to his position in the
life of the people. ;estivals served to keep alive his memory, but in his role as an oracle
he could play an active part in the community, actually affecting individual lives. %his
gave his image a potency and relevance to the community that simple memorials could
not. <chudson 314457 +98: writes that over time memory tends to become more vague
and loses its @emotional intensityA. %his would reduce its importance in the cultural
memory of the community. %he activity of oracles of deceased kings within the
community helped to counteract this, and meant that the memories of the kings who
served as oracles remained effective. ,albwachs 3144"7 ?+: claims that ancestors only
1=5%his term does not suggest that the town was owned in a literal sense, or even that the king necessarily
founded the town but that it came to be seen as being connected to his cult.
1=6<ee discussion below 3p. 9": for more details.
"4
survive in the memory if they remain @at least fictitiously in contactA with the living.
Cracles allowed people to have such contact with royal ancestors and, therefore, helped
to keep their memory alive.
1.6 )CD)LF<&CD7
%he king played an important part in the lives of the peopleP he provided them with
employment 3in the form of temple estates, as well as, in the case of 'eir el(edina,
with Bobs in the .alley of the /ings:, he was central in religious and festival life, and he
gave them a sense of identity 3through aspects such as personal titles relating to the
king:. #y integrating himself into the life of the people, and allowing them to play an
active role in his monuments 3as priests, as lay temple employees, or by taking part in
festivals: he ensured that his memory would remain potent in the minds of the people,
thus giving himself a position in the cultural memory of the community. %his role
continued long after the king had died. Even while alive, the king was visible to the
people only through statues and monuments so it is not surprising that, in many ways,
royal involvement in local life continued after the death of the pharaoh in much the
same way as it had done during his life. Cne must ask whether a pharaoh that was never
truly !alive! for the people could ever truly be !dead!.
+=
CHAPTER 2
THE KING AS A HISTORICAL FIGURE
107

".1 LC)*%&CD *D' )CD%EJ% C; <)EDE<7
%here are seven tombs in the %heban necropolis whose depictions stand out as having
what may be termed a !kinglist!
1=8
, or a depiction of the king with members of his family
3beyond that of the queen:. %hese are %%" 3three scenes: 3fig. ", +:
1=4
, %%9 3fig. 8:,
%%?
11=
, %%1= 3figs. 1=, 11:
111
, %%14 3fig. 19:
11"
,%%+=6
11+
and )? 3fig. 58:
119
. %he tombs
are found at three sites in %hebes $ 'eir el(edina 3four tombs:, 'ra *bu el(Daga 3two
tombs: and <heik *bd el(0urna 3one tomb: 3app. ?: and there is no obvious pattern,
within the necropolis, in the locations of the tombs containing the depictions 3maps7 "(9,
1=?<ee app. + for scene details.
1=8%his study uses the term !kinglist! in its loosest sense. 1edford 314867 1: defined this term as a list that
@set outP a: to arrange the names in correct historical sequence, b: to give for each name the length of
the reign, and c: to note conscientiously any gaps in 3a: or 3b:.A )learly the e-amples noted here are
not true !kinglists! in this sense 3in fact 1edford 314867 ": states only one such list in the 1amesside
2eriod, the %urin )anon, although he suggests that there were originally many more such documents
that have not survived:, but they are, to all intents and purposes, lists of kings 3albeit in illustrated
form: and for this reason will be referred to as !kinglists!.
1=4Lepsius 31894(18587 "NaO: refers to this scene as belonging to %%4. &t contains a scene of the deceased
offering to two rows of kings and queens. 1edford 314867 98: names the figures as *menhotep &,
*hmose(Defertari, <eqenenre %ao, *hhotep, nine queens, <apair, Debhepetre(entuhotep, *hmose,
<ekhentenre, /amose, five princes and four queens. <ee also <nape 314857 181: for discussion of who
is depicted in this scene. <ee ,ollender 3"==47 4+(9: for a full list of figures in this scene.
11=%his scene includes an image of 1amose adoring *menhotep &, *hmose(Defertari, ,oremheb and
%hutmose &. 3SernT 14"?7 1?5:.
111Cne of these shows /asa and his son before <eti &, 1amesses & and ,oremheb 3fig. 1=:. %he second is
of 2enbuy and his brother before *menhotep &, *hmose(Defertari, <eti &, 1amesses & and ,oremheb
3fig. 11:.
11"%his shows the deceased offering to two rows of kings and queens. %hey are recognisable as *hmose(
Defertari, Debhepetre entuhotep, *hmose, *menhotep &, %hutmose &, %hutmose &&, %hutmose &&& on
the top row, and *menhotep &&, %hutmose &., *menhotep &&&, ,oremheb, 1amesses & and <eti & on the
lower row.
11+%his shows two rows of seven cartouches, which 2orter and oss translate as being those of @*hmose
Defertari, <ekenre(%a!a. *menhotep &, 0ueen %amer..., 0ueen 3cartouche blank:, 0ueen Dabtaui,
<enwosret &, 0ueen *hmose, /amose, 0ueen <entsonb, &n..., and anotherA 32orter and oss 146=7
+89).
119%he kings are %hutmose &(&. and *menhotep && and &&&, alongside ,orus.
+1
8:. %he relevant tombs date almost e-clusively from the reign of 1amesses && 3si- out of
seven tombs: 3app. 6:, which suggests that ideas relating to royal genealogy may have
been particularly prevalent in the reign of 1amesses &&. *lthough the scenes are not
restricted to one area of the tombs, the hall was the favoured location with five out of
nine scenes occurring there. Cther such scenes can be found in the chapel, shrine and
burial chamber 3app. 8, 16:. 9+.5E of adBacent scenes are of the gods, and +=.9E of
adBacent scenes are other scenes of kings 3app. 4:. %his shows a tendency towards
linking this type of scene with other scenes of royalty
115
, but the link must not be overly
stressed as several other types of scenes can be found ne-t to the scenes discussed in this
chapter. %he percentage of scenes of the deceased and their family found ne-t to scenes
of the king as a historical figure is very low 39.+E: in contrast to the percentage of this
scene found ne-t to the scenes discussed in other chapters
116
. %his may be merely
coincidence but it may suggest that the commonly followed ordering of tomb decoration
placed these two types of scenes separately. Done of the scenes discussed in this chapter
include the reigning king
11?
, which suggests that he was generally seen as separate to
royal ancestors
118
.
"." /&D>L&<%< *D' 1CW< C; /&D><7
115%he high number of scenes of the gods in adBacent positions can be e-plained by the high numbers of
scenes of the gods throughout tombs, as discussed above 3 p. 8:.
116"8.6E adBacent to scenes of the king as a part of everyday life and "+.4E adBacent to scenes of the
king as a divine being.
11?%he scene in %%14 includes <eti &, who, if the dating of 2orter and oss 3146=7 +": is taken to be
correct, was the reigning king. ,owever, where possible, this study adheres to the dating of /ampp
31446a: who dates the tombs to the reign of <eti & ( 1amesses &&, which implies that by the time the
tomb was built, the reigning king was likely to have been 1amesses &&, so that <eti & was technically
!deceased!.
1181edford 314867 95(51: describes all of the private kinglists found in the Eighteenth and early
Dineteenth 'ynasties, both within tombs and in other conte-ts, and of "= lists, only three can be said
to have definitely included the reigning king 3%%+54, 'eir el(edina stela 88 and 'eir el(edina stela
?4:. %his leads to the question of whether use of royal genealogy could be effective in legitimising the
reigning king, if he was not usually connected with these ancestors by ordinary people.
+"
%he geographical variation of the tombs containing kinglists 3app. ?: suggests that there
was no real connection between them and, therefore, their decoration. &t is, however,
possible that there was a connection in life that is not obvious in the tombs, such as links
within the %heban community 3through trade, social activity, employment:. Cne must
also remember that the same craftsmen may have been responsible for several
constructions and it is, therefore, possible that the tombs discussed may have shared an
artisan. *n interesting e-ample is that of %%1=. %his tomb housed two men, 2enbuy and
/asa, and their families. Within the tomb are separate scenes for each, and each has
included a row of kings being praised by the deceased and his family. /asa 3fig.1=: has
included the same rulers as 2enbuy 3fig. 11: but without the inclusion of *menhotep &
and *hmose(Defertari. %he reproduction of almost identical scenes suggests either that
the content of one affected that of the other
114
, or that both scenes were inspired by a
single, other, source. &f this is possible within shared tombs, it may be possible in a
wider conte-t. .andier '!*bbadie 314+5b7 "6: cites the e-ample of the tomb of Defer(
*bou 3%%5:, arguing that, based on the style, it was probably painted by the same artist
who painted %%"11, %%"14, %%+"+, %%++5, %%++6 and %%+56. %his shows the
possibilities of links between tombs that were not geographically connected
1"=
. %he
114%he reason for which *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari were omitted from the scene of /asa is
unclear. &t is possible that 2enbuy held a position within a cult of the royal couple and this inspired
their inclusion 3while a lack of such a position in /asa!s case led to their omission:, although one
would e-pect to find this among 2enbuy!s titles if it were so. *lternatively one may look to artistic
preference, or issues of space available for the scene. 1edford 3148675": suggests that the inclusion of
certain figures may be related to the importance of certain numbers 3namely + 3the triad:, 4 3the
ennead: and 19 3relating to the royal ka:: $ kings were either included or reBected in an attempt to
create a group of the correct siGe, rather than for solely historical reasons. &n this tomb the kings are in
groups of + 3/asa: and 5 32enbuy:, which neither supports nor fully contradicts this theory.
1"=<ee Wachsmann 3148?7 1"("5: for more detail on pattern books,which is discussed in more detail
below 3p. +9:. /eller 314417 5=: suggests that the draughtsmen responsible for tomb decoration would
have received instruction in order to learn @both the proper method of rendering the sacred images and
their appropriate wall arrangementA. %his may e-plain similarities in tomb design between seemingly
unconnected tombs.
++
kinglists discussed in this chapter all have strong similarities. %he deceased is depicted
adoring or making offerings to the kings, who are seated in rows
1"1
, with the only
e-ception being in %%+=6 where there are not kings, but cartouches. <uch close
similarities may show a connection between the scenes. %hat si- out of seven tombs
with kinglists are from the same reign 3albeit a very long reign: supports the idea that
they were the result of a popular idea at the time, or that the inclusion of the scene in one
tomb encouraged its inclusion in others. Wachsmann 3148?7 9: questions whether the
sources of tomb depictions were primary 3taken from real life: or secondary 3copied
from other depictions, so that the artist presumably never saw the original subBect:.
/ings depicted in the kinglists in private %heban tombs in this period were clearly
copied from secondary sources 3as most of the kings were long dead when tombs were
decorated: although statues at festivals may have acted as sources of information for
tomb depictions. &t is, however, possible that the depictions were derived from a single,
secondary source such as a !pattern book!
1""
or an earlier tomb
1"+
. Wachsmann 3148?71":
1"11edford 31486751: reminds the reader that the features of these scenes, including the offering
formulae, the furniture and the obBects being offered, were virtually indistinguishable from those used
in scenes of offering to the gods. ,e also notes 31edford 14867 95: that they do not differ in any
fundamental way from scenes of offering to the deceased by their family. %his would suggest that the
similarity between scenes of offering to the gods and scenes of offering to kings was caused at least
partly by artistic style, and not only by a perceived connection between the royal ancestors and the
gods.
1""Wachsmann 3148?71+: postulates that @hypothetical sets of original drawingsA may have e-isted in so(
called @pattern booksA from which artists drew inspiration when creating tomb depictions. %his idea is
supported by 'er anuelian!s discussion of @musterbKcherA 3'er anuelian 14497 "8:. /eller 314417
5+(9: suggests that ostraca or papyrus drawing were used as @small scale patternsA from which large
scale images were copied onto temple or tomb walls. #ietak and 1eisner(,aslauer discussed the
subBect in relation to the <aite tomb of *nkh(,or with Eighteenth 'ynasty tombs, especially that of
%%+4 $ they argue that musterbKcher which was collected in the %wenty(;ifth 'ynasty was
responsible for the connection between the tombs 3#ietak and 1eisner(,aslauer 14?87 "+"ff with
particular reference to "+"("9=:.
1"+&t is feasible that artists may have visited e-isting tombs to prepare for creating new monuments, and
may have copied the scenes that they saw into new tombs 3Wachsmann 148?71":. 'avies posited a
similar thesis when comparing the tomb of *ba at 'eir el(>ebrawi with that of another *ba in %hebes
in the seventh century #) 3%%+6:P he notes that the scenes have been altered in the later tomb, with
new material inserted, but states that @the coincidence alike of the groups and inscriptions is so
considerable Nin the tomb of *ba at %hebesO that this can only be accounted for by direct copying from
the tomb of *ba at 'eir el(>ebrUwiA 3'avies 14="7 +6(?:. 'er anuelian 314497 "8: disagrees with
this conclusion, suggesting instead that the later tomb may have taken ideas from other <aite tombs in
the area, such as that of ontuemhet 3%%+9:, which contain scenes of everyday life similar to those in
+9
argues that @the close imitation of obBects, figures and entire scenes in the private tombs
at %hebes makes it obvious that there e-ists some form of relationship between the
various renditions of any given !stock scene!A
1"9
. %he suggestion that scenes were
included because they were !fashionable! appears to contradict the idea that deceased
kings were a part of the cultural memory of the community $ these images were
included not because they had meaning for the tomb owner, but because the tomb owner
wanted to integrate himself into a specific group by emulating its artistic fashions. &t is
important to remember, however, that by depicting these kings, the tomb owner was
helping to support their place in the traditions of the community, no matter what the
reasons for their inclusion. Iust because a depiction was part of a !fashion! does not mean
it cannot also be a part of the cultural memory of the people.
".+ C1%F*1Q %E2LE< *D' )FL%<7
%he answer as to why specific kings were depicted in kinglists may lie in the mortuary
temples on the West #ank at %hebes 3c'owell 144"7 4?:. %he scene in %%14 3fig. 19:
allows a good comparison with the West #ank temples. &f the names of the depicted
kings are compared to a map of the temples on the West #ank 3map. 4: one can see that
the two tombs of *ba. Cf course, this idea does not preclude copying of e-isting tombs by later
artisans, although here the tombs are from a similar period.
1"9o.)airo "5696 has a list of kings from *hmose to 1amesses && 3recto: and cartouches of ,oremheb
and entuhotep & 3verso:, but has no introduction or e-planation. &t has been understood by <auneron
314517 9?: as being composed by, or for, a student scribe. 1edford 314867 9=: suggests it was a scribe!s
copy intended to guide an artist when creating a kinglist within a private tomb. #oth views allow one
to understand this list as an e-ample of Wachsmann!s pattern book, which suggests that such lists were
in use in the Dew /ingdom. 2erhaps such scenes followed what #aines has termed @decorumA 3#aines
144=:. ,e argues that knowledge was restricted to the elite and access to it was tightly controlled
3#aines 144=7 6(1?:, and goes further to suggest that the images 3and te-ts: that were displayed on
monuments and in private conte-ts were dictated by rules linked with this rigid protection of
knowledge 3#aines 1?("1:. %his means that certain scenes would have been deemed acceptable in
tombs and others would not.
+5
1= out of the 1+ recognisable figures had mortuary temples in the vicinity
1"5
. 2erhaps,
therefore, mortuary estates and their related cults allowed members of the %heban
community to retain knowledge of deceased kings, whilst also making them relevant
enough to early 1amesside workers to encourage their depiction in tombs. %he absence
of *khenaten from any rows of kings depicted in the tombs 3or, indeed, from any tombs
depictions at all in this period: supports this theory as there were no functioning
monuments to *khenaten in the %heban vicinity in the 1amesside 2eriod ( he had
become completely detached from the !cultural memory! of the %heban people
1"6
. %his
could e-plain his absence from tomb depictions, and also support the idea that
inspiration for depictions within private tombs came from the active cults and
monuments of the pharaohs. ,owever, ,atshepsut is also not found in any tomb
depictions. *s the pharaoh who ordered the construction of the Dsr-Dsr.w temple at 'eir
el(#ahri 3<haw "===7 "91:, which played a central part in the #eautiful ;estival of the
.alley
1"?
, one cannot say that there were no surviving traces of her reign at %hebes in the
Dineteenth 'ynasty
1"8
. %herefore, one is forced to question whether one can really
attribute the inclusion of pharaohs in tomb depictions solely to the e-istence of their
1"5%hose who appear in the depiction but who do not appear to have built mortuary temples in the area
are *hmose and 1amesses & 3both of whom built at *bydos: and %hutmose & 3who may have built on
the West #ank at %hebes but this temple has not been found and may not have survived into the
1amesside 2eriod:.
1"6%here were up to four monuments erected by *khenaten at %hebes towards the beginning of his reign,
the largest of which was the Gm-pA-Itn. %here may have also been a Hwt-bnbn, as well as building
called Rwd-mn.w and Tni-mn.w 31edford 14447 56(8:. urnane 314447 18+: notes, however, that the
dismantling of these buildings was begun soon after the end of the *marna 2eriod, by the reign of
,oremheb, and the blocks used to build new monuments. %herefore, despite the e-istence of
monuments to *khenaten, parts of which may have survived intact through the 1amesside 2eriod 3this
seems likely as a few colossi remained intact until they were found by )hevrier in 14"5 31edford
14447 55::, one can be reasonably certain that no functioning cult e-isted relating to these temples
beyond the Eighteenth 'ynasty.
1"?%his festival may have e-isted as early as the iddle /ingdom on a local level $ >raefe 314867 18?:
suggests that it descended from the .alley ;estival of Debhepetre(entuhotep. ,owever, it grew in
importance in the Eighteenth 'ynasty, with the temple of ,atshepsut as a key location in the festival
route 3see map in Wilkinson "===7 45:.
1"8&t is, however, uncertain if ,atshepsut!s link with this temple would have been referred to in the
1amesside 2eriod.
+6
monuments in Western %hebes $ this may have been merely one of several factors.
2erhaps one must look at the !history! documented by pharaohs in official monuments $
although this may not have acted directly as a source of knowledge for the builders of
private tombs, it is evidence of the !royal ancestors! that were officially recognised and
may have been publicised in various ways 3such as in state festivals or cults:. Ionker
314457 "+5: writes that @forgetting is an essential element in the process of
rememberingA, noting that those who had @no place in the past could make no
contribution to the presentA 3Ionker 14457 "+8:. %herefore, by e-cluding individuals
such as ,atshepsut and *khenaten from the memory of the country the state was
attempting to prevent any ideologies connected with them from affecting the ideas of the
present
1"4
. &n the Eighteenth 'ynasty there was an attempt by certain pharaohs to use
genealogy, and knowledge of history, to legitimise their rule. %he %uthmoside rulers
encouraged the worship of royal ancestors in the form kA-mwt.f and kings such as
*menhotep & restored iddle /ingdom monuments 31edford 14867 1?1:. ;rom the
Eighteenth 'ynasty, the #eautiful ;estival of the .alley involved taking a statue of
*mun to mortuary temples on the West #ank, thus becoming a state commemoration of
royal ancestors 3#ell 14487 1+?:. Eighteenth and Dineteenth 'ynasty scarabs also
grouped current kings with kings of the %welfth 'ynasty 3,ayes 14547 fig. "9:. %his
desire to link current kings with rulers of the past continued into the Dineteenth 'ynasty
with emphasis laid on offerings to ancestors in temple rituals 31edford 14867 14+:.
1oyal king lists also became more common on royal monuments in this period.
1amesside e-amples are that of <eti & at *bydos which lists the kings from the ;irst
1"4>aballa gives the e-ample of a te-t from the reign of 1amesses && which refers to the reign of
*khenaten as the @enemy from *khetatenA 3>aballa 14??7 "5: and allots 54 years to the reign of
,oremheb, consisting mainly of the years of kings who were erased from the line of succession
3>aballa 144?7 +=:.
+?
'ynasty onwards 3'avid 14817 146:
1+=
, and the 9== Qear <tela of 1amesses && which
claims to trace back the line of kings for 9== years 3/itchen 14467 11?:
1+1
. /inglists
demonstrate a clear wish by the pharaoh to be seen as the descendant of a long line of
pharaohs. %he depictions of the in ;estival at the 1amesseum show another official
image of a line of kings, in this case statues of 19 royal ancestors 3Lepsius 1894(18587
16"(+:
1+"
. %he depiction of the in festival is a reminder that rows of kings in official
conte-ts were not Bust depicted on temple walls, they were involved in festivals, as has
already been seen with the #eautiful ;estival of the .alley. 2erhaps it was events such as
these that made the idea of royal ancestry accessible to the people, as it is more likely
that the people would have had access to parts of official festivals, than that they would
have been intimately familiar with te-ts and depictions on temple walls
1++
.
&n some cases, kinglists can be found in other private conte-ts, such as in graffiti. Cne
e-ample, from 'eir el(edina, shows 2ay, son of &pu, together with the sculptor 2iay,
1+=%his list includes ?6 kings listed in +8 columns, subdivided into + registers. %he first two registers list
kings from enes to enmaatre. *t the top of the list is the line @an offering which the king gives to
king DameA and each column in the third register includes alternately @as the gift of /ing enmaatre,
king of Fpper EgyptA and @as the gift of /ing <eti erenptah, king of Lower EgyptA ( one may,
therefore, see the list as representing the royal ancestors in a ritual that was performed on their behalf
3'avid 14?+7146(8:.
1+1%he te-t reads, @,is aBesty commanded...a great stela...bearing the name of his forefathers, in order
to maintain the name of the father of his fathers...A 3/itchen 14467 11?:. <ee urnane 314457 14"(6:
for discussion of the dating of this stela.
1+" <ee 1edford 314867+9(6: for discussion of the full scene in which the kingship is reaffirmed in front
of the 19 ancestors, and a second, smaller scene, in which eight or nine royal statues are depicted.
1++<pencer 314897 69: argues that the wsx.t Hb.yt was open to members of the public, but suggests that is
was only accessible to certain members of the public at specific times. #ommas 3"===7 "11: agrees
that members of the public had access, but suggests that the wsx.t Hb.yt was an area of the temple that
was constructed for the commemoration of events that a larger amount of people would have been able
to access. #y accessing these areas of the temple, they would be able to witness and, therefore, be
convinced of, the power of the king 3#ommas "===7 "1+: * te-t from the temple of /hnum at
Elephantine supports this idea, saying that the king @made for him N/hnumO a wsx.t Hb.yt in order that
all the rxyt may see what he makes for himA 3#ommas "===7 1?6:. >riffin 3"==?7 81: disagrees,
concluding that the common people 3rxyt: @were present in the templeNsO metaphysically and not
physicallyA, which supports the idea that ordinary people were not familiar with interiors of temples.
,e states that if the public were not able to access the wsx.t Hb.yt 3which, as has been discussed, is
uncertain:, they would not have been able to access other parts of the temple, such as sanctuaries and
even possibly the hypostyle hall, which were considered more sacred 3>riffin "==?7 ?8(4:.
+8
reverencing cartouches of ,oremheb, 1amesses & and <eti & 3<piegelberg 14"17 66:.
%his demonstrates, again, an awareness of the succession of kings. Cther royal names
that can be found in graffiti in the %heban necropolis include Debhepetre entuhotep,
*menhotep &&&, ,oremheb and the early 1amesside kings 3<piegelberg 14"17 156(8:
1+9
.
*lthough the graffiti did not usually include more than two or three names, they
demonstrate a knowledge of kings, both past and present, and show that they were seen
as important enough to be written down. >raffiti may be a truer representation of the
ideas that were important to the community at the time, as they were more spontaneous
than tomb depictions and were less likely to be the result of careful planning. %he fact
that short kinglists appear in the graffiti suggests that they were a part of the cultural
memory of the community.
&t would appear, therefore, that the inclusion of kinglists in private tombs in the period
demonstrates a private continuation of the official legitimisation of the ruler based on
the !ancestors! that were promoted by the state in monuments and festivals. * connection
between the kings mentioned in official monuments and the kings depicted in private
tombs can be found with the king <enekhtenreP this king is mentioned on the offering
table of Qn-Hr-xpS.f
1+5
, and again in %%" although it has been spelt @<ekhentenreA.
Winlock 314"97 ""1: states that the only other reference to this king in the Dineteenth
'ynasty is in the kinglist of %hutmose &&& at /arnak
1+6
. 2erhaps the mention of this king
1+9<piegelberg!s study of graffiti in the %heban Decropolis is Bust one of several studies of the topic. ore
e-amples can be found in SernT 31456: and SernT and <adek 31464(?9:.
1+5c'owell 3144"7 46: notes that three separate kinglists may be attributed to this individual7 %he
offering table discussed here, o.)airo )> "5696, which names the kings from *hmose to 1amesses &&,
and a copy of the Liturgy of *menhotep & 3discussed below, p. 9+:.
1+6<ee 2risse d!*vennes 3189?7 pl. i: for details of the /arnak kinglist. 1edford 314867 9+: notes the
inclusion of @<enakhtenreA and @<equenenreA on the offering table of 0enherkhepshef 3naming
<eqenenre %ao as the founder of the Eighteenth 'ynasty:. ,e also records the inclusion of @<eqenenre
%aoA and @<ekhentenre 3sic:A in the %%" kinglist 31edford 14867 98:. %hese are the only two instances
of these names in the early 1amesside 2eriod recorded by 1edford. 1yholt 3144?7 "??: notes the
mention of @<eqenenre, the son of 1e, %aoA in a copy of the #ook of the 'ead from tomb 9? in the
+4
on a kinglist at /arnak led to his inclusion in two private kinglists, thus supporting the
idea that private lists imitated the ones found in official conte-ts. .ansina 314857 46(?:
argues that not everyone had access to all knowledge about the past, and that the public
only knew what the state chose to tell them, which shows the importance of the state in
promoting the role of the king in the tradition and cultural memory of the people.
c'owell 3144"7 45(1=5:, however, disagrees with .ansina!s claim, purporting several
ways in which people could gain knowledge, including monuments, literature, festivals
and private archives.
* second possibility is that tombs of kings were sources of knowledge in the Dineteenth
'ynasty. %he inclusion of <enekhtenre in %%" and on the offering table of Qn(Hr(xpS.f
again provides an e-ample. 2.*bbott mentions two tombs belonging to <eqenenre %ao
32eet 14+=7 +8:
1+?
. Winlock 314"97 "9+(5: argues that the second king is <enakhtenre
%ao
1+8
. %his would mean that the tomb of <enekhtenre was still in e-istence as late as the
%wentieth 'ynasty, and may e-plain his inclusion in tomb scenes. &t may also e-plain
the absence of *khenaten from private tomb scenes 3as he had no official tomb at
%hebes:, and ,atshepsut 3whose body was probably abandoned soon after her death and
.alley of the 0ueens, and dates this individual to the beginning of the <eventeenth 'ynasty. ,e also
discusses a @<enakhtenreA who, he notes, is only attested on the offering table of 0enherkhepshef, %%"
and the /arnak kinglist 31yholt 144?7 "?8:. &n this, he is in agreement with Winlock.
1+?2eet!s translation states that there were two pyramid tombs of <eqenenre %ao @making a second king
%aaoA 32eet 14+=7 +8:.
1+8Winlock 314"97 "9+(5: bases his argument on the unlikelihood of two kings in close succession
sharing both a prenomen as well as personal names. ,e points out that p.*bbott notes that there were
@two kings %aaoA and not @two kings <ekenenraA ,e concludes that the syllable nxt 3strong: was
substituted for the syllable qn 3strong: when the field notes of the scribes were transcribed into the
formal document, so that the elder S-qn-n-Ra was, in fact, S-nxt-n-Ra. 1edford includes both
@<eqenenre %aoA and @<eqentenreA in the kinglist from %%" 31edford 14867 98:, as well as
@<enakhtenreA and @<eqenenreA in the list from the offering table of Qn-Hr-xpS.f 31edford 14867 9+:
but does not include any discussion of who these kings may have been. 1yholt 3144?7 "?4(8=:
dismisses Winlock!s suggestion, and claims that the 2.*bbott simply mentions the same king,
<eqenenre %ao, twice 3for reasons that are unclear:, and goes on to suggest that the nomen of
<enakhtenre may have been <iamun.
9=
so had no recognised burial site in the Dineteenth 'ynasty
1+4
:. *s the builders of the
royal tombs it is possible that the workers of 'eir el(edina may have had knowledge
of all the tombs in the .alley of the /ings, although this does not e-plain the knowledge
of deceased kings held by %hebans who were not resident at the village. ,ere, again, one
can see the importance of the state in supporting local traditions, although less
deliberately than through state cults and monuments. &t is also important not to forget the
value of oral tradition in helping memories to survive, meaning that knowledge of old
tombs may have been passed down orally along with other historical knowledgeP ,utton
3144+7 16: notes that memory is @first conceived as a repetitionA, which implies that it is
through oral tradition that memories enter society!s consciousness.
aspero 3188"7 11": suggests that the workers of 'eir el(edina were a kind of
religious community who maintained the cults of kings who were buried at %hebes.
%here is not enough evidence of such activity to prove this theory definitively, but the
idea that cults of deceased rulers played a part in the lives of the villagers of 'eir el(
edina 3indeed, in the lives of the %heban people in general: does seem likely
19=
. &tems
such as offering tables and stelae from the temple at 'eir el(edina have the name of
*menhotep & on them, which suggests that cultic activity relating to him occurred there,
and SernT 314"?7 1?=: argues that there may have been a temple at 'eir el(edina
dedicated to %hutmose &&&. c'owell 3144"7 1==: states that @almost all the kings...who
were honoured Nin private tombs at %hebesO had a cult in the %heban area which is
sufficient to e-plain the interest in themA. Qet while this may e-plain scenes of festival
1+41eeves 3144=7 1?: suggests that after her death the body of %hutmose &, whom she had buried with
her, was moved from /."= into /.+8, while @,atshepsut!s burial, however, seems to have been left
to its fate...A.
19=%he importance of cults was discussed in greater detail in ch.1.
91
and cultic activity relating to deceased kings
191
, it does not fully e-plain why some
artists chose to draw a kinglist, as opposed to depicting an event from their own life,
such as a festival
19"
. %his does not mean, however, that personal e-perience did not play
a part in the selection of kings to be included in tomb depictions. <chudson 314457 +85:
argues that in order to be retained in the memories of the people, the past must be
contained in a cultural form, such as a festival, that people could e-perience personally.
%he owner of %%?, 1amose, has included a depiction of himself offering to four kings,
all of whom may have been included for personal reasons $ *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari were local !deities!, ,oremheb was the ruler when he was born, and %hutmose
&. was the king in whose cult he originally served 31edford 14867 61:
19+
. .entura 314857
"8+: suggests that areas around mortuary installations were seen to !belong! to the
pharaoh being commemorated, which led in some cases to the veneration of that
pharaoh and would, again, provide the people that lived there with a sense of personal
connection to the king
199
. &t is possible that the cult of *menhotep & and *hmose
Defertari at 'eir el(edina may have been begun by workers who had previously
worked at a site that !belonged! to the pair 3possibly a cult monument at 'ra *bu el(
Daga: and who then moved to 'eir el(edina 3.entura 14857 "8+:. %his, again, shows
the importance of mortuary temples in continuing the memory of deceased rulers.
*ssmann 3"==57 1+: states that the idea of continued e-istence in the world of the living
after death was important for the Egyptian people, stating that building tombs ensured
that the owner @did not fall out of the life of the land as a social geographical and
191%his is true provided one assumes that the depictions of festivals showed actual events.
19"'epictions of festivals are discussed in greater detail in ch. 1 3pp. 4("1:.
19+1edford 314867 61: goes on to include in this e-ample <eti & 3who 1amose depicts elsewhere: because
@his early appointments were at his behestA, and 1amesses && 3who is depicted in other parts of the
tomb: because, he suggests, 1amose was his secretary before his accession.
199,e uses the e-ample of <nofru!s pyramids at 'ahshur, suggesting that his cult in <inai was a result of
workers from >iGa, who had been employed around his mortuary installation, being sent to <inai
3.entura 14857 "8+:.
9"
cultural spaceA ( royal mortuary installations were built, at least in part, for the same
reason.
%he organisation of the figures in private kinglists, however, suggests more than simply
knowledge of names gained from the e-istence of temples and official kinglists. %he
kings depicted in %%14 3fig. 19:, for e-ample, are organised with an understanding of
chronology
195
. %his knowledge may have come from royal kinglists, but archaeological
evidence points to other possible sources of knowledge. any bricks from 'eir el(
edina include the name of %hutmose & 3Lesko 14497 ?:, who was probably responsible
for the building of structures containing these bricks
196
. %his introduces the idea that
certain kings were seen as a part of the !history! of certain groups or areas 3such as as the
founder of a village:, which may have encouraged more detailed remembrance of their
reign, or place in the history of the country. *nother possible source of knowledge was
religious ritual. %he daily liturgy of *menhotep & included *menhotep &, 1amesses &&
and 19 ancestors as well as several gods 3>ardiner 14+5b7 pl. 5+a:
19?
, and the ;estival of
in and #eautiful ;estival of the .alley
198
also included images of royal ancestors.
%hese were events in which detailed knowledge of past kings may have been accessible
to certain members of society and demonstrates, again, the importance of !active!
195%he kings are shown in chronological order beginning with Debhepetre entuhotep and *hmose, and
ending with <eti & 3with the usual e-ceptions:.
196Lesko 314497 ?: suggests that, although a large proportion of inscribed bricks from the site give the
name of %hutmose &, the village may have been founded by *menhotep & which would e-plain the
strength of his cult there.
19?%he list of kings in this instance 311, ?: reads7 1amesses &&, 1amesses &, ,oremheb, *menhotep &&&,
%hutmose &., *menhotep &&, %hutmose &, %hutmose &&, *menhotep &, *hmose, /amose, <enwosret &,
Debhepetre entuhotep. ,owever, >ardiner 314+5a7 4=: corrects the mis(ordering of %hutmose & and
%hutmose &&, and includes the name of %hutmose &&& in his translation, basing his alteration on the
evidence of 1", 11(1+ where the omitted king is included and the order corrected 3thus concluding that
the variation in 11, ? is, in fact, a scribal error:. * detailed study of the ritual can be found in #acchi
3149":.
198%his is discussed above 3pp. +6, +?:.
9+
remembrance of the past
194
. /nowledge of genealogies were best relayed to the people
not through temple kinglists, but through festivals and rituals that they could both
witness and take part in, even if only as a !watcher!
15=
. %hrough these events the
community felt connected to the kings of the past whose statues were paraded in front of
them, and were able to integrate them into their own cultural memory. When one looks
at the images of royalty in private tombs it becomes clear that that they are depictions,
not of the king or queen, but of a statue of them
151
%his is an important distinction. When
one looks at festival depictions it is clear that the artist has painted the statue of the king
that was used in the festival in order to represent the scene faithfully. ,owever, if the
same images are used in kinglists, one is forced to suggest that it was only through these
statues that the people were able to connect themselves with the king, and that they did
not see the king as a living being
15"
, but as an image who e-isted only in the form of
statues ( the cult of the king was more important to them than the king himself
15+
.
/inglists at other sites are hard to come by, largely because private tombs in good
condition from this period are not numerous. ,owever, a kinglist, thought to be from the
tomb of %Buneroy, can be found at <aqqara which lists the Egyptian kings from the ;irst
'ynasty down to 1amesses && 3artin 14417 1"+:
159
. %his shows that the idea of
194&nterestingly, private genealogies do not occur in private tombs at %hebes. Evidence, such as a te-t
regarding the inheritance of a statue from p.%urin 3,elck 14617 14?: shows that people had knowledge
of their family history but, unlike royal genealogy, did not place it in their tombs.
15=%he importance of !watching! was discussed in ch. 1 3pp. 1"(1+:.
151%his is also suggested by c'owell 3144"7 1="(+:. *s discussed earlier, Cckinga 314457 4?: suggests
that statues may represent the kA of a person as opposed to the mortal aspect. %herefore, by depicting
statues used in festivals people were actually depicting the royal kA through which @the king is active
in the worldA 3Cckinga 14457 49:.
15"%his is especially striking when one notes that none of the nine e-amples of the kings as a historical
figure in private tombs in this study include the reigning king at the time.
15+/antorowicG discusses a similar idea with regards medieval kingship7 ,e notes that the funerary effigy
of ;rancis & of ;rance was attended as though it were the king himself, while the body of the actual
king was, after only a few days, placed in a separate hall 3/antorowicG 144?7 9"5(6:. %herefore, the
image of the king, in this way, took the place of the real king.
1591edford 314867 "+: attributes the absence of certain kings, such as the Eighth 'ynasty, to a lack of
99
including royal lists in private tombs e-tended beyond %hebes. &n this instance the tomb
owner was the chief lector priest of deified rulers, and this may have been his reason for
including such a list
155
. 2ossibly it was e-pected of him, or even ordered by the royal
court at emphis, a practice that may also have occurred at %hebes
156
. Cne must also
remember that the tomb of his brother 2aser, who held the role of Cverseer of the
#uilders of the Lord of the %wo Lands 3<harpe 18+?7 ":, created at a similar time, does
not include such a list. &t would seem here that the inclusion of deceased kings was
linked not to family ideas or fashions, but to the Bob of the tomb owner. /inglists from
other periods also show that such scenes were not confined to the early 1amesside
2eriod
15?
. 1edford 314867 146: claims that scenes of offering to a list of royal ancestors
in private tombs became common in the Dineteenth 'ynasty, and while there is not
enough evidence from %hebes for this claim to be entirely verified, it does imply that
such scenes were considered, by some members of society at least, to be of importance
throughout the Dineteenth and %wentieth 'ynasties.
#y including kinglists in their tombs, Egyptians were not only demonstrating their
knowledge of royal lineage, they were also e-pressing an interest in these figures as
available space on the stelaP in an attempt to list kings reaching back as far as enes the scribe was
forced to remove the kings who did not have contemporary mortuary cults or a place in the emphite
nis Hkn.w. %his supports the idea that the e-istence of cults in the vicinity may have affected which
kings were included in private kinglists. &n any case, despite these alterations there was not enough
space and the list stops short of enes.
1551edford 314867 "1("": notes that the te-ts identifies the ceremony as the @Nperformance of the Htp-di-
nsw for the kiOngs of Fpper and Lower Egypt and for Csiris, through the agency of /ing Fsermare
<etepenre, son of 1e, 1amesses aiamunA. %his implies that the ceremony was connected with his
position within the royal cult and may have been a representation of his role within it.
156%here is no evidence that such a practice occurred at %hebes, but it seems possible that court demands
may have affected the content of private tomb scenes, and until evidence appears to the contrary, this
must be considered as a possibility. <uch demands may have taken the form of direct requests, or may
have simply originated from a need to obey decorum 3see #aines 144=:.
15?%%+54 3of &nerkhaou: from the %wentieth 'ynasty ncludes a scene of the deceased worshipping two
rows of kings, queens and princes 3#ruyYre 14++7 pl. viii:. *nd in %%65, from the reign of 1amesses
&J, is a depiction of the deceased libating before statues of 1" deceased kings 3Lepsius 1894(18587
"+5:.
95
more than Bust the pharaoh ( they were personalising them. %his suggests that the
workers saw the ruler not only as a symbol of generic !kingship! but also as an individual
with individual accomplishments, and a specific place in the history of the country
158
.
<ilverman 314457 66(?: suggests that, while the people saw the king as an intermediary
between them and the gods, they viewed him as a concrete being who played an active
role on this earth, having clear human origins and an individual personality despite his
holding the eternal office of kingship. 2erhaps it is this perceived human individuality
that can be seen, to a degree, in kinglists in private tombs. <ilverman 314457 6?: states
that the kinglists @visibly document this concept of the constant divine office being
animated by the individual, changeable rulerA. %he scenes of *menhotep &, *hmose(
Defertari and erytamun in %%" 3fig. ": and %%9 3fig. 8:, and the kinglists in %%+54
3<tewart 14?67 56:
154
suggest a knowledge of, and interest in, the king as part of a family
3which supports the suggestion that these scenes showed an interest in the king as an
individual and not merely as the holder of the office of kingship:. %his is reminiscent of
scenes of private ancestors that also occur in the period
16=
, and would suggest that the
genealogy of rulers who had died was thought to deserve the same place in private
memory as that of personal ancestors.
".9 )CD)LF<&CD7
While kinglists suggest a knowledge of royal genealogy by ordinary people, they do not
1581edford 314867 59: suggests that this was not the case, and looks at the e-ample of the crowns worn
by kings in kinglists. <ee below 3p. ?5: for more detail.
1542etrie 318467 +++: states that %%+54 includes *menhotep & @and then his brother and sisters
3eryt!amen, <at!amen, <a!amen, /ames, ,ent!ta!meh...%urs and *ahmes...and <a!pa!iry:A.
16=*lthough large groups of ancestors do not occur in private tombs at %hebes in the period, scenes of the
deceased with relatives can be found, which emphasise the place of the deceased as part of a family
group. Cne e-ample of this is the scene of the deceased with members of his family offering to his
parents in %%111, which dates to the reign of 1amesses && 32illet 14+=7 fig. 44, 1=+:.
96
mean that there was a deliberate attempt by the people to learn such things. &t is highly
likely that these kinglists were inspired by the same source as festival scenes $ that of
the royal cults. )ertain festivals
161
allowed the people to see what was essentially a
!kinglist! in the form of a festival procession. /nowledge gained from these events may
have been added to by knowledge gained from other sources, such as royal tombs and
temple inscriptions, but it is likely that active involvement in festivals and cults was the
overriding factor in encouraging kinglists in private tombs. Cne must not, however,
overemphasise the importance of the idea that ordinary people gave royal !ancestors! a
place in their lives equal to that of private ancestors. %he inclusion of kinglists may have
been the e-ception rather than the rule. While it seems reasonable that knowledge of
royal genealogy was becoming more widespread, it certainly was not all(encompassing
in terms of tomb imagery. *lthough the e-istence of kinglists in private tombs suggests
some interest in royal genealogy by ordinary people, the small number of tombs which
include such scenes suggests that it was not of overreaching importance to tomb owners
in the period.
161%hese festivals included the in ;estival and the #eautiful ;estival of the .alley.
9?
CHAPTER !
THE KING AS A DIVINE "EING
162

Cne important issue when understanding the role of the pharaoh is that of his
relationship with the gods and how this was perceived by the people. &t would not be
possible to e-amine every relevant scene in detail, so this study will look at certain
issues relating to the subBect. &t will look primarily at the place of the king in scenes of
offering and worship, in which he either accompanies or replaces the gods, as well as his
relationship to certain deities. %here are a large variety of deities depicted with royal
figures in private %heban tombs at the time, but those found most frequently are ,athor
319 times:, Csiris 3seven times:, 1e(,orakhty3(*tum: 3four times: and *nubis 3four
times: 3app. 1"a:. *nother 16 gods are depicted less than three times each. %he
distribution of kings depicted with gods is largely what would be e-pected, given the
prevalence of images of *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari in tombs in the area. 16
gods are shown with *menhotep & and 1" with *hmose(Defertari, and 1" gods are
shown with them e-clusively, while only ,athor and ,orus are shown with more than
three different royal figures 3app. 1"b:. ,athor is depicted with *menhotep &, *hmose(
Defertari, Debhepetre entuhotep 3which may be due to her connection with his temple
at 'eir el(#ahri: and 1amesses &&, 3which may have been caused by increased support of
her cult during the reign of 1amesses &&
16+
:. ,orus is shown with eight different kings,
although si- of these can be e-plained by a depiction of a row of kings alongside ,orus
in )? 3fig. 58:. %his study will look at the two gods found most commonly with royal
16"<ee app. 5 for scene details.
16+%his is discussed below 3p. 54:.
98
figures, ,athor and Csiris, as well as depictions of *nubis with royal figures $ this is
because *nubis is the only god to be found more commonly with a queen, *hmose(
Defertari, than with any king
169
, which will allow discussion of the place that a queen
may have had in beliefs relating to the divine.
+.1 LC)*%&CD *D' )CD%EJ% C; <)EDE<7
<cenes of the king as a divine being are found in 9" tombs at all sites in the %heban
necropolis, although primarily at 'eir el(edina 31" tombs:, 'ra *bu el(Daga 316
tombs: and <heik *bd el(0urna 311 tombs: 3app. ?
165
:. &nterestingly, there are no scenes
of censing and libating to the king at 'eir el(edina which may indicate a fashion
among the tomb owners there
166
. %he relevant tombs date from the reign of 1amesses &
to the %wenty(first 'ynasty 3app. 6:, and although they are prevalent in the reign of
1amesses && 3as is the focus of this study: no real pattern can be found, which suggests
that such scenes were in use throughout the 1amesside 2eriod. %he scenes can be found
in all areas of the tombs 3app. 8, 16: and, again, no overriding pattern is evident,
although a high percentage can be found in the hall 3+6 out of 61 scenes: and chapel 311
scenes:. While the scenes most commonly found adBacent to scenes of the king as a
divine being are other scenes of gods 39=.1E: and scenes of the deceased with their
family 3"9.6E:, there is a wide variety of types of scenes found adBacent 3app. 4
16?
:.
169*hmose(Defertari is depicted three times alongside *nubis, while *menhotep & is only shown two
times 3this does not include the scenes in which the deceased is led towards *menhotep & as part of the
weighing of the heart in %%"14, as it does not depict the god and the king !together! in the same sense
as the other scenes do:.
165*pp. 6c(g shows the geographical distribution of each type of scene discussed in this chapter
separately. %he figures given here are a combination of all of the scenes of the king as a divine being.
166<ee above 3pp. ++(5: for a discussion of fashions within tomb building.
16?*gain, the data given in app. 8c(g and 4c(g is for each type of scene discussed in this chapter
separately, while the figures given here are for all of the scenes combined.
94
Cnly seven of the relevant scenes include a depiction of the reigning king, three of
which are scenes in which the deceased is being rewarded or appointed to office by the
king, and one in which the king himself is offering to a god 3fig. "?:. %his suggests that
autobiographical scenes of the king as a !divine! being were not particularly common
168
.
+." C;;E1&D>< %C %,E /&D>
;orty(one out of the 9? tombs in this study contain scenes in which the king receives
offerings or worship
164
from the deceased. %his position is usually reserved for the gods
and suggests an elevated position for the pharaoh in the minds of the people. <cenes of
worship can be found in "1 tombs
1?=
. while offering scenes can be found in nine
1?1
.
<cenes in which the deceased censes and libates before the king occur in nine tombs
1?"
.
;rom this it is clear that such scenes were quite common. &nterestingly, only one of 91
tombs discussed in this chapter includes scenes both of worship of the king and offering
to the king ( %%"16. &n all other cases, tombs show either one or the other. Cnly two
tombs, %%14 3see fig. "+ for scene of censing and libating: and %%1=6 3see fig. +6 for
scene of censing and libating:, show a scene of censing and libating as well as a scene of
worship. %here appears to be little correlation between which type of scene is used and
which king is depicted, although ,oremheb, 1amesses &, <eti & and 1amesses && appear
168%he importance of autobiographical scenes will be discussed later.
164!Cffering! scenes are those in which the deceased holds an item of offering to the king, and often
includes a table of offerings, while scenes of !worship! are those in which the deceased!s hands are
empty, and are often held up in praise. Cne encounters difficulty in defining certain scenes, such as
that in %%++" where one sees the deceased @with a sistrum before *hmose(DefertariA 32orter and
oss 146=7 +44: $ the deceased is clearly holding an obBect 3which suggests that this is an !offering!
scene: but there is no suggestion of the obBect being offered to the king. &n cases such as this this study
will refer to the scene as !worship! as this seems to be a closer comparison.
1?=%hese are %%", %%9, %%?, %%1=, %%16, %%14, %%"+, %%91, %%1=6, %%1+9, %%191, %%194, %%15?,
%%"16, %%"5=, %%"85, %%+==, %%++", %%+99, %%+?5 and )? 3see app. 5 for details:
1?1%hese are %%+1, %%51, %%"1=, %%"16, %%"14, %%"46, %%+=", %%+91 and *1" 3see app. 5 for
details:.
1?"%hese are %%14, %%99, %%59, %%1=6, %%15+, %%1?8, %%"??, %%+=6 and *18 3see app. 5 for details:.
5=
in a higher frequency of scenes of worship, while earlier Eighteenth 'ynasty kings and
queens are found more often in scenes of offering and of censing and libating 3app.
1+:
1?+
. %his could suggest that there was little perceived difference between scenes of
offering, censing and libating, and worship, and that use of one or the other was merely
due to personal preference on the part of the tomb owner or artisan
1?9
. 2erhaps the
choice of scenes was affected by the rituals and festivals, or images on state monuments,
that the tomb owner had witnessed involving statues of the king $ <chudson 314457 +96:
writes that @memory is located in institutions rather than in individual mindsA which
suggests that what can be seen in tomb depictions represents the ideas and traditions of
institutions, which are reproduced by individual people but based in state ideology.
%omb scenes could be seen as representations of the !memories! that e-isted within
institutions, such as temples, rather than within the individual minds of the tomb owners.
Even if this is the case, it could be argued that by putting these scenes in their tombs the
tomb owners were individualising them, thus taking them out of the conte-t of the
institutions in which they normally e-isted.
1amesses && promoted his godly position on state monuments with depictions of
offerings being made to his image, and in some cases the scenes show 1amesses &&
offering to a deified image of himself
1?5
. *n e-ample of this is in the second court of his
temple at *bu <imbel where his human form is seen censing and libating to his deified
1?+&t is notable that most of the scenes include *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
1?9%he degree to which the tomb owner was responsible for the decoration of the tomb as opposed to the
artisan is difficult to ascertain. /eller 3144176=(?, "==17 85(? : discusses the role of artisans and
suggests that they had an effect on the decorative motif. * scene from %%8" in which the tomb owner
offers to the architect and artists of the tomb 3'avies 3Dina: and >ardiner 14157 pls. vii, viii: also
suggests that the artisans may have had responsibility for what was included in the scenes, or that they
may have occasionally altered them for their own benefit.
1?5,abachi 314647 "8: suggests that 1amesses && presented himself in four different aspects at 2i(
1amesse, based on a letter from 2abesa to his master, *menemhope. %hese aspects are god, herald,
viGier and mayor. ,ere, he is not only giving himself divine status, but ensuring that he holds all power
within his capital.
51
image, with the te-t stating that he is @giving incense to 1amesses(eramenA 3,abachi
14647 5:
1?6
. &t is possible, therefore, that scenes such as this became popular in private
conte-ts in the Dineteenth 'ynasty
1??
because of the agenda of the king, who
commissioned depictions of himself in deified form in order to reinforce his position as
the divine pharaoh. 2erhaps people saw the king, when depicted on temple walls, in the
same light as the gods with whom he was shown
1?8
, leading them to reproduce images of
both in private tombs and shrines
1?4
. #uildings such as the 1amesseum contained many
images of the king, and such images may have been observed by the people who lived
on the West #ank. &n the case of 'eir el(edina it is also possible that similar scenes
were used in the creation of royal tombs and then brought back to the private tombs of
the workers
18=
.
Cne cannot, however, attribute scenes of offering to a king solely to the ideas of
1amesses &&. &f this were true then one would e-pect a vast maBority of such evidence to
include him while, in fact, many stelae from 'eir el(edina are dedicated to *menhotep
&. Cne e-ample of this is stela D. 5==+9, of *menemope, from the early Dineteenth
1?6*s discussed earlier such scenes may show the king offering to a statue of his kA 3Cckinga 14457 4?:.
urnane 314457 86(?: discusses the position of 1amesses && as a living god further.
1??*n e-ample of this is a stela belonging to 1ahotep, found at 2i(1amesse, showing 1amesses && acting
as an intermediary between a worshipper and a statue of himself 3,abachi 14647 +9, fig. "1:.
1?8>oebs 3"==?7 "8?: uses the e-ample of the king as the official performer of rituals for the gods, which
would have been depicted on monuments, to show that the king was seen as the mediator between man
and the gods throughout Egyptian history, relating it to his role as the maintainer of maat.
1?4<miting stelae, which have been mentioned in ch. 1 3p. "+:, may be used to support this view. &mages
of kings in the smiting pose were found in areas of temples that ordinary people may have seen 3see
#ommas 3"===7 "11("1+: and >riffin 3"==?: for discussion of which parts of the temple were
accessible to ordinary people:, such as on the front of the first pylon at edinet ,abu 3C&E< 14+=7 pl.
6:. %his scene is from the reign of 1amesses &&&, but scenes, such as that of the king in a smiting pose
on the north wall of the hypostyle hall of the temple of *mun at /arnak 3Wilkinson 14497 188:
reminds one that such images were in use in the earlier part of the Dew /ingdom as well. %hat they
were copied onto private stelae suggests that people viewed them in much the same way as they
viewed images of the gods, who were also copied from temple walls onto private obBects. <wan ,all
314867 1?: argues, however, that such images may have come from other sources, such as mass
produced scarabs, and <chulman 314887 94(5": suggests that some people may have witnessed actual
ceremonies and recorded them in scenes such as smiting scenes.
18=%his idea was discussed with reference to the epithet nb-tA.wy in ch.1 3pp. "+(5:.
5"
'ynasty, which is dedicated to *menhotep and *hmose Defertari 3%osi and 1occati
14?"7 6?:. %he top register shows the king and queen seated on thrones, while in the
lower register are *menemope and *mennakht with their hands held up in adoration.
%he pose of the two men suggests that *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari held a
position close to that of godliness in the minds of the people at 'eir el(edina, as it is
the same position held by worshippers on stelae and depictions dedicated to gods
181
.
>oebs 3"==?7 "8+(5: stresses the importance of the myths of kingship, such as the
contending of ,orus and <eth, and of royal epithets in emphasising the divine nature of
the pharaoh, and perhaps it was features such as these that encouraged the people to see
the king as a divine being rather than focusing on his mortal self.
%%++" shows the deceased before *hmose(Defertari without the inclusion of a king,
which demonstrates that the queen!s position was not solely one of supporting the
pharaoh. %he elevated position of the queen is clear in the *marna 2eriod in depictions
such as that in the Hwt-bnbn at /arnak in which Defertiti is shown as the leading
worshipper of the *ten 31edford 14897 fig. ?:. %he temple dedicated to Defertari at *bu(
<imbel 3'odson "=="7 58: demonstrates that 1amesses && also afforded the queen an
elevated position alongside himself. *hmose(Defertari was given the title !>od!s Wife of
*mun! as seen on the donation stela of *hmose(Defertari
18"
, which emphasised her
importance as the mother of the heir to the throne, and that she also held an important
position in private tomb scenes implies that her elevated position was accepted by the
people. &t is, however, important to remember that it is *hmose(Defertari, and not
181%his can be seen in depictions of the gods in all of the %heban tombs that have been looked at.
E-amples are that of %%" 3fig. ?: where the deceased is depicted before 1e and Csiris as well as
*menhotep &, and in %%"+ 3fig. "?: where erenptah is depicted offering to *tum $ although the king
holds MAat in one hand, the other is held up in adoration.
18">itton 314?6: discusses the importance of this stela.
5+
queens in general, who held an important position in private tombs at %hebes $ her
elevated position may have been as !co(founder! 3in the eyes of the people: of 'eir el(
edina and as a !local deity!, the consort of *menhotep &, rather than in her position as a
queen. %herefore, one must not use her position to argue that the people gave queens, in
general, a high position alongside the pharaoh.
While a high percentage of scenes of offering or worship in %heban tombs in the early
1amesside 2eriod depict *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari
18+
, scenes from other
periods do not follow this pattern. *ppro-imately ?6 scenes in tombs from other reigns
include depictions of the deceased worshipping, or offering to a king, and in almost all
of the depictions the king shown is the reigning pharaoh of the time
189
. ;or e-ample, a
scene in %%9? shows men before *menhotep &&& in a kiosk 3Z[\]^Z_`]ab]acdfghijklm
+1, ++, +9:, and a scene in %%6= depicts the deceased before <enwosret & 3'avies 14"=7
pl. -vi
185
:. %here are even images of the deceased before *menhotep &. 3*khenaten:,
such as in %%55 3'avies 14917 pls. --i-(---i:. %herefore, it cannot be said that
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari were the only royalty to be depicted in private
18+Cnly 14 out of 61 relevant scenes depict other royal figures %hree of these show the deceased being
rewarded by the living king 3%%"+, %%1=6, %%15? 3figs. +8, +4::, and another three show the deceased
in front of or offering to the living king3%%%%1=6, %%"16, )?:. Cne scene shows the living king
offering to the bark of *tum 3%%"+, fig. "?:, and two scenes include erytamun, the daughter of
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari 3%%" 3fig. ":, %%9 3fig. 8::. %he other 1= scenes show the
deceased with a deceased king or queen.
189?5 of these scenes show the deceased in front of the reigning king at the time 3the e-ception being in
%%"56 which shows the deceased in front of %hutmose &&& despite being dated to the reign of
*menhotep && $ however, as the reign of %hutmose &&& immediately preceded that of *menhotep &&, it
is possible that the owner of the tomb, or the artist, was alive during the reign of %hutmose &&&:. Cf the
?6 scenes, only nine date from after the *marna 2eriod 3those dated to *menhotep &. are classed as
being pre(*marna as they name *menhotep &. and not *khenaten:, and only four scenes are from
after the Eighteenth 'ynasty 3in %%198 and %%""" which are from the later 1amesside 2eriod:. %his
suggests that scenes of the deceased before the living king, which may be seen as autobiographical,
were almost e-clusive to the first part of the Eighteenth 'ynasty, although they continued to occur
until the the reigns of 1amesses && and erenptah. %he only type of scene that is found almost equally
in the pre( and post(*marna period is that of the deceased being rewarded or appointed to office by the
king $ seven such scenes are pre(*marna and five are post(*marna 3although only two are from after
the period discussed in this work:.
185%his copy of the scene shows only the head of the king and the cartouche.
59
tombs as the subBect of worship, but that they were the only figures to be depicted
frequently after their deaths. Cther kings were included in images during their reign but
appear to have fallen out of favour afterwards 3although they can occasionally be found
in festivals and kinglists
186
:. %his suggests that *menhotep and *hmose(Defertari were
viewed as !local deities! while other kings were seen solely as monarchs whose
importance began and ended with their role as pharaoh. %his contradicts the evidence of
kinglists in private tombs at %hebes which suggest that the individuality of kings was
recognised and afforded respect even after the death of the pharaoh. &t implies, instead,
that individual kings, as mortal beings, were only afforded divine status while they held
the office of pharaoh. %his divine status was passed on, along with the crown, to the ne-t
king on his accession. 2raise of a living king can be seen as depicting an
!autobiographical! event in the life of the tomb owner
18?
, while the worship of a deceased
king is likely to have had a further symbolic meaning 3perhaps relating to his position as
a !local deity!:
188
. Cne must not, however, underestimate the importance of linking
oneself to the king through one!s biography $ inscriptions in the Dew /ingdom 3as for
other periods: demonstrate that great pride was taken in describing how the deceased
was honoured by, or served, the king, although such te-ts are less common in the
1amesside 2eriod than in the earlier Dew /ingdom 3;rood "==?7 1:. *n e-ample of this
genre is the biographical te-t of 2aser in %%1=6P here can be found two te-ts, one
addressed to <eti & and the other to 1amesses &&, which begin with epithets of the king
and then list his promotions to office 3;rood "==?7 194(156:. %hat there are biographies
addressed to both kings in whose reign 2aser lived, and that many phrases are repeated
186<ee ch. 1 and ", and app. + and 9, for discussions of these scenes.
18?*n e-ample can be found in %%15?, where the deceased is shown being appointed as the ,igh 2riest
of *mun before 1amesses && 3the reigning king: and Defertari 3figs. +8, +4:.
188<ilverman 314457 6+: notes, however, that autobiographical tomb inscriptions emphasise the @divine(
like natureA of the king and present him as more than human 3although still as less than a god:.
55
in both, although the address to 1amesses && is shorter, suggests that it was not loyalty to
a specific pharaoh that was important to the writer, but loyalty to the pharaoh as a
representative of the state and the gods. %he pharaoh was @the embodiment of divine
power on earthA 3>oebs "==?7 "81: who sat on the @throne of ,orus of the livingA
3>oebs "==?7 "8+:, and this position demanded the loyalty of the people. %his supports
the idea that it was not personal service of a specific king that was important but an
emphasis 3through repetition: on the loyal character of the tomb owner and his service to
the state of Egypt. %he king held importance as the representative of the state and the
gods, not as an individual. &t was the divine office that was important, an office that
received its legitimisation through the gods and was dependant upon them 3#aines 14457
19:. Cne could argue, therefore, that the king held an important position in the lives, and
the cultural memory of the people not as an individual person but as a representative of
central and divine authority. *utobiographies of the Dew /ingdom stress the importance
of loyalty to the state, and by revering the pharaoh as the representative of the state, the
people were continually reaffirming their loyalty. alek 3"===7 "9": notes, in his
discussion on iddle /ingdom royal cults, that a king or his statue may be a
@manifestationA of a god, but this does not necessarily make the king himself a god.
%herefore, one must be careful when discussing the deification of royal figures as no
written evidence has been found e-plaining e-actly what beliefs were held by the
Egyptians relating to them.
+.+ %,E /&D> W&%, ,*%,C17
Cne common scene depicts the king with the goddess ,athor, who is in the form of a
56
cow
184
. Fsually she is depicted protecting himP %%9 3fig. 8:, %%"16, %%"85, %%+"6 and
%%+5? 3fig. 59: depict the ,athor cow protecting *menhotep &, while %%"+ 3fig. "6: and
%%+91 show her with 1amesses &&. %%14 3fig. 1?: and %%+?? also include ,athor
protecting the king although the identity of the king is less certain
14=
. %he relatively wide
spread of scenes of the king with ,athor, both chronologically and geographically 3app.
6f, ?f: suggests that the ideas behind it were not confined to a specific group.
%he goddess ,athor was closely linked with the pharaoh in belief 3#leeker 14?+7 51:.
*s the wife, and mother, of ,orus
141
3who was closely identified with the king: it is
understandable that she had a close relationship with the pharaoh. Cf course, this was
not her only persona, and it was in her guise of a cow(goddess that she played a key role
in %heban tombs. Cne aspect of her personality was as the nurturing and protective
mother of the king, a fact that is emphasised when the king was referred to as the !son of
,athor!
14"
. %he king was also closely connected with the !KA mwt.f' 3!bull of his mother!:
theology ( in this theology the god *mun approached the queen 3who was linked with
,athor: in the guise of the king and caused her to conceive the ne-t pharaoh
14+
. %here is
also clear evidence of the link between the queen and ,athor in the 1amesside period,
for e-ample at *bu <imbel where the small temple is dedicated to Defertari as ,athor
184*rafa 3"==57 1+?: suggests that her position as the mistress of the mountain and the protector of the
%heban necropolis in the form of a cow has its origins in her status as the )elestial )ow.
14=<ee app. 5 for details of the scenes.
141%his connection can be seen simply by looking at the Egyptian spelling of ,athor $ Hwt-Hr which
can be translated !,ouse of ,orus! 3>ardiner 145?7 949, 58=: , an allusion to her role as his mother.
14"Cne e-ample of this is 2% "=8 of Fnas, which says @Qou are ,orus, Csiris! son7 Qou are Fnis, senior
god, ,athor!s sonP you are >eb!s seedA 3*llen "==57 5?:. %he emphasis on Csiris and ,athor as the
parents is a reminder of the close connection of ,athor with &sis, who was often seen as the wife of
Csiris and mother of ,orus, a position that is clear in the >reat hymn to Csiris of *menmose
3Lichtheim 14?67 8+(9:. 1oyal depictions show ,athor suckling the pharaoh, an e-ample being that of
<eti & at *bydos, which shows five images of <eti & being suckled by the goddess. &n each he wears a
different headdress and is suckled by a different personification of the goddess 3ariette 1864, pl. "5:.
)ollier 314467 1=5: also notes that this identification of the queen with ,athor was reflected in
theology, wherein the king was ,orus, the son of ,athor.
14+<ee <ee )ollier 3144671==(1=9: for a discussion of the /amutef theology.
5?
3'odson "=="758:.
*nother goddess with similar connection to the king, in her role as his mother, was
&sis
149
, yet interestingly, depictions of her protecting the king in private tombs at %hebes
are not found in the early 1amesside 2eriod. 2erhaps the reason for the prevalence of
,athor in scenes of the king lies in the e-istence of the cult of the cow(goddess at 'eir
el(#ahri, which was closely linked with the temples of several pharaohs $ Debhepetre
entuhotep, *menhotep &, %hutmose &&& and ,atshepsut
145
. &t is this connection of
,athor with temples of pharaohs, reinforced by the active nature of the cult at 'eir el(
#ahri
146
, and the #eautiful ;estival of the .alley
14?
, that is copied onto tomb walls.
/itchen 3144+7 "=8) notes the e-istence of songstresses of &sis
148
in the Dineteenth
'ynasty at 'eir el(edina
144
, showing that there was a cult involving her, but there
appears not to have been a cult of &sis on the scale of the cult of ,athor at the time, on
149Lesko 314447 156: suggests that she was a divine personification of the Egyptian throne, which
emphasises her connection with the person of the king. Witt 314?17 +=: notes that &sis could often be
equated with ,athor, and took on many of her attributes such as the imagery and the sistrum 3a >reek
hymn to &sis calls her the @bearer of the sistrumA:. %obin 314417 14+: suggests that ,athor was the
maternal source of the life of ,orus, while &sis was the source of the position of ,orus as a political
figure. &n this way, both goddesses were maternal figures for ,orus and for the pharaoh. %heir close
connection can be seen in the temple of Defertari at *bu <imbel where the two goddesses are shown
together crowning the queen with the double(plume and sundisk, the crown that both goddesses are
also wearing 3Lesko 14447 1"1:.
145* variety of ,athor imagery can be found at 'eir el(#ahri 3*rafa "==57 1+8:P images of the pharaoh
protected by the ,athor cow can be found there in official shrines such as that of %hutmose &&&
3#lumenthal "==17 +6, fig. "9 and Lesko 14447 1=4:, is a likely source for depictions in private tombs.
,igh numbers of votive cows $ for e-ample, 2inch 3144+7 161: mentions 95 @glaGe cowsA ( at 'eir el(
#ahri show that the cult was popular in the Dew /ingdom among ordinary people. <ee 2inch 3144+7
+(1": for a discussion of the site, and 2inch 3144+7 16=(1?+: for details of cow votives at 'eir el(#ahri
and other ,athor shrines:.
146any votives have been found at the site which were dedicated to the cow goddess ,athor, showing
that ordinary people were involved in activity at the site. <ee 2inch 3144+7 16=(16+: for details of the
votives.
14?%his, again, connected ,athor with the kings and queens of Egypt through its route which involved
both the temples at 'eir el(#ahri and the temples of deceased kings 3>raefe 14867 18?:.
148/itchen mentions a @chantress of &sisA on a tomb stela of ,ormin in the reign of <eti & 3s.#erlin ?"?9
and ?+=5:.
144Cnstine 3"==5: includes four provenanced e-amples of songstresses of &sis in the reign of 1amesses &&,
and one from the @Dineteenth 'ynastyA. %hose dating to 1amesses && are numbered 91?, 946, 654 and
?5?. *nother, from the Dineteenth 'ynasty, is numbered 561 3Cnstine "==57 118(1++:. Cf these, two
391? and ?5?: can be traced back to %hebes, while the other three are from *bydos.
58
the west bank at %hebes
"==
. %his may e-plain the lack of scenes of &sis with the king in
private tombs at the time.
#lumenthal 3"==17 98: suggests that the link between the ,athor cow and royal
ancestors was emphasised at 'eir el(edina in the reign of 1amesses &&. %his is
supported by E-ell!s discussion of the evidence linking 1amesses && to the /henu(chapel
at 'eir el(edina and the @,athor cow worshipped within itA 3E-ell "==6759:
"=1
. <cenes
of 1amesses && with ,athor, therefore, may have been the result of a deliberate attempt
by 1amesses && to link himself with ,athor in the minds of the people. %his does not,
however, fully e-plain the scenes of *menhotep & being protected by ,athor
"="
. <urely,
if the prominence of ,athor at 'eir el(edina was linked to 1amesses &&, one would
find more scenes of him with the goddess than of *menhotep &. Cne must also
remember that images of ,athor in private tombs do not only come from 'eir el(
edina, but from other sites on the West #ank as well, which suggests that images of
,athor in tombs were caused by reasons other than a 1amesside ,athor cult at the
workmen!s village
"=+
. 2erhaps images of *menhotep & with ,athor may be seen as an
amalgamation of the cult of *menhotep & with the ,athor cult linked with 'eir el(#ahri.
,ere, two active cults, which both had a place in the cultural memory of the community,
may have become connected in the minds of the people.
"==*s of yet no evidence of a large &sis cult has been found.
"=1<ee E-ell 3"==6759: for discussion of several images within the /henu(chapel which include
1amesses && and demonstrate the link between the king and the goddess.
"="%he high percentage of scenes involving ,athor and *menhotep & may be e-plained by the fact that a
large maBority of depictions of a king with the gods in private tombs at %hebes, and in 'eir el(edina
in particular, show *menhotep & 399 out of 6= scenes of a king with the gods include *menhotep &:.
,owever, the reason for the e-istence of these scenes in the first place must still be addressed.
"=+&t also suggests that copying from royal tombs was not responsible as this would, again, cause such
scenes to be found only at 'eir el(edina. #lumenthal 3"==17 9+: states that the ,athor cow does not
feature in royal tombs at this time, ,athor!s only inclusion in the tombs of the pharaohs being in
human form. <he includes the notable e-ceptions of the tomb of sons of 1amesses &&, and that of
Defertari 3which does, however, support the view that this form of ,athor was important in the reign
of 1amesses &&:.
54
,athor was also the local deity, and protector, of the %heban necropolis 3and of
necropoleis in general within Egypt: in the Dew /ingdom and protected all the people
who were buried there, whether royal or commoner 3#leeker 14?+7 99:
"=9
. %his is
emphasised by the inclusion of the mountain in several of the scenes that include
,athor, for e-ample in %%+5? 3fig. 59:. %he tombs at %hebes were cut into hillsides and
so the mountain may be seen as a generic allusion to the place of burial. ,owever, it
may also be understood as showing el(0urn, the pyramid(shaped mountain which
overlooked the necropolis, and in particular the .alley of the /ings. Cne of the epithets
of ,athor was @istress of the WestA 3Lesko 14447 1=":
"=5
and it may be in this capacity
that she is depicted in tombs. &f this were the sole reason for her inclusion, however, one
would e-pect her to be depicted as such, with an Imnt(headdress, rather than in her cow(
form. Cne must assume, therefore, that the inclusion of the ,athor cow is related to the
cult at 'eir el(#ahri and that images found in temple conte-ts were responsible for the
inclusion of ,athor scenes in private tombs at %hebes.
+.9 %,E /&D> W&%, C<&1&<
*nother god who appears with the king in seven tomb scenes is Csiris. <cenes of him
occur in %%" 3fig. ?:, %%1+9, %%"14 3fig. 91:, %%"5= 3fig. 9":, %%"4= 3fig. 98:, %%+91
3fig. 5": 3in the form 2tah(<okar(Csiris: and %%+?5 3see app.5 for details:. ;our of these
"=9#leeker 314?+79+: also discusses the custom at the #eautiful ;estival of the .alley wherein, after the
public procession, families would present their deceased with the sistrum and necklace, both of which
were attributes of ,athor. <chott 3145+7 9", 11": includes an inscription from this which reads @stretch
out the hand to take the necklace...of ,athor, the mistress of inebrietyA. %his, again, shows the link
between ,athor and the deceased.
"=5Willems 3"==17 "61: discusses the importance of the @#eautiful WestA in the )offin te-ts, linking this
person with &sis, rather than with ,athor.
6=
tombs are at 'eir el(edina
"=6
, while two are at <heik abd el(0urna
"=?
and one is at 'ra
abu el(Daga
"=8
. Cne must remember that Csiris was closely connected with death and
the afterlife
"=4
and, for this reason, was common in Egyptian tombs. %herefore, it is
possible that scenes of the king with Csiris were not due to a connection between the
pharaoh and the god, but were a combination of scenes of gods of the afterlife 3in this
case Csiris: and of the king, both of whom were important, but for separate reasons.
%his idea is supported by the fact that there is no typical scene of Csiris and the king,
which suggests that their being pictured together may have been coincidence rather than
deliberate planning. 1ather than analysing all scenes of Csiris with the king, whose
relationship has been frequently discussed
"1=
, this study will focus on one unusual image
of *menhotep & in which he appears to take the place of Csiris.
SernT 314"?71?6: observes that, in a scene in %%"14, *menhotep & helps with the
weighing of the heart. %here appears to be a cartouche Dsr-k3-Ra which supports the
hypothesis that the figure sat on the throne in the scene is the king. #ruyYre also
mentions this scene in his e-cavation reports, stating that @Le dWfunt est entrannW par
*nubis vers un trone...du roi *menhotep &, ainsi que l!indiquent les cartouches alternWs
qui dWcorent les cotWs du troneA 3#ruyYre 14"87 ?":
"11
. &n other depictions of the
weighing of the heart a god usually sits upon a throne watching the weighing, and this
god is frequently Csiris
"1"
. &f, therefore, *menhotep & has been depicted in his place this
would imply a great elevation in the position of the king at this time. Dot only was he
"=6%hese are %%", %%"16, %%"14, %%"5= and %%"4=.
"=?%hese are %%1+9 and %%+91.
"=8%his is %%+?5.
"=4>riffiths 3148=7 1?+(189: discusses his role as the ruler and Budge of the dead.
"1=<ee >riffiths 3146=7 "9(6: for a discussion of Csiris and his link to the deceased king.
"11Fnfortunately copies of the scenes are in bad condition and so it is difficult to verify the accuracy of
this claim, but that both SernT and #ruyYre have noted it suggests that it is correct.
"1"* good e-ample is that in %%14 3;oucart 14+57 pl. -vii(-i-:.
61
seen as e-isting alongside the gods, but he may take the role of the gods at important
events such as this. 2erhaps the king may be seen here as a manifestation of the god
"1+
.
While modern understanding of the pharaoh!s relationship with the gods has ranged
from ;rankfort!s belief in his divinity 3;rankfort 14987 5: to 2osener!s attempt to
encourage more emphasis on his human attributes 32osener 146=7 -v:, #aines!
description of the place of the king seems the most accurateP he states that the king
@manifested on earth aspects of the gods, but he was himself only a god in so far as there
was no term for a being intermediate between human and godA 3#aines 14457 4:. #y
putting *menhotep & in the place of Csiris, the artist was not necessarily attributing fully
divine status to him, but may have been acknowledging the close links between the king
and Csiris
"19
. Cne is forced to question whether this was a role ascribed to *menhotep &
in his position as a local deity of the area, or to the pharaoh more generally. *gain, one
must be careful not to assume general beliefs based on one depiction, but its e-istence
does lead to the possibility that *menhotep & was viewed in such a way. %his scene
cannot be found in any official conte-ts, and so it is unlikely that it has been copied into
the tomb from a monument. &t is possible that the tomb owner amalgamated a well
known funerary scene, the weighing of the heart, with an image from his own life, a
statue of *menhotep & 3used, for e-ample, in a festival: to create this unusual scene.
Without a clear copy of the scene it is difficult to verify whether the *menhotep
depicted is a statue, but it is a likely hypothesis
"15
.
+.5 %,E /&D> W&%, *DF#&<
"1+alek 3"===7 "9": states that a king or his statue may be a manifestation of a god although this does
not necessarily make the king himself a god.
"19<ee >riffiths 3146=7 "9(6: for a discussion of Csiris and his link to the deceased king.
"15&t has been suggested above 3p. 99: that the maBority of images of royal figures depicted in tombs
were, in fact, depictions of statues of the person.
6"
SernT 314"?7 16": notes that *menhotep & does not appear alone with *nubis in
depictions in private tombs at 'eir el(edina but is always accompanied by *hmose
Defertari. %his may be classed simply as a coincidence, but SernT saw this as an
important indication of the link between the god and the queen, stating that @celle(ci est
Wvidemment en conne-ion Wtroite avec *nubisA 3SernT 14"?7 16":. <cenes of *nubis
with royalty appear in %%9 3fig. 4:, %%"14, %%"5= 3fig. 9": and %%"4= 3fig. 98: in the
relevant period
"16
. *ll of these tombs are from 'eir el(edina. &t is possible, therefore,
that there may be a direct link between the use of *nubis in these scenes. &n %%"5=
*nubis is depicted with Bust *hmose(Defertari, while in the others he is shown with
both *hmose(Defertari and *menhotep &. ,e is not depicted at any point with Bust
*menhotep &.
Cne link that has been postulated between *nubis and *hmose(Defertari is their colour.
&n several scenes *hmose(Defertari is shown as a black figure which links her to *nubis
3SernT 14"?7 16":. <chMfer 314867 ?1: states that the male was usually depicted as
darker than the female in group depictions, with the man coloured a @reddish(brownA
while the woman tended to be @yellowA. %his suggests that *hmose(Defertari!s dark
colouring in certain scenes was unusual and may have had a symbolic element
"1?
,
possibly linking her to *nubis. ,owever, <chMfer 314867 ?1: also writes that @in groups
where individual elements...obscure one another...artists do not scruple to paint the
figures alternately light and darkA. ,ere, one is left to wonder whether, in depictions of
"16%%"14 may have been built towards to the end 1amesses &&!s reign or possibly during the reign of
erenptah, and %%"4= was created either in the reign of 1amesses && or the %wentieth 'ynasty.
"1?%his is, of course, provided one reBects the suggestion that she was Dubian and, therefore, had dark
skin in real life.
6+
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari as a pair, there was an aesthetic reason for depicting
the queen as black rather than a symbolic one. Cne must also remember that *hmose(
Defertari is not always depicted as being black. Cf 5+ relevant scenes mentioned by
,ollender, ++ show *hmose(Defertari with black skin
"18
while five depict her as gold,
nine were not coloured and the colour of the other five scenes is uncertain 3,ollender
"==47 158(164:. &nterestingly, the scenes of *hmose(Defertari with *nubis do not all
show her darkened skinP of three scenes, one shows her with gold skin, one with black
and one is not certain 3,ollender "==47 158(164: $ perhaps this points to another
e-planation for her colouring. Cr perhaps the presence of *nubis himself was seen, in
%%"5= where she is shown with gold skin alongside *nubis, to negate the need for her
black skin. #lack was the colour of resurrection and regeneration and this has been
suggested as an alternative reason for her dark colour
"14
, while anniche 3148"7 1=:
argued that her blackness represented a stage in the transformation before rebirth.
*nother possible hypothesis is that her black colouring was intended to link her with
Csiris in her role as the mother of the king who, as the wife and sister of Csiris, gave
birth to ,orus 3ercer 149"7 198:
""=
. %heories such as these imply that the reasons for
figures being depicted as black may not be connected with *nubis, and so contradict the
suggestion that images of a black *hmose(Defertari show a perceived link between her
and *nubis.
"18%his number may be either ++ or +9 $ ,ollender 3"==47 166: writes that the colour of *hmose(
Defertari in tomb *8 is @gelb 3?: oder verblichenes schwarGA.
"14%he use of the root !km! both for the colour black and for the Dile .alley 3>ardiner 145?7 54?, Erman
and >rapow 14"67 1"+: is a reminder that the colour was linked with the idea of inundation, rebirth
and fertile soil.
""=&mages of Csiris were often black and he was occasionally referred to as @the black oneA 3%aylor "==17
166: so it is possible that this colour was linked with him in the minds of the people. Cf course, the
idea that this could be a reason for the black colour of royal figures in tombs is unproven 3and leads to
the question of why *hmose(Defertari was depicted as black rather than the king, who had a far closer
connection with Csiris: and one cannot be sure that ordinary Egyptians had any real understanding of
such symbolism even if it did e-ist at state level.
69
'epictions of other royal figures who appear to be shaded in black also suggest that
*hmose(Defertari!s black colouring in the scenes mentioned above was for a reason
other than a link with *nubis
""1
. *n e-ample is a depiction from %%59 3fig. +9:, which
appears to show a black *menhotep & beside a white *hmose(Defertari, although
,ollender 3"==47 "54: records that *hmose(Defertari is depicted as black, stating that
the colour has faded. &t is possible, therefore, that both *hmose(Defertari and
*menhotep & were depicted as black in this tomb, which would imply that any
symbolism, whether it relates to *nubis or not, is linked with the king as well as the
queen, rather than being specifically linked to *hmose(Defertari
"""
.
&t has been suggested, in this study, that most of the images of royalty found in private
1amesside tombs at %hebes were, in fact, depictions of statues
""+
$ if this is the case then
it is likely that the image of a black *hmose(Defertari was a copy of a statue used in a
festival, or festivals. %his idea is supported by depictions of a black *hmose(Defertari
within a festival conte-t 3fig. 15:. &f this was the case then it contradicts the suggestion
that *hmose(Defertari was depicted as black to represent a connection with *nubis,
implying, instead, that her colouring was dependant upon which cult statue was chosen
""1&t is, however, difficult to be sure, without e-amining photos, whether original images were black or if
this is a misrepresentation by modern artists. %his issue is highlighted by ,ollender!s comment on the
scene in %%161, about which she notes that *hmose(Defertari is red in Lepsius! drawing, but black in
'avies! publication 3,ollender 14417 1+":. <trudwick 3"==17 +"(5:discusses the issues involved in
accurately recording the colour used in private tombs at %hebes.
"""*nother suggestion, made by <taehelin, is that the colour is representative of *hmose(Defertari as an
incarnation of the black ,athor cow 3<taehelin 14??7 1=64(1=?=:. %he idea of a link to ,athor would
fit with the black image of 1amesses && in %%"+ 3fig. "6:, as he is linked with ,athor in this scene.
#lumenthal 3"==17 +5: also mentions a relief in the /estner useum in ,annover that shows a black(
skinned king, from the reign of Debhepetre entuhotep, suckling an udder, probably belonging to
,athor. %his supports the idea that there was a link between the use of black skin and the ,athor cow.
#lumenthal!s suggestion that 1amesses && encouraged the link between ,athor and royal ancestors
3#lumenthal "==17 98: could e-plain the link between ,athor and royal figures at this time 3for details
see earlier discussion on the /henu(chapel at 'eir el(edina, p. ?, and on ,athor, pp. 56(6=:.
""+%his has been the conclusion reached by this study in the previous chapters 3see, for e-ample, p. 99:
65
for depiction within a tomb
""9
. %his throws further doubt on SernT!s suggestion of a link
between *hmose(Defertari and *nubis. %herefore, depictions of *nubis and *hmose(
Defertari must not be taken as an e-ample of a link between a queen and a god. *nubis
was only depicted with royal figures in four tombs in the early 1amesside 2eriod and so
it is far more likely that the high percentage of appearances of *nubis with *hmose(
Defertari were due to the preference of the tomb owners.
+.6 )CD)LF<&CD
&mages of the king were inserted into scenes of the gods, and occasionally took the place
of divine figures in private tombs at %hebes. %his does not mean, however, that the king
was viewed as divine alongside the members of the pantheon. While he was afforded a
degree of worship, it was in many ways similar to that afforded to the deceased
themselves 3similar scenes of offering to the deceased, or their family, can be found in
most private tombs in %hebes
""5
:. %he king was depicted alongside a wide range of gods,
and it seems that the choice of gods was due to local cults, and beliefs relating to death
3such as ,athor, whose cult was strong in the area, and *nubis, who was closely linked
with funerary belief:. *utobiographical reports may have been responsible for the
content of scenes of worship to living kings. *lthough one may attribute certain images
of *menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari to a more lasting belief in the pair as holding a
type of !divine! status, for the most part one is left to conclude that the king was afforded
""9%his leaves one with the question of why certain figures were depicted as being black in a festival and
ritual conte-t, rather than why they were shown as being black in a funerary conte-t. %herefore,
perhaps the answer lies in beliefs relating to rituals rather than beliefs about the afterlife.
Fnfortunately there is not space to discuss this issue further in this study, but it is an important
distinction and is worth more investigation.
""5* good e-ample can be found in %%", in which a man offers to 1amose 3the owner of %%?: and his
wife, and a man offers to the parents of the deceased 3>&* 2hoto 144+:.
66
worship and offering in his role as pharaoh, in the same way that he was given worship
at festivals 3with the implied connections to the divine: and not as a fully divine being.
Lorton 3"==+7 +(9: writes that one must think @in terms of two personas that inhabited a
kingA, that of his @individual human personaA and that of his @divine royal personaA (
this second persona was eternal and so, in a sense, while individual kings died and were
replaced, there was only one king and this was the @divine royal personaA. #aines 314457
6: notes that the pharaoh was a @human mortal with a divine role in an !everlasting!
officeA. *s such, while each mortal king lived and died, the !king! as a concept was
eternal. <ilverman 314457 65: suggests that the king became fully divine at his accession
to office, which shows the distinction between the mortal king 3which <ilverman calls
Hm: and the office of kingship, which was represented by the fivefold titulary. %he king!s
divinity, therefore, was reliant upon his holding the office of kingship.
6?
CHAPTER #
OTHER ASPECTS RELATING TO THE KING
When looking at a depiction of the pharaoh one does not simply analyse the scene as a
whole, but looks at the image of the king himself, noting details such as how he is
dressed and what items are depicted with him. &t is by analysing these aspects alongside
the rest of the scene that one comes to a full understanding of how the role of the
pharaoh was perceived. %his study will look at three such aspectsP his headdresses, the
items he holds, and the epithets he is given, in order to gain further insight into how the
owners of the %heban tombs understood the place of the king
""6
. >oebs notes that
ordinary people may not have understood the full ideology behind the crowns depicted
in their tombs but suggests that there must have been @underlying conceptual structuresA
shared by various classes, or else communication between the levels of society would
not have been possible and @one of the primary aims of royal rituals and symbols $ the
securing of political power and thus social stability $ would not have been achievedA
3>oebs "==87 +?5:. %his implies that it was through symbols such as crowns that the
state invoked beliefs allowing it to legitimise itself in the eyes of the people.
9.1 ,E*''1E<<E< *D' )1CWD<7
#ruyYre states that *menhotep & was depicted in only three different crowns at 'eir el(
""6&t is important to remember that while the owners of the tomb were, in theory, responsible for its
decoration, the artists may have had a noticeable effect on the images and te-ts that appear. /eller!s
study of the artists who created the decoration in %%+54 suggests that they may have personalised
them in some ways, an e-ample being Debnefer!s inclusion of his own, and his brother!s, names in a
prayer 3/eller "==178?:.
68
edina $ the nms
""?
, the xprS
""8
and the Swt.y
""4
3)ollier 14467 118:. %his appears to be
correct when the scenes are e-amined. ,owever, other crowns are found worn by kings
in depictions in tombs at other sites on the west bank at %hebes 3app. 19
"+=
:, and several
crowns are a combination of two or more forms. %he most common headdresses worn
by royal figures in depictions in private tombs at %hebes
"+1
are the xprs 3+= occurrences
in scenes of kings:, the nms 3"1 occurrences: the Swty 314 e-amples on both male and
female royal figures:
"+"
and the flat, vulture crown 3"6 occurrences worn by female
figures: 3app. 19:.
%he Swt.y is most commonly found in scenes of worship of, and offering to, the king
2!!
and the xprS is the most common headdress found in scenes of festivals and processions
of the king
"+9
, although with four depictions in scenes with the gods. %he nms is not used
in scenes of the king as a part of everyday life, and it is notable that in four out of the
five e-amples of this headdress being worn on its own
"+5
by *menhotep & are in scenes in
""?%he nms was the headcloth that covered the head and hung part way down the back, and in front of the
shoulders $ )ollier 314467 64: notes that the striped nms showed that the cloth was tied at the back of
the head, under the hair, while the plain nms indicated that it was not tied.
""8%he xprS 3as opposed to the cap crown: was, by the 1amesside period, a tall caplike crown 3see
'avies 3W: 3148":: for a discussion of the origins of the xprS:. &t was @bulbous at the front with an
angle that rose from a ridge along the sides of the crownA 3)ollier 1446711=:.
""4%he Swt.y consisted of two feathers, either straight 3probably falcon feathers: or curved 3ostrich:
3)ollier 14467 5+(9:. #ruyYre 314+47 1?6: refers to this crown as a form an At f crown.
"+=&t is important to note that several scenes of the king can be classed in more than one category 3for
e-ample some scenes of a kinglist can also be understood as scenes of the king as a divine being.:
%herefore, the total number of scenes in which the king is wearing each crown does not match with the
total given in each category 3for e-ample, there are seven instances of the king wearing the xprS in
scenes from chapter one, eight from chapter two, and seven from chapter three. #ut the total number
of scenes of the king in this crown is only "=:.
"+1%hese figures are based on the depictions available to this study.
"+"%his may be because a large proportion of depictions are of *menhotep & and these are two of the
three crowns that he is most commonly found wearing 3as #ruyYre noted:.
"++#ased on the depictions which are available to this study, and those described in ,ollender 3"==47
158(164:, 16 e-amples of the king or queen wearing the Swt.y are in scenes of praise and offering to
the king, while it is only found si- times in scenes of the king as a historical figure, and one in a scene
of the king as a part of everyday life.
"+9%en out of 16 images of the king as a part of everyday life show him wearing the xprS.
"+5%his means without the nms being combined with a second headdress.
64
which he appears with other deceased pharaohs 3,ollender "==47 158(164:
"+6
. 2erhaps
certain headdresses were commonly associated either with specific events or scenes, or
with aspects of kingship. >oebs 3"==?7 "4=: writes that the large variety of crowns worn
by the king is linked with the @multipart character of the royal titularyA. <he goes on to
assert that it was through receiving the crowns at his coronation that the king achieved
divine status 3>oebs "==?7 "4=:. *s such, the headdresses worn by the king are more
than decoration, they represent aspects of the royal persona. 'avies 3W: 3148"7 ?5:
notes that Egyptian scenes depict the king performing the same rituals in the same
clothes and ornaments but with different crowns, thus making it difficult to analyse
whether certain crowns had specific functions. %his may be true, but there could still be
a tendency towards depicting a certain headdress in a certain situation. &f one
understands the images of the king as representing statues, then this may help to show
what specific statues were used for. ;or e-ample, it would be likely that the xprS was
used in festivals of the king, while the nms may have been used in ancestor rituals
3which combined idea relating to the king as a historical figure with those of the king as
a divine being:.
%he Swt.y, as mentioned above, was confused with the Atf by #ruyYre in his e-cavations
at 'eir el(edina
"+?
, and for good reason. &t is significant that )ollier 314467 +?:
analysed them together 3alongside the sSm:, labelling them both @crowns of the
DetherworldA. %he two crowns can often be seen together $ #arguet 314517 "=?, figs.
9(5: noted that, at 'eir el(#ahri, sphin-es wearing the Swt.y are Bu-taposed with
"+6%hese scenes are in %%" 3with a row of kings: 3fig. +:, %%1= 3with ,oremheb, 1amesses & and <eti &:
3fig. 11:, %%? 3with ,oremheb and %hutmose &.: and %%+=6 3with a line of kings:. %he e-ception is
found in %%"85, where he is depicted as being protected by the ,athor cow.
"+?'escribing a stela from the tomb of eri <ekhmet in which *menhotep clearly wears the Swt.y,
#ruyYre 314+=7 9=, pl. &J: states @*menhotep &er, coiffW de la perruque capsulaire et de l!*tefA.
?=
sphin-es wearing the Atf, which he understood as linking the Swt.y with the king and the
Atf with his k3, and it may be that they represented two parts of a connected idea. &f this
is true then it is of interest that it is the Swt.y rather than the Atf that is represented in
%heban tombs
"+8
. )ollier has e-amined the coronation depiction of ,atshepsut on a
block from /arnak, on which the pharaoh is shown being crowned with the Swt.y by
ut and with the Atf by ,athor and suggests that, while the Atf represented kingship in
the netherworld
"+4
, the Swt.y represented kingship in the real world 3)ollier 14467 6=:
"9=
.
%herefore, by depicting the king wearing the Swt.y, tomb builders may have been linking
him with his role as a king in this world. *nother possible link of the Swt.y and Atf
crowns is with Csiris. Early Egyptologists thought that the Atf and Csiris crowns were
variants of the same crown 3)ollier 14467 99:. )ollier disagrees with this
"91
but the
similarity between the two is indisputable. &nterestingly, while Csiris can be seen
wearing both the 3tf and the Csiris crown, the king is only depicted in the Atf
!
.
%herefore, while royal crowns may be worn by gods, perhaps to suggest a link with the
king, divine crowns were not worn by the king. %hey were for the gods only. Whether
this shows an understanding by the people of this distinction, or whether the scenes were
merely copies, mirroring the distinction made by the state in festivals and on temple
"+8%his is especially interesting if one recalls the idea that most depictions of royal figures in private
tombs were, in fact, depictions of statues which, according to Cckinga, were commonly used to
represent the king!s kA 3Cckinga 14457 4?:. &f this were the case then one would e-pect royal figures in
tomb depictions to be wearing the Swt.y, which is not always the case 3images such as that of
*menhotep & in a procession in %%" 3fig. 1: show statues wearing the xprS:. &f #arguet!s claim is to be
taken as correct, then this implies that many of the statues depicted in scenes in private tombs
represent the king himself and not his kA 3this is, of course, if one accepts that Cckinga!s suggestion is
accurate, and that it was applied by the Egyptian people to their own lives:.
"+4<everal studies have linked the Atf to the netherworld $ *bou(#akre 314+?7"+: used funerary
inscriptions when discussing the Atf, which supports the view that it represented the deceased king as
opposed to the living one.
"9=%his appears to be a contradiction with her earlier statement that both were @crowns of the
DetherworldA 3)ollier 14467 +?:.
"91<ee )ollier 314467 99(51: for discussion of the links between the Csiris and Atf crowns.
"9",ollender 3"==47164: suggests, however, that *menhotep & is depicted wearing the Atf crown in a
depiction in %%99, and notes that he also wears it in depictions in %%91 and %%"1?. Without
reproductions of these scenes, however, it is difficult to verify this claim.
?1
walls without any real understanding by the tomb owner is uncertain.
%he use of the Swty as a headdress of the queen may be because of a belief that the two
feathers represented the two horiGons, east and west, and that the flat base symbolised
/hemmis, where &sis raised her son ,orus 3ercer 149"7 198:, which links to the
nurturing and maternal aspect of queenship. ,owever, it also reiterates the close links
between the iconography of kings and queens, as the Swt.y is also worn by the pharaoh
in depictions. %roy 314867 1"6: argues that the Atf developed an association with the king
while the Swty became an @established part of the iconography of royal womenA
"9+
. &ts
importance can be seen in the epithet used for both Defertiti and Defertari of ant m Swt.y
3pleasing in the two feathers: 3%roy 14867 1"6:
"99
. ,ere, one can see the passing of
iconography from the pharaoh to his consort, emphasising the queen!s importance as an
official figure.
Cne difficulty when looking at the symbolism of the xprS is that the crown connected
with this term appears to have changed in the course of pharaonic history 3'avies 3W:
148":
"95
. ,owever, to avoid confusion, this essay will use the term xprS to refer to the
blue crown. %he xprS has often been seen as a crown of war as it is frequently worn in
scenes of conflict and its aftermath, such as in the scenes representing the Libyan
"9+,owever, one must remember that this crown continued to be used for kings as well as queens
throughout the 1amesside 2eriod and so must not be solely seen as a crown of queenship in the latter
part of the Dew /ingdom, as table "6 in )ollier 314467 1+8: shows.
"99%his epithet can be seen in several places, such as in the %omb of 2anehsy at %hebes 3'avies 14=57 pl.
vii: and on statues of the queen 3Legrain 14=47 "=, pl. -vii:. <ee %roy 314867 1"?: for full details of the
use of this epithet.
"95'avies notes that the earliest mentions of the xprS can be found in the <econd &ntermediate 2eriod,
although the determinative used was that of the cap crownP one e-ample is the /arnak <tela of
Deferhotep &&& on which one reads that he was aprw m xprS 3adorned with the /hepresh: with the cap
crown used as a determinative 3'avies 3W: 148"7 64, pl. .&&:. &t is not until the Dew /ingdom that
one finds a representation of the xprS in its form of the blue crown, beginning with a !transitional! form
3which appears to be somewhere between that of the cap crown and blue crown: seen on two statues of
*hmose at the beginning of the Eighteenth 'ynasty 3'avies 3W: 148"7 figs.1"(1+:.
?"
campaign of <eti & at /arnakP in these scenes he is depicted riding in a chariot whilst
wearing the blue crown 3C&E< 14867 pl. "?:
"96
. ,owever, a large number of Dew
/ingdom depictions of this crown are in scenes of the king offering to, or receiving gifts
from, the gods. %hese include *menhotep &&& at <oleb 3>iorgini 14487 pl. 91: and <eti &
at *bydos 3'avid 14817 +?:, as well as depictions of *khenaten from the >reat %emple
at *marna 31oeder 14647 %":. %his could suggest that it represented the king as a
servant of the gods. 'avies 3W: 3148"7 ?5: has suggested that it was, in fact, a crown of
coronation. &f this view is taken, then perhaps one must understand the xprS as a symbol
of the legitimacy of kingship. )ollier 314467 1"+: agreed with this hypothesis, claiming
that the xprS implied that its owner was the @living heir of kingship from a line of
deceased kingsA
"9?
. #ryan emphasises the importance of making a distinction between
the living king and the deceased king, and implies that the xprS was a headdress used by
the living king, stating that it denoted the image 3twt: of the gods, a king who had not
yet merged with them but was their representative 3#ryan "==?7158:
"98
. %his does not fit
with images found in private %heban tombs, in which deceased kings are depicted
wearing the xprS. &f one accepts #ryan!s hypothesis on the symbolism of the crown, one
is forced to conclude that the use of the xprS as a headdress for deceased kings
demonstrates a lack of understanding, by the Egyptian people, of the symbols that
surrounded them
"94
. ,owever, it may be concluded that the Egyptians saw certain
deceased kings as !living! through the acts of their festivals and processions $ they
"96&n one instance he is holding the reigns, in the other he is in the smiting pose whilst crushing enemies
underneath the chariot.
"9?%his is especially interesting when one notes the similarity with the symbolism of the Swt.y which has
also been linked to the idea of kingship in this world 3as discussed above, p. ?1:.
"98#ryan!s study focuses on images of *menhotep &&& in the xprS 3and in particular a statue of him: and
basis her conclusion mainly on images of *menhotep &&& and *hkenaten 3#ryan "==?7 156(58:.
%herefore, one cannot assume that these conclusion are accurate for images of king in the early
1amesside 2eriod.
"94>oebs 3"==87 +?5: disagrees, suggesting instead that non(royal people must have had some
understanding of the symbolism of such obBects 3as discussed above, p. 68:.
?+
remained an active part of the life of the people and, therefore, were not viewed as
!deceased!
"5=
. %his may help to e-plain why the xprS is commonly found in depictions of
statues of the king carried during festivals, for e-ample in a festival procession of
*menhotep & depicted in %%" 3fig. 1:, as these scenes show an event that celebrated the
image of a !living! king. ,ardwick!s conclusion on the meaning of the crown appears to
support this idea, stating that the blue crown @emphasises the position of the king in this
world...by not focusing on his divine attributesA 3,ardwick "==+71"1:. ,owever,
,ardwick 3"==+7 114(1"=: also suggests that the blue crown was worn in depictions of
the king, especially in the early Dew /ingdom, when he was active 3such as hunting or
fighting: thus emphasising his mortal aspects,which was not the primary aim of festivals
3in which the king is often depicted wearing the xprS:
"51
. %herefore, one must not
overstate the connection between the xprS and the !living! king, especially as it is also
worn by the king in scenes of offering, in scenes with the gods 3figs. 6, ++, 9?, 51:, and
in kinglists 3fig. 19:
"5"
. 2erhaps the use of the same crowns in different conte-ts in
depictions shows that the images in private tombs were copies of statues of kings seen at
public events 31edford 14867 5+:. %hey were, therefore, copied complete with the crown
that was worn by the statue regardless of the scene in which the image was used.
&t has been suggested that certain groups, or dynasties, of kings were depicted in certain
ways 3for e-ample wearing certain crowns: 31edford 14867 59:, which implies that they
"5=Cne must remember that the king himself did not play an active role in the lives of the ordinary
people, and that they related to him largely through festivals, statues and substitutes. &t is possible that
they would not have seen any difference between the statue of a king who was, technically, living, and
the statue of a king who was, technically, dead. Earlier discussions on the divinity of the king, and the
!eternal! office of kingship may also e-plain the lack of distinction between !living! and !dead! pharaohs.
"51#y emulating divine festivals in which images of the gods were carried in processions 3such as the
#eautiful ;east of the .alley:, it would appear that similar festivals involving the statue of a king were
intended to emphasise the divinity of the pharaoh.
"5"<i- of the twelve kings depicted in this scene are wearing the xprS. %hey are %hutmose &, %hutmose &&,
%hutmose &&&, %hutmose &., *menhotep &&& and ,oremheb. *menhotep && is wearing the nms while the
other kings wear the uraeus, with or without the band.
?9
were not seen as single pharaohs with individual attributes, but as part of a group
"5+
. &n
%%14 the use of the xprS for the %hutmoside kings 3fig. 19: can be seen as supporting
this theory
"59
. ,owever, in this scene, ,oremheb and *menhotep &&& are also depicted in
the xprS which suggests that the e-planation is not a simple grouping of kings. *lthough
all of the kings in the xprS are from the Eighteenth 'ynasty, *menhotep && is shown,
instead, in the nms, which implies that the kings were not grouped chronologically. Cne
must question why *menhotep && alone is depicted in the nms did he hold a specific
importance for the owner of the tomb, or was there a cult statue of *menhotep && in the
region that was dressed in the nms
"55
? &n the kinglist in %%" 3fig. +: all of the kings are
shown wearing the nms, the queens wear the vulture crown, and the princes have a
sidelock, and the scene involving /asa in %%1= 3fig. 1=: also shows all of the kings
wearing the nms. %hese images suggest that the kings were simply depicted in the
headdress known either to the tomb owner, or the artist, with no real attempt to imitate a
known image or to identify the kings in groups.
*s mentioned earlier, the crown most commonly found worn by the queen in depictions
is the flat, vulture crown. %his is one of the oldest known female crowns. %roy 314867
11?: states that the earliest depictions of royal women wearing the crown date from the
;ifth 'ynasty, with it also being @outlined on determinatives of the name of royal
mother /hentkaues & at >iGaA, although it is possible that the headdress was in use
"5+*gain, this may be linked with the idea of each king being a personification of eternal kingship
3<ilverman 14457 6?:.
"591edford 314867 59: suggests that the %hutmosids, especially %hutmose &, &&& and &. were usually
depicted in the xprS.
"551edford 314867 5+: suggests that the use of certain headdresses shows an attempt to copy specific cult
statues, which shows, again, the importance of cult images in creating the cultural identity of the
peopleP he uses the e-ample of the row of kings in %%"89, in which the kings wear the white crown,
the ibs, and the red crown, and suggests that these were used to convey the @plurality of crowns a cult
image might wearA.
?5
earlier. &t was linked with the goddess Dekhbet, who had a role as the mythical mother
and protector of the king7 2% 5=4 of 2epi & reads @Nay you defend him DekhbetO.
When you have NdefendedO 2epi, Dekhbet...this 2epi shall be servedA 3*llen "==57 1?8:.
*nother passage says that @Qour mother is the great wild cow who dwells in DekhebA
3;aulkner 14647 Ftt. 91":. &n her role as mother and protector, Dekhbet has been
associated with ut, who had a role as the mother of the gods, and was the wife of
*mun, a position symbolically held by the queen in her role of Hm.t-nTr n Imn from the
time of *hmose(Defertari onwards 3%roy 14867 4?:
"56
. %he presence of a child on the
donation stela of *hmose(Defertari, believed to be the successor of *hmose 3%roy 14867
4?:, further emphasises the importance of the queen in legitimising the position of the
heir as the son of the god. %herefore, by depicting her in the vulture crown, perhaps the
artist intended to emphasise her role as the mother of the king and wife of the god.
9." E2&%,E%<7
%his subBect has already been touched on in relation to the oracle of *menhotep & at 'eir
el(edina, and so this chapter will look at the more general epithets used by all of the
kings represented, as these can give a wider picture of how the pharaoh was viewed.
Cne epithet commonly used for the king was nTr-nfr, and alek 3"===7 "91: comments
that this epithet was used by living kings. %hat this epithet can be found repeatedly in
temple depictions representing the reigning king supports this hypothesis
"5?
. 0uinn
314417 1?": claims that many of the epithets found in tombs at %hebes were usually
"56%he donation stela of *hmose Defertari documents her being given this title. ;urther discussion of this
stela can be found in >itton 314?6:.
"5?*n e-ample can be found in the temple at *bydos 3)alverley and #roome 14+57 pl. -i:.
?6
attached to a living king, including nTr-nfr, nb-tA.wy and nb-xa.w. *ll of the epithets
mentioned here are found in private tomb depictions of kings on the west bank at
%hebes
"58
, which again suggests that the deceased kings represented in tombs there were
considered to be !living!
"54
. %his can be more easily understood as part of a funerary
culture in which the dead were not separate from the living but e-isted, in many ways,
alongside them. Evidence such as letters to the dead, mainly from the Cld and iddle
/ingdoms
"6=
, and ancestor busts of the Dew /ingdom
"61
attest to this. ,owever, there
was a perceived distinction between the living and the dead, and the Egyptian language
had many words to describe the state of a being after death, such as Ax 3>ardiner 145?7
55=:
"6"
, which shows that the continued presence of the dead in everyday life did not
prevent the Egyptians from distinguishing between the living and the dead
"6+
. *ll of the
epithets used in tombs are also found in temple conte-ts
"69
, and so it is possible that they
were seen as a part of the !name! of the king and copied as such. &f this were the case
then one must, again, question whether people truly understood the implications of what
they were writing
"65
.
"58*n e-ample of this is the scene of the festival procession of %hutmose & in %%51 3fig. +":. ,ere the
king is referred to as nb-tA.wy and nb-xa.w.
"54%his idea can be linked with the symbolism of the Swt.y and xprS crowns which may have had a
similar meaning.
"6=<ee >ardiner and <ethe 314"8: for e-amples of letters to the dead.
"61<ee ;riedman 31485: and ,arrington 3"==5:.
"6"'emarWe 3148+7 14": remarks that the Ax, unlike concepts such as the bA and kA, represents an entity
that is separate from the human being. Ctto 314?57 5=: defines the Ax as denoting the @mighty deadA
3@Mchtigen %otenA:, a view that 'emarWe accepts, although 'emarWe also notes that the term Ax can
also be applied to gods 3'emarWe 148+7 "?6:.
"6+'emarWe discusses the importance of Ax iqr (n Ra), suggesting that this designates an Ax who has
@reached a privileged positions which enables him to act with godlike powersA 3'emarWe 148+7 "5+:.
&n this position the spirit may act either to help or to harm those who are alive 3'emarWe 148+7 "??:.
"69*n e-ample of the use of these epithets can be found in an image of <eti & at /arnak where the king is
referred to as nb-tA.wy and nb-xa.w 3C&E< 14867 pl. "?:. Cbviously the scenes mentioned here may not
have been directly accessible to ordinary people, but the use of the epithets discussed was so common
that they would have been visible to ordinary people in certain areas of temples. We must also
remember that people who served as priests may have had access to less public areas.
"65Cne must also remember that ordinary people may not have fully differentiated between living and
dead kings as neither played a regular part in local life e-cept through statues and festivals 3see above,
p. +=:
??
When looking at epithets of the queen, most of the evidence relates to *hmose(
Defertari, and so it is arguable that the epithets used may relate to her rather than the
!queen! in a more general sense. <he is frequently referred to as the Hm.t-nTr
"66
"
occasionally with the addition of n Imn. %his links to her role as the wife of *mun, and
may serve to connect her further with ,athor, in her role as the mother of the king
"6?
.
%he use of nb.t tA.wy
"68
as an epithet for the queen emphasises her link to the pharaoh in
his role as nb tA.wy" but it also gives her a place of her own as the female ruler of the
land. %his emphasises her importance in the ideology of the country. *gain, there may
be a link between the use of this epithet and the increased importance of the queen in the
Dew /ingdom, which reached its ape- in the reign of *khenaten with the elevation of
Defertiti to a position above that of any queen before her
"64
. %he title nb.t tA.wy is first
found in the titulary of royal women in the early Eighteenth 'ynasty, in the reign of
*hmose 3%roy 14867 1+5: although it was used as an epithet for the goddesses WadBet
and #astet from the ;ifth 'ynasty 3#orchardt 141+7 pls.+5, ?=:. %his supports the idea
that the adoption of this title by the queen was linked to her increased importance in the
Dew /ingdom
"?=
.
9.+ &%E< ,EL' #Q %,E /&D>7
"66*n e-ample can be found in %%" 3 fig. 6:.
"6?%his was discussed earlier with reference to the king!s title k3 mwt.f 3p. 5?:.
"68%his can be seen in %%1=6 in the scene of offering to the king and queen 3fig. +6:.
"64*rnold 314467 49, figs.19(15: suggests that the presence of depictions of Defertiti on the sarcophagus
of her husband in place of the usual goddesses implies that she was raised to divine status alongside
him.
"?=%roy 314867 1+9(1+6: discusses the increased importance of the queen and the emergence of this title
in the Dew /ingdomP she links it to the title Hnwt-tA.wy 3Lady of the %wo Lands:, suggesting that the
two titles were complimentary and demonstrated her role as a @symmetric equivalent to the male role
Nof kingO.A
?8
'epictions of the king in %heban tombs usually include items being held by the royal
figures, which may help towards further understanding of how the king was perceived
by the owners of the tombs. >oebs 3"==?7 "4=("41: argues that items such as staffs and
sceptres were important in helping the king to appear as the divine being represented in
the ideology of kingship after his transformation at his coronation. %he pharaoh is most
commonly depicted in private %heban tombs in the period with a combination of three
itemsP the flail, the anx, and the HqA. While the anx is found in the possession of both
kings and queens, the flail and the HqA are only held by the king in depictions
"?1
.
%he HqA (crook: is one of the most recognisable symbols of rule. &ts use as the
hieroglyph for !ruler! demonstrates how closely it was connected with the concept of
kingship, although interestingly >ardiner 3145?7 58+: specifies that the term Hq3 can
only be translated as !ruler! when followed by a determinative of a king holding the flail.
%his is a reminder of the importance of both in the iconography of kingship
"?"
. &t is
possible that both the crook and the flail were taken from the imagery of the god
*ndBety, who was depicted in the 2redynastic 2eriod holding both items 3Dewberry
14"47 89:. *ndBety was then assimilated in the god Csiris of #usiris, and passed this
insignia on to him, from where it became linked with the king 3Dewberry 14"47 89:
"?+
.
%he flail can also be found separately from the crook in ;irst 'ynasty depictions of
"?1&n the depictions available to this study, the king holds the ;lail +6 times, the HqA 9" times, and the anx
"" times. %he queen also holds the anx "" times. ,owever, it must be remembered that several of the
images are damaged and so it is difficult to be sure which items are included, and in others it is
possible that the artist recording the scene has missed an item. *n e-ample of this can be found in a
scene in %%59 3fig. +9:, in which the pose of the king, whose right hand is empty, directly mirrors that
of a scene in %%51 3fig. ++: in which the king holds the anx. %his implies that the figure in %%59 was
holding an anx, although it is not included in the reproduction.
"?"<halomi(,en 3"==67 11=: discusses the importance of the crook and flail in @classifiersA of royal
names in the Cld /ingdom, noting that royal cartouches can be followed by the sign of a seated king
holding the flail and, sometimes, the crook. ,e also cites the use of the same sign for the word !niswt-
biti.w' in the *utobiography of Weni 3<halomi(,en "==67 111:.
"?+>riffiths 3148=7 1+8: disagrees, suggesting that the insignia of *ndBety may have passed to the king,
and from him to Csiris when the dead king became Csiris.
?4
/ing 'en during the rituals of the <ed(;estival 32etrie 14==7 pl. 15
"?9
:. Cne function of
this festival was the renewal of the rulership of the king
"?5
. &t is, therefore, possible, that
the symbolism of the flail was connected with this idea. <ome scholars have suggested
that it may be a ladanisterion 3Dewberry 14"47 8?:
"?6
and, therefore, its use in depictions
of the pharaoh could underline the shepherding role of the pharaoh. %his is supported by
the identification of the HqA as a shepherd!s crook 3Dewberry 14"47 89:. Evidence from
ostracae links the idea of a shepherd with *mun $ 2osener 314?57 "=": discusses this in
reference to the ostracae from 0urna using the e-ample of no.1""1" which reads !Imn-
Ra pA mniw n Hr nb' 3!*mun(1e, the shepherd of all people!:.
"??
2ossibly, therefore, the
use of the crook and flail in the Dew /ingdom linked the king to *mun the shepherd,
although they have also been connected with both in and Csiris, among others, in
depictions 3Dewberry 14"47 86:. %he actual function of the flail, however, remains open
to interpretation, with other scholars seeing it as a whip, and a fly(whisk
"?8
. 'espite this,
the use of the crook and flail by both gods and kings, regardless of their origins, can be
understood as emphasising the interrelation of the role of the king and the role of the
gods.
%he anx is also commonly held by the king and queen. &t is held in a variety of scenes
although not usually in those of festivals
"?4
. %here is debate over the origin of the
symbol, with >ardiner 3145?7 5=8: seeing it as a sandal strap
"8=
, Westendorf 314667 1(9:
"?9%his ebony tablet from *bydos shows 'en holding the flail, and also running between si- markers.
"?5<ee artin 314897 ?8"(?4=: for a discussion of the <ed ;estival.
"?6%his was used by early goatherds to collect the precious substance ladanum 3Dewberry 14"47 8?:.
"??<ee also Luiselli!s discussion of p. #oulaq 1?, which also refers to the shepherding role of the king
3Luiselli "==97 "9:.
"?8Dewberry 314"4786(49: reBects these suggestions, concluding that it was linked to the collection of
ladenum.
"?4*n e-ception can be found in a scene in %%14, where a statue of the king can be seen holding the anx
3fig. 16:.
"8=<ee >ardiner 3145?7 5=8: for references both supporting and contradicting this identification of the
sign, which he defines as a @tie or sandal(strap 3as symbol of life known as !the ankh!:A.
8=
understanding it as a girdle(tie which he linked to the @knot of &sisA, #arta 314?"7 6:
arguing that it was connected with the cartouche of the king!s name
"81
, and #aines 314?57
"1: suggesting that it may have had a link to sundisks in its later usage. ,owever, it is
generally accepted that the symbol represented life, which included but was not
restricted to eternal life, as seen in the translation of the word anx as !life!, and anxw as
!the living! 3>ardiner 145?7 55?:
"8"
. &t can often be found held by the gods in royal tomb
depictions and is used, when held to the mouth of the deceased, to show them being
granted life 3'odson and &kram "==87 1"=:. &t is, therefore, of interest that the king and
queen are frequently depicted in private %heban tombs holding an anx(sign. %his could
put them in a position similar to that of the gods who carry the anx, or it could illustrate
that the king depicted is in possession of the anx, having been imbued with it by the
gods, as scenes of the king receiving the anx in depictions in royal tombs of the period
show
"8+
. >oebs 3"==?7 181: suggests that images of the king receiving the anx from the
gods represent the king being fashioned in the gods! image. &t is important to note that
the king is never depicted offering the anx to a deceased person in the %heban tombs that
have been studied here, this is the right of the gods only. %his suggests that there was a
perceived difference between the deceased king 3who possessed the anx: and the gods
3whose right it was to bestow the anx:.
9.9 )CD)LF<&CD7
"81#aines 314?5718: notes that the sign with which #arta connects the anx is green, which contrasts with
the common use of blue when writing an anx sign.
"8"Cther terms, such as Dt nHH were used to clarify when the term !eternal life! was meant 3anx Dt nHH:.
,owever, while the word appears to have meant only !life!, e-cept when followed by other terms, the
symbol in the hand of a deceased person may have been understood as representing the continuation of
life in the afterlife, essentially !eternal life!. %his is a reminder that there was a fine distinction between
the living and the dead who continued to e-ist in the afterlife.
"8+* scene from the tomb of 1amesses && shows the king in front of 1e(,orakhty, who holds the anx
3Lepsius 1894(18587 1?"NgO:.
81
%he crowns, epithets and other items that have been discussed support the idea that, after
his reign, the king was not seen as !dead! in the same way that ordinary members of
society were 3this can be seen especially in the epithets used:, but neither was he given
the same position as the gods, although links between the king and the divine were
constantly alluded to, for e-ample through the use of crowns and insignia that were
shared with deities
"89
. When one looks, however, at the crowns and epithets, as well as
other obBects, in tomb scenes, it is debatable whether these aspects represent the beliefs
of the tomb owners or are simply copies of what they saw in their lives. 2erhaps the
obBects found in these scenes merely demonstrate the aspects of kingship that were
emphasised in official imagery. ,owever, the fact that they occur in tomb scenes
suggests that the imagery entered into the cultural memory of the people, even if they
did not fully understand the implications.
"89*s has been suggested throughout this study, the king held a position between that of man and god. *s
a mortal being who became divine through the office he held, he was not fully human but nor was he
fully a god 3#aines 14457 6:.
8"
CONCLUSION
%he study of cultural memory in *ncient Egypt is a relatively new one. *ssmann, in
particular, has discussed the issue in great detail
"85
. ,owever, what studies have often
failed to do is look at specific case studies to support their theories. %his study has
attempted to do Bust thisP it has e-amined specific evidence that has allowed detailed
conclusions to be drawn on the nature of cultural memory in Egypt by showing the
diverse ways in which the king, and other members of the royal family, were represented
in private tombs at %hebes. %he king was seen as a part of a royal genealogy alongside
other deceased pharaohs, as well as alongside the gods. ost importantly, however, he
was seen as a part of everyday life, and it is this role that afforded the king a place in the
cultural memory of the people. ,albwachs 3144"7 "9:
"86
emphasised the importance of
the present in shaping one!s understanding of the past, claiming that history can only be
kept alive through re(enactments, festivals and other rituals. %his study supports
,albwachs! hypothesis, but it goes one step further, suggesting that rituals were
important to allow not only a connection with the past, but also with certain aspects of
the present. %he state was able, therefore, to use public events and festivals to forge a
connection between itself and the localities. %his connection was strengthened by the
interaction of ordinary people with establishments such as mortuary estates. %he
maBority of images of the king in private tombs which have been discussed are, in fact,
depictions of a statue of the king. ,ere, one can see that it was through these statues
which played an active part in the lives of the communities, that the people felt a
"85*ssmann 3"==6: is one e-ample of his work on the subBect.
"86,albwachs! study on !)ollective memory! 3,albwachs 144": is fundamental in understanding this
comple- topic.
8+
connection with the pharaoh, rather than through the person of the king himself. &t
appears that these images replaced the actual person of the king in the minds of the
people, so that when they came to depict the pharaoh in their tombs they were unable to
produce an accurate likeness of the king, but could, instead, replicate his statue.
1edford!s discussion about which crowns were used in representations of rows of kings
31edford 14867 59: also leads one to wonder if images of the king in private tombs were
less depictions of individuals and more representations of the idea of the king as the
head of the state
"8?
. ;rankfort 314617 96: writes that @Egyptian monuments and
te-ts...hid the individuality of the kings under generalities.A Whether this is entirely true
is debatable, but one must wonder whether local understanding of the king was, at least
in part, fulfilling this theory.
&t is not surprising, therefore, that there was very little distinction made between !living!
and !deceased! kings in tomb scenes. /inglists in private tombs gave some sense of
genealogy and their e-clusion of the living king may suggest some understanding of the
difference between the living king and his ancestors, but the same cannot be said of
other scenes of the king. %he people did not have a connection with the king as a person,
so they were not affected by his death, or his succession by another king ( the statues
that they used in festivals and rituals, and the images on temple walls, were unchanging.
%here is some evidence of royal activity in the villages, but it is sparse
"88
, and it likely
that these visits were highly irregular, the gaps perhaps being punctuated by visits from
royal officials. %herefore, the images present at the frequent rituals and festivals in the
"8?/antorowicG 3144?7 +69(+?": discusses the distinction between the king as a person and the king as a
representative of the crown in medieval political theory, and the issues relating to this distinction.
*lthough this book focuses on a different society, it does emphasise the importance of seeing the
person of the king as separate from the state.
"88<ee above 3p. ?: for a discussion of o.)airo "556= which records a visit of <eti & to the West #ank at
%hebes.
89
localities achieved a role in the cultural memory of the community that the pharaoh
himself, through his infrequent appearances, could not. %he depictions of the king with
the ,athor cow that are found in private tombs at %hebes, are further evidence that it
was active cults that were most successfully integrated into the cultural memory of the
people $ ,athor, and particularly the ,athor cow, had an important cult at 'eir el(#ahri
in the 1amesside 2eriod, and it is likely that the tomb builders on the West #ank would
have at least been aware of this, if not actually patrons of it
"84
. %herefore, images of the
king with the ,athor cow can be seen as an amalgamation of two cults, one royal and
one divine, which were both active in the lives of the villagers.
Cf course, the fact that local identification with the king focused on statues of him rather
than on the actual person of the pharaoh does not mean that the state had failed to e-ert
its control over the localities. *ssmann 3"==67 41: writes that @memory is a system that
is imposed from outside and can only be sustained by state powerA. any of the
festivals and rituals found in the Egyptian localities were state sponsored 3such as the
#eautiful ;estival of the .alley, and the in ;estival at %hebes:, and others were
probably derived from them, or based in chapels that were sponsored by the state 3such
as seen at the ,athor and /henu chapel at 'eir el(edina 3E-ell "==67 54::. %herefore,
the statue cults that dominated the West(#ank at %hebes can be seen as e-amples of the
state successfully integrating itself into the lives of the people on a level that they were
able to connect with. #y allowing imagery of himself to become a part of the everyday
lives of the villagers, the pharaoh was giving himself a relevance that no amount of
official visits could match. &f this is true then one is left with the question of how much
"84Evidence of patronage of the cults at 'eir el(#ahri can be found on the stela of 0enherkhepshef, a
Dineteenth 'ynasty scribe from 'eir el(edina, who records his many pious acts including spending
the night in the forecourts of shrines 32inch 144+7 +5":.
85
of the imagery found in tombs can be seen as representing the individual beliefs of the
people, and how much was merely a copy of official ideology. Was there a fundamental
distinction between the imagery of the elite and that of the ordinary people, between
!high! and !low! culture? &t appears that the culture of the common people in many ways
emulated that of the elite and the state, and it was through this that the state attempted to
legitimise its position and create a united population. &mages which amalgamated more
than one cult, such as those of *menhotep & with ,athor 3fig. 8:, suggest that ordinary
people assimilated these state sponsored images and personalised them, so that the !low!
culture of Egypt did not Bust copy the !high! culture, but adapted it to their own needs.
%he omission of certain figures from private tomb scenes in the 1amesside 2eriod can
also be seen within this framework, as the state must reBect certain aspects of history in
order to maintain the traditions and cultural memory that best serves its aims. %he cases
of ,atshepsut and *khenaten
"4=
are good e-amples of this. *ssmann 3"==67 +: notes that
@forgetting is Bust as important as rememberingA in creating cultural and communicative
memory and traditions. %herefore, the reBection of certain subBects within the scenes that
have been studied teaches as much as the inclusion of others, and, again, shows a public
acceptance of state doctrine.
%he state, through ritual and tradition, encouraged a certain view of the world and of the
king, and the depictions that have been studied must be seen as a result of that. &t has
been shown that the cultural memory of the localities, which was represented in tomb
depictions, was to a large e-tent dependant upon the people!s involvement in active
cults, and interaction with royal mortuary estates. !/ingship! was an ideal that was
"4=%his was discussed above 3p. +6:.
86
integrated into their everyday lives, thus creating a connection with the state that was, in
other ways, so detached.
8?
$APS

88
[Not available in the digital version of this thesis]
FIGURES
48
[Not available in the digital version of this thesis]
APPENDICES
1+"
A%%&'() 1* T+,- (&./01
Do. Dame
"41
<ite
"4"
'ate
"4+
" /habekhnet 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
9 /en 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
? 1amose 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
1= 2enbuy and /asa 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
19 ,uy 'ra abu el(Daga 14p"= 'ynasty
16 2inehas 'ra abu el(Daga 1amesses &&(erenptah
14 *menmose 'ra abu el(Daga 1amesses && 31amesses &(
<eti &:
"+ %Bay 3%o: <heik abd el(0urna 3erenptah:
+1 /honsu <heik abd el(0urna 1amesses &&
91 *menemopet <heik abd el(0urna ,oremheb(<eti & 31amesses
& $ <eti &:
99 *menemheb <heik abd el(0urna "= 'ynasty 31amesside:
51 Fserhat <heik abd el(0urna 1amesses &(<eti &
59 ,uy 3/enro: <heik abd el(0urna 1amesses && 3early 14
'ynasty:
1=6 2aser <heik abd el(0urna 31amesses &(<eti &:
1+9 %hauenary 3*ny: <heik abd el(0urna "= 'ynasty 314 'ynasty:
1+? osi <heik *bd el(0urna 31amesses &&:
191 #akenkhons 'ra abu el(Daga "= 'ynasty 31amesside:
194 *menmose 'ra abu el(Daga "= 'ynasty 31amesside:
15+ 'ra abu el(Daga Late 14 'ynasty 3<eti &:
15? Debwenenef 'ra *bu el(Daga 1amesses &&
1?8 /enro 3Deferrenpet: el(/hokha 1amesses &&
149 'Butenheb el(*saif 1amesses &&
"1= 1aweben 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
"16 Deferhotep 'eir el(edina 31amesses &&(<eti &&:
"1? &puy 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
"14 Debenmaat 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&(erenptah.
"5= 1amose 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
"41Dames and their spellings are based on the information given in 2orter and oss 3146=:. >aps denote
where there is no name in 2orter and oss 3146=: and also not be found in any other source.
"4"<ee maps for position of sites, and of tombs within sites.
"4+'ating is based on that given in /ampp 31446a7 19=(19+:. %hose given in brackets relate to the dating
given in 2orter and oss 3146=: where they do not agree with /ampp!s findings, or where /ampp
does not give a date.
1++
"?5 <ebkmose 0urnet urnai Late 18 'ynasty
31amesside:
"?? *menomonet 0urnet urnai "= 'ynasty 31amesside:
"85 &ny 'ra abu el(Daga "= 'ynasty 31amesside:
"4= &rinufer 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&p"= 'ynasty
"46 Defersekheru 32asaba: el(/hokha 1amesses &&
+== *nhotep 'ra abu el(Daga 1amesses &&
+=" 2araemheb 'ra abu el(Daga 31amesside:
+=6 &rdBanen 'ra abu el(Daga "=("1 'ynasty 314("1
'ynasty:
+"6 2ashedu 'eir el(edina 31amesside:
++" 2enernutet 'ra *bu el(Daga 31amesside:
++5 Dakhtamun 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
+91 Dekhtamun <heik *bd el(0urna "= 'ynasty 31amesses &&:
+99 2iay 'ra abu el(Daga 1amesses &&
+5? %utikermakhtuf 'eir el(edina 1amesses &&
+?5 'ra abu el(Daga 31amesside:
+?? 'ra abu el(Daga Late 14 'ynastyp"=
'ynasty
+89 Debmehyt <heik abd el(0urna 314 'ynasty:
*1" Debwenenef 'ra *bu el(Daga 31amesside:
*19 'ra *bu el(Daga 31amesses &&:
*18 *menemopet 'ra *bu el(Daga 31amesside:
)? ,armosi <heik abd el(0urna 31amesses &&:
1+9
A%%&'() 2* T.0&1 +2 T+,- O3'&41
Do. Dame
%itles
"49
" /habekhnet <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
9 /en
)hiseller of *mun in the 2lace of %ruth.
? 1amose <cribe in the 2lace of %ruth.
1= 2enbuy and /asa
<ervants in the 2lace of %ruth.
19 ,uy Wab(priest of *menhotep, the favourite of *mun.
16 2anehsi
2rophet of !*menhotep of the ;orecourt!.
14 *menmose ;irst 2rophet of !*menhotep of the ;orecourt!.
"+ %Bay 3%o:
1oyal scribe of the dispatches of the Lord of the %wo
Lands.
+1 /honsu ;irst 2rophet of enkheperre.
91 *menemopet
)hief <teward of *mun in the <outhern )ity.
99 *menemheb Wab(priest in front of *mun.
51 Fserhat
;irst prophet of the royal ka of %hutmose &.
59 ,uy 3/enro: Wab(priestP ,ead of the agaGine of /honsu.
1=6 2aser
>overnor of the townP .iGier
1+9 %hauenary 3*ny: 2rophet of *menhotep who navigates on the sea of *mun.
1+? osi
,ead of works of the Lord of the %wo Lands in every
monument of *mun.
191 #akenkhons Wab(priest of *mun
194 *menmose
1oyal scribe of the table of the Lord of the %wo LandsP
Cverseer of the huntsmen of *mun.
15+
15? Debwenenef
;irst prophet of *mun.
1?8 /enro 3Deferrenpet: <cribe of the treasury in the estate of *mun(1e.
149 'Butenheb
Cverseer of marshland dwellers of the estate of *munP
<cribe of the temple of *mun.
"1= 1aweben <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
"16 Deferhotep
;oreman.
"1? &puy <culptor
"14 Debenmaat
<ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
"49%hese are based on the titles given in 2orter and oss 3146=:. *ny gaps denote where there is no
information given in 2orter and oss 3146=: and the information cannot be found in any other source.
1+5
"5= 1amose <cribe in the 2lace of %ruth.
"?5 <ebkmose
,ead wab(priestP 'ivine father in the temples of
*menhotep &&&, and <okar.
"?? *menomonet 'ivine father of the mansion of *menhotep &&&.
"85 &ny
,ead of the agaGine of ut.
"4= &rinufer <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
"46 Defersekheru
32asaba:
<cribe of the divine offerings of all the godsP Cfficer of
the treasury...in the <outhern )ity.
+== *nhotep .iceroy of /ushP >overnor of the <outh LandsP <cribe of
the table of the Lord of the %wo Lands.
+=" 2araemheb
Cverseer of the magaGine.
+=6 &rdBanen 'oor(opener of the estate of *mun.
+"6 2ashedu
;oreman.
++" 2enernutet )hief watchman of the >ranary of the estate of *mun.
++5 Dakhtamun
Wab(priest of *menhotep 3&: Lord of the %wo LandsP
)hiseller of *munP <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
+91 Dekhtamun ,ead of the altar in the 1amesseum.
+99 2iay
Cverseer of the herds of *mun(1e in the <outhern )ityP
1oyal scribe of the herds of *menhotep &.
+5? %utikermakhtuf <ervant in the 2lace of %ruth.
+?5
+??
+89 Debmehyt
2riest of *mun in the 1amesseum.
*1" Debwenenef Cverseer of marshland dwellers of the estate of *mun.
*19
*18 *menemopet 2rophet of *mun(1eP <ecretaryP )hief of scribes in the
estate of *mun.
)? ,armosi
,ead custodian of the treasury in the /ing!s mansion on
the west of %hebes.
1+6
A%%&'() !* A%%&'() .+ C5/%.&4 1 (T5& K'6 /1 %/4. +2 E7&48(/8 L2&)
%omb Location 'escription 1eferences ;ig.
" ,all 34: 'eceased with wife offers on
braGiers to statue of *menhotep & in
palanquin carried by priests, and
statue of *mun.
>&* 2hoto 144+ NleftO 1
" ,all 311: N'eceasedO before statue of
*menhotep & in palanquin carried by
priests, and statue of *mun, both
protected by aat.
SernT 14"?7 16?, fig.19P
Lepsius 1894(18587 " NcOP
>&* 2hotos 1449 NleftO,
1445.
9
" 2yramid 'eceased adores royal statue and
,athor cow in mountain.
19 ,all 31: 3i:2riests before two royal statues
in palanquins.
3ii:;emale mourners and priest before
royal statues.
#aud 14+57 pl.iii
Werbrouck 14+87 fig. 6
1"
1+
19 ,all 35: 2riest censes before *menhotep &
and N*hmose(DefertariO in
palanquins carried by priests with
mourners below.
14 ,all 3+: .alley festival and funeral
procession7
i. N#arkO of ut and bark of *mun(
1e towed on canal, Nstatue of
*menhotep of the forecourt in
palanquin carried by priestsO, and
men acclaiming.
ii. #ark with statue of *hmose(
Defertari dragged from temple.
;oucart 14+57 pls.ii(iv, vi,
i-, figs. iv(vi.
16
15
14 ,all 39: ;estival of *menhotep & and
funeral procession7
i. " scenes7
a. Nbark of *menhotep & on lake with
female mourners and men dragging
royal statueO.
b. single(stick and wrestling, and
bark of %hutmose &&& before his
temple.
iib. bark of *hmose(Defertari towed
on lake with trees, heaps of offerings,
and female mourners, and " statues of
*menhotep & in palanquins with
priests in front of temple.
;oucart 14+57 pls. -i(-vi
""
14
"=
"1
18
"+ ,all 318: 'eceased with courtiers
1+?
rewarded before erenptah with
souls of 2e and Dekhen and winged
goddess.
+1 ,all 39p5p6: ;estival of ontu, 9 scenes7
i. Fsermontu, .iGier, and his brother
,uy, 2rophet of ontu, offer bark to
ontu, all in bark towed by "
military boats abreast, with father of
deceased and his + sons censing and
libating above.
ii. 'eceased offers to bark of
%uthmosis &&& in kiosk.
iii. *rrival of bark of ontu with
Fsermontu and ,uy and " tugs,
followed by priests and priestesses,
including Fserhet, <teward of 0ueen
%eye.
iv. *rrival of bark of ontu carried
by priests at temple of *rmant,
showing statue of hawk protecting
the king, and deceased with ba
libating to NbarkO in shrine.
'avies and >ardiner 14987
pls. -(-iii "8
"8
"4
+=
+1 ,all 38: ;estival of %hutmose &&&, with
royal bark in procession before
temple, received by priests and
priestesses 3songstresses of ontu:.
,erdsmen with dogs bringing cows
and goats before deceased, 1uia, and
family, with standard of estate of
%hutmose &. in front.
'avies and >ardiner,
14987 pl. -vP
WresGinski 14"+7 &.1"8(+=P
;arina 14"47 pl. cl---iiP
+1
51 ,all 35: ;estival procession of %hutmose
&7 en bringing supplies and
deceased leaving temple adores royal
barkP royal statue dragged, and in
bark on lake.
'avies 14"?7 pls. -vi
WresGinski 14"+7 1?+
3called tomb 5=:.
+"
1=6 ,all 35: 'eceased rewarded and
acclaimed by courtiers before N<eti &O
followed by aat, with souls of 2e
and Dekhen in front of him 3all in
kiosk:.
* photos7 %."4=8(4
1=6 ,all 36: 'eceased outside temple
approves statue of <eti &.
* photos7 %."4=5(6P
Lepsius 1894(18587 1+"
NpO
+5
15? ,all 38: 'eceased, followed by fanbearer
and priest with te-t of appointment in
year & as ,igh 2riest of *mun, before
1amesses && and 3erymut: Defertari
in palace window.
<chott photos7 66"?(4 +8
+4
"16 ,all 31+: NenO before 1amesses && in
1+8
kiosk.
"1? ,all 3": 'eceased with officials rewarded
and acclaimed before 1amesses && in
palace window with captives on
sides.
#ruyYre 14"6a7 +4(9=,
figs. "?, ?=.
"?? ,all 3"p+: + scenes7
i. <tatues of %eye and *menhotep &&&
dragged in procession.
ii. #oat with shrine towed on lake.
iii. 'eceased censing and libating
before statue of Deb(ent, 0ueen
Deferys 3probs *hmose(Defertari:,
and ,athor cow in mountain.
.andier d!*bbadie 14597
pls. .i(viii, -, -iii, -v
,ermann 14+67 pl.6 Na,cO.
9+
99
96
95
+99 ,all 38: N<tatues of *menhotep & and
*hmose(DefertariO in palanquins
carried by priests.
2etrie 14=4b7 pl.---i- 5+
*19 ,all N'eceased beforeO 1amesses && in
palace window.
)? ,all 'eceased adores bark of 1amesses &&,
and adores bark of 2tah(<okar.
1+4
A%%&'() #* A%%&'() .+ C5/%.&4 2 (T5& K'6 /1 / H1.+49/0 F6:4&)
%om
b
Location 'escription 1eferences ;ig.
" ,all 31=: 'eceased offers to two rows of
kings, queens and princes. %hese are
*menhotep &, *hmose(Defertari,
<eqenenre %ao, *hhotep, nine queens,
<apair, Debhepetre(entuhotep,
*hmose, <ekhentenre, /amose, five
princes and four queens 31edford
14867 98:.
Lepsius 1894(18587 " NaO +
" ,all 31": N'eceasedO before *menhotep &,
*hmose(Defertari and 2rincess
erytamun.
>&* photo 1485 "
" Entrance to
inner room of
burial
chamber
3"5: Lintelq)artouches of *menhotep
&, *hmose(Defertari, NerytOamun
and NDebhepetOre(enNtuhotepO, and
#uto of 'epet as serpent.
#ruyYre 14"6b7 96.
9 )hapel 38: *hmose(Defertari and erytamun
on either side, and statue of ,athor
cow protecting *menhotep & in
centre.
SernT 14"?7 1?9, pl.iv 8
? )hapel 3+: an adores *menhotep &,
*hmose(Defertari, ,oremhab and
%hutmose &..
SernT 14"?7 1?5
1= <hrine 36: 'ouble scene7
i. 2enbuy and brother, 2enshenabu,
before *menhotep &, *hmose(
Defertari, N<eti &?O, 1amesses & and
,oremhab.
ii. /asa and <on before <eti &,
1amesses & and ,oremhab.
Lepsius 1894(18587 1?+
Nb, cO 11
1=
14 ,all 39: N'eceased and priests before two
rows of seated kings and queensO.
%hese are *hmose(Defertari,
Debhepetre entuhotep, *hmose,
*menhotep &, %hutmose &, %hutmose
&&, %hutmose &&& on the top row, and
*menhotep &&, %hutmose &.,
*menhotep &&&, ,oremheb, 1amesses
& and <eti & on the lower row.
)hampollion 18957
pl.cl---ivP
;oucart 14+57 pl.-ii.
19
+=6 ,all 35: %wo rows of ? cartouches $
*hmose(Defertari, <ekenenre(%aa,
*menhotep &, *h, %utankhamun,
0ueen %amer..., 0ueen 3cartouche
19=
blank:, 0ueen Debtau, <enwosret &,
0ueen *hmose, /amose, 0ueen
<entsonb, &n..., and another, and
deceased censing and libating to
dressed !Gad(pillar! in kiosk.
)? ,all 1ow of kings 3%hutmose &, &&, &&&, &.,
*menhotep &&, &&&: and ,orus.
)hampollion 18997 51?(8. 58
191
A%%&'() 5* A%%&'() .+ C5/%.&4 ! ( T5& K'6 /1 / 'D7'&' "&'6)
%omb Location 'escription
"45
1eferences ;ig.
" )ourt 3+ii: 'eceased and family before
*mun and *hmose(Defertari.
>&* photo7148? 5
" ,all 31": N'eceasedO before *menhotep &,
*hmose(Defertari and 2rincess
erytamun.
>&* photos7 1489(6
" #urial
chamber
3"9: /hons and wife before 1e, Csiris
and *menhotep &P deceased and wife
before *menhotep 3twice depicted:
and *hmose(Defertari.
SernT 14"?7 168, pl.iP
#ruyYre 14"6b7 pl.viii,i-.
6, ?
" %riad of gods ( *mun, ut and
/honsu. %o the right are *menhotep &
and *hmose(Defertari.
SernT 14"?7 16?.
" 2yramid 'eceased adores royal statue and
,athor cow in mountain.
9 )hapel 3?ii: 'eceased, ,enutmehyt, and her
son, before *nubis, ,athor,
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
SernT 14"?7 1?9, pl.iv.
>&* photo7 "=19.
4
9 )hapel 38: *hmose(Defertari and erytamun
on either side, and statue of ,athor
cow protecting *menhotep & in centre.
SernT 14"?7 1?9, pl.iv. 8
? )hapel 3+: an adores *menhotep &, *hmose(
Defertari, ,oremhab and %hutmose
&..
SernT 14"?7 1?5.
1= )hapel 35: 2eople adore *menhotep & and
*hmose(Defertari.
1= )hapel 36: 'ouble sccene7
i. 2enbuy and brother, 2enshenabu,
before *menhotep &, *hmose(
Defertari, N<eti &?O, 1amesses & and
,oremhab.
ii. /asa and <on before <eti &,
1amesses & and ,oremhab.
Lepsius 1894(18587 1?+
Nb, cO. 11
1=
16 ,all 36: 'eceased and wife with bouquet
adore *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari.
#aud and 'rioton 14"87
""(+=, fig.11(1".
14 ,all 39: 'eceased with son #ecknay and ;oucart 14+57 pls. i-. 1?
"45#ased, where given, on descriptions given in 2orter and oss, # T$p$%r&phi'&( )ib(i$%r&phy $f
#n'i*nt +%ypti&n ,i*r$%(yphi' T*-ts" R*(i*fs &nf P&intin%s ./ Th* Th*b&n 0*'r$p$(is (P&rt ./ Pri1&t*
T$mbs). Dumbers in brackets refer to the scene number in this volume.
19"
wife adore ,athor(cow in mountain
protecting king.
14 ,all 36: 'ouble scene7
1ight7 N'eceased with son #eknay and
wifeO censes and libates to 1e(
,orakhty(*tum, *menhotep &, ,athor
and Western goddesses.
Left7 N'eceased, mother and
daughter3?:O before + divinities and
king.
;oucart 14+57 pls. --iii(
--vP "+
"9
"+ ,all 318: 'eceased with courtiers rewarded
before erenptah with souls of 2e and
Dekhen and winged goddess.
"+ ,all 3"": #aboons adoring and souls of 2e
and Dekhen before bark containing
erenptah offering to *tum.
'uemichen 18647 pl.
-livNfO
"?
"+ ,all 3"9: 'eceased adores *menhotep &
and *hmose(Defertari.
Lepsius 1894(18587 144
NdO.
"5
"+ <hrine 39+: ,athor cow in mountain
protecting 1amesses &&.
Lepsius 1894(18587 144
NhO
"6
+1 ,all 39: 'eceased offers to bark of
%hutmose &&&.
+1 <hrine 315: 'eceased offers bark of *mun(1e
to Debhepetre(entuhotep.
'avies and >ardiner
14987 pls.-li.
91 ,all 316: 'eceased and wife adore king and
queen.
99 ,all 35: 'eceased adores 2tah and
<ekhmet, and with wife offers incense
and libation to *menhotep & and
*hmose(Defertari.
51 ,all 34: 'eceased with mother, wife and
daughter, offers on braGiers to
%hutmose & and *hmose(Defertari.
'avies 14"?7 6(1=, pls.v(
viii.
++
59 ,all 35: 'eceased and family cense and
libate to *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari.
'avies 14""7 59, fig.5. +9
1=6 )ourt 3#Pa: %wo registers7 &. 'eceased
before <eti &. ii. ,ymn to <eti &.
* photos7 %."4+?
1=6 ,all 3#Pd: 'eceased censes and libates
before N*menhotep & and *hmose(
DefertariO.
)hampollion 18957 cl--
N1O
+6
1=6 ,all 35: 'eceased rewarded and acclaimed
by courtiers before N<eti &O followed by
aat, with souls of 2e and Dekhen in
front of him 3all in kiosk:.
* photos7 %."4=8(4
19+
1+9 &nner room 31+: 'ouble scene7 'eceased and son
adore 1e(,orakhty and *hmose(
Defertari, and adore Csiris and
N*menhotep &O
1+9 &nner room 319: 'ouble scene7 'eceased and son
adore 1e(,orakhty and *menhotep &,
and adore Csiris and *hmose(
Defertari.
191 ,all 36i: <arcophagus in boat, boats, and
deceased and wife before *menhotep &
and N*hmose(DefertariO.
#aud 14+57 165(6,
pl.--vi.
194 ,all 35: 'eceased, and wife3?:, before
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
15+ ,all 31: 'eceased, followed by women,
censes and libates before deified
*menhotep &, *hmose(Defertari and
%hutmose &&&, in kiosk.
#aud 14+57 fig. 8". +?
15? ,all 38: 'eceased, followed by fanbearer
and priest with te-t of appointment in
year & as ,igh 2riest of *mun, before
1amesses && and 3erymut: Defertari
in palace window.
<chott photos7 66"?(4 +8
+4
1?8 ,all 3": 'eceased censes and libates before
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
* photos7 %."854
"1= )hapel 31: 3;ather with &puy 3brother?: and
family, offers on braGier to 1e(
,orakhty, 2tah, ,athor, *menhotep &
and *hmose(Defertari.:
SernT 14"?7 1?5, pl. iv,
#ruyYre 14"87 1?, 14,
figs.1"(19.
9=
"16 ,all 31+: NenO before 1amesses && in
kiosk.
"16 &nner room 318: 'eceased offers on braGier to
,athor cow in mountain protecting
*menhotep &.
"14 )hapel 35: Weighing of the heart $ the
deceased is led by *nubis towards
*menhotep & seated on a throne.
SernT 14"?7 1?5.
"14 Cuter burial
chamber
38: Wife playing flute, offers bouquet
on censer to Csiris, *menhotep. &,
,athor and *hmose(Defertari in front
of a mountain.
1oss 14+17 16?,
#ruyYre 14"87 fig. 5?,
SernT 14"?7 1?5
91
"5= )hapel 36: 'eceased adores Csiris and wife
adores *menhotep &. #elow are
*hmose(Defertari and *nubis in the
same position, adored by " processions
of the family.
#ruyYre 14"?7 6+(6, ?1(".
pl.vi.
SernT 14"?7 pl.vi
9"
"?? ,all 3"p+: 'eceased censes and libates .andier d!*bbadie 14597 95
199
before Debhepetre(entuhotep,
Defrys 3probably *hmose(Defertari:
and ,athor cow in mountain.
pls. vi(viii, -iii, -v, -viii.
,ermann 14+67 pl.6 Na,cO,
"?? ,all 3?: 'eceased censes and libates to
*menhotep &&& and 0ueen %eye.
.andier '!*bbadie 14597
pls. -i-, --
9?
"85 ,all 31=: 'eceased and wife before ,athor
cow protecting *menhotep &3?: in
mountain, with western hawk and
stela.
"85 ,all 31=ii: 'eceased and wife before
N*menhotep &O and *hmose(Defertari.
"4= )hapel 3": *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari facing Csiris and *nubis.
#ruyYre 14"97 15("+,
pl.-.
98
"46 ,all 3": 'eceased with offerings before
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
+== &nner room 36: 'eceased and wife adoring
*menhotep & and *hmose(Defertari.
+=" ,all 3+: 'eceased and parents, all kneeling,
followed by daughter, offer to
N*menhotep & and *hmose(DefertariO
in kiosk.
+=6 ,all 3"p+p9: 'eceased censes before
*hmose(Defertari and *menhotep &.
+"6 )hapel *menhotep & protected by ,athor cow
in canoe.
++" ,all 39: 'eceased with sistrum before
*hmose(Defertari.
++5 #urial
chamber
3"6: *menhotep & with #uto and
Deith.
#ruyYre 14"6a7 159(6=,
16?, figs.1=9(?,
SernT14"?7 168, pl.ii.
94
5=
+91 ,all 35: <on, musicians, officials with
bouquets, before 2tah(<okar(Csiris
seated with bearded 1amesses &&
behind him.
'avies 3Dina: 14+67 pl.cP
'avies and >ardiner
14987 pl.--iii(--iv.
,erman 14+67 pl.6NbO
51
5"
+99 ,all 3?: 'eceased adores *menhotep & and
*hmose(Defertari.
>authier 14=87 156.
+5? )hapel 3+: ,athor cow in mountain,
*menhotep & and *hmose(DefertariP
#ruyYre 14+=7 ?"(9,
fig.+".
59
+?5 ,all 31: 'eceased and wife adore Csiris,
Dephthys, ,orus, *menhotep & and
*hmose(Defertari.
+?? ,all 3": *menhotep & and *hmose(
Defertari seated and ,athor cow
195
protecting king3?:
+89 ,all 3": *hmose(Defertari adoring bark of
1e with two feathers on her head.
*1" 'eceased offers to *menhotep & and
*hmose(Defertari.
*18 ,all 'ouble scene7
i. 'eceased censes before *menhotep
& and *hmose(Defertari.
ii. 'eceased libates to *menhotep &
and 0ueen *hhotep.
)hampollion 18957 cliii
N"(9O, cc---i N1O 55
56
5?
)? ,all 1ow of kings 3%hutmose &, &&, &&&, &.,
*menhotep &&, &&&: and ,orus.
)hampollion 18997 51?(8. 58
)? ,all 'eceased adores barque of 1amesses
&&, and adores barque of 2tah(<okar.
196
A%%&'() 6* T5& (/.&1 +2 19&'&1 +2 .5& ;'6 ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,-1
19?
6a. The dates of tombs with scenes of the king
as a part of everyday life
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
6b. The dates of tombs with scenes of the king
as a historical fig%re
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
6c. The dates of tombs with scenes of censing
and libating to the king
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
198
6d. The dates of tombs with scenes of offering to the king
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
6e. The dates of tombs with scenes of worship of the king
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
6f. The dates of tombs with scenes of the king with Hathor
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
194
6g. The dates of tombs with scenes of the king with &siris
Horemheb-Seti I
Ramesses I-Seti I
Ramesses I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
!th "ynasty
#$th "ynasty
!th-#$th
"ynasty
Ramesside
#$th "ynasty
#$-#st "ynasty
A%%&'() 7* T5& 0+9/.+'1 +2 19&'&1 +2 .5& ;'6 ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,-1 +46/'1&(
-8 1.&
15=
'a. The location of tombs with scenes of the king
as a part of everyday life
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
'b. The location of tombs with scenes of the king
as a historical fig%re
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
151
'c. The location of tombs with scenes of censing
and libating to the king
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
'd. The location of tombs with scenes of offering to the king
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
'e. The location of tombs with scenes of worship of the king
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
15"
'f. The locaction of tombs with scenes of the king with Hathor
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
'g. The location of tombs with scenes of the king with &siris
"eir el-Medina
"ra (b% el-)aga
Sheik abd el-
*%rna
*%rnet M%rai
+l-,hokha
A%%&'() <* T5& 0+9/.+' +2 19&'&1 +2 .5& ;'6 ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,-1
15+
Hall -yramid .%rial chamber Shrine /hapel /o%rt Inner room 0nknown
$
$
#$
1$
2$
3$
6$
'$
The king as a part of
everyday lif e 4ch. 5
The king as a historical
f ig%re 4ch. #5
The king as a divine be-
ing 4ch. 15
6ocation of scenes
)
%
m
b
e
r

o
f

s
c
e
n
e
s
A%%&'() =* T5& S9&'&1 2+:'( /(>/9&'. .+ 19&'&1 +2 .5& ;'6 ' %47/.& T5&-/'
.+,-1
2=6
"46%his information has been based on the information given in 2orter and oss 3146=:. &t has been, at
times, difficult to identify which scenes classify as being !adBacent! to the scenes relevant to this study,
and so the figures given in this table may be open to variation.
159
,ing
7ods
8%neral
.ook of 7ates
(bydos -ilgrimage
"eceased and f amily
9eighing of the Heart
&ther
$ $ #$ 1$ 2$ 3$ 6$
The king as a part
of everyday life 4ch.
5
The king as a his-
torical fig%re 4ch. #5
The king as a divine
being 4ch. 15
)%mber of scenes
T
y
p
e

o
f

s
c
e
n
e

a
d
:
a
c
e
n
t

t
o

e
a
c
h

i
m
a
g
e
A%%&'() 10* T5& 1?&1 +2 6/.5&4&( 94+3(1 ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,- 19&'&1 ' 3595
.5& ;'6 1 / %/4. +2 / %4+9&11+' +4 2&1.7/0
155
TT# 4f ig.5
TT# 4f ig.25
TT2 4#5
TT! 4f ig.35
TT! 4f ig.65
TT! 4f ig.;5
TT! 4f ig.##5
TT1 4f ig.#;5
TT1 4f ig.#!5
TT1 4f ig.1$5
TT1 4f ig. 15
TT3 4f ig. 1#5
TT#'' 4f ig.215
TT122 4f ig.315
$ $ #$ 1$ 2$ 3$ 6$ '$ ;$
Male priests -riestesses Rowers Male 4other5 8emale 4other5
)%mber of people attending the festival< or procession
T
o
m
b
s
=
s
c
e
n
e
s
A%%&'() 11* T5& (1.4-:.+' +2 ;'61' '/,&1 ' ..0&1 +2 .5& +3'&41 +2 %47/.&
T5&-/' .+,-1
156
(menhotep I Th%tmose I Th%tmose III
(menhotep III >Ramesse%m> ?6ord of the
Two 6ands@
?,ingAs Ho%se@
A%%&'() 12* T5& 24&@:&'98 +2 (&%9.+'1 +2 6+(1 3.5 4+8/0 26:4&1 ' %47/.&
T5&-/' .+,-1
15?
(m%n
(m%n-Re
(n%bis
(t%m
.%to
Hathor
Hor%s
,hons%
Maat
M%t
)eith
)ephthys
&siris
-tah
-tah-Sokari-&siris
Re
Re-Horakhty 4-(t%m5
Sekhmet
9estern 7oddessA
9inged 7oddessA
$ # 2 6 ; $ # 2 6
#a. The n%mber of appearances of each god in scenes of royal fig%res
)%mber of appearances
7
o
d
s
1"b. %he kings found depicted with each god in tomb scenes.
>od /ing
D
e
b
h
e
p
e
t
r
e

e
n
t
u
h
o
t
e
p
*
m
e
n
h
o
t
e
p

&
*
h
m
o
s
e
(
D
e
f
e
r
t
a
r
i
%
h
u
t
m
o
s
e

&
%
h
u
t
m
o
s
e

&
&
%
h
u
t
m
o
s
e

&
&
&
*
m
e
n
h
o
t
e
p

&
&
%
h
u
t
m
o
s
e

&
.
*
m
e
n
h
o
t
e
p

&
&
&
<
e
t
i

&
1
a
m
e
s
s
e
s

&
&

e
r
e
n
p
t
a
h
*mun J J J
*mun(1e J
*nubis J J
*tum J
#uto J
,athor J J J J
,orus J J J J J J J J
/honsu J J
aat J J
ut J J
Deith J
<oul of Dekhen J J
Dephthys J J
Csiris J J
<oul of 2e J J
2tah J J
2tah(<okar(Csiris J
1e J J
1e(,orakhty3(*tum: J J
<ekhmet J J
Western >oddess J
Winged >oddess J
158
A%%&'() 1!* T5& ':,-&4 +2 /%%&/4/'9&1 +2 &/95 ;'6 ' 19&'&1 +2 9&'1'6 /'(
0-/.'6A +22&4'6A /'( 3+415% ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,-1
154
)ebhepetre Ment%hotep
*%een (hhotep
(menhotep I
(hmose )ef ertari
Merytam%n
Th%tmose I
Th%tmose III
Th%tmose IB
(menhotep III
Teye
Horemheb
Ramesses I
Seti I
Ramesses II
0nknown
$ 3 $ 3 #$ #3
9orship &ffering /ensing and libating
)%mber of appearances
,
i
n
g
s
A%%&'() 1#* T5& 94+3'1 3+4' -8 4+8/0 26:4&1 ' 19&'&1 ' %47/.& T5&-/' .+,-1
16=
,hepresh
Sh%ty
9ig
9hite crown
)emes
"o%ble crown
8lat v%lt%re crown
$ # 2 6 ; $ # 2 6 ;
2a. The n%mber of appearances of each crown organised by type of scene
The king or C%een as
a part of everyday
lif e 4ch. 5
The king or C%een as
a historical f ig%re
4ch. #5
The king or C%een as
a divine being 4ch. 15
)%mber of appearances
/
r
o
w
n
s
161
2b. The distrib%tion of appearances of each crown
worn by royal fig%res
,hepresh
Sh%ty
9ig
9hite crown
)emes
"o%ble crown
8lat v%lt%re
crown
0nknown
A%%&'() 15* T5& ':,-&4 +2 .,&1 &/95 4+8/0 26:4& 1 (&%9.&( ' 19&'&1 ' %47/.&
T5&-/' .+,-1
16"
)ebhepetre Ment%hotep
Senwosret I
SeCenenre Tao
Sekhentenre
,amose
(hmose
Sapair
(menhotep I
Th%tmose I
Th%tmose II
Th%tmose III
(menhotep II
Th%tmose IB
(menhotep III
T%tankham%n
Horemheb
Ramesses I
Seti I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
0nknown
$ 3 $ 3 #$ #3 1$ 13 2$ 23 3$
3a. The n%mber of appearances of each king
The ki ng as a part of
everyday lif 4ch. 5
The ki ng as a hi storical
fig%re 4ch. #5
The king as a divi ne
bei ng 4ch. 15
)%mber of appearances
,
i
n
g
s
16+
(hhotep I
(hmose-)ef ertari
Merytam%n
Senisonb 4Sentsonb5D
(hmose
Teye
)ef ertari
Tamer
)ebta%
$ 3 $ 3 #$ #3 1$ 13 2$ 23
3b. The n%mber of appearances of each C%een
The C%een as a part of
everyday lif e 4ch. 5
The C%een as a histor-
ical f ig%re 4ch. #5
The C%een as a divine
being 4ch. 15
)%mber of appearances
*
%
e
e
n
s
169
)ebhepetre Ment%hotep
Senwosret I
SeCenenre Tao
Sekhentenre
,amose
(hmose
Sapair
(menhotep I
Th%tmose I
Th%tmose II
Th%tmose III
(menhotep II
Th%tmose IB
(menhotep III
T%tankham%n
Horemheb
Ramesses I
Seti I
Ramesses II
Merenptah
*%een (hhotep I
(hmose-)ef ertari
Merytam%n
Senisonb 4Sentsonb5D
*%een (hmose
Teye
)ef ertari
*%een Tamer
*%een )ebta%
0nknown
$ $ #$ 1$ 2$ 3$ 6$ '$
3c. Total n%mber of appearances of each royal fig%re
)%mber of appearances
,
i
n
g
s
=
*
%
e
e
n
s
A%%&'() 16* T+,- %0/'1
Where possible the images have been taken from ,ollender 3"==4: in order to produce
as updated a version of the plans as possible. &n some cases this has not been possible
and so the copies have been taken from 2orter and oss 3146=:. %%+"6, *1", *19, *18
and )? do not have plans and, so, have not been included. %he numbers on the plans
relate to the scene numbers given in apps. +(5, which have been taken from 2orter and
oss 3146=:.
165
[Not available in the digital version of this thesis]
"I"LIOGRAPHY
*bou(#akre 14+? *. *bou(#akre, Fntersuchungen Kber die Mgyptischen
/rone. >lKckstadt 7 I.I. *ugustin
*ldred 1464 ). *ldred, @%he !Dew Qear! gifts to the 2haraohA, in7 IE* 55,
?+(81.
*llen "==5 I. *llen, %he *ncient Egyptian 2yramid %e-ts. Leiden7 E. I. #rill.
*ltenmKller 14?? ,. *ltenmKller, @;esteA, in7 Lr &&7 1?1(141.
*ndreu 1485 >. *ndreu, @La tombe de %hothermaktouf s 'eir el edinaA, in7
#&;*C 85, 1("1.
*rafa "==5 D. *rafa, @La vache ,athor et la montagne thWbaineA, in7
/. 'aoud et al., 3eds: <tudies in honour of *li 1adwan
.ol.&. )airo7 *<*V, 1+?(196.
*rnold 1446 '. *rnold, %he 1oyal Women of *marna. Dew Qork7
etropolitan useum of *rt.
*ssmann 1489 I. *ssmann 1489, td]ulucv]wx`ya_zzvc{]v|]vx]a}a~d]x
,ochkultur. <tuttgart7 /ohlhammer.
*ssmann "==+ I. *ssmann, @%he 1amesside tomb and the construction
of sacred spaceA, in7 D. <trudwick and ,. %aylor 3eds:, %he
%heban necropolis, past, present and future. London7 # 2ress,
96(5".
*ssmann "==5 I. *ssmann, 'eath and <alvation in *ncient Egypt.
%ranslated by 'avid Lorton. &thaca7 )ornell Fniversity 2ress.
*ssmann "==6 I. *ssmann, 1eligion and )ultural emory. %ranslated
by 1odney Livingstone. <tanford7 <tanford Fniversity 2ress.
#acchi 149" E. #acchi, &l 1ituale di *menhotpe &. %orino7 2ubblicaGioni
Egittologiche del 1. useo di %orino.
#aines 14?5 I. #aines, @*nkh(sign, belt and penis sheathA, in7 <*/ +, 1("9.
#aines 148? I. #aines, @2ractical 1eligion and 2ietyA, in7 IE* ?+, ?4(48.
#aines 144= I. #aines, @1estricted /nowledge, ,ierarchy and 'ecorum7
odern 2erceptions and *ncient institutionsA, in7 I*1)E "?,
1("+.
#aines 1445 I. #aines, @/ingship, 'efinition of )ulture, and LegitimationA, in7
'. C!)onnor and '. <ilverman 3eds.:, *ncient Egyptian /ingship.
LeidenpDew Qork7 E. I. #rill, +(9?.
#aines and Eyre 148+I. #aines and ). Eyre, @;our notes on literacyA, in7 > 61, 65(46.
#arguet 1451 2. #arguet, @'!une represenation du /a royalA, in7 *<*V 51,
"=5("15.
#arguet 146" 2. #arguet, Le temple d!*mon(1 s /arnak. )airo7 2&;*C.
#arta 14?" W. #arta, @'er /Rnigsring als <ymbol Gyklischer WiederkehrA,
in7 Lr< 48, 5(16.
#arta 148= W. #arta, @%hronbesteigung und /rRnungsfeier als
unterschiedliche Leugnisse kRniglicher ,errschaftsKbernahmeA,
in7 <*/ 8, ++(5+.
#aud 14+5 . #aud, Les dessins WbauchWs de la nWcropole. )airo7 2&;*C.
#aud and 'rioton . #aud and E. 'rioton @Le %ombeau de 2anehsyA, in
18+
14"8 myuwa|tuzb]|dbvx]xaukul]`]vabx^cm
)airo7 2&;*C, fasc. ".
#ell 1481 L. #ell, 'ira *bu el(Daga7 %he monuments of the 1amesside
,igh 2riests of *mun and <ome 1elated Cfficials, in7 '*&/
+?, 51(6".
#ell 1485 L. #ell, @Lu-or %emple and the )ult of the 1oyal /aA, in7 IDE<
99 39:, "51("49.
#ell 1448 L. #ell, @%he Dew /ingdom 'ivine %emple7 %he e-ample
of Lu-orA, in7 #. <hafer 3ed.:, %emples of *ncient Egypt.
London7 &.#. %auris, 1"?(189.
#en(*mos and '. #en(*mos and L. Wiessberg, )ultural emory and the
Wiessberg 1444 )onstruction of &dentity. 'etroit7 Wayne <tate Fniversity 2ress.
#erger and 2. #erger and %. Luckmann, %he <ocial )onstruction of 1eality.
Luckmann 146? London7 2enguin 2ress.
#etrX "==8 . #etrX, @&l culto di *menofi a 'ra *bu el(Daga
consideraGioni preliminariA, in7 <. 2ernigotti and . Lecchi,
<acerdoGio e societs civile nell!Egitto antico7 *tti del terGo
)olloquio #ologna $ +=p+1 maggio "==?. &mola7 Editrice La
andragora, 85(1=5.
#ickel "==" <. #ickel, @*spects et fonctions de la dWification d!*menhotep
&&&A, in7 #&;*C 1=", 6+(4=.
#ierbrier 148" . #ierbrier, %he %omb #uilders of the 2haraohs.
London7 # 2ress.
#ietak 1485 . #ietak, @1amsesstadtA, in7 Lr ., 1"8(196.
#ietak and 1eisner( . #ietak and E. 1eisner(,aslauer, 'as >rab des *nch(,or 7
,aslauer 14?8 Cbersthofmeister der >ottesgemahlin Ditokris. &. Wien7
sterreichischen *kademie der Wissenschaften.
#lackman 14"1 *. #lackman, @Cn the position of Women in the *ncient
Egyptian ,ierarchyA, in7 IE* ?, 8(+=.
#lackman 14"6 *. #lackman, @Cracles in *ncient EgyptA, in7 IE* 1", 1?6(185.
#leeker 14?+ ). #leeker, ,athor and %hoth7 %wo /ey ;igures of the
*ncient Egyptian 1eligion. Leiden7 E.I. #rill.
#lumenthal "==1 E. #lumenthal, /uhgRttin und >ottkRnig7 ;rRmmigkeit
und <taatstreue auf der <tele LeipGig Mgyptisches useum
5191. LeipGig 7 rgyptisches useum der FniversitMt LeipGig
#omann 1441 *. #omann, * study of the chapels in the workmen!s village at El(
*marna with special reference to 'eir el(edina and other sites.
London7 /egan 2aul &nternational.
#ommas 1445 . #ommas, @1amessidische >raffiti aus ElephantineA, in7
'*&/ 51, 1(4.
#ommas "=== . #ommas, 'er %empel der )hnum der 18. 'yn. *uf
Elephantine NonlineO ,eidelberg7 ,eidelberg Fniversity. *vailable
from7 http7pparchiv.ub.uniheidelberg.deppropylaeumdokpvollte-tep
"==+p6ppdfp#ommas.pdf N*ccessed 1? ay "==4O.
#ommas "==8a . #ommas, @'ie verstorbenen /Rnige im /ulturellen
>edMchtnis des *lten rgyptenA, in7 /*</*L 5, 5?(?1.
#ommas "==8b . #ommas, %e-ts and )ultural )onstruction NseminarO 32ersonal
communication, " Cctober "==8:.
189
#orchardt 141+ L. #orchardt, 'as >rabdenkmal des /Rnigs <ahu(1e. &&. 'ie
Wandbilder. %e-t. LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
#orghouts 1449 I. #orghouts, @agical 2ractices among the .illagersA, in7 L.
Lesko 3ed.:, 2haraoh!s Workers. %he .illagers of 'eir el(edina.
&thacapLondon7 )ornell Fniversity 2ress, 114(1+=.
#reasted 14=6 I. #reasted, *ncient 1ecords of Egypt7 ,istorical
'ocuments from the earliest times to the 2ersian )onquest.
&.. )hicago7 )hicago Fniversity 2ress.
#rown 1488 '. #rown, ,ierarchy, ,istory and ,uman Dature. %uscon,
Fniversity of *riGona 2ress.
#ruyYre 14"9 #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"1(14"+:. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14"5 #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"+(14"9: &&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14"6a #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"9(14"5: &&&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14"6b #. #ruyYre, %ombes %hebaines. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14"? #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"6: &&&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14"8 #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"?: &&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14+= #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314"4: &&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14++ #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314+=: &&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ruyYre 14+4 #. #ruyYre, 1apport sur les ;ouilles de 'eir el edineh
314+9(14+5: &&&. )airo7 2&;*C.
#ryan "==? #. #ryan, @* Dew <tatue of *menhotep &&& and the
eaning of the /hepresh )rownA, in7 L. ,awass and I. 1ichards,
3eds:, %he *rchaeology and *rt of *ncient Egypt. )airo7
Le )onseil suprme des *ntiquitWs de l!Vgypte, 151(16?.
#udka "==1 I. #udka, 'er /Rnig an der ,austKr 7 die 1olle des Mgyptischen
,errschers an dekorierten %KrgewMnden von #eamten im Deuen
1eich. .ienna 7 *fro(2ub.
)alverley and . )alverley and . #roome, %he %emple of /ing <ethos & at
#roome 14++ *bydos. &. Londonp)hicago7 EE<pFniversity of )hicago 2ress.
)alverley and . )alverley and . #roome, %he %emple of /ing <ethos & at
#roome 14+5 *bydos. &&. Londonp)hicago7 EE<pFniversity of )hicago 2ress.
)arter 14"? ,. )arter, @1eport on the tomb of Leser(/a(1a *menhotep &,
discovered by the Earl of )arnarvon in 1419A, in7 IE* +, 19?(159.
SernT 14"? I. SernT, @Le culte d!*menophis & cheG les ouvriers de la
Decropole thWbaineA, in7 #&;*C "?, 154("=+.
SernT 1494 I. SernT, 1epertoire Cnomastique de 'eir el(edineh. )airo7
2&;*C.
SernT 1456 I. SernT, >raffiti ,ieroglyphiques et ,ieratiques de la
necropole thWbaine. )airo7 2&;*C.
SernT and <adek I. SernT and *. <adek, >raffiti de la montagne thWbaine. )airo7
1464(?9 ]x|a]`]`uwz]x||vux]|`|w`]walxv]xx]ck|]m
185
SernT "==1 I. SernT, * community of workmen at %hebes in the 1amesside
2eriod. "
nd
ed. )airo7 2&;*C.
)hampollion 18+5 I. )hampollion, onuments de l!Vgypte et de la Dubie. 2lanches.
&. 2aris7 &mpr. et Librarie de ;irmin 'idot ;rYres.
)hampollion 1899 I. )hampollion, onuments de l!Vgyptee et de la Dubie. Dotices
descriptives conformes au- manuscripts autographes rWdigWs sur
les lieu-. &. 2aris7 &mpr. et Librarie de ;irmin 'idot ;rYres.
)hampollion 1895 I. )hampollion, onuments de l!Vgyptee et de la Dubie. 2lanches.
&&. 2aris7 &mpr. et Librarie de ;irmin 'idot ;rYres.
)hristophe 1451 L. )hristophe, /arnak(Dord &&& 31495(1494:. ;ouilles conduites
par ). 1obichon. 1apport de Louis *. )hristophe. )airo7 2&;*C.
)ollier 1446 <. )ollier, %he crowns of 2haraoh. *nn *rbor7 F&.
)onnerton 1484 2. )onnerton, ,ow <ocieties 1emember. )ambridge7 )ambridge
Fniversity 2ress.
'avid 14?+ 1. 'avid, 1eligious 1itual at *bydos 3c.1+==#):. Warminster7
*ris and 2hillips.
'avid 1481 1. 'avid, * >uide to 1eligion 1itual at *bydos. Warminster7 *ris
and 2hilips.
'avies 3Dina: 14+6 Dina 'avies, *ncient Egyptian 2aintings &&. )hicago7 F)2.
'avies 3Dina: and Dina 'avies and *. >ardiner, %he %omb of *menemhet. London7
>ardiner 1415 EE<.
'avies 14=" D. 'avies, %he 1ock %ombs of 'eir el(>ebrUwi. 2t. &7 %he %omb
of *ba and <maller %ombs in the <outhern >roup. London7 EE<.
'avies 14=5 D. 'avies, %he 1ock %ombs of el(*marna. &&. %he %ombs of
2anehesy and eryra &&. London7 EE<.
'avies 14"= D. 'avies, %he %omb of *ntefoker. London7 EE<.
'avies 14"" D. 'avies, @%he Egyptian E-pedition 14"1(14""7 %he >raphic
Work of the E-peditionA, in7 * #ulletin J.&&, pt. ii 3'ec.
14"":, 5=(56.
'avies 14"? D. 'avies, %wo 1amesside %ombs at %hebes. Dew Qork7 *.
'avies 1491 D. 'avies, %he %omb of the .iGier 1amose. London7 EE<.
'avies and >ardiner D. 'avies and *. >ardiner, <even 2rivate %ombs at /urnah.
1498 London7 EE<.
'avies 3%: 14=? %. 'avies, %he tomb of &ouiya and %ouiyou. London7 *rchibald
)onstable and )o. Ltd.
'avies 3W: 148" W... 'avies, @%he Crigin of the #lue )rownA, in7 IE* 68, 64(?5.
'emarath and D. 'emarath and 2. ,ammond, 1eligion in <ocial )onte-t.
,ammond 1464 Dew Qork7 1andom ,ouse.
'emarWe148+ 1. 'emarWe, %he Ax iqr n Ra <telae on ancestor worship in *ncient
Egypt. Leiden7 Dederlands &nstituut .oor ,et DabiBe Coster.
'er anuelian 1449 2. 'er anuelian, Living in the 2ast7 <tudies in the *rchaism of
the %wenty(<i-th 'ynasty. London7 /eegan 2aul &nternational.
'odson "==" *. 'odson, @'ivine 0ueens in Dubia7 %iye at <edeinger and
Defertari at *bu <imbelA, in7 /% 1+ 3":, 58(65.
'odson and &kram *. 'odson and <. &kram, %he %omb in *ncient Egypt. 1oyal and
"==8 2rivate <epulchres from the Early 'ynastic 2eriod to the 1omans.
London7 %hames and ,udson.
'uemichen 1865 I. 'uemichen, #auurkunde der tempelanlagen von 'endera.
186
LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
'uemichen 186? I. 'uemichen, ,istorische &nschriften altMegyptischer 'enkmMler.
&. LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
'uemichen 1864 I. 'uemichen, ,istorische &nschriften altMegyptischer 'enkmMler.
&&. LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
'u0uesne 1446 %. 'u0uesne, #lack and >old >od. London7 'arengo
2ublications.
el(enshawy "=== <. El (enshawy,@2ictorial evidence depicting the interaction
between the king and his people in *ncient EgyptA, in7 *.
c'onald, and ). 1iggs, 3eds: )urrent 1esearch in Egyptology
"===. C-ford7 *rchaopress, 8+(84.
el(<abbahy "==+ *. el(<abbahy, @* lintel from edinet ,abu with a short
/ing(ListA, in7 D. >rimmal et al., ,ommages ;ayGa ,aikal.
)airo7 2&;*C, "+5("+8.
el(<abban "=== <. el(<abban, %emple ;estival )alendars of *ncient Egypt.
Liverpool7 Liverpool Fniversity 2ress.
el(<awy 148? *. el(<awy, @%he 'eification of <eti &st in his %emple of
*bydosA, in7 '*&/ 9+, ""5(?.
Erman 14+6 *. Erman, 'ie Welt am Dil7 #ilder aus dem *lten rgypten.
LeipGig7 I.). ,einris!sche #ucchandlung.
Erman and >rapow *. Erman and ,. >rapow, WRrterbuch der rgyptischen
14"6 <prache &. LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichs!sche #uchhandlung.
Erman and >rapow *. Erman and ,. >rapow, WRrterbuch der rgyptischen
14+1 <prache .. LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichs!sche #uchhandlung.
E-ell "==6 /. E-ell, @%he senior scribe 1amose 3&: and the cult of the
king7 * social and historical reading of some private votive stelae
from 'eir el edina in the reign of 1amesses &&A, in7 )urrent
1esearch in Egyptology 5" 51(6?.
;arina 14"4 >. ;arina, La 2ittura egiGiana. ilan7 ;ratelli %reves.
;aulkner 1464 1. ;aulkner, %he *ncient Egyptian 2yramid %e-ts. C-ford7
C-ford Fniversity 2ress.
;oucart 14+5 >. ;oucart,@Le %ombeau d!*monmosA, in #. #ruyYre, %ombes
|dbvx]xaukul]`]vabx^cmvaujy}m
;rankfort 1498 ,. ;rankfort, /ingship and the >ods. )hicago7 %he Fniversity of
)hicago 2ress.
;rankfort 1461 ,. ;rankfort, *ncient Egyptian 1eligion7 *n &nterpretation. Dew
Qork7 ,arper and 1ow.
;riedman 1485 ;. ;riedman, @Cn the meaning of some anthropoid busts
from 'eir el(edinaA, in7 IE* ?1, 8"(4?.
;rood "==? E. ;rood, #iographical te-ts from 1amessid Egypt. *tlanta7
<ociety of #iblical Literature.
>aballa 14?? >. >aballa, %he emphite %omb()hapel of ose. Warminster7
*ris and 2hillips.
>age 1444 I. >age, )olour and eaning7 *rt, <cience and <ymbolism.
London7 %hames and ,udson.
>ardiner 14+5a *. >ardiner, ,ieratic 2apyri in the #ritish useum. %hird <eries.
&7 %e-t. London7 #.
>ardiner 14+5b *. >ardiner, ,ieratic 2apyri in the #ritish useum. %hird <eries.
18?
&&7 2lates. London7 #.
>ardiner 1455 *. >ardiner, @* Fnique ;unerary LiturgyA, in7 IE* 91, 4(1?.
>ardiner 145? *. >ardiner, Egyptian >rammar. %hird Edition. C-ford7
>riffith &nstitute.
>ardiner and <ethe *. >ardiner and /. <ethe, Egyptian Letters to the 'ead, mainly
14"8 from the Cld and iddle /ingdoms. London7 EE<.
>authier 14=8 . >authier, @1apport sur une campagne de fouilles s 'rah abou!l
Deggah, en 14=6A, in7 #&;*C 6, 1"1(1?1.
>authier 14"= . >authier, @1apport sommaire sur les fouilles de l!institute
francais d!archWologie orientale dans les nWcropoles thWbaines en
141? et 1418A, in7 *<*V 14, 1(1".
>iorgini 1448 . >iorgini, <oleb .. )airo7 2&;*C.
>itton 14?5 . >itton, L!epouse du dieu *hmes(Defertary. 2aris7 *nnales
litteraires de l!universitW de #ecanson.
>itton 14?6 . >itton, @La resiliation d!une fonction religieuse7 Douvelle
interpretation de la <tele de 'onation d!*hmes DefertaryA, in7
#&;*C ?6, 65(84.
>odley "==9 *. >odley, ,erodotus, #ooks &(&&. )ambridge 3*:7 ,arvard
Fniversity 2ress.
>oebs "==? /. >oebs, @/ingshipA, in7 %. Wilkindon 3ed.:, %he Egyptian
World. LondonpDew Qork7 1outledge.
>oebs "==8 /. >oebs, )rowns in Egyptian ;unerary Literature. C-ford7
>riffith &nstitute.
>oodall 1445 2. >oodall, ,igh )ulture, 2opular )ulture. %he long debate. <t.
Leonards, D<W7 *llen and Fnwin.
>raefe 1486 E. >raefe, @%alfestA, in7 Lr .&, 18?(184.
>randet 1449 2. >randet, Le 2apyrus ,arris &. &. )airo7 2&;*C.
>regory "==8 <. >regory, @Cbservations regarding the <ymbolism of the
#lue and )ap )rowns as used in the &conographic otifs of the
1amesside 2eriodA, in7 /. >riffin 3ed.:, )urrent 1esearch in
Egyptology 8. C-ford7 C-bow #ooks, 8+(46.
>riffin "==? /. >riffin, @* 1einterpretation of the Fse and ;unction of
the 1ekhyt 1ebus in Dew /ingdom %emplesA, in7 . )annata
3ed.:, )urrent 1esearch in Egyptology "==6. C-ford7 C-bow
#ooks, 66(89.
>riffiths 146= I. >riffiths, %he Crigins of Csiris. #erlin7 .erlag #runo ,essling.
>riffiths 148= I. >riffiths, %he Crigins of Csiris and his cult. Leiden7 E. I. #rill.
,abachi 145" L. ,abachi, @/hatUna $ 0antir7 &mportanceA, in7 *<*V 5",
99+(56".
,abachi 1464 L. ,abachi, ;eatures of the 'eification of 1amesses &&.
>lKckstadt7 .erlag II *ugustin.
,aeny 1481 >. ,aeny, Fntersuchungen im %otentempel *menophis!
&&&. Wiesbaden7 ;. <teiner
,aeny 1448 >. ,aeny, @Dew /ingdom ortuary %emples and ansions of
illions of QearsA, in7 #. <hafer 3ed.:, %emples of *ncient Egypt.
London7 &.#. %auris, 86(1"6.
,albwachs 144" . ,albwachs, Cn )ollective emory. )hicago7 F)2.
,ardwick "==+ %. ,ardwick, @%he &conography of the #lue )rown in the Dew
188
/ingdomA, in IE* 84, 11?(191.
,aring 144? #. ,aring, 'ivine ,ouseholds7 *dministrative and economic
aspects of the Dew /ingdom 1oyal ortuary %emples in Western
%hebes. Leiden7 Dederlands &nstituut .oor ,et DabiBe Coster.
,aring "==6 #. ,aring, %he %omb of <ennedBem 3%%1: in 'eir el
edina7 2aleography. )airo7 2&;*C.
,arrington "==5 D. ,arrington, @;rom the )radle to the >rave7 anthropoid
busts and the ancestor cult at 'eir el(edinaA, in7 /. 2iquette,
)urrent 1esearch in Egyptology "==+. C-ford7 C-bow #ooks,
?1(88.
,arvey 1448 <. ,arvey,%he )ults of /ing *hmose at *bydos. *nn *rbour7
F&.
,assan 144" ;. ,assan, @2rimeval >oddess to 'ivine /ing7 %he
ythogenesis of 2ower in the Early Egyptian <tateA, in 1.
;riedman, and #. *dams 3eds:, %he ;ollowers of ,orus7 <tudies
dedicated to ichael *llen ,offman. C-ford7 C-bow
#ooks, +=?(+"".
,assan 1448 ;. ,assan 31448: @%he Earliest >oddesses of Egypt7 'ivine
others and )osmic #odiesA, in7 L. >oodison and ). orris
3eds:, *ncient >oddesses. London7 #ritish useum 2ress, 48(11".
,ayes 1454 W. ,ayes, %he <cepter of Egypt &&. Dew Qork7 *.
,elck 1461 W. ,elck, aterialien Gur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Deuen
1eiches. &. ainG7 *kademie der Wissenschaften und der
Literatur.
,elck 1466 W. ,elck, @)hronologische /leinigkeitenA, in7 )dV 91, ""+("9+.
,elck 1481 W. ,elck, @2apyrus 1amesseum EA, in7 <*/ 4, 151(166.
,elck 148" W. ,elck, @2riester, 2riesterorganisation, 2riestertitelA, in7 Lr &.,
1=89(1=4?.
,ermann 14+6 *. ,ermann, @'as >rab eines Dachtmin in FnternubienA, in7
'*&/ 6, 1(9=.
,ollender 1441 >. ,ollender, *menophis &. und *hmes Defertari 7
Fntersuchungen Gur Entwicklung ihres posthumen /ultes anhand
der 2rivatgrMber der thebanischen Dekropole. agisterarbeit7
xv\]av|[|w_lxm
,ollender "==4 >. ,ollender, *menophis &. und *hmes Defertari 7
Fntersuchungen Gur Entwicklung ihres posthumen /ultes anhand
der 2rivatgrMber der thebanischen Dekropole. <econd Edition.
#erlinpDew Qork7 Walter de >ruyter
,Rlscher 1459 F. ,Rlscher, %he E-cavation of edinet ,abu &&&. )hicago7 F)2.
,ornung 1444 E. ,ornung,%he *ncient Egyptian #ooks of the *fterlife.
%ranslated by 'avid Lorton. &thaca7 )ornell Fniversity 2ress.
,utton 144+ 2. ,utton, ,istory as an *rt of emory. ,anoverpLondon7
Fniversity 2ress of Dew England for the Fniversity of .ermont.
Ianssen 144" I. Ianssen, @Literacy and Letters at 'eir el(edinaA, in7 1
'emarWe 3ed.:, .illage .oices. 2roceedings of the <ymposium
%e-ts from 'eir El(edina and their &nterpretation, Leiden,
ay +1 ( Iune 1, 1441. Leiden7 )entre of Don(Western <tudies,
Leiden Fniversity.
184
Ianssen 144? I. Ianssen, @1ations and 1anksA, in7 .illage .aria7 %en <tudies in
the ,istory and *dministration of 'eir el(edina. Leiden7
Dederlands &nstituut .oor ,et DabiBe Coster, 1+(+5.
Ionker 1445 >. Ionker, %he %opography of 1emembrance7 %he 'ead,
%radition, and )ollective emory in esopotamia. Leiden7 E. I.
#rill.
/ampp 1446a ;. /ampp, 'ie %hebanische Dekropole7 Lum Wandel des
>rabgedankens von der J.&&&. bis Gur JJ. 'ynastie. &. ainG7
Labern.
/ampp 1446b ;. /ampp, 'ie %hebanische Dekropole7 Lum Wandel des
>rabgedankens von der J.&&&. bis Gur JJ. 'ynastie. &&. ainG7
Labern.
/antorowicG 144? E. /antorowicG, %he /ing!s %wo #odies. With a new preface by
William )hester Iordan. 2rinceton7 2rinceton Fniversity 2ress.
/arkowski 144" I. /arkowski,@Dotes on the #eautiful ;east of the .alley as
represented in ,atshepsut!s temple at 'eir el(#ahariA, in7
<. Iacobielski and I. /arkowski 3eds:, ;ifty Qears of 2olish
E-cavations in Egypt and the Dear East. Warsaw7 Lakad
ad]ulucvva`v]zxuzua{v]ul{v]{`]zvvw{,
155(166.
/eller 1441 ). /eller, @1oyal 2ainters7 'eir el(edina in 'ynasty J&JA, in7
E. #leiberg and 1. ;reed 3eds: ;ragments of a <hattered .isage.
%he 2roceedings of the &nternational <ymposium of 1amesses the
>reat. emphis7 emphis <tate Fniversity, 5=(6?.
/eller "==1 ). /eller, @* family affair7 %he decoration of %heban %omb +54A,
in7 W... 'avies 3ed.:, )olour and 2ainting in *ncient Egypt.
London7 # 2ress, ?+(4+.
/eller "==8 ). /eller, @<ome thoughts on religious change at 'eir el(
edinaA, in7 <. '!*uria 3ed.:, <ervant of ut. <tudies in honor of
1ichard *. ;aGGini. Leiden7 /oninkliBke #rill D., 194(155.
/itchen 144+ /. /itchen, 1amesside &nscriptions. %ranslated and *nnotated7
Dotes and )omments. &. C-ford 7 #lackwell 2ress.
/itchen 1446 /. /itchen, 1amesside &nscriptions. %ranslated and *nnotated7
%ranslations. &&. C-ford 7 #lackwell 2ress.
/ruchten 144= I. /ruchten, @Fne stYle signWe dWdiWe s *menophis &er et *hmYs
DWfertari divinisWs A, in7 <. &srealit(>roll 3ed:, <tudies in
Egyptology presented to iriam Lichtheim &&. Ierusalem7 agnes
2ress, 696(65+.
/ruchten "=== I. /ruchten, @Fn Cracle d!*menhotep du .illage sous 1amsYs &&&.
Cstracon >ardiner 1=+A, in7 1. 'emaree and *. Egberts 3eds.:,
'eir el(edina in the %hird illennium *'7 * %ribute to Iac I.
Ianssen. Leiden7 Dederlands &nstituut .oor ,et DabiBe Coster
"=4("16.
Legrain 14=4 . Legrain, )atalogue gWnWral des antiquitWs Wgyptiennes du
usWe du )aire. Dos. 9"1+4(9"141. <tatues et statuettes de rois et
des particuliers. &&. )airo7 2&;*C.
Legrain 1416 @Fn miracle d!*hmYs &er s *bydos sous la rYgne de 1amsYs &&A,
in7 *<*V 16, 161(1?=.
14=
Lepsius 1894(1858 1. Lepsius, 'enkmMler aus *egypten und *ethiopien &&&
3%heben:. LeipGig 7 ,inrichs!sche #uchhandlung.
Lesko 1449 L. Lesko, 2haraoh!s Workers. %he .illagers of 'eir el(edina.
&thaca7 )ornell Fniversity 2ress, 1(8.
Lesko 1444 #. Lesko,%he >reat >oddesses of Egypt. Dorman7 Fniversity of
Cklahoma 2ress.
Lichtheim 14?6 . Lichtheim, *ncient Egyptian Literature &&7 %he Dew
/ingdom. #erkeleypDew QorkpLondon7 Fniversity of )alifornia
2ress.
Liverani 14?4 . Liverani, @%he ideology of the *ssyrian Empire.A &n .
Larsen 3ed:, 2ower and 2ropaganda. )openhagen7 * /adernisk
;orlag.
Lloyd 1441 *. Lloyd, )ult, myth and kingship in pharaonic Egypt. <wansea7
Fniversity )ollege of <wansea.
Lorton "==+ '. Lorton, @%he &nstitution of /ingship in *ncient EgyptA, in7 *.
Eyma 3ed.:, * 'elta an in Qebu. N#oca 1atonO7 Fniversal
2ublishers, +(11.
Luiselli "==9 . Luiselli, 'er *mun(1e ,ymnus des 2. #oulaq 1? 32. /airo )>
58=+8:. Wiesbaden 7 ,arrassowitG.
c'owell 144" *. c'owell,@*wareness of the past in 'eir el(ednnaA,
in7 1. 'emarWe and *. Egberts 3eds:, .illage .oices. Leiden7
Leiden Fniversity, 45(11=.
alek 1489 I. alek, @<aqqara, Dew /ingdomA, in7 Lr ., 91=(91".
alek "=== I. alek, @Cld /ingdom rulers as !local saints! in the emphite
area during the Dew /ingdomA, in7 . #arta, and I. /reBci 3eds:,
*busir and <aqqara in the year "===. 2raha7 *cademy of sciences
of the )Gech 1epublic, Criental &nstitute, "91("58.
anheim 1456 /. anheim, Essays on the <ociology of )ulture. London7
1outledge and /egan 2aul.
anniche 14?? L. anniche, @<ome aspects of *ncient Egyptian <e-ual lifeA, in7
*cta Crientalia +8, 11("+.
anniche 148" L. anniche, @#ody )olours of en and >odsA, in7 *cta
Crientalia 3/benhavn: 9+, 5(1+.
ariette 1864 *. ariette, *bydos7 'escription des ;ouilles. 2aris7 Librarie *.
;ranck.
artin 1489 >. artin, @<edfestA, in7 Lr ., ?8"("4=.
artin 1485 >. artin, %he tomb chapels of 2aser and 1a!ia at <aqqara.
London7 EE<.
artin 148? >. artin, )orpus of 1eliefs of the Dew /ingdom from the
emphite Decropolis and Lower Egypt. London7 /eegan 2aul
&nternational.
artin 1441 >. artin, %he hidden tombs of emphis. London7 %hames and
,udson Ltd.
aspero 188= . aspero, @1apport s . Iules ;erry, ministre de l!instruction
publique, sur une mission en &talieA, 1% ", 154(144.
aspero 188" . aspero, @1apport s . Iules ;erry, ministre de l!instruction
publique, sur une mission en &talie 3suite:A, 1% +, 1=+(1"8.
aystre 14+6 ). aystre, La %ombe de DebenmUt 3no."14:. )airo7 2&;*C.
141
ercer 149" <. ercer, ,orus7 1oyal >od of Egypt. >rafton *7 <ociety of
Criental 1esearch.
eskell "==" L. eskell, 2rivate life in Dew /ingdom Egypt. 2rinceton7
2rinceton Fniversity 2ress.
ond and yers 1. ond and C. yers, %emples of *rmant7 * 2reliminary
149=a <urvey. %he %e-t. London7 EE<.
ond and yers 1. ond and C. yers, %emples of *rmant7 * 2reliminary
149=b <urvey. %he 2lates. London7 EE<.
ostafa "=== '. ostafa, %he architectural development in the necropolis of
'eir el(edina, in7 emnonia J&, "=4(""5.
urnane 1445 W. urnane, @%he kingship of the Dineteenth 'ynasty7 *
study in the resilience of an institutionA, in7 '. C!)onnor and
'. <ilverman3eds:, *ncient Egyptian /ingship. Leiden7 E.I.
#rill,185(""=.
urnane 1444 W. urnane, @%he 1eturn to Crthado-yA, in7 1. ;reed et al.
2haraohs of the <un. #oston7 useum of ;ine *rts, 1??(185.
DavrHtilovH "==? ,. DavrHtilovH, %he visitors! graffiti of dynasties J.&&& and J&J
in *busir and Dorthern <aqqara. 2rague7 )Gech &nstitute of
Egyptology.
Dewberry 14"4 2. Dewberry, @%he shepherd!s crook and the co(called !flail! or
!scourge! of CsirisA, in7 IE* 15, 89(49.
Dims 1466 ). Dims, ). 31466: @%he 'ate of 'ishonouring of ,atshepsutA, in7
Lr< 4+7 4?(1==.
Dora 1489 2. Dora, Les lieu- de mWmoire. &. La rWpublique. N2arisO7
>allimard.
Cckinga 1445 #. Cckinga, @,atshepsut!s election to /ingship7 %he )& and K& in
Egyptian 1oyal &deologyA, in7 #*)E 6, 84(1=1.
C&E< 14+= C&E<, edinet ,abu &7 2lates. Earlier ,istorical 1ecords of
1amses &&&. )hicago7 Fniversity of )hicago 2ress.
C&E< 1486 C&E<, 1eliefs and &nscriptions at /arnak &.. %he #attle 1eliefs of
/ing <eti &. )hicago7 Criental &nstitute of the Fniversity of
)hicago.
Cnstine "==5 <. Cnstine, %he role of the )hantress 3Smayt: in *ncient Egypt.
C-ford7 *rchaeopress.
Ctto 145" E. Ctto, %opographie des %hebanischen >aues. #erlin7 *kademie
.erlag.
Ctto 14?5 E. Ctto, @*chA, in7 Lr &, 94(5".
2arker 146" 1. 2arker, * <aite Cracle 2apyrus from %hebes in the #rooklyn
useum 32apyrus #rooklyn 9?."18.+:. 2rovidence7 #rown
Fniversity 2ress.
2awlicki 144? ;. 2awlicki, @%he worship of 0ueen ,atshepsut in the %emple at
'eir el(#ahariA, in7 Ioanna *ksamit 3ed.:, Warsaw Egyptological
<tudies &7 Essays in honour of 2rof. 'r. Iadwiga Lipinska.
Warsaw7 Dational useum in Warsaw 2ro(Egipt , 95(5".
2eet 14+= %. 2eet, %he great tomb(robberies of the %wentieth Egyptian
'ynasty &&7 2lates. C-ford7 )larendon 2ress.
2etrie 1846 W. 2etrie, * ,istory of Egypt &&. London7 ethuen and )o.
2etrie 14== W. 2etrie, 1oyal %ombs &. London7 EE<.
14"
2etrie 14=4a W. 2etrie, emphis &. London7 <chool of *rchaeology in Egypt.
2etrie 14=4b W. 2etrie, 0urneh. London7 <chool of *rchaeology in Egypt.
2illet 14+= . 2illet, %hYbes 7 palais et nWcropoles. 2aris7 ,. Laurens.
2inch 144+ >. 2inch, .otive Cfferings to ,athor. C-ford7 >riffith &nstitute.
2olG 1445 '. 2olG, @'ra! *bu(el(Daga 7 'ie thebanische Dekropole des
frKhen Deuen 1eichesA, in7 I. *ssmann 3ed.:, %hebanische
#eamtennekropolen. Deue 2erspektiven archMologischer
;orschung. &nternationales <ymposion ,eidelberg 4.(1+ Iune
144+. ,eidelberg7 ,eidelberger Crientverlag, "5(9".
2orter and oss 14+?#. 2orter and 1. oss, %opographical #ibliography of *ncient
Egyptian ,ieroglyphic %e-ts, 1eliefs and 2aintings .. Fpper
Egypt7 <ites. C-ford7 )larendon 2ress.
2orter and oss 14+4#. 2orter and 1. oss, %opographical #ibliography of *ncient
Egyptian ,ieroglyphic %e-ts, 1eliefs and 2aintings &. 2art &7
Fpper Egypt )hief %emples. C-ford7 )larendon 2ress.
2orter and oss 146=#. 2orter and 1. oss, %opographical #ibliography of *ncient
Egyptian ,ieroglyphic %e-ts, 1eliefs and 2aintings &. 2art &7
2rivate %ombs. "
nd
ed. C-ford7 >riffith &nstitute.
2orter and oss 14?"#. 2orter and 1. oss, %opographical #ibliography of *ncient
Egyptian ,ieroglyphic %e-ts, 1eliefs and 2aintings &&7 %heban
%emples. "
nd
ed. C-ford7 >riffith &nstitute.
2orter and oss 1481#. 2orter and 1. oss, %opographical #ibliography of *ncient
Egyptian ,ieroglyphic %e-ts, 1eliefs and 2aintings &&&7 emphis7
2art &&. "
nd
ed. C-ford7 >riffith &nstitute.
2osener 146= >. 2osener, 'e la divinitW du pharaon. 2aris7 &mprimerie
Dationale.
2osener 14?5 >. 2osener, La piWtW personnelle avant l!age *marnien, in7 1dV
"?, 145("1=.
2risse d!*vennes 189?E. 2risse d!*vennes, onuments Egyptiens. #as 1eliefs,
2eintures, &nscriptions etc. 2aris7 yvazvx^v`u|yaa]
0uinn 1441 <. 0uinn, * Dew /ingdom stela in >irton )ollege showing
*menhotep &, in7 IE* ??, 164(1?5
1adwan "==? *. 1adwan, @)oncerning the cult of *menhotep &&& after his
death,A in7 L. ,awass and I. 1ichards 3eds:, %he *rt and
*rchaeology of *ncient Egypt7 Essays in honour of 'avid #.
C!)onnor &&. )airo7 2ublications du conseil suprme des
antiquitWs de l!Vgypt, "84("4?.
1edford 1489 '. 1edford, *khenaten, the heretic king. 2rinceton7 2rinceton
Fniversity 2ress.
1edford 1486 '. 1edford, 2haraonic king(lists, annals and day books.
ississauga7 #enben 2ublications.
1edford 1444 '. 1edford, @%he #eginning of the ,eresyA, in7 1. ;reed et al.,
2haraohs of the <un. #oston7 useum of ;ine *rts, 5=(6=.
1eeves 144= ). 1eeves, .alley of the /ings7 %he decline of a 1oyal
Decropolis. London7 /eegan 2aul &nternational.
1eymond 1464 E. 1eymond, %he ythical Crigin of the Egyptian %emple.
anchester7 anchester Fniversity 2ress.
1ichards "==5 I. 1ichards, <ociety and 'eath in *ncient Egypt. ortuary
14+
Landscapes of the iddle /ingdom. )ambridge7 )ambridge
Fniversity 2ress.
1oeder 1464 >. 1oeder, *marna 1eliefs aus ,eliopolis. ,ildesheim7
>erstenberg.
1omer 148" I. 1omer, 1omer!s Egypt7 * Dew Light on the )iviliGation of
*ncient Egypt. London7 . Iosephp1ainbird
1oss 14+1 E. 1oss, %he *rt of Egypt through the *ges. London7 %he <tudio.
1yholt 144? /. 1yholt. %he 2olitical <ituation in Egypt during the <econd
&ntermediate 2eriod 7 c. 18==(155= #.). )openhagen7 /.<.#.
1yholt and useum %usculanum 2ress.
<adek 14?4 *. <adek, @>limpses of popular religion in Dew /ingdom
Egypt &. ourning for *menophis & at 'eir el(edinaA, in7
> +6" 51(56.
<adek 148? *. <adek, 2opular religion in Egypt during the Dew /ingdom.
,ildesheim7 >erstanberg.
<auneron 1451 <. <auneron, @La tradition officielle relative s la J.&&&e 'ynastie
d!aprwxu|aux`]lll]`]uvvxj)dV "6, 96(94.
<auneron "=== <. <auneron, %he 2riests of *ncient Egypt. Dew Edition.
%ranslated by '. Lorton. &thaca7 )ornell Fniversity 2ress.
Z[\]^Z_`]ab]acd %. Z[\]^Z_`]ab]acdyuwavcd|]]x|dx|tuzbm}ua`j
145? C-ford Fniversity 2ress.
<chMfer 1486 ,. <chMfer, 2rinciples of Egyptian art. %ranslated by I. #aines.
C-ford7 >riffith &nstitute.
<chott 145+ <. <chott, 'as schRne fest von WKstentale, ;estbrMuche einer
%otenstadt. ainG7 <teiner
<chudson 1445 . <chudson, @'ynamics of 'istortion in )ollective emoryA,
in7 '. <chacter 3ed.:, emory 'istortion7 ,ow inds, #rains and
<ocieties reconstruct the 2ast. )ambridge *7 ,arvard
Fniversity 2ress, +96(+69.
<chulman 1488 *. <chulman, )eremonial e-ecution and public rewards7 <ome
historical scenes on Dew /ingdom 2rivate <telae.
;reiburgp<chweiG7 FniversitMtsverlag.
<ethe 14=6 /. <ethe, Frkunden der 18 'ynastie &. LeipGig7 I. ).
,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
<ethe 14+= /. <ethe, Frkunden der 18 'ynastie &.. "7 1(+19. LeipGig7 I. ).
,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
<hafer 1448 #. <hafer, @%emples, 2riests and 1ituals7 *n CverviewA, in7
#. <hafer 3ed.:, %emples of *ncient Egypt. London7 &.#. %auris,
1(+1.
<halomi(,en "==6 1. <halomi(,en, %he Writing of >ods. %he Evolution of 'ivine
)lassifiers in the Cld /ingdom. Wiesbaden7 ,arrassowitG.
<harpe 18+? <. <harpe, Egyptian &nscriptions from the #ritish useum and
other sources. London7 Edward o-ton.
<haw "=== &. <haw, %he C-ford ,istory of *ncient Egypt. C-ford7 C-ford
Fniversity 2ress.
<ilverman 1445 '. <ilverman, @%he Dature of Egyptian /ingshipA, in7 '.
C!)onnor and '. <ilverman 3eds.:, *ncient Egyptian /ingship.
LeidenpDew Qork7 E. I. #rill, 94(8?.
149
<nape 1485 <. <nape, @1amose 1estored7 * 1oyal 2rince and his ortuary
)ultA, in7 IE* ?1, 18=(18+.
<nape "==4 <. <nape, @/haemwese and the 2resent 2ast7 ,istory and
the &ndividual in 1amesside EgyptA, in7 <. <nape and . )ollier,
3eds:, 1amesside <tudies. #olton7 1utherford 2ress. 3Fnpublished
at the time of submission but a copy of the chapter can be found at
www.rutherfordpress.co.uk:.
<palinger 1446 *. <palinger, %he 2rivate ;east Lists of *ncient Egypt.
Wiesbaden7 ,arrassowitG.
<pencer 1489 2. <pencer, %he Egyptian %emple7 * Le-ographical <tudy.
London7 /eegan 2aul &nternational.
<piegelberg 14"1 W. <piegelberg, rgyptische und andere >raffiti 3&nschriften und
Leichnungen: aus der thebanischen Dekropolis. %e-t. ,eidelberg7
)arl Winters FniversitMtsbuchhandlung.
<owada 144? /. <owada, @*tef crowns and %uthmosis &&&A, in7 'iscussions in
Egyptology +4, 85(8?.
<taehelin 14?? E. <taehelin, @,autfarbeA, in7 Lr &&, 1=68(1=?".
<tewart 14?6 ,. <tewart, Egyptian stelae, reliefs and paintings from the 2etrie
collection &7 %he Dew /ingdom. Warminster7 *ris and 2hillips.
<torey "==6 I. <torey, )ultural %heory and 2opular )ulture. *n &ntroduction.
;ourth Edition. ,arlow7 2earson Eduction.
<trudwick 1449 D. <trudwick,@)hange and continuity at %hebes7 %he private tomb
after *khenatenA, in7 ). Eyre *. Leahy and L. Leahy 3eds.:, %he
Fnbroken 1eed7 <tudies in the culture and heritage of *ncient
Egypt in honour of *.;. <hore. London7 EE<, +"1(++6.
<trudwick "==1 D. <trudwick, @2roblems of 1ecording and 2ublication of
2aintings in the 2rivate %ombs of %hebesA, in7 W. 'avies 3ed:,
)olour and 2ainting in *ncient Egypt. London7 # 2ress,
1"6(19=.
<wan ,all 1486 E. <wan ,all, %he 2haraoh smites his enemies7 * comparative
study. Knchen7 'eutscher /unstverlag
%assie "==5 >. %assie, @<ingle mother goddesses and 'ivine /ingship7 %he
sidelock of youth and the aternal #ondA, in7 *. )ooke and
;. <impson 3eds:, )urrent 1esearch in Egyptology &&. C-ford7
*rchaopress, 65(?+.
%aylor "==1 I. %aylor, @2atterns of )olouring on *ncient Egyptian )offins
from the Dew /ingdom to the %wenty(<i-th 'ynasty7 *n
CverviewA, in7 W. 'avies 3ed:, )olour and 2ainting in *ncient
Egypt. London7 # 2ress, 169(181.
%obin 1441 .. %obin, @&sis and 'emeter7 <ymbols of 'ivine otherhoodA, in7
I*1)E "8, 18?("==.
%osi and 1occati . %osi and *. 1occati, <tele e altre epigrafi di 'eir el edina
14?" n.5===1(n.5="6". %orino7 'el consigli naGionale delle ricerche.
%roy 1486 L. %roy, 2atterns of 0ueenship. Fppsala7 Fniversitetet.
Fllmann "==" . Fllmann, /Rnig fKr die Ewigkeit ( 'ie ,Muser der illionen
von Iahren 7 Eine Fntersuchung Gu /Rnigskult und
%empeltypologie in rgypten. Wiesbaden7 ,arrassowitG.
.albelle 1485 '. .albelle, Les ouvriers de la tombe7 'eir el edineh a
145
l!epoche 1amesside. )airo7 2&;*C.
.andier '!*bbadie I. .andier '!*bbadie, %ombes de 'eir el edineh7 La tombe
14+5a de Defer(hotep. )airo7 2&;*C.
.andier '!*bbadie I. .andier '!*bbadie, %ombes de 'eir el edineh7 La tombe
14+5b de Defer(abou. )airo7 2&;*C.
.andier '!*bbadie I. .andier '!*bbadie, 'eu- tombes de 'eir el(edineh. )airo7
14+4 2&;*C.
.andier '!*bbadie I. .andier '!*bbadie, 'eu- %ombes 1amessides s >ournet
1459 ourrai. )airo7 2&;*C.
.ansina 1485 I. .ansina, Cral %radition as ,istory. Wisconsin7 Fniversity of
Wisconsin 2ress.
.entura 1485 1. .entura, @<nefru in <inai and *menophis & at 'eir el(edinaA,
in7 <. &sraelit(>roll 3ed:, 2haraonic Egypt7 %he #ible and
)hristianity. Ierusalem7 agnes 2ress, "?4("85.
Wachsmann 148? <. Wachsmann, *egeans in the %heban %ombs. Leuven7 2eeters.
Watterson 1448 #. Watterson, %he ,ouse of ,orus at Edfu. 1itual in an Egyptian
%emple. <troud7 %empus 2ublishing ltd.
Wente 146+ E. Wente, @%wo 1amesside stelae pertaining to the cult of
*menophis &A, in7 IDE< "", +=(+6.
Wente 1489 E. Wente, @<ome >raffiti from the reign of ,atshepsutA, in7 IDE<
9+, 9?(59.
Werbrouck 14+8 . Werbrouck, Les 2leureuses dans l!Vgypte ancienne.
#russels7 Editions de la ;ondation Vgyptologique reine Elisabeth.
Werbrouck 1494 . Werbrouck, Le %emple d!,atshepsout s 'eir el #ahari.
#russels7 ;ondation Vgyptologique reine Elisabeth.
Westendorf 1466 W. Westendorf, @#eitrMge aus und Gu den mediGinischen %e-tenA,
in7 L*< 4", 158(149.
Wildung 14?? '. Wildung, Egyptian saints7 'eification in 2haraonic Egypt. Dew
Qork7 DQ Fniversity 2ress.
Wilkinson 1449 1. Wilkinson, <ymbol and agic in Egyptian *rt. London7
%hames and ,udson.
Wilkinson "=== 1. Wilkinson, %he )omplete %emples of *ncient Egypt. London7
%hames and ,udson.
Wilkinson "==+ 1. Wilkinson, >ods and goddesses in *ncient Egypt.London7
%hames and ,udson.
Willems "==1 ,. Willems, @%he <ocial and 1itual )onte-t of a ortuary Liturgy
in the iddle /ingdom 3)% <pells +=(91:A, in7 ,. Williams 3ed.:,
<ocial *spects of ;unerary )ulture in the Egyptian Cld and
iddle /ingdoms. Leuven7 2eetersp'epartment Costerse <tudies,
"5+(+?".
Winlock 141? ,. Winlock, @* 1estoration of the 1eliefs from the ortuary
%emple of *menhotep &A, in7 IE* 9, 11(15.
Winlock 14"9 ,. Winlock, @%he %ombs of the /ings in the <eventeenth
'ynasty at %hebesA, in7 IE* 1=, "1?("??.
Witt 14?1 1. Witt, &sis in the >raeco(1oman World. London7 %hames and
,udson.
WresGinski 14"+ ma]vx{v|lwal|[ck|vd]xwl|wac]dvd|]mm
LeipGig7 I. ). ,inrichss!che #uchhandlung.
146
Qates 1466 ;. Qates, %he *rt of emory. London7 1outledge and /egan 2aul.
14?