Chapter 4: Data-collection in Qualitative Research

This Chapter is about methods and techniques in data-collection during a

qualitative research. We mentioned earlier that qualitative research is
eclectic. That is, the choice of techniques is dependent on the needs of the
research. Although this should be true for almost all social research, it is
particularly so ith qualitative research in that the appropriate method or
techniques is often identi!ed and adopted during the research. "ualitative
research is also multi-modal. The researcher may adopt a variety of
research techniques, or a combination of such, as long as they are #usti!ed
by the needs. The discussion belo is therefore not to identify a set of
techniques unique to qualitative research, but rather, to introduce the
methods and techniques most commonly used in qualitative research, and
the issues related to such use.
We shall introduce the methods and techniques in three broad categories:
observations, interviews and study of documents. These are also the basic
methods used in cultural anthropology $%ernard, &'((:)*+. ,ndeed, the
discussions about qualitative research in education can be vieed as a
particular case in cultural anthropology.
Observations
-bservation usually means the researcher.s act to !nd out hat people do
$%ernard, &'((:)*+. ,t is di/erent from other methods in that data occur not
necessarily in response to the researcher.s stimulus.
-bservation may be obtrusive or unobtrusive. A researcher may simply sit
in the corner of a school playground and observe ho students behave
during brea0s. 1e may also stand by the school gate and observe ho
students behave at the school gate. 2uch cases of observation may be
seen as unobtrusive. ,n other cases, the researchers may not apply any
stimuli, but their presence per se may have some in3uence on the scene.
The most common e4ample in this category is classroom observation.
Although the researcher may #ust sit quietly at the corner of a classroom,
the presence of the researcher may change the classroom climate. ,t is,
nonetheless, still observation.
-bservation is a basic technique used in almost all qualitative research.
5ven if other methods or techniques are used, the researcher remains the
most essential 6sensor6 or 6instrument6 and hence observation alays
counts $7cCrac0en, &'((:&(-*8+. 9or e4ample, hen intervieing is used, a
qualitative researcher also ta0es into account the tonic or facial e4pressions
of the informant, because they help interpret the verbal responses. 2uch
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
e4pressions are only sensed by observation. ,f the intervie is done in the
!eld, then the surroundings of the intervie site also provide meaningful
data for the research. The surroundings can only be depicted through
observation. 1ence observation is indispensable in almost all occasions of
qualitative research.
1oever, the term observation may sometimes go beyond hat is seen. ,t
also pertains to hat is heard, and even sometimes hat is smelled. Case
4.& provides one of such e4amples.
Case 4.1: Classroom Observation Scheme
,n the ,,5: pro#ect on basic education, ;eung designed for the Chinese
research a scheme for classroom observation. Classroom as ta0en as one
of the environmental factors a/ecting students. learning. The scheme as
designed after ;eung stayed in local schools for to days. The scheme did
not con!ne itself to the performance of the teacher, although that as a
part. The !gure on the ne4t page shos one of the si4 sections of the
scheme.
<i/erent riters have di/erent ays of classifying observations. Without
running into #uggling of de!nitions, e shall brie3y introduce observations
as participant observations and non-participant observations. 7ore detailed
classi!cation of observations can be found in %ernard $&'((+, =oet> and
;eCompte $&'(4+ and :atton $&''8+.
Participant Observation
:articipant observation is perhaps the most typical of qualitative research.
2ome authors even use participant observation as a synonym for
ethnographic research. <i/erent riters may have slightly di/erent
de!nitions of participant observation. The folloing description by
9etterman is perhaps the most agreeable to most researchers.
:articipant observation is immersion in a culture. ,deally, the
ethnographer lives and or0s in the community for si4 months to a
year or more, learning the language and seeing patterns of behaviour
over time. ;ong-term residence helps the researcher internali>e the
basic beliefs, fears, hopes and e4pectations of the people under
study. $&'(':4?+
,mmersion of the participant can either be continuous or noncontinuous.
The three classical cases e quoted in Chapter & all include participation in
the continuous mode. ;i.s study of classroom sociology $Cases @.( and @.'+
involved one year.s continuous residence. ,n the second and third year she
ent to the school three days a ee0. 2he combined continuous ith
noncontinuous participant observations. 9etterman used noncontinuous
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participation hen he as doing qualitative evaluation of educational
programmes.
Case 4.2: Noncontinuous Visits
,n to ethnographic studies, of dropouts and of gifted children, 9etterman
visited the programmes for only a fe ee0s every couple of months over a
three-year period. The visits ere intensive. They included classroom
observation, informal intervies, occasional substitute teaching,interaction
ith community members, and the use of various other research
techniques, including long-distance phone-calls, dinner ith students.
families, and time spent hanging out in the hallays and par0ing lot ith
students cutting classes. $9etterman, &'(':4)-A+
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4-4
II. Environment of the classroom
1. The classroom is on the _____ floor of the school building.
2. The classroom is near
( ) residential area ( ) factories
( ) road(s) ( ) field
( ) marketplace
( ) others _______________________________________
3. The number of indos hich provide lighting and ventilation to
the classroom!
( ) satisfies the re"uired standard
( ) is belo the re"uired standard
#. The main artificial lighting facilit$ in the classroom is!
( ) florescent tubes total no.__________________
( ) light bulbs total no.__________________
%. &ondition of lighting during the lesson !
( ) bright ( ) dim ( ) dark
'. (entilation in the classroom!
( ) ell ventilated ( ) stuff$ ( ) suffocating
). *ualit$ of air in the classroom!
( ) refreshing ( ) a bit smell$ ( ) sting$
+. Environments for listening!
( ) ver$ "uiet ( ) occasional noise ( ) nois$
,. &lassroom-s floor structure!
( ) concrete ( ) log ( ) mud ( ) carpet
1.. &lassroom-s floor condition!
( ) clean ( ) some litter ( ) full of rubbish
11. &lassroom-s all conditions!
( ) smooth / clean ( ) some stains ( ) dirt$ / damaged
12. &lassroom-s area! _____________m
2
0 area1person! _____ m
2
.
13. 2pace use in classroom!
( ) looks spatial ( ) fairl$ croded ( ) ver$ croded
1#. 3urniture and other article arrangements in the classroom!
( ) orderl$ and tid$ ( ) mess$
Figure 1 Classroom Observation Scheme (Designed by Leung Yat-ming)
Qualitative Research: Data Collection
Whyte.s e4perience in the ,talian slum $Case *+ is perhaps the nearest to
ideal in participant observation. 1e stayed in the community for to years.
1e e4perienced the life of a member of the ,talian slum. ,n Whyte.s case,
native membership allos the researcher the highest level of participant
observation.
7ost researchers are denied such an opportunity, often because of
constraints in time and resources, as e have discussed at length in
Chapter @. Bnder all sorts of constraints, at best the researcher 6lives as
much as possible ith and in the same manner as the individuals under
investigation6 $=oet> and ;eCompte, &'(4: &8'+. ,n these circumstances,
the researchers may not claim that they as doing ethnography, but it is
legitimate to apply ethnographic approach and techniques to the study
$9etterman, &'(':4A+. :articipant observation in its broad sense therefore
tolerates di/erent lengths of time and di/erent degrees of depth. There is a
full range of possible modes of participant observation, hat Wolcott calls
6ethnographer sans
&
ethnography6 $Wolcott, &'(4: &AA+.
The most frequent case in education is that a researcher may stay in a
school and become a teacher in that school. The researcher identity may or
may not be disguised. The researcher may then, as a participant, observe
teachers. behaviours in teaching, in meetings, in conversations, and so
forth.
2ometimes, the researcher is readily a member of the community $say, a
school+ and may still carry out research as a participant observer. 1oever,
in this case, the researcher should be aare of hisCher 0noledge of the
community and should be cautious that such 0noledge ould not lead to
preoccupations about the school under research. ,n cases here the
researchers have successfully gained membership $as Whyte did in the
,talian slum+, the distinction beteen a native member and the researcher-
as-participant begins to blur. This insider-outsider dialectics ill be further
discussed later.
Nonparticipant Observation
2trictly spea0ing, nonparticipant observation involves merely atching
hat is happening and recording events on the spot. ,n the qualitative
orientation, because of the non-intervention principle, strict nonparticipant
observation should involve no interaction beteen the observer and the
observed. =oet> and ;eCompte assert that in the strict sense
6nonparticipant observation e4ists only here interactions are vieed
through hidden camera and recorder or through one-ay mirror6 $&'(4:
&
9rench, meaning 6ithout6.
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&4@+.
<abbs $&'(*:4&+, for e4ample, used hidden camera in Atlanta at a pla>a in
=eorgia 2tate Bniversity, and studied an informal group that frequently
gathered during the morning brea0. There are e4amples of using hidden
video-cameras in school toilets to study drug problem among students, or
to use unnoticed audio recording device to study student interactions. The
use of audio or video recording device often invites concern in ethnical
considerations. 2uch problems are similar to those arising in using one-ay
mirrors in intervies or psychological e4periments. 2uch cases are rare in
policy-related research.
Another case of nonparticipant observation ith ethical problem is
disguised observation, or covert observation. A typical e4ample is
1umphrey.s $&'A?+ study on homose4ual activities. 1e did not participate
in such activities, but o/ered to act as 6atch queen6, arning his
informants hen someone approached the toilet. Another famous e4ample
is Dan 7aanen.s covert study of police. 1e became practically a police
recruit. -ver more than a decade, he 6slipped in and out6 of the police in
various research roles $Dan 7aanen, &'(*+. Covert observations are again
rare in research hich is related to educational decision-ma0ing.
1idden camera or recorder and covert observation occur only e4ceptionally.
7ost author ould accept the atching of audience behaviour during a
bas0etball game $9etterman, &'(':4A+ or the atching of pedestrian
behaviour over a street as acceptable e4amples of nonparticipant
observations. ,nteraction beteen the researcher and the social community
under study is often unavoidable. We have again discussed this at length in
Chapter @ under the notion of researcher intervention. ,f e perceive the
problem of intervention as a matter of degrees, then the distinction
beteen participant observation and nonparticipant observation begins to
blur. The general principle across the board is that the researchers should
minimi>e their interactions ith the informants and focus attention
unobtrusively on the stream of events $=oet> and ;eCompte, &'(4:&4@+.
Wolcott.s study of school principal $Case @+ as perhaps the most intensive
type of nonparticipant observation that one could !nd in the realm of
education. $1e also used other supplementary methods as mentioned in
Case @+. 1e did live ith the school for to years, but he did not participate
as a school principal hich as his sub#ect of study. 1e sa his role as one
of 6participant-as-observer6 $Wolcott, &'(4:A+. 2o as ;i.s study $Case @.(+
of classroom sociology in her !rst year. 2he did stay ith the school as a
teacher but she never became a student hich as her sub#ect of study.
The folloing to years of her study, hoever, as not nonparticipant
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observation because she applied e4perimental measures. <uring the
BE,C59 research in ;iaoning, the basic method , used as intervieing and
not nonparticipant observation, but , did have, at times, nonparticipant
observation hen debates occurred beteen the local planners and the
provincial planners $Case @.A+, or hen planners chat among themselves
about their past e4perience in the !eld.
The most frequently employed nonparticipant observation hich is relevant
to educational decision-ma0ing is perhaps observation at meetings.
Typically, the researcher attends a meeting as an observer. The researcher
tries to be as unobtrusive as possible and records everything that happens
during the meeting. When Wolcott did his study on the school principal, he
as present at all meetings unless he as told otherise $Wolcott, &'(4:4+.
The folloing as my e4perience of a non-participant observation in China.
Case 4.3: A Validation Seminar
, reali>ed during the BE,C59 research in ;iaoning $Case 4+ that one essential
step in the planning for basic education in China as validation. When
drafting of an education plan as complete, the draft plan had to undergo
scrutiny in hat is 0non as a validation seminar. ,n essence, all those
related to the plan, including leaders at all levels, representatives of all
relevant government departments, e4perts from all areas - are invited to
discuss. Felevant documents are sent to the participants ell in advance.
They are then as0ed to comment on the plan during the validation e4ercise.
-nly 6validated6 plans are submitted to relevant machinery for legislation.
The validation seminar for ;iaoning as unfortunately held before the
BE,C59 research. , got an opportunity, hoever, a year after in &'((, hen
the 2hanghai educational plan as to undergo validation. The host of the
meeting agreed to send me an invitation. , attended the meeting in the
name of an 6e4ternal e4pert6, although , made clear to the host that my
ma#or tas0 as not to contribute. They agreed. <uring the meeting, , as
able to observe the roles of the various 6actors6 during the meeting. , as
also able to tal0 to individual participants during tea brea0s and meals to
understand their bac0ground and their general vies about educational
planning. , as able to do a number of things over the to-day meeting: $a+
to classify the over 48 participants into technocrats, bureaucrats, policy-
ma0ers and academicsG $b+ to understand the di/erent e4tents in hich the
participants contributed to the modi!cation of the planG $c+ the disparity in
capacity among participants in terms of information and e4pertiseG $d+ the
inter-relations beteen the di/erent categories of actors and $e+ the
function of the validation e4ercise. ,n the end, , concluded that validation
as a ay of leitimation, hich employed both technical $e4pert
#udgement+ and political $participation+ means to increase the acceptability
of the plan before it ent for legal endorsement. The political aspect came
to me as a surprise. ,t indicated a change in the notion of rationality among
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Chinese planners and policy-ma0ers.
Interviewing
,ntervieing is idely used in qualitative research. Compared ith
observation, it is more economical in time, but may achieve less in
understanding the culture. The economy in time, hoever, ma0es
ethnographic intervieing almost the most idely used technique in policy-
related research.
,ntervieing is trying to understand hat people thin0 through their
speech. There are di/erent types of intervies, often classi!ed by the
degrees of control over the intervie. Along this line, e shall brie3y
introduce three types of intervieing: informal intervieing, unstructured
intervieing, semi-structured intervieing, and formally structured
intervieing. We shall also brie3y introduce 0ey-informant intervieing and
focus groups hich are speci!c types of ethnographic intervieing.
"ualitative research of course has no monopoly over intervieing.
,ntervieing is also frequently used in research of other traditions. The
di/erence beteen ethnographic intervieing and intervieing in other
traditions lies mainly in to areas: the intervieer-intervieee relationship
and the aims of intervies. 5thnographic intervieees, or informants, are
teachers rather than sub#ects to the researcher, they are leaders rather
than folloers in the intervie. The ma#or aim of the intervie should not
be see0ing responses to speci!c questions, but initiating the informant to
unfold data.
Feaders may !nd more detailed discussions about ethnographic
intervieing in 2pradley $&'A'+ ho provides perhaps the most insightful
account of the sub#ect. ,n-depth discussions about ethnographic
intervieing can also be found in %ernard $&'((+, :atton $&''8+, 9etterman
$&'('+ and :oney and Watts $&'(A+.
n!ormal ntervie"in#
,nformal intervieing entails no control. ,t is usually conversations that the
researcher recall after staying in the !eld. ,t is di/erent from 6observation6
in that it is interactive. That is, the informant spea0s to the researcher. %y
its on nature, informal intervieing is the most 6ethnographic6 in the
sense that it is not responding to any formal question. ,t is part of the self-
unfolding process.
Case 4.4: Conversation durin# $ravels
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Almost ithout e4ception, doing research in rural China involves long
travels, usually one land, sometimes by sea. Typically, the hole group of
si4 or seven travels in a van. The van may travel over !ve or si4 hours, or
more. The #ourneys are usually full of conversations. When it is too long,
people tend to ta0e naps, but still, beteen naps people tal0. The
conversations often provide valuable information not available during more
formal sessions. 9or e4ample, , had alays thought that the crucial factor
that led to the lo income of community-supported teachers $Case )+ as
!nance. , as only through conversation that , reali>ed it as more a
matter of rural-urban disparity in citi>enship. As another e4ame, once hile
as had a brea0 on the road and stood by the van. , said #o0ingly, 6hat do
you thin0 if the province ere a country on its on6. This evo0ed emotions
conversations hich gave me a vivid description of the local planners.
perception of decentrali>ation. A third e4ample: , slept overnight on a boat
hen , as travelling in a province to a small ton. The man in the same
cabin happened to be a senior oHcial in the local !nance department. 1e
told me all 0inds of reforms and shortcomings in the local !nancial system
hich help me grasp an alternative perspective of educational !nance.
%nstructured ntervie"in#
Bnstructured intervieing applies minimum control over the informant and
the responses. Bnstructured intervieing is formal intervieing. There is no
disguise that the occasion is #ust a friendly chat. 1ence, there is alays a
question to anser, or a topic to discuss. 1oever, the informants have the
liberty to choose their on scope, depth, emphases, length and pace of the
response. At times, the informant may even choose to deviate from the
original question or topic.
Case 4.&: $rainin# Needs o! Supervisors
2ung $&''*+ attempted to study the management training needs of
supervisors of child-care centres of the disabled, in the vie of designing
appropriate training programmes for the supervisors. 2he started ith
ethnographic intervieing ith some of the centre supervisors. The
intervies started ith the supervisors perceptions about 6problems6 in
their or0. The supervisors ere quite articulate of their problems.
1oever, none of the !rst fe informants mentioned anything about
management as their felt problem, nor did they relate their problems ith
training. ,n other ords, the intervies did not anser 2ung.s original
question about training needs. 1oever, the intervies proved
enlightening, because they provided the actual perspectives of the
supervisors. 9or e4ample, they are more aare of their roles as
programmes developers, and are less conscious of their managerial roles.
2ome of them in fact ished they could get rid of their managerial tas0s.
This alloed 2ung to have a completely fresh loo0 at the meaning of
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training of centre supervisors.
7ost of hat is 0non as 6ethnographic intervies6 are unstructured. This
is especially the case at the early stages of the research, hen the
researcher 0nos little about the sub#ect to be studied and hen there is
comparatively plenty of time. As the research goes on, the researcher may
have gradually developed hisCher thin0ing and may choose to as0 more
speci!c questions in a narroer scope. The intervies then tend to be more
structured.
Case 4.': Participation in (ducational Polic)*ma+in#
,n &'(@, , did a research hich attempted to identify the patterns of
participation by educational bodies in educational policy-ma0ing in 1ong
Iong. The main body of the research as a questionnaire hich as0ed for
each educational body.s nature and its mode of participation in government
policy-ma0ing. the )( educational bodies hich provide valid data ere
then classi!ed according to their modes of participation by cluster analysis
and factor analysis. ,t as basically a quantitative analysis. The design of
the questionnaire as based on &4 semi-structured intervies ith people
ho had e4tensive e4perience ith educational bodies. The design of these
intervies ere in turn based on to bac0ground intervies ith the 2enior
Assistant <irector of 5ducation $ho as the de facto chief in planning+ and
the most prominent union leader. %oth intervies ere unstructured and
started ith the grand tour question 6What do you see as the picture of
participation in educational planning in 1ong IongJ6$Cheng, &'(@:)(+. The
informants ere then alloed to elaborate according to hat they 0ne
about the topic. There as no set time limit for the intervies. The to
intervies eventually too0 A8 and &*8 minutes respectively. The folloing
diagram may help depict the process $!bid":'?+:
Background Interviews Pilot Interview Main Interviews
Questionnaire
,unstructured- ,semi*structured- ,semi*structured-
Bnstructured intervieing is often characteri>ed by the very fe questions
as0ed by the researcher. ,t is therefore sometimes also called the open-
ended intervieing. ,ndeed, a successful qualitative unstructured intervie
often starts ith a 6grand tour6 question $2pradley, &'A':()+ and no further
question is necessary until the informant has said all that is to be said
about that topic. A grand tour question is designed to elicit a broad picture
of the native.s orld $9etterman, &'(':?&+. =rand tour questions should
lead the researcher to understand the general frameor0 in hich the
informants thin0, the terms they used, the conte4t in hich such terms are
used, and so forth $Werner K 2choep3e, &'(A:@&(+. The grand tour
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question also gives the researcher a basis to frame further questions. ,n
practice, the researcher often has to do some 6probing6 in order to continue
the conversation. 20ill is required in such probing so that it idens rather
than narros the scope of conversion $%ernard, &'((:*&&-&A+.
Bnstructured intervieing often encounters information that the researcher
is unprepared for. 2uch information are valuable input hich may change
the researchers. perceptions. The folloing is an e4ample.
Case 4..: /h) do !armers send their children to schools0
,n an ,,5: pro#ect in Lhe#iang province of China, one of the research
ob#ective as to understand hy parents sent their children to schools. We
started ith a crude questionnaire. -ne item in the questionnaire as the
parent.s e4pected future career of their children. ,n drafting this section of
the questionnaire, census categories ere used. ,n addition, some
e4perienced teachers ith good 0noledge of the past graduates helped
chec0 the list against all the possible occupations past primary graduates
had ta0en up. The section ended up ith the folloing occupations:
$8&+ further studies
$8*+ administrator in the village
$8@+ professional technicians
$84+ s0illed or0ers
$8?+ professional farmer
$8)+ businessman
$8A+ local industrialist
$8(+ military personnel
$8'+ teacher
$&8+ others
1oever, ethnographic intervies ith parents in a pilot village proved that
the questionnaire as far from painting the real picture. Fural parents ere
often pu>>led by the question 6Why are you sending your children to
schoolsJ6 The most articulate of them e4pressed their pu>>le in a retorting
question: 6Why notJ6 or 6Why should this be a questionJ6. We reali>ed that
these responses ere valuable data. We then as0ed: 6When your child has
completed primary school, hat ould you e4pect himCher to doJ6 The
question did not normally get at immediate ansers. 7any parents,
particularly the illiterates, reacted ith doubts and fussed about the
question. We too0 these responses as valuable data. The folloing are
some of such responses:
61o should , 0noJ6
6What do you meanJ6
6What do you thin0 , should sayJ6 $Turning to the local teacher.+
6, don.t 0no ho to anser.6
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M, have never thought of itN6
We identi!ed that there ere parents ho actually did not thin0 much
about their children.s future. This may or may not re3ect a total neglect of
their children, as the folloing ansers to further probing indicate:
6,t goes ithout saying that , ish they could go to universities.6
6-f course , ant them to get education as high up as possible, but , don.t
0no hat they are called.6
6, don.t mind, as far as they can leave the village eventually.6
6, don.t mind hat they do, as long as they are not doing anything bad.6
,n the end, e decided that the intervieers should as0 the question in an
open-ended mode and allo ansers such as
6, have never thought of that6
6university study6
6further study, as high as possible6
6leave the village eventually6
6as far as not doing anything bad, irrespective of the occupation6
The actual results of the questionnaire over a sample of over *88 parents
revealed that most of these items gained highest scores among rural
parent.
Semi*structured ntervie"in#
2emi-structured intervieing is intervieing ith an intervie guide
$%ernard, &'((:*8?+. 2emi-structured intervieing follos all the principles
of unstructured intervieing, e4cept that the informants are not e4pected
to move too far beyond the scope de!ned by the intervie guide. %y the
nature of qualitative research, hoever, the researcher tends not to stop
the informant hen the intervie goes beyond the designed scope.
Eevertheless, the guide at least allos the researcher to obtain data ithin
the designed scope. This is useful in situations here the researcher can
only meet the informant once and hence the intervie is not li0ely to
repeat.
Case 4.1: Overseas n!ormants
When , carried out the study of educational policy-ma0ing in 1ong Iong
$Case &A+, many of the informants ere intervieed overseas. -ne of the
informants as an e4pert planner in %onn, =ermany ho as once a
consultant of the 1ong Iong government. , intervieed him hen , as
able to travel to %onn by train after a meeting in :aris en route to ;ondon.
There ere only to hours. , sent in advance a page of four broad questions
about one policy-episode hich he participated. 5ach question as
preceded by a small paragraph to remind him of the conte4t. The questions
ere open-ended. The questions helped very much. The informant as able
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to recollect his e4perience in 1ong Iong before , ent. The informant in fact
led the intervie. Another informant as a chief educational administrator
in Canberra, Australia. , as able to spend to days in the city. Again, a
similar page of broad questions ere sent in advance. , as0ed for to visits
on the to consecutive days. The !rst day intervie as a grand tour of his
perception of the particular episode in focus. , made a study of the
intervie results and framed questions for the second day intervie.
A third informant as a retired oHcial from the Treasury of %ritain. 1e as
one of the !rst members of the 1ong Iong Bniversity =rants Committee
hich as one of my foci of attention. ,n the letter , sent in advance, some
broad questions about as0ing him to enlighten me ith his perceptions of
the bac0ground, status and role of the Committee. 1e as so pleased about
the intervie that it ent from & p.m. until ) p.m. in the evening. 1e invited
me to a second intervie, hich too0 another four hours. 1e as not
alays focusing on the Committee. 1e started ith the beginning of the
%ritish counterpart $B=C+ in &'&', traced its development, and related its
features to the 1ong Iong Committee. 1e made comments not only on the
committees and the policies, but also on persons. , as not at all orried by
the 6out-of-focus6 conversation, and anyay there as no ay to stop him.
The intervie gave me a splendid picture of not only the policies and
organi>ations under research, but also dynamics and culture ithin the
organi>ations.
The broad questions in the !rst to cases played the role of an intervie
guide. They helped to economi>e the limited time available in such
intervies. The broad questions in the third case played a di/erent role.
They helped initiate the informant in unfolding hat as in his mind.
1ence, the intended semi-structure in the third case gave ay to an
unstructured intervie, quite pleasantly for a qualitative researcher.
Structured ntervie"in#
,n structured intervieing, all informants are as0ed to respond to the same
set of questions or stimuli, or, to as nearly identical a set of stimuli as
possible $%ernard, &'((:*8?+. 2tructured intervieing often involves a
rather elaborate intervie schedule. 1ence, structured intervieing is not
very di/erent from using a questionnaire. ,n fact, %ernard $!bid"+ regards
even self-administered questionnaire as a special type of structured
intervieing. 1oever, there remains a variety of approaches in structured
intervieing. ,t still allos the use of ethnographic techniques to various
degrees.
Case 4.2: Structured 3uestionnaire "ith (thno#raphic
ntervie"in#
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
<uring the ,,5: research on basic education $see Case 4.A+, parents ere
intervieed ith a questionnaire. The researcher too0 the questionnaire
and intervieed parents many of hom ere illiterate. The large number of
parents, the considerable number of researchers, the numerous items and
various possible responses made the questionnaire necessarily structured,
ith as many options possible for each item. The questionnaire as printed
and the researcher used one questionnaire for each parent. <uring the
designing process, e faced to options: the researcher might either read
out the optional responses for the informant to select, or the researcher
might stop at as0ing the question and allo the respondent to give the
anser. 5ventually, e decided to adopt the latter, that is, alloing the
parents to provide the anser. The reason as quite obvious. We
discovered during the design of the questionnaire that parents. ansers
often ent beyond our e4pectations. Although e had included as many as
possible of these responses in the !nal draft of the questionnaire, e could
never be sure that other parents ould not have other ansers in mind. ,f
e as0ed the parents to respond to optional ansers, e might still limit
them to hat e had e4pected and miss those une4pected.
The above is #ust a brief discussion of using intervieing in qualitative
research. Feaders may !nd more detailed discussions in 7cCrac0en $&'((+,
%ernard $&'((+ and :oney $&'(A+. 2pradley $&'A'+ in particular provides a
very useful systematic analysis of intervieing in the qualitative
conventions.
4ocus 5roup ntervie"in#
,n the broad sense, focus group intervieing is in-depth group intervieing.
Although the method itself may be used in all conventions of research, it
tends to generate qualitative data in the emic sense $i.e. in the participants
on ords and on categories+$2teart K 2hamdasani, &''8:&&-&@+.
1ence, focus group intervieing is often group intervie in the
ethnographic sense.
Typically, a group of ( to &* informants are invited to a session of around
one and a half to to and a half hours $!bid.:&8+. The researcher initiates
discussion by hatever ay appropriate, such that the participants are
motivated but not guided to discuss on the relevant topic. The researcher
ill then listen and observe the discussions that follo, applying as little
intervention as possible, as long as the discussion remains on the topic. ,n
such discussion, the participants are e4pected to unfold their 0noledge
and e4press their opinions about the sub#ect matter. 9ocus group
intervieing is also 0non as focus group discussion, perhaps because in
ideal situations, interaction beteen participants prevails over
6intervieing6 in its conventional sense.
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
The strengths of focus group intervieing are at least tofold. 9irst, a large
amount of information can be released in a comparatively short period of
time. 2econd, it also allos the researcher to observe interactions among
participants. 2uch interaction are not observable in individual intervies.
The ma#or ea0ness of focus group intervieing is that under group
situations, group dynamics and group pressure come into play. :articipants
may not be ready to e4press their independent vies, or they may be
actually in3uenced by the prevalent vies during the discussion. The
information obtained may ell be distorted information. 2uch a ea0ness is
perhaps less signi!cant in a Western community than in a confucian society
such as those in 5ast Asia. ,n the former, individuals stand as independent
entities and participants are more ready to accept diverse vies. ,n the
latter, people often believe in collectivism and correctness of vies and
hat is e4pressed in groups may di/er signi!cantly from hat each
individual thin0.
A focus group intervie is more successful hen the topic is the
participants. concern rather than only the researcher.s concern. ,n this ideal
case, the discussion is usually very focused ith little intervention from the
researcher, ho acts as the moderator of discussion. ,n other cases, here
the topic of discussion is not so much the concern of the participants, the
research may have to apply more guidance during the discussion and the
ethnographic sense is preserved only ith caution.
Case 4.16: Communit) Perception o! 7asic (ducation

A focus group discussion as held ith a Eeighbourhood Committee during
a research pro#ect to under the environments of basic education in China.
5ight members ere present. The members ere elected from the families
ho lived in the neighbourhood hich as made up of a street.
7y concern as to understand hat are perceived as the basic education
needs, so that the questionnaire e ere to design ould be consistent
ith the community.s perceptions. ,n order to focus the discussion, , started
ith an open question: 6What are the characteristics of a man ho cannot
survive the societyJ6 The responses converged on to points: good
adaptability and good human relations. Adaptability includes adaptation to
the nature and changing environments, endurance and persistence and
self-study abilities. =ood human relations include relations ith family
members, relations ith peers and or0-mates, and the management of
self in an organi>ation. Those ho cannot survive ere those ho ere
unable to cope ith the changing environment, ho evaded diHculties,
ho ere unable to manage themselves and those ho tended to be self-
isolating. Eo one mentioned literacy and numeracy hich ere our
anticipated ansers.
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
, folloed ith a number of probing questions each relating to literacy and
numeracy. 6<on.t you thin0 a young person should learn to change an
electric bulbJ6 6<on.t you thin0 a young person should be able to read the
road signJ6 The participants did not seem to appreciate that these should
become part of schooling. 6They can alays learn from their neighbour or
even as0 the neighbour to help.6 6They can alays as0 passers-by.6
The focus group discussion above proved e4tremely helpful. ,t as an
international comparison and e had alays been focusing on literacy and
numeracy as the basics of basic education. The attainment tests turned out
that most students had achieved the basic requirements beteen primary
4 and primary ). :arents therefore too0 literacy and numeracy for granted
and turned to social requirements. The picture of hat basic education as
meant to parents as totally changed. This subsequently helped interpret a
large number of research !ndings hich might otherise became
ine4plicable.
Case 4.11: School Needs !or $eacher 8evelopment
The Advisory Committee on Teacher 5ducation and "uali!cation found it
necessary to 0no ho teacher education and teacher quali!cations are
matching the needs of schools. ,t as decided that a survey ould be
conducted. The survey could be conducted in the form of a questionnaire
as0ing schools about the appropriateness of various activities in teacher
education and development. This, hoever, may narro the respondents.
vies to hat is e4isting, or hat is perceived as ideal in the teacher
educators. perspectives. The or0ing group eventually decided to conduct
to focus group discussions, one for primary schools and one for secondary
schools. ,n each group, 0noledgeable teachers and principals are invited
to articulate their vies about hat they perceive of the most essential
needs in schools. They are as0ed to limit their vies on teachers. The
focus groups proved e4tremely useful in providing insights about the basic
issues. 2uch issues, such as the non-teaching or0load of teachers, and
the structural responsibility of teacher development in schools, are beyond
teachers. education and quali!cation, but are essential to solve teacher
problems.
The richness in data obtain from focus group discussions may also mean
diHculties in analy>ing such data. This is di/erent from individual
intervies here the informant follos a certain line of thin0ing. ,n focus
group discussions, the relations beteen vies and people are comple4.
2uch a comple4ity, one may argue, is indeed a more accurate re3ection of
the reality.
Feaders may !nd more detailed discussions about focus group intervieing
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
in 2teart and 2hamdasani $&''8+, 7organ $&'((+ and Irueger $&'((+.
Study o Docu!ents
7any may mista0e that qualitative researchers do not believe in second-
hand data and hence are not illing to read documents and other archival
data. This is a misconception of qualitative research. 2tudy of documents
has alays been an important component of research in the
anthropological convention. %ernard has a straightforard remar0: 6, see
no reason to collect ne data in the !eld if there are documentary
resources already available that address some of your research questions6
$%ernard, &'((:*'4+. :elto and :elto $&'A':&&'+ made similar remar0s. ,n
classical e4amples of educational qualitative research such as Wolcott
$&'A@:4+, the study of the school principal paid signi!cant attention to
ritten records and documents.
Documents refer to all 0inds of ritten records such as government
policies, educational legislation and stipulation, education plans,
educational statistics, demographic trends, school records, teaching plans,
student health records, e4amination records, school meeting minutes,
school inventories, school accounts, classroom #ournals and so on. ,n fact, it
is diHcult to !4 a de!nite list until the researcher is in the !eld. Then heCshe
can draft the list according to real needs. -ften, the researchers are not
able to reali>e hat should be read unless they are in the !eld.
Case 4.12: Children 9e#istration
-ne of the ma#or suspicions among international researchers about China
as the accuracy of enrolment ratio. This therefore became my ma#or
concern hen doing !eldor0. 7y !rst 6teacher6 in this matter as a
teacher of a village school in ;iaoning ho illustrated ho he planned for
his school by shoing me a boo0 hich registers all children in the village
ho are from 8 to &A in age. 1e called this the 6Fecord of Eames6 hich
as apparently not an oHcial requirement. %ut he told me that this as for
his on bene!t, because the number 0ept him alert of the class si>es ahead
and, hen necessary, alloed him to plan in advance for multiple-grade
classes. 1e e4plained that, for e4ample, if there ere 4 children at !ve year
old and only @ at si4 year old, he might advise the si4 year-olds to delay
entrance for a year so that they might #oin a double-grade class of A ne4t
year. 1e also e4plained that hen he as as0ed to submit statistics for
planning, he needed no arti!cial pro#ection, the number ere all in his
boo0s. To years later, , found the same practice in =ui>hou, another
province, but the principals called the boo0 the 6Cultural Fegister6. 5ven
secondary school principals 0ept such a record, but ith age range from 8
to *@. The 6Fecord of Eames6 or 6Cultural Fegistration6 demonstrated that
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Qualitative Research: Data Collection
at least at the village level, the enrolment data as quite transparent and
there could be little honesty problem.
Case 4.13: (:uipment Cate#ories
The !rst time , as in a Chinese village school, , heard that school
equipment as allocated according to categories. There ere three
categories: Categories ,, ,, and ,,,. Apparently, Category , as of highest
standard and as supposed to be above average. Category ,, as of good
standard more or less e4pected of all school hen resources ere available.
Category ,,, as meant belo average but acceptable. The system in China
as such that the best schools ere e4pected to be equipped ith
Category , items, important schools such as centre schools ith Category ,,
and ordinary schools ith Category ,,,. Dillage schools ere often given no
allocation at all. , reali>ed that this as a policy of discrimination hich as
quite di/erent from practices elsehere in other countries. , never sa the
actual document until !ve years later. When , sa the actual document, ,
as further shoc0ed. The disparity as tremendous. The orth of items in
Category , as normally more than double that Category ,, and often more
than three times that of Category ,,,. ,t is a policy that increases disparity. ,t
is only hen , actually sa the document that , understood it as not only
a matter of priority, it as a cult of hierarchy. ,t as a culture.
There is not much in the techniques of documentary study that is speci!c
to qualitative research. ,t is perhaps the appropriate use of the appropriate
materials that is essential.
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