Fiel Re

p
or
T D S R V O L . V N O . 1 9 9 3 6 5 - 7 4
VE R NAC U LAR H O U S I N G F O R MS I N N O RTH ALG E R I A
K A R I M H A D
J
R I
The paper exanlines vernacular hOllsing fanns in north Algeria to identify COlnnl0n charac-
teristics which nlay be lIsed in the design of new housing. For 1l10re than cwo decades the
Algerian governl11ent has been using foreign designs in the construction of large-scale
housing developnlents. In addition, self-builders have been utilizing French house-design
cOlnponents in their projects. This new housi ng is not fulflling residents' social and cultural
requireInenrs, sllch as their need for privacy. New hOllse designs are needed based on the Inain
tradi tional requirenlenrs of daily life, as adapted to ITIodern conditions. This examination of
vernacular housing in north Algeria shows that there are three cllstonlary cOlnponents in house
designs: rhe sqifa entrance, the west-ed-da1' (courtyard), and the nlliItifuncrional rOOln or bit.
KARIM HADJRI recently completed a Ph.D. ill Architectllre dealing
with hOllSing design alld comtmctioll at Oxford Brookes University,
Oxford. u. K.
Over the course of the twentieth century the Algerian popu
lation has experienced dramatic changes to its way of l i fe and
i ts built environment. The population, once predomi nantly
rural, had become largely urbanized by the end of the French
colonial period in 1962. This dramatic change obliterated the
balance between rural and urban ways of l i fe. The shift from
rural to urban was in part brought on by the Algerian War
(1954-1962), during which about 8,000 villages were destroyed,
forcing most rural people -some three mi llion i n all -to
seek refuge i n bidonviles (shanty towns) near large towns and
ci ties. This experience has considerably i nfuenced a new
Algerian generation' s perception of the tradi tional way of life
and sui table housi ng forms. '
This paper deals wi t h t he search for aspects of vernacular hous
ing in north Algeria that may provide new common patterns for
contemporary house design. It briefy summarizes prominent
political, social and cultural impacts on the continuity of ver
nacular forms. It then examines the histOrical development of
66 T D S R 5. 1
housing i n north Algeria to identif possible vernacular housing
components. The sui tability of such components was i nves
tigated through a survey by questionnaire i n Oran.
CHANGES I N VERNACULAR HOUSING FORMS
At the end of the colonial era in Algeria the French adminis
tration attempted to i mprove the housing conditions of
Algerians by bui l di ng new social housing as part of the
Constantine Plan (I959-63) . This housing took two forms,
either permanent or temporary. The former was intended for
Algerians living in poor housing conditions in cities, and the
latter was i ntended for people from bidonvilles awaiting better
quality social housing.
A major part of the French effort were regrouement camps,
designed and bui lt by the French army in deliberate ignorance
of traditional ways of l i fe and housing requirements. The
army placed Algerians in these settlements wi thout consult
i ng future residents about house type or community life. The
army believed that by domi nating and restricting housing
space, i t could control Algerians, who would be forced to
migrate to the new settlements and leave their land behi nd.
Thi s tactic had an overwhelming impact on the traditional
way of life i n the country.
Regroltpement not only destroyed the villagers' social li fe, it
severed their natural link to a famil iar built environment.
For example, regro1e1lent-camp dwelli ngs did not have court
yards. They were standardized to provide mi nimum space to
cook and sleep. And open spaces were shared by everybody,
i ncluding women, who were obliged to collect water from a
public fountain in the middle of the central square.'
At the same time that Algerian rural life was under assault, the
thousands of Algerians who were sharing towns and cities with
Europeans were living i n unhealthy and unsafe conditions, i. e. ,
in bidonvilles. The response by the French administration was to
build new housing called cites de recasement. Most of this housing
was designed by famous architects, e. g. , Simounet, Candi li s,
etc. Usually, a dwelling i n a cite de recctsement had one room and
a balcony. This has caused some critics to claim that dwellings
i n bidonvilles actually offered more space and were more appro
priate. Nevertheless, most of the recasement housing, which was
originally i ntended to be temporary, is still occupied, some
times by its original occupants. This illustrates the current
housing situation among the urban poor of the country.)
Another type of housing built by the French for Algerians was
called million, and it was equally i nappropriate. It consisted
mainly of
h
igh-rise social housing of a lower standard than the
French mi ni mum, both in terms of number of rooms, foor
area, and services. Nevertheless, a great deal of this type of
housing was bui lt.
After independence many people living i n cites de reg1OlpellteJt
and million, and a large number from regroupement camps and
rural areas, moved to the country's large towns and cities. Here
the demands of modern life were added to the list of social,
economic and cultural constraints and di ffi culties they expe
rienced. A new generation of children born in legrOtpellent
camps never became familiar with their parents' built environ
ments. Growing up in camp dwell ings, they were pleased by
the French urban heritage. They saw it as an improvement on
their housing conditions, although European housing forms
conficted with their inherited social and cultural traditions.
People from regrotpement camps were obviously not the only
migrants to cities. Other migrant populations came from
farms and the mountains. Moreover, more than 300,000
refugees returned from Morocco and other neighboring coun
tries after i ndependence. ' A small number of Algerians were
also li vi ng in designated areas on the peripheries of cities and
towns. Al l of these people moved i nto the centers of Algerian
cities after the French left in I962. The effect of the sudden
movement was dramatic.
For these people, the new housing, formerly occupied by the
French, was totally alien in form to their way of life and
sociocultural requirements. Since, this housing has undergone
considerable change both inside and out, as attempts have been
made to suit the new occupants' requirements. When a French
apartment di d not provide full family privacy, or created dis
comfort (i. e. , when the housing was too hot or lacked adequate
space) , the new occupants did not hesitate to permanently close
balconies, divide large rooms, make new openings, and so on.
But even these changes did not always fulfll their needs.
There has been a second impact engendered by the shift of the
Algerian population to European-designed housing. This is
that the modern way of life has led to social segregation.
Today people living i n good-quality European housing in city
centers are seen as belonging to an upper social class. As a
result, self-built housing has copied fashionable aspects of
older European designs, creating a new typology best known
as "balcony houses. " Such trends i n bui l di ng persist despite
the fact that the modifcation of European designs was first
reported by Gottmann in I957, well before Algerian i nde
pendence. At that time Gottmann wrote that Algerians were
having to brick up openings i n European houses not only to
avoid light but to protect fami ly privacy. '
After
A
lgerian i ndependence the adoption of the French way
of li fe and the embracing of French housing became a symbol
of modernity and progress. Unfortunately, only a few authors
have mentioned this impact of colonization. Amos Rapoport
briefy points out that European housing, although i nappro
priate to the indigenous way of l i fe, was nevertheless popular
among certain classes in North Africa because it refected
modern l i fe and a raised sense of social status 6
VERNACULAR HOUSING IN NORTH ALGERIA
In 1982 Benmatti wrote of the need for a new effort to provide
sui table low-cost housing in Algeria, based on an examination
of what remained of the country's traditional housing ? He
i denti fied three types according to their locati on. The fi rst was
the medina type, mainly found in the large urban areas of north
Algeria; the second was comparatively less uni form, found i n
the semi urban and rural areas of the north (e. g. , the Kabylie
region); and the third category was a very heterogeneous type
found in southern desert areas (FIG. 0.
For the purpose of this paper only north Algerian vernacular
housing will be exami ned, that is, the housing of the Kasbah
of Algiers, the medina ofTlemcen, and Berber housing i n the
Aures and Kabylie regions. Another type, called gotrbi, was
widespread before and during the colonial period. It was a
stone hut of poor quality used as temporary accommodation
by nomads and migrating populations. Gottrbi dwellings were
usually bui l t next to tents, and had one or two rooms. The
front room was for receiving guests, cooking and eating; the
back room was for sleeping and storing food. Other types
that were not qui te as widespread, but which are nevertheless
worth mentioning, were cave and subterranean dwellings 8
KASBAH- AND MEDINA-TYPE HOUSING:
ALGIERS AND TLEMCEN
The word kasbah (also spelled casbah or kasaba) means "for
tress" or "ci tadel "; it is a term typical of North Africa and
Andalusia in Spai n. The Kasbah of Algiers is the oldest part
of the ci ty. 9 Apparently, before the comi ng of the Turks to
Algiers i n 1516 the area was an Arab-Islamic medinc, unpro
tected against mi l i tary attacks. Later it was subject to many
invasions, which reshaped it. However, i t still presents fea
tures of the traditional urban design and architecture of north
Algeria. The Kasbah is characterized primaril y by the absence
of squares and large streets. Only a number of major narrow
streets connect to blind alleys leading to houses, public baths,
mosques, and water wells or fountains (FIG. 2).
A.
B.
c.
D.
E.
I.
2.
3
4
-
5

6.
7
K E Y

K E Y
DOORS:
Bab Djedid
Be/b AzolIJl
BCI; [f-BhClr
Bal; Djezi ret
BClI El-Olled
PCICice of the Dey
KasbCb
NClvcd A OIlOJ),
H A D J R I . N O R T H A L G E R I A . 67
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
Algiers Annaba
G
.. I ._
Berher ctees.
COltn/rief houudclries.
iV/Cljor cities eme towns .
Ol Palace of tbe Dey
Big 111oJc/lle
ellstollls
Port
FIGURE I . (TOP) 1"IaJ} 0/North A/ritel showing Berber aree/J. (orawillg ctler
LebbClI. "Traditiollal Berber Architecture, " p. 25. )
FIGURE 2. (ABOVE) PlaJl ofthe Kasbah ofAigien. (Drawing (I/ter Leshet. La
Casbah c' Alger, 1985. 1}. P)
68 T D S R 5. 1
Housi ng design i n the Kmbah is based on several key con
cerns, among which are climate, privacy inside the house, and
protection against i ntrusion and housebreaking. In addition,
wealth is sometimes expressed in the size and decoration of
houses, although the architecture (and the facades in par
ti cular) of Arabo-Islamic housing are traditionally very mod
est. Houses are also bui l t to accommodate several households
(the extended fami l y). This is why houses may have three
stories and be composed of many rooms organized around a
central courtyard. In such houses, there is only one entrance,
through a sqifa (meaning a closed and covered space or en
trance lobby, where there is a bench). This space is normally
accessible either from an outside corridor called a driba, or di
rectly from a blind alley or a narrow street (FIG. 3).
The courtyard, the west-ed-dar, meaning "the center of the
house, " is a typical feature of medina-type housing. It is usu-
o 1 20 30 40 50
l
1QOm
I
K E Y S
1. Entrcmf from ( street
2. jOl " driba
3. jOlll a blild "lIey
FIGURE 3. Accibility to typiwl hOIlJeJ ill the Kasbah of Algier.r. (Drclwing
,/el' DelllZ, L'Urbanisme er I'archi recrure d' Alger, p. l3. )
ally surrounded by a covered gallery with arcades giving access
to rooms. The gallery provides women wi th a place for do
mestic activities i n bad weather. Rooms in such a house type
rarely have openings to the outside; instead, the courtyard
ptovides both sunli ght and ventilation.
Rooms i n medina-type housing have di fferent names accord
ing to their location and their main use. Three rooms usually
occupy the first floor and are called ghoraf (plural of ghOi/,
meaning "room") . They are connected to a large corridor (es
him) which overlooks the west-ed-dar. On the second floor
there are other rooms call m'nazeh (plural of menzeh, which
means "distant room") . These are arranged in a si mi lar way
to the ghoraf but because they receive considerable sunlight
and dominate the house, they are i n the best posi ti on. Finally,
the house i ncludes a roof terrace, largely used by women to
dry clothes, look at the sea and the townscape, and meet their
neighbors. Additionally, some houses have wells in the court
yard, and orhers have djeb, a tank which collects rainwater for
washing clothes, cleaning foors, etc. (FIG. 4).[0
Physical characteristics of the site of the Kasbah of Algiers have
considerably i nfl uenced its bui lt form. Its steep slope forced
its builders to rely on stairs and nartow, winding streets. Only
pedestrians are able to enter (except that when the streets are
flat, animals may be used for transport). Commercial activi-
GROUND FLOOR PLAN CROSS SECTION I -I
K E Y S
I . Sgifa
2. West-ed-Dar
4- Covered gelllery
5. Terrace
3. "OOI (bit)
FIGURE 4. An exawple ofa traditional hottSe ill the Kasbah of/Igier.r. (SONne:
Atelier de leI Casb"h, 1980, /). 8;. )
ti es can only be found along the mai n streets leading to its
fortifi ed doors. Originally, houses in the Kasbah were bui lt
following stri ct building regulations established by the city' s
rulers and dating to the fourteenth century. These regula
tions concerned the fact that every house should face the sea
and have a roof terrace. "
Such uni formity is no longer t he case, however. Severe over
crowding and the demand for additional housing space has
led to anarchic extensions. In addi ti on, the KaJ bah is under
serious threat due to physical decay, lack of maintenance, and
frequent i nadequate building expansion or subdivision. These
conditions became so dramatic that UNESCO was called in to
help the Algerian government restore this valuable piece of
urban heritage. The results of this i ni tiative are not known
yet, however, it seems that the government intends to move
i nhabitants out of some parts of the Kasbah. These parts will
be considered a protected cultural heritage and wi l l be reno
vated as a tourist attraction.
Some exceptional examples of 1ledina- or kasbah-type housing
can still be found in the cities of Tlemcen, Algiers and Con
stantine. The Kasbahs of Algiers and Constantine resulted
from a combination of Arab-Islamic urban design and Otto
man architecture. Tlemcen's medina, on the other hand, pre
served its original Arab-Islamic character. B. S. Hakim writes
that "Tlemcen is unique in Algeria as one of the few towns to
have preserved certain features of its celebrated pre-colonial
past. "" These features are mainly historic monuments, mosques,
and palaces which date to medieval times. To a lesser degree
these i nclude houses wi thi n a medina.
Tlemcen' s history dates to the seventh century. It expanded
very quickly and fourished during the medieval period.
Tlemcen was a prominent town especially in terms of cultural,
religious, commercial and political activities. For these rea
sons, it was protected against invaders by fortifed walls and
was accessible only through three protected doors.
The coming of the Ottomans to Algeria had disastrous effects
on the development ofTlemcen. To begin with, it lost much
of its importance to coastal towns like Algiers and Oran,
which were favored and expanded under Ottoman rule. It
was further damaged after the coming of the French, who
obli terated its existing bui lt environment and erected the
customary buildi ngs of their occupation, which later came to
domi nate its townscape. ' J Little research has been done on
vernacular architecture in north Algeria, especially its medinc/
type architecture. But a quick glance at Tlemcen's plan helps
one understand the medina and i ts hOLising as a general con
cept (FIG. 5).
As one can see i n the example of Tlemcen, the meelina is a
network of narrow winding streets that lead to narrower alleys
which connect to private houses. Public spaces and bui ldi ngs
(educational , religious and pol itical) are well defned, and
located in specifc areas . The need for fami ly privacy and
protection agai nst i ntruders or strangers -mainly to protect
the women -further led to the adoption of a strict hierarchy
of space from public t private: this extended from public
space (the market), to main streets, alleyways, the front door,
the sqijt, the west-ee-elm', and the individual rooms of the house.
The sqijl plays an important role in this hierarchy. It is a well
decorated transi tion space one passes through before entering
the remainder of the house (FIG. 6). Decoration, furniture,
light, and view i nto the courtyard all provide a homey feel i ng
H A D J R I : N O R T H A L G E R I A . 69
here. Sometimes the sqifa has, besides a front door (the mai n
feature of a house' s exterior elevation and a frontier between
the public and private environments), a second door opening
on to the courtyard. The sqifa is also used as a room where male
guests are received.
By contrast, the west-ed-dm- is regarded as the center of the
house. It is where most domestic, social and cultural activities
take place. This is an enclosed space, totally private and
traditionally reserved for women. However, nowadays men
equally share the pleasure of socializing, eating, and even
sleeping ( i n the hot season) in this courtyard. In hot climates
the west-ee-dar improves thermal comfort inside the house,
and i t is a source of daylight, water, and fresh air. It also
symbolizes fami ly unity and modulates daily activities; i t is
in west-ed-dar that most fami ly activities and wet domestic
activities take place. During the day all rooms are opened
onto it. During the summer the rooms may also be left open
to the courtyard to gather the breeze.
Rooms in the medina-type house are commonly called biottt
(plural of bit). They are mul tifunctional, especially i n winter
when domestic and social activities, normally undertaken i n
west-ee-dar, may be disturbed by the weather (some domestic
activities may still take place i n the galleries around the
courtyard) . Generally, the rooms are the place for receiving
visitors, working, relaxing and sleeping.
There may be several types of relation between the medina-type
house and the city, characterized by various levels of remote
ness. The house may be connected t the outside simply by a
sqijt; it may be connected by a cl1-iba before entering the sqifa;
or it may be further removed from the street by a bli nd alley
(REFER TO FIG. 3). Other arrangements may exist as a result
of a combination of these types, but generally these are the
most common. It can be noted that the bl i nd alley and driba
are the expression of the need for strict space hierarchy and
enclosure i n Arab-Islamic urbanism. ' "
THE BERBER HOUSE: SHAWIA AND KABVLE
A second type of i ndigenous hOLising in north Algeria is
found i n the region of Kabylie i n the center of the northern
part of the country. It may also be found to the south of
Algiers and in the mountain massif of the Aures in the
northeast. In this region it is very cold in winter and qui te
hot in summer. Beside the sociocultural requirements of
housing form, the climate and the peculiar topography of the
area - rocky mountains and steep slopes -have played a
major role in determining house form.
70 T O 5 R 5. 1
K E Y S
l. Great Mosque
2. Petlace El Betli
3 T achjllie lJlCllic School
4
Theatre
5 KaySJariya
6. Palace (ksar)
7

DCr El Hadith [s/llnic School
8. Mosqlle ofi'vlechotlar
9 Mosqlle ofSidi Bra him
FIGURE 5. (RIGHT) Urbcm Jtrlctlre ojTlelceJ.
(Sollree: Wi/ya ofTlelllcel, 1987)
FIGURE 6. (BELOW) TyjJicct hOlse plall ill
Tlemtel'J medi na. (Drclling hy el lhor. )
I
K E Y S
l. Sgjfa
2. Kitchen / /001ll
3 Toilet
4

/<00111
5

West-ed-Dar
6. ExtcllSion for
Jtorcige
7 Storage room
According to Rapoport,' 5 sociocultural factors are the princi
pal forces i nfuencing housing forms, whereas climatic and
physical concerns may generally be related more to change
and design improvement. However, in some instances, envi
ronmental conditions may be as i nfuential as sociocultural
principles. This has been the case for Berber housing. A
crucial factor dictating the location of Berber towns has been
a lack of water and fertile land. This has forced local popula
tions to bui ld their vi llages on top of hi l l s and cliffs to save
land for agriculture and prevent i nundation of their settle
ments by flooded rivers during wi nter. Another aspect worth
menti oni ng is that these people have been encouraged to
bui ld towns i n easily defended locations on account of i nter
tribal wars -as in the case of Ghardaia i n the south. ' 6
There are two types of Berber housing: the Shawia type (that
of Berbers of the Aures region), and the Kabyle type (that of
Berbers of the Kabylie region). The Shawia house has a fat
roof and is bui lt usi ng mud bricks; only the foundations are
of stones. It is common to fnd this type of house wi th two
doors -one for people, the other for animals. However, when
there is only one door, people and animals are segregated on
the ground foor i n the Jqifa. On the frst foor there is a central
room, the heart of the house, where there is a freplace, weaving
place (a stone bench), storage room, and water contained i n
goatskins. Thi s area is also used to receive friends and fami ly
members and to sleep. The Shawia house may also contain a
guest room, a storeroom for food and agricultural produce, and
a roof terrace mainly used by women (FIG. 7).'7
Each Shawia house is surrounded on two or three sides by
other houses or by rocks. Most of the time the rock is used as
a back wall to save on bui l di ng materials. The house is nor
mally large enough to accommodate all family members. Some
houses have two or three stories, allowing for separate dwell
i ngs for each household, for guests, and sheds for animals.
\
\
0
7
__
\


.
L __ _ --- -...
R O O F T E R R A C E
F I R S T F L O O R
G R O U N D F L O O R
S E C T I O N
K E Y S I . Centred room
2A. Hearth
2B. Hearth for J/mmler
3 Store room
4-
Sheep den
5 Store room
6. Sqifa
7

Roof terrace
FIGURE 7. A typiccd Shatuia holtse. (Drawing after
Lehhal, "Trcditionod Berher Arhitecture, " p. 32. )
H A D J R I : N O R T H A L G E R I A 71
Locally available materials such as stone, wood, earth, and so
on are used to build houses in the Aures. However, the extent
of their use depends on their particular local availability. Stone
is qui te abundant and, despite its weight and the need for
skilled labor, appears to have been qui te popular for founda
tions, walls, lintels and even roofs. Wood is used for beams, posts,
roofs and floors. Finally, earth is an important component i n
this vernacular building. It is locally available, easily manageable,
and does not require skilled labor. It could be used in most
parts of the building, as walls, fences and roofs. Straw, gravel and
other materials are added to the earth to prevent it from
cracking and to improve its thermal properries.'8
In this part of Algeria the building of a house is an important
social event; all members of the fami l y, men and women, as
well as the communi ty at large, are involved in the building
process. This process is accompanied by religious ceremonies
and celebrations. ' 9 Recently, however, modern building stan
dards have appeared in this area. Many new self-built houses
have been erected using concrete, steel and bricks. The old
traditional houses, built using locally available materials, are
decaying and not cared for. 2O
In contrast to the Shawia house, the Kabyle dwelling is
composed of several small uni ts which are built as the family
expands. The same design principles are normally used in
building the units, the principal one of which is that the main
facade, containing the front door, faces east. This door is a
source of light in the early morning and the reason the west
wall is called "the wall of light. " The east wall is "the wall of dark
ness," because i t appears dark against the light of the east door.
In terms of its other features, the Kabyle house has a ground
fl oor that is basically rectangular and divided into two parts.
The lower part is located at the dark end of the house and is
used to shelter animals and store domestic and animal food.
This part of the house is dark, humid and "dirty, " and is
mainly used by the women for domestic purposes. Above this
part there is an attic-like room where kitchen tools and hay
are stored, and where children and women sleep in wi nter.
The other, higher, end of the house, the illuminated end, is for
receiving guests, cooking and weavi ng. It is predominantly a
male area, but can also be used by women when the men are out.
At the back of the house there is a garden accessible through
a small door. The garden is primarily for women (FIG. 8). "
Houses are built using stones with or without mortar j oints, or,
for the poor, in pise(using earth and clay blocks made on si te).
Unli ke the Shawia house, the Kabyle house has a pitched roof
covered wi th clay tiles, which is supported by wooden beams
lying on load-bearing walls and a mai n post. H
72 T D S R 5. 1
The Kabyle rural town is basically laid out inside a circular
street that connects to many alleys whi ch lead to the center
of each gtouping of houses.'3 The ring toad ptotects the pri
vacy of women and the communi ty i n the village from
strangers . However, local men use the ring toad when return
i ng home ftom felds and places where they socialize.'4
As is the case with housing i n the Kasbah, and with the Shawia
house, the requi rements of modern l i fe have signi fcantly
affected the way Kabyle housing is built and used. For
i nstance, the cooking corner has been transformed into a
kitchen; more partitions, toilets, and window openings have
been added; the foor has been covered wi th tiles; and basic
ways of preparing food and cooking have been replaced by
more effcient, modern means. In terms of building technol
ogy, stones and mud have now been replaced by concrete
blocks, bricks, and dense concrete.'5
A SYNTHESIS OF VERNACULAR HOUSING IN
NORTH ALGERIA
From this study of surviving vernacular housing types i n
Algeria, three components appear to be most common. These
are the sqi/a entrance, the courtyard or weJ't-ed-dar, and the
multi-functi onal room or bit. It is worth reviewing the main
features of these spaces, which mi ght be seen as the basis for
the development of new contemporary housi ng forms i n
north Algeria.
The sqi/a serves as an important transition between public
and private realms. It is i no this space that the front door
(the l i mi t between public space and private domain) opens.
Tradi tionally, the sqifa is a well-decorated room which may
also be used by men receiving their guests. It is also a
transition zone where guests await permission to enter the
i nside of the house. Stairs leading to first foor are most of the
time located in the sqifc t (FIG. 9).
The second space, the west-ed-dar, can ei ther be square or
rectangular, and is normally surrounded by a gallery with
arcades. The foor of this atea is covered wi th tiles or marble,
and its environment is kept fresh wi th trees and running
water from fountains. The west-ed-dar is normally the main
space for women to carry out their daily domestic work. For
this reason the kitchen and laundry room open onto the court
yard. This is also the place where chi ldren play, women receive
their friends, and where social and religious events are held.
The west-ed-dar represents a solution to sociocultural requi re
ments i nside the dwelling, and i t contributes to the thermal
comfort of residents of the dwelling during the summer.
K E Y S
I . Ujel' 1'00111
(hollSehold)
2. Lower room
(elil/wh)
3
Em! door (lltede)
2
4 Wmdoor (flllcde)
5
\CII 0/ c/{l'kJleJs
6. \II o/Iighl
FIGURE 8. (TOP) PlCII 0/ C Il'adiliO/wl KClbyle dwelliJlg. (DI'C1willg t/el' Oliver.
Dwelli ngs. fl. I62; e/lld BOI/diel/. Esqui sse. )
FIGURE 9. (ABOVE) Pl'iJlcifJle 0/ sqifa eJllrClJlce. (OI'Clll'iJlg tI/el' !tVel'eCII. [98I,
p. I3. )
The last space, the bit, is usually rectangular, measuring about
three meters wide and up to twelve meters long. Its middle
is more decorated than its ends, where benches may be located
and used as beds at night. There are at least two windows and
a door in each bit, whi ch opens onto a gallery, and each may
have a small opening t the outside, mainly for ventilation. A
bit may be used for reception of guests during the day and for
family members and guests to sleep during the night. Cur
tains or furniture (such as a wardrobe) may be used to divide
the room into several separate spaces (e. g. , for married sons to
sleep i n) . This organization is also common in traditional
housing i n MorocCO.'6 The bit is clearly a multifunctional room
which is used throughout the day by all members of the
household and their guests.'7
CONCLUDING NOTE
The impact of colonial power on Algeria has led to a discon
ti nui ty in the development of tradi tional forms and the im
posi tion of foreign typologies and urban forms. This is par
ticularly true in the northern city of Oran. Here, Algerian
tradi tional forms, based on Arab-Islamic principles of pri
vacy, i nti macy and hierarchy of spaces, were not allowed to
develop. In fact , housing typology in Oran is the product of
Spanish and French i nfuence.
The impact of colonization and modernization on house form
in Oran has led to the uti l ization of new designs by self
bui lders based on foreign styles. These are then combined
wi th north-Algerian tradi tional patterns. The use of some
Algerian traditional models i n Oran may have been caused by
i nternal migrations. The models still carry cultural values
fami liar to most natives of North Africa.
Of the three components of tradi tional housing designs stud
ied here, at least two can be found in self-built housing and (to
a lesser degree) i n squatter settlements: the west-ed-dr, and the
multifunctional bit. The sqi/ has largely been replaced by the
H A D J R I : N O R T H A L G E R I A 73
French entrance hall, which, in other modern Algerian housing at
least, occupies the central location of the west-eel-dr.
It can further be said that in locations where tradi tional
housing has been preserved at least three common urban
elements remain that help achieve an important hierarchy of
space and privacy wi thi n the neighborhood. These are the
sqifC, the dribe, and the blind alley, all typical principles of
Arab-Islamic urbanism.
Despite the apparent modernism of the Algerian urban
population, Algerian society at large is still very traditional.
This explains the need for new housing designs which are
adapted to contemporary needs, but which still express the
principal tradi tional requirements of daily life. Self-built
housing, primarily the architectural expression of middle
income groups, has to date fai led to address these two needs
adequately. Such housing is neither uni que not appropriate
t Algeria. More forms are likely t be developed in the near
fut ue, as Algerians look for a new typology that will better
balance their competing requirements.
74 T D S R 5. 1
REFERENCE NOTES This paper is a summarized version of Chapter
Two of rhe Ph. D. disserrarion "The Viabiliry of
No-Fines for rhe Producrion of Appropriate
Housing i n Algeria," carried out by the author
ar rhe Joint Centre for Urban Design, Oxford
Polyrechnic, Oxford, 1992.
I. M. e. Benarbia er aI. , "Habirar er
Planifcation: Le Probleme du Logement i
Alger," in Let Qles/ioll dl Logellent {t Alger
(Algiers: OPU, 1977), 1. 27.
2. P. Bourdieu and A. Sayed, Le DJracineJllent
(Paris: Mi nui r, 1977).
3. J.J. Deluz, L'Urbanis1lle et I'Arcbitectttre
d'A/ger: Ai}er,.,t Critique (Algiers: OPU, 1988), 1'. 78.
4- Benarbia et al., "Habitat et Planifcation,"
1.27
5. J. Gortmann, "Locale and Archirecrure,"
Lctdswpe Vol.VII No. 1 (Autumn 1957), 1.20.
6. A. Rapoporr, HolSe Form and CN/tilre
(Englewood Cl i ffs, N. J. : Prentice Hall, 1969),
1. 22.
7. N. A. Benmarri, "L'Habitar c1u Tiers-Monde:
Cas de ['Algerie" (Algiets: SNED, 1982).
8. N. Lebbal, "Tradirional Berber Archirecture
i n the ALres, Algeria," VerlCCIt!clr Architect/ire 20
(1989), 1'.27.
9. B. S. Haki m, Arahic-Is/amic Cities: Blii/ding
cmd PLuming Princij}/eJ (London: KPI Lrd, 1986),
1'57
10. Benmarri, "L'Habitar du Tiers-Monde,"
1'. 180; and J. Lesber, Le Ceshab d'A/ger: Ge.rtion
Urhetine et Vide Socic" (Algiers: OPU, 1985), 1. 31.
II. Haki m, Arctbic-iJ/cttlic Cities; ancl Lesber, Le
Casbab d'A/ger, 1'. 32.
1 2. G. Blake and R. Lawless, "Tlemcen:
Continuity Of Change," Arhitecturel! Assoeicttiofl
QNarterly Vo1.6 No. 1 ( 1974), 1. 39.
13. Blake and Lawless, "Tlemcen."
14. R. Berardi, "Lecrure d'une Ville: la Medina
de Tunis," Arcbitecture d'Atjolrd'bti I53 (Dec.
Jan. 1970-71), 1'1'. 38-43; and M. Roche
"Consrruire au M'Zab: Andre Ravereau er la
tradi ti on, " i n "Algerie," Techniqltc et Architectllre
329 (Feb.-March '980), 11'.75-79.
1 5. Rapoport, HOIIJe Form (mel Cllltlre.
1 6. Lebbal, "Tradirional Berber Atchirecture,"
p. 24-
'7 Ibid. , 1. 32.
18. Ibid. , 1'.34.
19. Ibi d. , 1'.36; and Rapoport, HOlse Form and
Cu/tlre, 1-46.
20. Ibid., 1'.37.
21. P. Bourdieu, ExqttiJJe eI'/me Theorie de fa
Pratique (Paris: Dmz, 1974); and P. Oliver,
DwellingJ: Tbe HOlise Across tbe \Vorld (Oxford:
Phaidon, 1987), 1'1' . 161-63.
22. Benmatti, "L'Habi tat du Tiers-Monde,"
1. 1 81 .
23. Ibi d, 1'. 1 81 .
24. Bourdieu and Sayed, Le Derctcinelilent.
25. Benmarti, "L'Habi tar du Tiers-Monde,"
p. l 81 .
26. D. Baker, "The Tradirional House and New
Mi ddle-Class Housing in Morocco," Eki.rtics
3I8-3I9 (May-Aug. 1986), 1'1'.149-56.
27. S. Noweir and J.e. Depaule, "La Maison er
son Usage," in J. Lucan et al . , "Algerie,"
Arhitecture Motvelient & Continitite 48(1979),
P

74