1) Holography originated independently from research in three locations in the 1940s-1960s: Dennis Gabor's work at BTH laboratories in England, Yury Denisyuk's research at the Vavilov Institute in Russia, and Emmett Leith and Juris Upatniek's work at Willow Run Laboratories in the US.
2) Each researcher developed different concepts and approaches to holography without being aware of the others' work initially. Gabor conceived it as a way to improve electron microscopes, Denisyuk called it "wave photography", and Leith applied communications theory.
3) It took until the mid-1960s for the field to coalesce as researchers
1) Holography originated independently from research in three locations in the 1940s-1960s: Dennis Gabor's work at BTH laboratories in England, Yury Denisyuk's research at the Vavilov Institute in Russia, and Emmett Leith and Juris Upatniek's work at Willow Run Laboratories in the US.
2) Each researcher developed different concepts and approaches to holography without being aware of the others' work initially. Gabor conceived it as a way to improve electron microscopes, Denisyuk called it "wave photography", and Leith applied communications theory.
3) It took until the mid-1960s for the field to coalesce as researchers
1) Holography originated independently from research in three locations in the 1940s-1960s: Dennis Gabor's work at BTH laboratories in England, Yury Denisyuk's research at the Vavilov Institute in Russia, and Emmett Leith and Juris Upatniek's work at Willow Run Laboratories in the US.
2) Each researcher developed different concepts and approaches to holography without being aware of the others' work initially. Gabor conceived it as a way to improve electron microscopes, Denisyuk called it "wave photography", and Leith applied communications theory.
3) It took until the mid-1960s for the field to coalesce as researchers
1) Holography originated independently from research in three locations in the 1940s-1960s: Dennis Gabor's work at BTH laboratories in England, Yury Denisyuk's research at the Vavilov Institute in Russia, and Emmett Leith and Juris Upatniek's work at Willow Run Laboratories in the US.
2) Each researcher developed different concepts and approaches to holography without being aware of the others' work initially. Gabor conceived it as a way to improve electron microscopes, Denisyuk called it "wave photography", and Leith applied communications theory.
3) It took until the mid-1960s for the field to coalesce as researchers
Sean F. J ohnston * , University of Glasgow Crichton Campus, Dumfries, UK, DG1 4ZL
The subject of holography evolved over two decades as workers in the field gradually identified similarities between distinct research strands. Establishing this new pattern of knowledge took time; seeing the various insights as coherent required the merging of experiences from different backgrounds and disciplines. Three locations seeded this research, which was to coalesce into a recognized subject by the late 1960s: an industrial electrical laboratory in Rugby, England; a state Scientific Institute in what was then Leningrad, USSR; and, a classified research laboratory in Willow Run, USA. 1
The first version of this subject was conceived by Dennis Gabor (1900-1979), an migr Hungarian electrical engineer living in England. Gabor was an unusual and highly creative individual, spending the first half of his career as an inventor, and the second half as a senior academic. After gaining a doctorate in electrical engineering in Berlin in 1927, he had worked for Siemens & Halske there until Hitler came to power in 1933, and soon afterward immigrated to Rugby, England, where he worked for the British Thomson-Houston Company (BTH), a major electrical manufacturer, for the following fourteen years. Having worked on related topics for his PhD research, Gabor was interested in further developing electron microscopes. In May 1947, he conceived a two-step process to improve their imaging. First, he would record the interference pattern produced by an electron beam diffracting around a small opaque object. Second, this pattern would be used to reconstruct an image of the object using visible light, and that image could be corrected optically for the aberrations of the magnetic lenses. That autumn, diffident administrators gave Gabor and an assistant, Ivor Williams, permission to try it out and, by the end of the year, he was writing to influential scientists about their first results. Gabor demonstrated his results at a London conference of electron microscopists in April 1948, and had a short paper published in Nature the following month. 2 The brief two-page paper, and the demonstrations, intimately embedded his new concept in the culture of electron microscopy, making it unlikely to be noticed by other scientists. Gabors major publication on the subject was a 33-page paper presented to the Royal Society in August, 1948, exploring the possibilities of his concept at much greater length. Here the term hologram made its first published appearance:
As the photograph of a diffraction pattern taken in divergent, coherent illumination will be often used in this paper, it will be useful to introduce a special name for it, to distinguish it from the diffraction pattern itself, which will be considered as a complex function. The name hologram is not unjustified, as the photograph contains the total information required for reconstructing the object, which can be two-dimensional or three- dimensional. 3
* s.johnston@crichton.gla.ac.uk; phone +44 (1387) 702038; fax +44 (1387) 702005; http://www.cc.gla.ac.uk CLOSPI - BAS The distinct contexts and origins of holography ii The subject was taken up by a handful of investigators: first, by Gabor (after a move to Imperial College) and collaborators at AEI, a sister-company of BTH that was developing electron microscopes; second, by Gordon Rogers, a former PhD student of Sir Lawrence Bragg; third, by Paul Kirkpatrick at Stanford University in California, and his students Albert Baez and Hussein El-Sum; and fourth and somewhat later, by Adolf Lohmann in Germany. The research had a short trajectory, however. Gabors collaborators at AEI found that they were quite unable to generate good holograms. At best, six or seven fringes of interference could be obtained, owing to instabilities of the electron source and movement of the apparatus. By 1954, Gabor, frustrated to the point of desperation, was trying fruitlessly to convince his collaborators to continue their research, although they had lost all enthusiasm to continue. Even setting aside this serious drawback for electron microscopy, the second step of the process the optical reconstruction from the hologram was also judged to be imperfect. Gabors method generated an in-line hologram, in which the image was reconstructed on the same axis as a conjugate image and the light source itself; this unavoidably contaminated the quality of the desired image. And, even worse, the coherent light sources then available filtered mercury and incandescent lamps yielded disappointingly low-quality reconstructions. Gabor investigated optical schemes for minimizing or optically subtracting the effects of the conjugate image, but by the mid 1950s he had quietly abandoned the work. His AEI collaborators classified wavefront reconstruction microscopy as a white elephant having, like Gabors previous inventions, no commercial prospects. 4 When Gabor applied for a professorship at Imperial College in 1958, he made little mention of his work in wavefront reconstruction. The second independent exploration of the subject that became holography was undertaken by Yury Denisyuk (1927-), who began working at the Vavilov Institute, Leningrad, in 1954 after completing a degree in the Department of Physical Engineering at the Leningrad Institute of Fine Mechanics and Optics. During his first seven years at the Vavilov, he worked on the design of optical instrumentation. From 1958, provided with time to do research for a Kandidat thesis, he developed novel concepts that he dubbed wave photography. Denisyuk was unaware of Gabors work at this time. He discovered, however, that Gabriel Lippmann previously had solved some of the theoretical and experimental problems that interested him. Lippmann had devised a method of color photography based on the interference of light waves that had much in common with the problem that Denisyuk envisaged, and suggesting that the Lippmann photograph was only part of a more general property of volume interference photographs. 5, 6 He concluded that the method should create a structure in the emulsion that recreated the optical properties of the original object faithfully. From 1959, Denisyuk began using the improved emulsions to record standing wave patterns from his shallow mirrors, and announced his discovery publicly in his first three-page paper, submitted in February 1962. The title of his thesis (in English translation) was On Reflection of Optical Properties of an Object in the Wavefield of the Radiation Scattered By It, a title that he also used for his first publications on the subject. 7, 8, 9 He described his wave photograph as a unique kind of optical equivalent of the object. His technique was in several ways more general than what Gabor had conceived. Denisyuk conceived his studies in terms of recording a spatial relationship recording a standing wave in a thick photographic emulsion. Gabor, by contrast, had Holography 2005 The distinct contexts and origins of holography iii conceived of a more stepwise process, in which information was transformed successively from an image to a two-dimensional pattern and back to an image. Denisyuks method was not encumbered with a conjugate image, as was Gabors. However, the light source available to him (the mercury arc lamp) had a coherence length of a few tenths of a millimeter, and so only very shallow objects such as shallow mirrors or coins could be recorded. After completing his thesis studies in 1961, Denisyuk returned to Navy-related work. As chief of a new laboratory set up in J une 1961, his opportunities to pursue wave photography were limited. As he has described elsewhere, research on wave photography languished in the Soviet Union over the next few years. 10, 11
The third independent formulation of the subject took place at the Willow Run Laboratories, operated by the University of Michigan near Ann Arbor, Michigan mainly for classified contract research for the US military. Emmett Leith (1927-) joined in 1952, after completing his Masters degree in Physics at nearby Wayne State University, as a junior member of a project to develop synthetic aperture radar. 12 During 1955-56, Leith reconceived synthetic aperture radar theory in terms of physical optics, a viewpoint underpinning an optical method of analyzing the radar data. Leith became aware of Gabors work, and how closely it related to his radar developments, in 1956, and in 1960 began replicating some of Gabors results with a junior colleague, J uris Upatnieks (1936-). By applying communications theory to wavefront reconstruction, they conceived ways of removing the problem of the conjugate image that had plagued Gabor. 13 By late 1963, their ensemble of innovations was publicized as lensless photography. 14
From these distinct perspectives, a combined subject began to crystallize during the mid 1960s. Context was crucial: the separate working cultures generated dissimilar visions. During the formative stages of the new subject that would become holography, conceptions were each independent, unique and dissimilar. For two decades, therefore (1947-1967), investigators were on a quest for coherence: intellectual coherence based on theoretical concepts; social coherence based on a uniformity of method and purpose; and optical coherence, that elusive quality of light sources that was so crucial for the young subject. This paper focuses on the latter of those three points of origin: Ann Arbor, Michigan. It focuses on events there for four reasons: first, the explosion of interest in wavefront reconstruction began there; second, it was the locus of scientific, engineering, commercial and artistic attention for an intense, but brief, half-decade; third, many of the participants in that explosion subsequently became influential in the evolution of the field; and fourth, there is ample documentary evidence to describe the process. This paper is based on a rich variety of sources that include interviews and/or correspondence with some two-dozen persons who were involved in the field during the 1960s and early 1970s, private collections of documents and ephemera, and publicly available archives. 15
REFERENCES AND NOTES
1. J ohnston, Sean F., "Holoscopes, wave photographs and lensless photography: changing visions of holography", presented at the International Conference on Optical Holography and its Applications, Kiev, Ukraine, 2004 (unpublished); J ohnston, Sean F., "From white elephant to CLOSPI - BAS The distinct contexts and origins of holography iv Nobel Prize: Dennis Gabors wavefront reconstruction", Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences (submitted). 2. Gabor, Dennis, "A new microscopic principle", Nature 161, 777 (1948). 3. Gabor, Dennis, "Microscopy by reconstructed wavefronts", Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Series A 197, 454 (1949)., quotation p. 456. 4. Allibone, T. E., "White and black elephants at Aldermaston", Journal of Electronics and Control 4 (2), 179 (1958). 5. Lippmann, Gabriel ,"La photographie des couleurs", Comptes Rendus de L'Academie des Sciences 112, 274 (1891. 6. Lippmann, Gabriel, "Sur la theorie de la photographie des couleurs simples et composs", Journal de Physique 3-e serie 3, 97 (1894); Lippmann, "Colour photography", 1908 Nobel Prize Lecture (1908). 7. Denisyuk, Yu N., "On the reflection of optical properties of an object in the wave field of light scattered by it", Doklady Akademii Nauk SSSR 144, 1275 (1962). 8. Denisyuk, Yu N., "On reflection of the optical properties of an object in wavefield of radiation scattered by it", Optika i Spektroskopija 15, 522 (1963). 9. Denisyuk, Yu N., "On reflection of the optical properties of an object in wavefield of radiation scattered by it. II", Optika i Spektroskopija 18, 276 (1965). 10. Denisyuk, Yu N., "The work of the State Optical Institute on holography", Soviet Journal of Optical Technology 34 (6), 706 (1967). 11. Denisyuk, Yu N., and V. Gurikov, "Advancement of Holography, Investigations by Soviet Scientists", History and Technology 8 (2), 127 (1992). 12. Leith, Emmett N., 'A short history of the Optics Group of the Willow Run Laboratories', in Trends in Optics, edited by A. Consortini (New York: Academic Press, 1996) 3, 1-26. 13. Leith, Emmett N., and J uris Upatnieks, 'Reconstructed wavefronts and communication theory', Journal of the Optical Society of America (1962) 52: 1123-1130. 14. J ohnston, Sean F., 'Absorbing new technologies: holography as an analog of photography', Physics in Perspective (forthcoming). 15. Interviewees and correspondents included Carl Aleksoff, Norm Barnett, Lawrence Bartell, Donald Broadbent, Douglas Brumm, Clark Charnetski, Gary Cochran, Lloyd G. Cross, Frank Denton, Arthur Funkhouser, Donald Gillespie, Kenneth Haines, Guy Indebetouw, Adam Kozma, Antoine Labeyrie, Emmett Leith, Carl Leonard, Harry Owen, Larry Siebert, Karl Stetson, George W. Stroke, Juris Upatnieks, Charles Vest, C. Roy Worthington and Richard Zech. Unpublished documents were obtained from Broadbent, Charnetski, Cochran, Funkhouser, Gillespie, Haines, Kozma, Leith, Leonard and Upatnieks. Further documents were examined at the Bentley Historical Library in Ann Arbor, Michigan, the MIT Museum in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the archives of Imperial College, London and the Science Museum library, London.