This document summarizes an article that examines the role of self in intercultural learning among Iranian immigrants and exiles living in California. It makes three key points:
1) Existing intercultural research often views the self as experiencing inevitable cultural conflict due to differences, obscuring other dimensions of cultural learning.
2) The article proposes that there are two levels of intercultural learning - behavioral adaptation without changes to inner self, and deeper transformation involving changes to values, meaning and identity.
3) It suggests exploring the relationship between self and culture further, as the self plays a role in mediating cultural learning and its complexity has been overlooked in research focused on managing cultural conflicts.
This document summarizes an article that examines the role of self in intercultural learning among Iranian immigrants and exiles living in California. It makes three key points:
1) Existing intercultural research often views the self as experiencing inevitable cultural conflict due to differences, obscuring other dimensions of cultural learning.
2) The article proposes that there are two levels of intercultural learning - behavioral adaptation without changes to inner self, and deeper transformation involving changes to values, meaning and identity.
3) It suggests exploring the relationship between self and culture further, as the self plays a role in mediating cultural learning and its complexity has been overlooked in research focused on managing cultural conflicts.
This document summarizes an article that examines the role of self in intercultural learning among Iranian immigrants and exiles living in California. It makes three key points:
1) Existing intercultural research often views the self as experiencing inevitable cultural conflict due to differences, obscuring other dimensions of cultural learning.
2) The article proposes that there are two levels of intercultural learning - behavioral adaptation without changes to inner self, and deeper transformation involving changes to values, meaning and identity.
3) It suggests exploring the relationship between self and culture further, as the self plays a role in mediating cultural learning and its complexity has been overlooked in research focused on managing cultural conflicts.
IRANIANS IN THE U.S. DIANE M, Ht2FFMAh ABSTRACT. Based on ethnographic research on the culrural adaptation of&an& an immigrants and exiles in California, this paper considers the role of the self i n intercultural ~eurning, and suggests that the ~~ationship between the setf and culture be considered a significant factor in the ways individuals learn- other cultures. Among the30professional and 24 adolescent lraaians interviewed, there were two primary modes of relating self to culture that seemed linked to two possible levels of intercultural learning: One involving behavioral-level learning that did not entail changes in the subjective sense of inner self: and the other involving a deeper Ievel transformation of behavior linked with subjectively expe- rienced changes in the realms of value, meaning, and identity constituting the inner se/$ Though cultural conflicts between Iranians and Americans were signif- icant, for the majority of Iranians the process of cultural adjustment was not experienced as a source of culturalshock, conflict, or confusion, but as a learning experience in which the self played a primary role as mediator for cultural learn- ing. The paper proposes that the dominant research orientation of the interczdtur- al$eld, chamcterizable by a concern with cufture differences and culture convict, has often obscured co~s~demtion for the dimensions of cultural learning that transcend the experience of conflict. CONFLICT AND SELF IN INTERCULTURAL RESEARCH The role of self in intercultural adjustment has long been a concern of intercultural research. Most commonly operationalized in terms of iden- tity, self-esteem, or self-concept, (Bagley & Young, 1988), the notion of self has been viewed within a framework emphasizing the dimensions of cultural conflict experienced in the process of interacting with another culture. Indeed, the notion that the self experiences cultural conflict as an inevitable response to the existence of cultural differences is one of the fu~dament~ assumptions of the intercultur~ field. This conflict view of self is reflected in the well-known concept of culture shock, in approaches to the study of intercultural communication that emphasize the role of This article is based on a paper presented at the Fourteenth Annual Congress of the International Society for Intercultural Education, Raining, and Research, Denver, Colora- do, May 1988. Requests for reprints should be addressed to: Dr. Diane M. Hoffman, 32 Larkin Street, Huntington Station, NY 11746. 27.5 276 D. M. Hoffman power and controi in the intercultural interpersonal relationship (see Gu- dykunst & Kim, 1984; Singer, 1987; Ting-Toomey, 1985), and in the emphasis in intercultural training on behavioraf management as a pri- mary means of reducing intercultur~ conflicts. In all of these areas, self is seen as an arena for cross-cultural conflict, with cultural adaptation defined primarily in terms of how well one can manage cultural conflicts successfully so as to preserve self-concept and a sense of high self- esteem. In fact, most intercultural research has not gone beyond this rather limited consideration of self because of practical methodologicai difficul- ties. The notion of self as a complex, whole, encompassing behavioral as well as affective and affiliative components, represents a much more fuzzy concept that in fact cannot be studied very effectively except through the use of more qu~itative methods. According to Ting-Toomey (1984), such methods have much potential yet are not often used because of the length of time and the foreign language facility they require. Another reason for lack of a more complex view of self in intercultural research is that most often self is viewed deterministically, as a bound entity that cannot escape the dictates of culture. It thus acts as a barrier to effective intercultural understanding and communization, and as a primary source of conflict in intercultural relations. According to this view, self is determined by culture and is basically inseparable from it. In the words of Gudykunst 6t Kim (1984), Culture programs us to define what is real, what is true, what is right, what is beautiful, what is good. . . . We are programmed. . . . We all have a tendency toward ethnocentrism as a result of our very inseparable relationship to our culture. (p. 2553 Gudykunst and Kim assume that what participants in an intercultural interaction desire is to acquire a . . . sense of control (p. 212). Given this assumption, it becomes very difficult to consider a conceptually richer and less determined view of self in intercultural relations, or to focus on self as an entity independent of culture that may affect the processes and outcomes of intercultural learning. Another implication of this strong cultural determinism for intercul- tural research concerns the conceptualization of culture learning. What does-or should-it consist of? To date, most discussions of culture learning in the intercultural literature have focused solely on the behav- ioral aspects of adaptation, explicitly denigrating the importance of val- ues, norms, or identity constructs in the learning process: Culture learning does not imply that a person must undergo a basic shift in values and conform to a new set of norms. Culture learning makes a distinction between skills and values, between performance and compliance. (Furnham & Bochner, 1986, p. 250) Culture, Self; and Intercultural Learning 277 Furnham and Bochner go on to conclude that what intercultural research and training should focus on are the skills that make a difference; values are not what really matters. Indeed, the distinction between values and behavior or performance is important, yet the question remains, can behavioral change alone be considered true culture learning? Is not culture something more than behavior? Or are there perhaps variations or levels in culture learning so that one may consider behavioral adaptation as one possible form of learning, yet view it in a more complete context of meaning, value, identi- ty, and self -all of which ultimately interact during the intercultural adaptive process? As suggested in the work of the anthropologist Kimball (1972), adaptation on a behavioral level may only be a superficial index of cultural learning. Thus, studies of intercultural learning need to consider the entire complex of an individuals responses to the new environment, not just those easily classified as behavioral; self is one such domain that needs exploration. Recent conceptualizations of the self in anthropology and psychology have in fact moved away from the cultural determinism and behavioralis- tic emphasis of earlier years toward a more complex view in which the relation between self and culture is a critical area for inquiry. An impor- tant feature of this emerging view of self is its distinct ontological status. Self is more than the sum of its parts; it entails, but remains independent of, such dimensions as personality, role, self-concept, self-esteem, etc. (Marsella, DeVos, & Hsu, 1985). It has thus come to be viewed as a significant dynamic force in its own right, shaping the way the individual experiences the world, and not merely acting as the passive recipient of environmentally determined form and content. It can, moreover, assume a multiplicity of forms in its interaction with the social and cultural environment; it is neither as fixed nor as bounded as earlier concep- tualizations would have it (Sampson, 1985; Markus & Wurf, 1987). A second area of interest in contemporary anthropological theorizing about the nature of self concerns its cross-cultural variability. Although the existence of cultural variations in self-structure has long been recog- nized, theorists have yet to develop a set of unified concepts to describe these variations. The recognition of cultural variability has also raised anew important issues concerning relativism and universalism in regard to self (see Rosaldo, 1984; Spiro, 1984). This debate aside, when viewed from an intercultural learning perspective, the notion that self varies across cultures would appear to have important implications for an un- derstanding of culture acquisition and learning. As pointed out by Barnlund (1975) in his study of Japanese and American patterns of com- munication, differences in the way Japanese and American selves are constructed have significant effects on intercultural communication. If it is the case, as Johnson (1985) suggests, that communication is the pri- 278 L? M. Eioffman mary means through which self is manifested and constructed, research ought to look more closely at how self is both communicated and con- structed in intercultural contexts, how self is related to culture, and how this relationship may influence the cross-cultural learning process. Though the development of concepts to explain variations in the nature of the self-culture relationship is yet in its infancy, descriptions of how self varies across cultures have been numerous. Many observers have noted that the Western predilection for positing an individuated, uni- tary, autonomous self contrasts sharply with other perspectives in which self is unindividuated and socially contextuahzed, inclusive, and diffuse (Shweder & Bourne, 1984; Marsella, f985). Western notions of self have also tended to emphasize the need for control, supposing a self that is continuously in conflict with its natural and social environment in its attempts to achieve autonomy and individuation. As Rosaldo (1984), Sampson (1985), and others have recognized, there exists little cross- cultural basis for assuming that this is a universal pattern, for in numer- ous cultures it is not themes of conflict but those of harmony and balance that characterize the relationship between self, other, and social order. Thus, we cannot suppose that notions of control and conflict, so prev- alent in many Western intercultural researchers accounts of cross-cultur- al experience, adequately characterize the intercultural learning experi- ence of persons from non-Western cultures. Indeed, as pointed out by Asante & Vora (1983), a focus on questions of conflict, control, and power reflects a Western approach to the study of intercultural interac- tions that may in fact lack cross-cultural validity. The Westerners preoc- cupation with conflict and power may not be shared by all cultures, and to take an approach to research in which these notions are either explicitly or implicitly the focus may be misleading. Such a concern with conflict can and often does obscure consideration of equally and perhaps more salient dimensions in the intercultural learning experience, particularly that of self. There is thus a critical need in intercultural research to move beyond the assumptions of cultural conflict and cultural determinism in conceptualizing intercuiturai interactions and the learning that may result from them. In examining how immigrant and exiled Iranians have adapted cultural- ly to the United States, this study suggests that we must look at the very relationship between self and culture as the key to understanding the kinds of cultural learning that occur during the intercultural experience. In particular, the study focuses on how self as it is experienced and defined in Iranian culture affects the cross-cultural learning process. The ultimate aim of this analysis is to generate concepts relevant to the under- standing of intercultural learning that might have the potential to move us beyond the conflict paradigm in intercultural research, Self may be a primary factor in intercultural learning not so much because it acts as an Culture, SelJ and I ntercultural Learning 279 arena for the experience of cultural conflict, but because of the way it mediates the cross-cultural learning process. Background: I ranians in the US. It would be impossible to present an in-depth view of the situation of Iranians in the United States (nor, for that matter, a thorough description of Iranian culture) within this article; however, in order to provide some context for the analysis, some general background comments are in order. Iranians constitute a significant yet relatively unrecognized cultural mi- nority group in the U.S. According to Lorenz and Wertime (1980), Irani- ans are the least understood and least well-known of any U.S. ethnic minority, despite the fact that the Los Angeles area alone-according to one estimate (Moslehi, 1984)-may have as many as 300,000 Iranians. The current number is likely to be much larger, although no reliable estimates are available. There are significant numbers of Iranians in other U.S. urban areas as well; but perhaps one half of the estimated one million Iranians in the U.S. reside in California. In the late 1970s Iranians constituted the largest single group of foreign students on U.S. campuses. The majority of Iranians currently residing in the U.S. arrived during the late 1970s and the period of the subsequent Hostage Crisis of the early 1980s. The paucity of research on Iranians in the U.S. makes it difficult to draw any conclusions about the nature of this community. However, recent studies on the demographics of Iranians in the Los Angeles area have indicated that on the whole these Iranians tend to have middle to high socioeconomic backgrounds, high educational attainment, and pro- fessional-level occupational status (Sabagh & Bozorgmehr, 1987). They are, however, an ethnically, religiously, and politically heterogeneous group, including Jews, Assyrians, Armenians, Bahais, Zoroastrians, Kurds, and Shia Muslims. Association with co-religionists and with those of like political persuasion appears to be the norm; there thus appears to be a high level of social fragmentation and organizational instability among Iranians (Moslehi, 1984), with little overt evidence of strong community cohesion that spans religious and ethnic categories. Yet, there is evidence that since the period of the large scale immigra- tion of Iranians to the States, social and cultural cohesion among Irani- ans is growing. Gilanshah (1986) notes the emergence of a dual communi- ty among Iranians in the Twin Cities Minnesota area; Ansari (1977) considers aspects of community development among professional Irani- ans in the U.S. Moslehi (1984) provides ample evidence for the impor- tance of an emerging organizational consciousness among Iranians that may indicate both a need for and a desire to create a sense of cultural connectedness. Since the Iranian revolution, use of the Persian language (Farsi) among Iranians has acquired new significance as a marker of cultural group identity. Community events such as popular and classical music concerts, art exhibitions, and collective celebrations of Iranian holidays have helped to promote a sense of shared cultural awareness. Iranian media (television, radio, community publications such as tele- phone directories) and cultural organizations have also contributed to this growing sense of cultural group identification. Given the heterogeneity of the Iranian population and the extreme social and cultural discontinuity occasioned by the Iranian revolution, it is in fact difficult to speak of Iranian culture in a way that adequately accounts for the evolutionary process it seems to be undergoing. More- over, when considering the case of Iranians in the U.S., one cannot ignore the effects of somewhat negative cultural images and attitudes on the part of the host society, images that have been formed largely in response to media coverage of events in Iran and of Iranian-American political inter- actions. These factors, and others as well, have had a significant effect on the status of the Iranian community in the U.S. It remains to be seen how Iranian culture and community will evolve as a result of this exile experience. However, despite the uncertainty of the cuhural and social situation of many immigrant and exile Iranians in recent years, it is possible to sup- pose there are certain dimensions of cultural identity that remain charac- teristic of those individuals who define themselves as Iranian- whether this subjective definition derives from a sense of shared cultural past, or from a present sense of the exigencies of survival as a cultural minority in the U.S. Those threads of cultural identity that appear to be most signifi- cant for the present analysis concern the nature of the Iranian self. Self in Iranian Culture Observers of Iranian culture have often noted that a fundamental Ira- nian cultural theme is the contrast between two realms of experience, described as the internal (baten) and the external (zaher). (Bateson, Clinton, Kassargian, Safavi, & Soraya, 1977; Beeman, f976, 1986; Good, Del-Vecchio Good, 1985). According to Beeman (1986), this opposition pervades Iranian thinking and governs many other aspects of Iranian social life. It is particularly evident in the Iranian conceptualization of the self, according to these authors. This self is frequently thought of as having two levels: an inner core self, considered to be pure, morally valued, free in expression and genuine, and a social self, or the proper public face that must be put on during interaction with the outside world. According to Good, and Del-Vecchio Good, the core self houses a persons true feelings and constitutes an individuals true personality, Culture, Se!& and rnter~lt~ral Learning 281 while the social self, bound as it is to interact with a world considered corrupt and evil, must necessarily disguise those inner proclivities in ways that are socially expedient (1985, p. 385). Thus, there is no presumed correspondence between social self and inner self; the public self can and often does act in ways that may not exactly match inner truths and desires, without leading the individual to a negative experience of conflict or dissonance. As J. Bauer (1985) has noted in a discussion of Iranian women, Moral identities can be independent of socially located decision making (p. 127). It should be noted, however, that this picture of a somewhat dichoto- mous self-though recognized as the norm-co-exists with a very differ- ent ideal. Ideally, a person should strive to express the inner self, to act according to the inner person whose thoughts and feelings are inevitably good. Yet, it is also recognized that this state of harmony is very difficult to achieve; in order to function effectively in the world, one has to adapt ones social face in an expedient manner. The individual who does act solely according to the dictates of the inner heart is praised; yet he or she is also recognized as not being the norm. Most people are not able to disregard completely the exigencies of social form, and are hence obligat- ed to deal with at least some degree of difference between the expressions of the social self and the truth of the inner core self. Thus self in Iranian culture is conceptualized as a duality. The distinc- tion between social self and inner self, far from being unique to Iranian culture, also appears in other cultures. Descriptions of the Japanese self, for example, have clear parallels with the self as described in Iranian culture. Doi (1973) posits a clear distinction between omote and ura (front and back) in the Japanese self. Lebra (1987) also notes that The Japanese do divide self into the outer part and the inner part. . . . It is the inner self that provides a fixed core for self-identity and subjec- tivity, and forms a potential basis of autonomy resistant to the ever- insatiable demands from the social world (p. IO). * That there can exist at some level an inner core self that remains some- how apart from external behavioral adaptations raises questions as to the effects that such a self might have on cross-cultural learning. We need to ask, what forms of intercultural learning might result? How might the IOf course in Western cultures also there have been discussions of levels of self, and distinctions have been drawn between social selves and ideal selves. It is recognized that individuals manipulate their personas to suit given situations: this probably happens univer- saily. Yet, the main point is that in Iranian culture as in Japanese (and perhaps other cultures) the conceptualization of self as having an inner and an outer part is well- recognized and culturally elaborated; there exist specific cultural terms or references to the phenomenon that pervade cultural consciousness. U.S. culture does not generally elaborate upon the social-inner self dichotomy to the same extent; although it exists, it is not a key theme in the conceptuaii~tion of self as it is in Iran, for example. 282 D. M. Hoffman outcomes and processes of learning differ, depending on the ways self is constructed in particular cultures? These questions provide the focus for this discussion. Methodobgy of the Study The analysis presented here is based on two years of ethnographic research among Iranian exiles and immigrants in California. The domi- nant methodological perspective of the research was derived from inter- pretive anthropology, using the analytical technique of thick descrip- tion (Geertz, 1973), which attempts to uncover complex and layered meaning in the constructions of social and cultural life. The aim of the research was thus not to test hypotheses or to collect statistically represen- tative data about Iranians, but to generate concepts that could be useful for future research on the adaptation of Iranians or other cultural minorities. A portion of the data for this study derives from extensive participant observation in the social and cultural life of Iranian communities in the San Francisco Bay area and Los Angdes, and from in-depth interviews with individuals. The researcher attended Iranian community events such as popular and classical music concerts, art exhibitions, informal social events, and dinners in Iranian homes, Farsi classes, classical literature recitation, and study circies, (bowled), and meetings of various Iranian cultural and professional organizations. Access to the Iranian community was facilitated by the fact that the author had about eight years experi- ence among Iranians in the U.S., including a network of Iranian acquain- tances and knowledge of Farsi. Since Iranians have a well-recognized mistrust of any person defined as an outsider (even, as Beeman [I9863 notes, mistrusting those they associate with daily), it was essential to establish close and trusted acquaintances in the community in order to get beyond the stage of mere superficial social interaction. Access to organization meetings, visits to Iranian homes, and attendance at social and cultural events, for example, would not have been possible without personal invitation. Given the political and cultural sensitivities of Irani- ans residing in the U.S., utmost care was taken to avoid questions con- cerning political or ethno-religious issues, and to protect the anonymity of interviewees. Much of the data for this analysis was obtained from observations and interviews with two groups of Iranians. The first group consisted of adult professionals residing in the San Francisco Bay area, most of whom were members of an Iranian professional society. Thirty formal interviews with 15 male and I5 female professionals were conducted. Each interview lasted approximately one and a half hours, and was conducted using an interview protocol (Informal interviews were also conducted throughout Culture, Se& and Intercultural Learning 283 the research.) In addition, interview and critical incident data were col- lected for three case studies of individuals whom the researcher had the opportunity to interview extensively over periods ranging from two weeks to six months. Since most interviewees had extensive experience in the U.S. and were fluent in English, interviews were conducted in English, although preliminaries were usually conducted in Farsi to establish better rapport. Interviews were not taped, as interviewees were understandably uncomfortable with the idea; rather, notes were taken that included ver- batim comments. In cases of informal interviews, notes were taken as soon as possible after the conversation, or in some cases in front of the speaker if it was convenient. Notes were reviewed periodically, and key themes or concept categories were abstracted. These themes were then further refined, combined, or altered in a process of continuous compari- son with incoming data. The interviewees were volunteers who were asked by the researcher if they would be willing to be interviewed for the study. In all cases these were individuals who were personally known to the researcher and with whom the researcher had had at least some previous informal social contact, often through participation in Iranian social events. As noted previously, it would have been extremely difficult to find willing inter- viewees or to get beyond anything but a superficial verbal exchange with- out first having established a basis for a personal (rather than researcher- informant) relationship. The necessary personal familiarity thus limited the number of Iranians who could be successfully interviewed, although an effort was made to interview Iranians who had as widely varying backgrounds as possible, based on current occupation, educational histo- ry, time spent in the U.S., and marital status. Those persons interviewed had been in the United States for periods ranging from four years to ten or more years. Most were Muslim, though they did not consider themselves religious. All were fluent in English, had attended universities or colleges either in the U.S. or Europe, and were employed professionally in local industries or businesses. They thus ap- peared to be a rather highly educated and economically successful group, and there is some evidence that more recently arrived Iranian exiles have not quite reached such high levels of educational and occupational attain- ment, despite their overall (when compared with other immigrant groups) high levels of achievement (Sabagh & Bozorgmehr, 1987). The second major group of interviewees consisted of Iranian students attending a public high school in Los Angeles. Located in a predominant- ly middle-class residential neighborhood, the school had approximately 2000 students. Of this number, about 200 were Iranians. (The exact num- ber of Iranians was not known because the school did not count Iranian as a separate ethnic category in its enrollment statistics.) Non-Caucasian ethnic groups constituted a significant minority presence, with Asian, 284 D. M. Hoffman Black, and Hispanic students together making up about 50% of the school population. In fact, the school prided itself on its multiculturai character, and on the general academic excellence of its program. There appeared to be more Jews among the Iranians at this school than among the professional group; this may reflect a higher proportion of Iranian religious minorities in the Los Angeles area than in other areas of the country. In addition, there were three subgroups among Iranians based on their academic status and level of achievement at the school: Those students enrolled primarily in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes and remedial classes; those students enrolled in the regular track, and those enroiled in the Advanced Placement track. Students in ESL classes had been in the US. for the shortest periods of time (ranging from three months to three years in the case of some students); other students had been in the U.S. for six years or more. During a period of one and a half months, the researcher attended school every day from eight in the morning until three in the afternoon, observing classes, conversing with students during breaks and lunch peri- ods, interviewing teachers, administrators, and students, attending extra- curricular club meetings in which Iranians were involved, talking with students after school, and visiting some students families at home. A total of 46 formal interviews were conducted, each of which lasted some 50 minutes. Of the 46, 22 were teachers or administrative personnel (10 females and 12 males, including 2 Iranian faculty members, one female and one male), and 24 were students (15 female and 9 males). Interviews were conducted only after the researcher had been at the school for about three weeks. This waiting period was essential in order to establish a certain level of trust among the students (especially to dismiss suspicions that the researcher was an administrator sent to spy on the Iranians, or an immigration officer). It also provided a clearer picture of the various social subgroups of Iranians and of the factors (sex, religion, academic placement) that were significant in delineating these subgroups. Interviewees were then selected to reflect both Jewish and Muslim male and female students from the ESL, regular, and advanced placement tracks. However, as reflected in the total number of male and female students interviewed, it was much easier to interview females than males. In some cases, students recommended friends as possible inter- view subjects; teachers and administrators also recommended particular individuals who might be wihing to be interviewed. Given the limited and admittedly self-selected nature of the sample of interviewees, it would be difficult to claim that the persons interviewed were in any way representative of the majority of Iranians currently resid- ing in the U.S. Furthermore, given the lack of knowledge that currently exists about the Iranian community in general in the U.S., we have no real way of determining what is or is not representative of Iranians. Further descriptive and exploratory research is needed before we may move the level of controlled hypothesis testing and verifiable generalization. Thus, in this article, the data and ideas presented should not be taken as a definitive or in any way a comprehensive view of Iranian adaptation process. Moreover, due to the nature of the data collected, it would be impossible to present more than a tiny sample in this article; the quota- tions used to illustrate certain points are necessarily brief remarks extract- ed from often detailed comments provided by interviewees. They thus reflect only a small part, not the totality, of evidence upon which the ideas in the article have been based. Cross-Cultural Adaptation of Iranians: General Themes One of the most important characteristics of Iranian adaptation as reflected in the great majority (but not all) of interviewees comments was the subjective sense of having been successful in adjusting to life in the U.S. These Iranians viewed their adaptation as an occasion for positive learning and self-enhancement. This perspective differs radically from the typical notion in intercultural research that cross-cultural adaptation is fraught with anxiety, conflict, disorientation, and generally negative feelings of low self-esteem. Instead of focusing on cultural differences and conflicts, a major theme in the discourse of interviewees and in Iranian community media and organizations was learning. For Iranians, adjustment to the United States meant engagement in a positive process of learning another culture. Yet this learning-as so often described in literature on ethnic minority adaptation or intercultural experience-did not in general occasion identity conflict or a sense of loss of self-concept or self-esteem. On the contrary, interviewees tended to speak of their experience in positive terms, emphasizing how they used their cross-cul- tural experience to learn and to improve themselves: Interviewer-Why have you been so successful in adapting to the U.S.? Interviews-Learnjng. I really paid attention. -I adapted easily because I was more eager to learn. -When Im with Americans Id rather talk about something I can learn from. Interviewer- Why do you attend the professional society meetings? Interviewee- Learning. Thats definitely my main reason for going. Moreover, this learning had positive effects for the individual, both in terms of facilitating adaptation to U.S. culture, and in terms of self- growth or self-development: -Sometimes you do feel like youre in between the two cultures. But its a benefit, not a disadvantage. You can do more, see more, understand more. Its worth it. Its very positive. -1 do have dual characteristics. [But] I can feel as comfortable with American culture as with Iranian. 286 D. M. Hoffman -1 have picked some things from American culture and Iranian culture. What you see is the result of the two. I dont know which is better. My definition of life is self-improvement, self-development. I am one individual and a single culture, a mixture of the two. Its great, its the best of the two. A second theme in this adaptation process was that learning for Irani- ans was a selective process: it meant, not wholesale learning of everything the U.S. had to offer, but an eclectic engagement with those aspects of U.S. culture that were viewed as positive. This cultural eclecticism is evident in the remarks of many interviewees: -Im trying to choose the best from both cultures. -Im trying to get rid of the bad things characteristic of Iranians and keep the good, and to learn the good things in American culture and avoid the bad. -Most of the [uneducated] Iranians who come to the United States learn the bad aspects of American culture most easily; to learn the good aspects requires much study and learning. But thats what educated Iranians want. --I dont like the pure version of either [culture]. I like a combination of both. I can adjust the mixture. . . . The role played by conscious cultural critique and evaluation of cross- cultural experience in this selective learning process was significant. Both students and professionals viewed their own as well as American culture with a critical eye and used these evaluations as a basis for their selective adopting and retaining of valued cultural characteristics. This cultural eclecticism is an extremely powerful adaptive strategy in that it encourages situationally adaptive flexibility without engendering a sense of loss of self or threat to cultural identity. Its strength also derives from the subjective sense that one is making positive choices in the adaptation process, rather than being simply a passive recipient of the new culture. What was particularly important was that this selective learning did not affect Iranians sense of cultural identity: even though they had learned aspects of American culture, this learning did not become integrated with cultural self-definition. Rather, identity as an Iranian remained intact, no matter how much the individual felt he or she had adapted to U.S. culture: -Ive adapted to the U.S. more than any of the Iranians, yet I never try to say Im not Iranian. I will definitely be Iranian always. -1 learned to be a lot more open with feelings in the U.S., to talk more about things that bothered me. Im a lot less shy and more aggressive, at least at work. Interviewer-Was it hard for you to become more assertive? Interviewee-Well, its just a social style you have to build . . . Its part of being professional. Its like a uniform you have to wear. You learn those ways at work and you just follow them. . . . I havent really changed in my self, though. -Im still very different from Americans. Im still Persian. 1 will be till the end. Im gonna keep my culture. I wont change. Culture, Seij and I~ter~u~tu~l Learning 287 -I don? ever want to be American. I dont fee1 a bit American, not a bit. -Im still Iranian and I want to be. I feel more Persian than Ameri- can. I love being Persian.2 Though Iranians felt they were quite successful in learning American culture and adapting to it, they did not feel that they were in any sense becoming a part of the American system, or losing their identity as Iranians. Iranians themselves were not the only ones who felt so; Ameri- can teachers and administrators who had the opportunity to work with Iranians also agreed that Iranians, though adapting extremely well, were not becoming a part of American culture: -Iranians seem to want to learn a lot about American culture. But theyre not going to be a part of it. They seem very removed from it. I dont see them trying to be Americanized. I havent seen any outright defiance, but theres not total acceptance either. -Iranians adapt. But they will never be a part of American culture. Its coping, thats all. Most often, our views of cross-cultural adaptation of cultural minority groups suppose that adaptation entails becoming a part of the new cultural system. The process is viewed in a somewhat linear fashion: the old cultural ways gradually lose ground and are replaced by the new; in the process, individuals lose their sense of belonging to the old culture and gradually begin to consider themselves members of the new. This is especially true in cases where there is high occupational integration and relative economic success. However, in the case of Iranians, this model fails to account for the high levels of behavioral and instrumental integra- tion of Iranians that are not accompanied by feelings of real participation in the American system, or by a sense of becoming American. Even though nearly all interviewees spoke about how they had changed as a result of living in the U.S., even mentioning (as one professional did) such deep personality changes as becoming more aggressive and more open with feelings, this learning did not appear to cross over into the inner self, or to affect an individuals sense of cultural identity. The things that were learned, the changes that were made-all appeared to be occurring on a level that was somewhat removed from the inner self. For those Iranians who felt that they had adapted successfully to American life, behavioral adjustment was key; but it did not entail any fundamental change in self. As one person summed it up, When in America, behave as the Americans do. Another focussed on Iranian adaptive success as a 30 much for our typical idea that cultural minorities suffer from low self-esteem and cultural inferiority. Our characterizations of strangers as struggling through acculturation with . . . negative self-images, low self-esteem, feelings of alienation. . (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984, p. 213) reflect more the assumptions of a conflict paradigm than they do the realities of intercultural experience. 288 D. M. Hoffman function of behavioraf learning: Iranians in the U.S., for example, CL . . . intend to copy the American way, even in friendship- they always try to be on time, to be more of the type of person you see at work. From one point of view, there is nothing unusual or surprising in this focus on be~avio~l adaptation; nor is it especially remarkable that Irani- ans have maintained their sense of cultural identity. After all, one would not expect Americans abroad to behave any differently. There is, however, a subtle difference. One rarely sees adaptation and integration-to the point of making basic changes in personality-without some sense of inner change among Americans. The extent to which Iranians had at least on the surface appeared to adopt American cultural ways would according to the American idiom of self, mean at least some subjective sense of becoming a part of the system, or of experiencing a change in self. An American abroad who had changed as much as some of these Iranians as a result of his or her cross-cultural experience would most certainly sense that his or her cultural identity had been affected, Indeed, it is a basic assumption among Americans that minority adaptation en- tails changes in cultural self-identity.3 The extent to which Iranians af- firmed that they had not experienced this change despite their adaptation can be interpreted at least on one level as a tacit recognition of the fact that such an expectation does exist in American culture. Instruments and behavioral integ~tjon with American society, com- bined with lack of cultural identification, thus seemed to be a basic theme in Iranian adaptation. This was also found by Barati-Marnani (1981), who explored assimilation among Iranians in southern California. He found that Iranians living in Los Angeles and San Diego experienced high levels of structural assimilation, but low levels of cultural and identifica- tion assimilation. Of all types of assimilation examined, Iranians most disapproved of identification with the host society, and they reported this form of assimilation the least. We turn now to consideration of the factors that appear to have affect- ed Iranian adaptation to the United States. As much research on ac- culturation has pointed out, characteristics of the minority group (such as education, level of English proficiency, length of residence) and the host culture (e.g., opportunities to interact with host-culture natives, degree or rigidity of demands for conformity) play a significant role in the adapta- tion process ~Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Taft, 1977). B~ati-~arnani (1981) investigated the effect of a number of variables on the assimilation of Iranians, including educational background, age at entry into the US., length of residence, religion, income, and English proficiency. It 3See Iater section on learnability in American culture. Culture, Self and I ntercultural Learning 289 was found that no significant correlation existed between length of resi- dence in the U.S. and total assimilation, nor between English proficiency and assimilation. Those with higher educational levels were also less likely to experience ~si~lation. One factor that does appear to play a role in Iranian adaptation is the individuals acceptance of the unlikelihood of returning to Iran in the near future. Though nearly all Iranians felt strong attachment to Iran and to an ideal of return, most also recognized that, given the situation in Iran, such return is highly unlikely. They therefore based their adaptation on a desire and a need to make the best of it in the U.S. The Iran many left behind no longer exists, and any ideals of return must be tempered with the reality of the changes Iran has undergone. As one Iranian put it, the dont unpack your suitcases attitude is simply not conducive to adaptation. The maintenance of an ideal of return along with an accep- tance of the fact that return is unlikely may in part be responsible for the particular pattern of behavioral and situational adjustment of Iranians, without development of any deeper sense of identification with American culture. The ideal of an Iranian self, like the ideal of return, is held simultaneously with acceptance of the necessity to adapt ones behavior to the exigencies of the world in which one lives. A related influence on Iranian adaptation was the form that culture learning took among this group. Among both professionals and students, it appeared that culture learning could occur on distinct levels that had different impacts on the self. The first level was what could be called survival learning. This type of learning focused on the acquisition of detailed knowledge about U.S. society and culture, including behavioral norms, to better facihtate integration with the host society. This type of learning was most in evidence in the various channels for learning or education that were established in the Iranian community: Iranian media and organizations. The theme of learning was significant in a number of Iranian radio programs, for example. One Iranian radio broadcaster said, in an interview, We have so much to learn from each other, Iranians and Americans. We have to do something to encourage these exchanges. Thats why I have this program. I want Iranians to learn. His program featured speakers discussing various topics concerning both Iranian and American culture, as well as more generally informative talks on modern medical science or philosophy. The focus on education was also evident in the Iranian professional organization to which many of those interviewed for the study belonged: indeed the primary stated purpose of the organi- zation was to foster education so that Iranians could lead productive lives in the U.S. Monthly talks at the meeting dealt with such explicitly sur- vival oriented topics as tax deferred annuities and life protection insur- ance, or the Dos and Donts of starting your own company. However, these were not the only sort of topics addressed; in addition, talks also focused cm aspects of Iranian cultural heritage (such as Iranian arcbae- ology or Iranian Miniature painting) and topics that might best be classified as meta-cultural, or geared toward learning for the sake of learning, or for m~mbersbip in a world scientific intellectual community. The latter category was exemplified in the Iranian professional society talks on fifth generation computers, or cancer. These three categories of information were also reflected in Iranian community media such as the community telephone directories. These directories were far more than mere telephone directories, however; they were compendia of cultural information~ The first category, again, was the explicit adaptive information~ such as lists of local agencies, schools, or places to visit, or indications of where to go for help with various types of problems. The second type of information was that related to Iranian cultural heritage, such as lists of traditional Iranian names, or detailed geographical reformation about Iran. The third cate- gory was reflected in sections of the directories devoted, for example, to lists of world inventions, along with dates, names, and nationality of the inventor; to definitions of basic world political and religious philoso- phies; and to a complete statement of the International Bill of Human Rights. The latter category reflects a concern for learning that goes be- yond the mere basic survivat level learning or adaptive learning to embrace goals that are more metacult~ral and world community focused. Evidence from the community such as the above, along with the de- tailed statements made by individuals about the importance of learning to their adaptation to the United States, would seem to indicate that there exist degrees of involvement in learning culture, from that sort of learn- ing best conceptualized as instrumental - focused on facilitating adapta- tion through learning about culture and learning the appropriate skills necessary for survival-to a deeper sort of learning best conceptualized as self-impacting, in that its aim is the expansion of the self to include alternative modes of cultural definition and transformation of identity as a result of cross-cultural experience. This second form of learning goes beyond the instrumental focus of the first; it can involve the learner ins much deeper way in the process of acquiring the deep meaning and value system of another culture or cultures. Among Iranians, the instrumental type of learning appeared to be more common: it was reflected ia the very conscious eclectic adoption of behaviors thought to be advantageous to success in U.S. society, particu- larly in the domain of career or academic success. This learning, as described by interviewees, did not engender any sense of cultural self- transformation or any negative experience of conflict or alienation. Rath- er, it was experienced as a very positive engagement with the new culture. Moreover, this sort of instrumental adaptive learning appears to have Culture, Self; and I ntercultural Learning 291 been facilitated by the dual nature of the Iranian self as described earlier: a high degree of awareness or consciousness of the social self, and a recognized responsibility to shape that self in ways consonant with the demands of social circumstance. Since this social self functions on a level that is somewhat independent of the inner self, external level trans- formations such as the acquisition of new behaviors do not penetrate to that inner core. Because of this relative independence of the two levels of self, many Iranians experienced little identity conflict or disorientation while engaged in this sort of learning. Thus, no matter how much an individual appeared to have adopted American patterns-even to the point of changing personality to fit perceived American personality types4 - these changes were not experienced as changes in self. I ndividual Variation in Adaptive Response Although the majority of Iranians felt they had adjusted successfully to life in the U.S., there were others for whom the experience was less than positive. One group consisted of those who found themselves aliena- ted from U.S. culture completely, while attempting to retain a firm and pure Iranian identity; the second consisted of those who found them- selves alienated from Iranian culture, or who lacked any identification with one particular culture. In this second group there was a sense of having transcended cultural identity, of having lost a firm sense of cultur- al belonging. Although both groups of persons saw themselves as aliena- ted, what they were alienated from was different, as were their general levels of satisfaction with their experience and, especially, whether or not they saw their experience as contributing to inner growth. Neither group relied upon the eclectic adaptive strategy described earlier. Persons who felt alienated in the negative sense experienced conflict, anxiety, and disorientation while in the U.S. These persons felt an intense conflict between preserving their Iranian identity and adjusting to Ameri- can lifestyles and values-a very different response from that of the eclectics for whom adopting American lifestyles occasioned no conflict at all with their sense of being Iranian. These persons felt obligated to reject most, if not all, American cultural values and behavior. The self was felt to be threatened by the encroaching influences of American culture, resulting in an active attempt to resist behavioral and social adjustments. As one professional woman said, Iranians often praised some aspects of American personality and said they tried to incorporate these aspects into their own personalities. One said, There are lots of things about Americans that 1 like- they are straightforward, independent. They have an achiever- type personality. Its a good type of personality to have. D. M. Hoffman I dont think Im adapting at all to American culture. In fact, the longer I stay here, the more alienated I feel. Now Im even more Iranian than I was when I first came here. All my experiences have made me feel closer to Iran and Iranian culture. . . . In America, I get hurt all the time. People are just not sensitive to each other. Sometimes I have to close my ears, tune it out, in order to avoid being hurt. . . . I would really love to return to Iran, but right now I just cant. I have to figure out a way to stay in America but not to become like that [i.e., like Ameri- cans]. The best thing here is that you do have the freedom to choose, you can choose to remain Iranian. But its so difficult. . . . This woman has clearly responded to American culture in a fashion different from the eclectics. Unlike them, she has not been able to inte- grate certain aspects of American cultural behavior with her Iranian self, and yet manage to retain that self. Any compromise with American culture, on the contrary, posed a threat to her Iranian self-identity. The experience was one of conflict between the idealized pure version of an Iranian self and the encroaching influences of the surrounding culture. Culture learning was not just a uniform that one could put on in certain situations; rather, adopting American behavior and social interaction patterns had to be actively resisted, or else such changes would affect the inner self and result in loss of self-identity as an Iranian. For this woman, the inner self was experienced as much more permeable to the transfor- mations of the social self. A second form of alienation was found in those individuals who had attempted to disavow any Iranian identity, often by immersing themselves totally in American culture. This second type of alienation was character- ized by a sense that one had gone beyond the need for a firm sense of cultural self-definition. One Iranian described himself as a man without a country, claiming he was estranged from family and friends in Iran by his own choice. Since coming to the U.S. many years ago, he had had almost no close contact with other expatriot Iranians. He prided himself on being taken for any number of different nationalities, and viewed his task in life to be to open up lines of communication between people. To this end, he said he wanted to mix thoroughly with American culture. Other Iranians at the place this person worked complained to him, Why dont you act Iranian? This persons attempt to eliminate any vestiges of an Iranian sense of self by total immersion in a new culture represents a more positive experi- ence of alienation than that described above. The loss of self involved here is experienced as positive in that it has the potential to contribute to a culturally transcendent self. Self can become any culture; it is not bound to the culture of its origin. Cultural identity is thus infinitely transmutable, and cross-cultural experience is not a threat to the self but an opportunity for growth. Yet, this attempt to get beyond culture seemed to carry with it other burdens of loss of a more personal nature. One sensed an isolation, an Cuiture, SeiJ ; and I ntercultural Learning 293 unfulfilled need for belonging. Indeed, this Iranian described himself as being alone, totally without anyone. The potential for positive growth, though present, was tempered by a failure to find a fixed cultural point of reference upon which one could rely for meaning and structure in the process of self-transformation. The Self-Culture Relation How can we account for these varieties of adaptive response, particu- larly in the light of a concern for the impact of self on cross-cultural learning? Those Iranians who were able to engage in eclectic learning seemed to do so in a way that enabled them to adapt their behavior (and even aspects of personality) to the perceived demands of circumstance without any subjective experience of self involvement. Their response was very different from those Iranians who either felt that their Iranian cultural self was threatened by any sort of adaptation to the U.S., or who attempted to absorb U.S. culture to such a degree that self could be- come metacultural, or susceptible to a variety of cultural self-definitions. The difference between these two groups appears to be related to two possible modes of relation between self and culture. The majority of Iranians -those who could selectively acquire certain aspects of American culture without experiencing impact on the self- may have what could be called a culture as being mode of self-culture relation. In this mode, there is a clear separation between the social self and its behavior and the inner self that is the realm or locus of cultural self-definition. This separation reflects the dichotomous self as concep- tualized in Iranian culture. It allows the individual to adopt alternative cultural patterns without experiencing any inner conflict or sense of change. The second form of self-culture relation might be called the culture as action mode. In this mode there is much less separation between social behavior and the realm of the inner self and cultural identity. Culture is in fact what one does, rather than what one is. It is greatly affected by ones external adaptations and social interactions; thus, the acquisition of new behavior, attitudes, or beliefs may in fact be more closely tied to a subjec- tive sense of self-transformation-either in the negative sense of a loss of self, or in a positive sense of self-growth or movement toward poly- cuftural identity. According to this mode, the inner self is much more susceptible to re-definition according to changing circumstance, and con- sistency between social behavior and the inner realm of value, affect, and identity is experienced as far more significant and necessary. These two modes appear to be well illustrated by the cases explored in this study. In a culturally adaptive situation, an individual whose primary mode of self-culture relation is culture as being will be less likely to 294 D. M. Hoffman experience inner identity change as a result of adaptation to the new culture. This appeared to be the case with many of those Iranians who engaged in selective learning of American cultural patterns. In contrast, a person whose primary mode of self-culture relation is culture as action will be more likely to experience changes in social behavior and interac- tion during the process of adaptation as linked to transformations of the inner self. This appeared to be the experience of those Iranians who felt threatened by the encroaching influence of U.S. culture, or who felt they had experienced a transformation of cultural self toward a state of polyculturality as a result of their cultural learning. Cultural Learnability Patterns of Iranian adaptation demonstrate the need to consider not only the nature of the self-culture relation during the intercultural learn- ing process, but also the assumptions governing different cultural sys- tems views of how other cultures can and should react in acculturative situations. In the case of the Iranians, it appears that certain American cultural assumptions regarding the nature of minority acculturation were not, in most cases, borne out; these assumptions reflected what might be called an American orientation to cultural adaptation based on the cul- ture as action mode of self-culture relation. These ideas are expressed in the words of one faculty member interviewed for the study: There should be no difference between foreign and American kids. The school policy is this: As long as a student is here, he or she is American, with the same privileges and the same responsibilities. . . . We expect [the Iranians] to be like Americans. Some resent that, but in the end they all give in. This statement assumes that Iranians must become Americans in the deepest sense: that is, they must come to share in the privileges and responsibilities- the underlying values-of participation in the Ameri- can system. It is based on the assumption that members of different cultural minority groups can and should acquire American culture at the deep level of cultural self-definition in the process of adjusting socially and occupationally to American life. It thus reflects a conviction that cultural self-identity- that inner core-can and must change as a result of behavioral participation in the American system: this is in fact the major notion underlying the culture as action mode of self-culture relation. It may be that this mode of conceptualizing the relationship of self to culture underlies what could be called American faith in the learnabil- ity of American culture-a faith that is, perhaps, without parallel any- where else in the world. Other cultures, for example, hold exactly the opposite view: they do not believe it is possible for foreigners to acquire their culture (and, in extreme cases, language) in any deep way, no matter Culture, SeIJ and Intercultural Learning 295 how much they might try. Nor do they believe that such a process of culture learning is desirable. (Japan is a notable case in point; Iranians hold to a more moderate view.) Such cultures view themselves as un- learnable by outsiders-and this view conditions their reactions to for- eigners in their midst, just as the American faith in learnability underlies much of the melting pot ideology and the more modern pluralism- where superficial cultural differences are idealized, yet only in the context of what are still very strong expectations that foreigners living in the U.S. will at the deep level of core self become and remain American. In the end, this faith in learnability is traceable to a culture as action mode of conceptualizing self in relation to culture, where identities are easily transmutable once appropriate behavioral changes have been made. This study has suggested that we consider the nature of the self-culture relation and the apparent differences in the locus of intercultural learning as critical factors in the intercultural learning process. To describe cross- cultural learning and adaptation without reference to the crucial role played by the self in learning would be to ignore the voices of those who, in the process of learning, describe their experience in terms of self, and point out its role in the intercultural experience. These voices need to be listened to more closely, for they provide keys to understanding that may otherwise be ignored. I mplications The implications of the notions developed here for the field of intercul- tural training and research fall into both the theoretical and the practical categories. For practitioners-trainers and educators in the intercultural field whose focus is on social skills training, there may be variations in behavioral flexibility related to the extent to which self becomes involved in social interaction. It may be the case that individuals who experience the culture-as-being mode of relating self to culture may in fact be more proficient in situationally adapting behavior than those whose adapta- tions are more tied to subjective assessments of self-relevance. (Indeed, this suggests that it may be more difficult to train Americans than other cultural groups in this sort of behavioral flexibility, since it is less easy for them to separate behavior from inner sense of self, role, personality, or identity.) Yet, the study also suggests that an overall focus on behavioral manage- ment as the key to successful intercultural adaptation can result in only superficial culture learning. The intercultural field has a responsibility, in a sense, to go beyond this level and to move toward developing approach- es that can encourage deeper levels of adaptation and learning. Certainly appropriate behaviors can be taught, and knowing how to perform them is desirable. However, this is only the beginning-not the endpoint -of 296 D. M. ~offrnffn the intercultural relationship. If our relations with strangers are reduced to behavioral management sessions, we in fact have made a poor con- tribution to the achievement of intercultural understanding. The goal of intercultural training should be not only to teach individuals to make correct cross-cultural attributions, for example, but to teach them how to learn culture by systematic exploration of the factors-such as those described above-that influence the relationship of the self to culture. This approach would in fact move us away from conceptualizing the intercultural learning proces in the first place as training-a term that connotes a rather behavioralistic stimulus-response sort of learning - toward a more natural, field-based education that involves the self at the deepest level. An individu~ only learns, in fact, that which is experienced as self-relevant. Thus, in order to learn a different culture, he or she must experience a loss of self-relevance in his or her own culture, and a deeper, more self-satisfying participation in another cultural mode of experienc- ing the world. As intercultural educators, our primary task should be to share our profound disbelief-despite what some researchers have to say- that we are to a great extent locked into our cultures. For, as this discussion has shown, it is not so much the forms or content of culture that determine our response to other cultures, but the way in which we relate to cul- tures- both our own and those of others. If this fundamental way of relating can be changed, then that is what our research and education should focus on. We need to move away from an exclusive focus on deterministic models of self in cross-cultural adaptation, toward models that focus upon the linkages between the individual and culture. We need a greater focus in our research on understanding how people learn to expand their repertoire of self- how they can transcend conflicts and learn from sharing with others. 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ABSTRACT TRANSLATIONS East% sur une recherche ethnographique qui concerne l'adaptation cufturelle des immigrants et dea exiles Iraniens en Californie, cette etude consid&re le role du moi dans l'apprentissaqe interculturelle, et propose que la relation entre fe moi et la culture soit consider&e comme un facteur significatif dane la manike d'apprendre d'autrea cultures. Parmi lee 30 profeesionnels et les 24 jeunes d*Xran qui ont &tl interview&, il y avait deux ntaniares de base entre la relation du moi et La culture, ce qui aemble lier B deux niveaux possiblee d'apprentissaqe intercultureller un qui coneerne le niveau de comportement d'apprentissage qui ne semble pas d'avoir des liens de changemente dana le sens subjectif du moi interieur; et l'autre, qui concerne une transformation de Culture, Se/J and Intercultural Learning 299 comportement li6e a un niveau de transformation plus profond, avec des changemente subjectivement experiment& sur le plan des valeurs, signification, et identite qui font le moi interieur. Malgre le fait que des conflite culture16 entre Iraniens et Americains soient importante, pour la majorite des Iraniens le procede d'integration culturelle n'btait pas reseenti comme une source d'un choc culturel, de conflit ou de confusion, mais comme une experience d'apprentissage dans lequel le moi joue un role primair comme mediateur d'apprentiasage culturel. Cette etude propose que la recherche d'orientation dominante dans le cadre interculturel (characteris par un souci pour les differences culturelles et pour lea conflits culturele) a souvent une consideration obscure pour les dimensions d'apprentiesage culture1 qui travereent l'experience du conflit. (author-supplied abstract) Con base a la investigaci6n etnogrdfica sobre la adaptaci6n cultural de 10s immigrantee y exiliados iraniee reeidentee en California, esta t&is eetudia el papel de'el y6 en aprender la intercultura y indica que la relaci6n entre'el y6 y la cultura se considera coma un factor importante para cada 10s metodos para aprenderla. individuo en adoptar Entre 10s 30 profeeionalee y 24 adolecentea iraniee entrevistados habia dos aspectos primarios de relacionar'el y6 a la cultura que parecian ligados a dos posiblee nivelee en aprender la intercultura; el uno es el aprender a nivel de conducta que no ocasiona el cambio al sentido sujectivo de'el yo internb; y'el y6 es la transformaci6n de conducta a un nivel m&s avanzado ligada a 10s cambios experimentados con sujetividad en la eefera de valor, sentido, y identidad constituida en 'el yo intern6. A peear de que 10s conflictos culturales entre iranies y americanoe fueron considerables, la mayoria de 10s iranies no se ha experimentado una fuente de choque, conflicto, o confusi6n culturales en el proceso de adaptaci6n cultural, sino una experiencia de aprender que'el y6 deeempefiaba un papel primario coma mediador para aprender la cultura. La t6sis propone que la orientaci6n dominante para la inveeticaci6n de1 sector intercultural caractericada por una consideracidn de las diferencias culturales 10s conflictos culturalee se ha obscurecido a menudo y consideraciones por las dimensiones de aprender la cultura que trasciende la experiencia de conflicto. (author-supplied abstract)