This document contains the conference report from a meeting about the 20th anniversary of the Copenhagen Criteria, which established the conditions for countries to join the European Union. The report includes several speeches from European politicians and experts discussing the impact and ongoing relevance of the Copenhagen Criteria. It summarizes that the Criteria have driven democratic and economic reforms in countries seeking EU membership and helped integrate formerly divided states. Speakers argue the Criteria still provide an important basis for evaluating candidates, while recognizing lessons from past enlargements about strengthened implementation.
This document contains the conference report from a meeting about the 20th anniversary of the Copenhagen Criteria, which established the conditions for countries to join the European Union. The report includes several speeches from European politicians and experts discussing the impact and ongoing relevance of the Copenhagen Criteria. It summarizes that the Criteria have driven democratic and economic reforms in countries seeking EU membership and helped integrate formerly divided states. Speakers argue the Criteria still provide an important basis for evaluating candidates, while recognizing lessons from past enlargements about strengthened implementation.
This document contains the conference report from a meeting about the 20th anniversary of the Copenhagen Criteria, which established the conditions for countries to join the European Union. The report includes several speeches from European politicians and experts discussing the impact and ongoing relevance of the Copenhagen Criteria. It summarizes that the Criteria have driven democratic and economic reforms in countries seeking EU membership and helped integrate formerly divided states. Speakers argue the Criteria still provide an important basis for evaluating candidates, while recognizing lessons from past enlargements about strengthened implementation.
of the European Union Copenhagen 14 May 2013 Conference Report CONFERENCE REPORT 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Enlargement Remains a Driver of Change 5 By Nicolai Wammen, Minister for European Affairs of Denmark Copenhagen Criteria the Backbone of EU Enlargement 9 By S
tefan Fle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy
Being on Both Sides of the Fence: The Slovak Experience and Views on the EU Enlargement 13 By Miroslav Lajc k, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic How EU Enlargement has Shaped and Continues to Shape Europe 17 By Suzana Grubje si c, Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration of Serbia Building a Community of Stable and Prosperous States the Unnished Mission of the EU in the Western Balkans 21 By Nikola Poposki, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Enlargement with the Western Balkans 25 By Ivan Vejvoda, Vice-President of the German Marshall Fund of the United States The Foundations of Europes Peace 29 By Fabrizio Tassinari, Danish Institute for International Studies Editorial note: The views and opinions expressed in the following articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily reect the ofcial policy or position of the Danish Government. CONFERENCE REPORT 5 ing points demanded a more principled approach. Accordingly, the European leaders introduced the conditions for membership, which we have since come to know as the Copenhagen criteria. The criteria included the need for prospective member states to have: institutions that guarantee democracy, the rule of law, hu- man rights and respect for and protection of minorities; a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with competitive pressures and market forces within the Union; the ability to take on the obligations of membership (aquis communautaire). In order to ensure the full effectiveness of the Union, while maintaining the momentum of the European integration pro- cess, the European Council also highlighted the capacity of the Union to absorb new members as a key consideration. The decision in Copenhagen provided the countries in Central and Eastern Europe with a clear sense of direction as well as a challenging list of homework to do. Though seemingly simple, the three criteria were translated into very demanding require- ments for a complete transformation of the institutions in each of the prospective member states. In the ensuing years all the countries underwent major democratic and economic reforms. In May 2004 ten new members (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary as well as Cyprus and Malta) were ready to join, followed by Bulgaria and Romania in 2007. In the spring of 1989 I visited the divided city of Berlin as a high school student. It made a huge impression on me to experience the check-points at rst hand and see how families and friends were kept away from each other by force. Even my own group of students was held back for several hours by the border police. Less than a year later together with the rest of the world I watched in awe as the Berlin Wall came down and the people of Central and Eastern Europe embraced their newly-won freedom. Looking back, it was indeed another era compared with todays Europe where citizens travel, work and trade freely across our continent. It is important to remember that this development was not pre- destined. History does not by itself arrange events in the interest of peace, democracy and prosperity. Rather, it is the result of conscious decisions as well as structural developments. In the aftermath of the Cold War one political decision stands out: The decision at the European Council meeting in Copenhagen in June 1993 to invite the associated countries of Central and Eastern Europe to become members of the European Union. The decision of the European Council was motivated less by short term economic gain than by the desire to support the on- going reforms, transmit the European values of democracy and human rights, and to ensure a peaceful and stable development throughout a larger Europe. Thus, the decision was in true keep- ing with the original objectives of the founders of the European Community. The unprecedented enlargement of the EU with a large number of countries having very different political and economic start- ENLARGEMENT REMAINS A DRIVER OF CHANGE By Nicolai Wammen, Minister for European Affairs of Denmark 6 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE With the so-called renewed consensus on enlargement in 2006 the EU reinforced its focus on the credibility of the enlargement process, putting rule of law at the centre. Accordingly, difcult issues such as administrative and judicial reforms and the ght against corruption are addressed at an early stage. The pace of the accession process depends on the results of the reforms in the candidate country, with each country being judged on its own merits. Candidate and potential candidate countries are evaluated not on stated intentions but on tangible and very concrete results on the ground concerning implementation of fundamental rights and freedoms, rule of law, good governance, economic reform and the ght against corruption and organized crime. In July this year we will welcome Croatia as the 28th member of the European Union. The Croatian Government has worked hard to get to where they are now, and membership of the EU is fully deserved. This positive development sends a strong mes- sage of the transformative power of enlargement and demon- strates what is possible in a region with a difcult past. It gives an excellent dynamic to the continued enlargement process and acts as an incentive and encouragement to all the countries in the region. *** From time to time we hear voices talk of enlargement fatigue, pointing either to the risk of weakening the EU or to the inad- equate preparation of prospective member states. In particular in times of economic crisis some would argue that enlargement issues must await better times. However, it is important to recognize, as did the European lead- ers in Copenhagen in 1993, that enlargement has obvious ben- ets for the inhabitants of the new member states, but certainly also for the stability and security of the EU as a whole. It affects us directly when our neighbours are faced with prob- lems. Examples are organized crime, human trafcking, drugs Spreading democracy, stability, security and rising levels of liv- ing standards across most of Europe, the enlargements of 2004 and 2007 helped bridge the gaps caused by the Cold War and thus marked a historic step towards a united Europe. As such the EUs continued enlargement has contributed to shaping the peaceful and democratic Europe that we know today as also recognized by the Nobel Prize Committee last year. *** Historical anniversaries provide welcome occasions for reection looking back as well as ahead. This year, as we celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Copenhagen criteria, we should not only ask ourselves whether the criteria have delivered by living up to the hopes and aspirations vested in them at the time of their adoption. At this historical juncture it is equally important that we ask: do the Copenhagen criteria still provide a relevant basis for the EUs enlargement policy? Membership of the EU is as coveted in the countries in our close neighbourhood as ever. Nowhere is this as evident as in the Western Balkans a region which was ravaged by a brutal civil war less than 20 years ago and saw killings which, in some places, turned into genocide. But today the situation in the region has changed entirely. All of the countries in the Western Balkans have a European perspec- tive and all are engaged in comprehensive reform efforts. Old conicts between former adversaries are being overcome. The most recent success is the agreement on normalisation between Serbia and Kosovo. More than anything else it is the perspec- tive of one day being able to join the EU that continues to drive reforms and that contributes to reconciliation in the region. In this process the Copenhagen criteria remain the core of the EU enlargement policy and they continue to form the basis for assessing progress in individual countries. But today the criteria are enhanced by measures deriving from lessons learned from the enlargements of 2004 and 2007. The criteria remain the same, but there is a strengthened focus on their implementation. CONFERENCE REPORT 7 The viability and continued impact of the Copenhagen criteria serve as a reminder to all of us. The EU is a community built on common values with democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and minorities and a well-functioning market economy at its core. These basic values are the glue that holds us together in times of prosperity as well as in times of adversity. And it is the consolidation of these values on the European continent that remains the ultimate goal of enlargement. and illegal migration. On the other hand, we stand to gain when our neighbours prosper. The enlargement process has been instrumental in transforming unstable countries with weak democratic institutions, minority problems and border issues into stable, prosperous and peaceful democracies. Furthermore, enlargement provides a larger market and new opportunities for export and investment. CONFERENCE REPORT 9 When announcing the peace prize last year, the Nobel Com- mittee recognised enlargement policy as one of the EUs main contributions to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe. Through successive en- largements, the EU has brought nations and cultures together, consolidated democracy in countries which had experienced dictatorships, reinforced the rule of law and respect for funda- mental rights, and promoted economic growth and employ- ment. The Nobel Committee thus reminded us that enlarge- ment has been and continues to be a success story for Europe as a whole. On the other hand, EU enlargement is not uncontro- versial. Critics say there were issues not fully addressed during the previous enlargement wave and that in general we have enough problems on our plate struggling with the impact of the nancial crisis without the added burden of taking in new members. All these views testify to the complexity and importance of the enlargement policy; a policy that not only impacts on our current politics but shapes the future of the whole continent. The Copenhagen criteria and it is not an overstatement have played a pivotal role in how this policy has been designed and implemented. As it is 20 years since the criteria were formalised, now is a good time to take a closer look at how they delivered. Let me highlight three aspects: the process, the impact and, last but not least, todays relevance. THE PROCESS: STRICT BUT FAIR CONDITIONALITY Twenty years ago Europe was undergoing dramatic geo-political change. New democracies were emerging on our doorstep, characterised by weak or new democratic, administrative and economic structures. The challenges of transition were immense but not insurmountable. With the prospect of the EU more than doubling its membership in the foreseeable future, the Copenhagen criteria clearly set out the rules of the game, rmly anchoring conditionality in the accession process. The political criteria required new Member States to ensure stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, respect for and protection of minorities. The economic criteria called for the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competi- tive pressure and market forces within the Union. Aspiring states would have to be able to take on the full body of EU rules and regulations known as the acquis communautaire. And the EUs ability to absorb new members, while maintaining the momentum of European integration, was also an important consideration. These criteria are as relevant today to the countries of the Western Balkans and Turkey as they were in 1993 to the then prospective members of Central and Eastern Europe. The Copenhagen criteria are central to the renewed enlargement consensus of 2006, which forms the basis of the EUs enlarge- ment policy today. Conditionality as a concept was not new but its formal adop- tion in Copenhagen armed the accession process with objectivity and predictability, thus guarding it against the changing whims of politics. Of course any EU enlargement will remain as much a political project, going beyond the formal compliance with COPENHAGEN CRITERIA THE BACKBONE OF EU ENLARGEMENT By S
tefan Fle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy
10 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE technical criteria. But the Copenhagen criteria are a safeguard for quality. They underline the importance of a well-managed accession process based on the fullment of specic conditions. They serve as an objective counterpart of the political commit- ments, increasing the credibility of the whole policy. This aspect is of particular signicance today, as the nancial cri- sis has left many in the EU with a sense of insecurity and doubts about its role and future. Rigorous conditionality, stemming from the Copenhagen criteria, is the best guarantee that the enlargement process is not being rushed through. The pace at which each country advances towards membership depends on its performance in meeting the necessary conditions. We need to be sure that the aspiring countries are ready to be EU members, capable of joining without importing difculties. Enlargement based on a well-managed accession process where countries meet the criteria and are able to take on the obligations of member- ship strengthens the new member states and the Union as a whole. THE IMPACT: TRANSFORMATIVE POWER Enlargement is thus by denition a gradual process, based on solid and sustainable implementation of reforms by the coun- tries concerned. This is where the impact of conditionality driven by the Copenhagen criteria comes into play. Within the framework of strict yet fair conditionality, the prospect of acces- sion drives political and economic reforms, transforming socie- ties and creating new opportunities for citizens and businesses. It reinforces the EUs political and economic strengths. Take again the 2004 enlargement. The accession of countries in Central and Eastern Europe united East and West after decades of articial separation, contributing to overall stability and security. It also provided concrete, mutual benets of deeper trade integration, a larger internal market, economies of scale and expanded investment and job opportunities. From the start of negotiations to actual accession, exports from the EU to the acceding countries more than tripled. The current enlargement wave provides further impressive evi- dence of the transformative power of conditionality combined with a clear European perspective. Less than twenty years ago, the region of the Western Balkans was seen as a place of destruc- tion and despair. Now it is consolidating peace and stability. Croatia, torn by conict not long ago, is due to join the EU on 1 July 2013. Membership negotiations have started with Monte- negro. Serbia and Kosovo* struck a historic deal which paves the way for them to advance decisively in their European perspec- tives. The EU remains a key anchor for democratic modernisa- tion in Turkey. Reforms have continued in the other countries of the region, despite difculties and political tensions. THE RELEVANCE: SAME CONDITIONALITY, NEW APPROACHES The American Constitution is said to have kept its relevance over so many years because of its brevity: it focuses on the essen- tials while the subsequent amendments keep it up to date with the changing reality and new challenges that Americas founding fathers could not obviously foresee. I am glad that the Copenha- gen criteria, although much younger, follow the same principle: they set out the essentials. Today, while the enlargement conditionality remains the same, the way it is applied in terms of supporting candidates in meet- ing the criteria evolves based on lessons learnt from past enlarge- ments. The European Commission is putting an increased focus on good governance and the rule of law, including judicial reform, public administration reform and the ght against cor- ruption and organised crime. The EUs new approach to nego- tiations in the policy areas of judiciary and fundamental rights, as well as justice, freedom and security, is a case in point. From now on, these areas will be tackled early in the negotiations to allow maximum time to establish the necessary legislation, * This designation is without prejudice to positions on status, and is in line with UNSCR 1244 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo Declaration of Independence. CONFERENCE REPORT 11 institutions, and solid track records of implementation before the negotiations are closed. This will ensure that reforms are deeply rooted and irreversible which will, in turn, foster stability and reduce the risks of illegal immigration and inltration of criminality. These are issues of direct concern to citizens in both the European Union and the enlargement countries. When most people talk of the Copenhagen criteria, they think of the political criteria. It is equally important to address the economic criteria early in the process. As the EU undergoes far-reaching changes to its economic governance, enlargement countries need to be informed, involved and associated as closely as possible to the process. This will help them get sound nan- cial rules and budgets in place before they join. And it ensures that acceding countries will not only be able to fully implement EU obligations, but also to face future challenges. In view of the interdependency of our economies, this will benet the Euro- pean Union as a whole. By extending Europes zone of peace, stability, democracy and prosperity, enlargement is providing benets to the EU as a whole. It is making the EU not only bigger, but politically and economically better positioned to address global challenges. This effectiveness of the enlargement process is largely the result of its solid backbone: the Copenhagen criteria. They have stood the test of time and, through improved application, continue today to provide the framework, guidance and inspiration for the enlargement policy. CONFERENCE REPORT 13 BEING ON BOTH SIDES OF THE FENCE: THE SLOVAK EXPERIENCE AND VIEWS ON THE EU ENLARGEMENT By Miroslav Lajck, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic Simultaneously, the entire integration project has been trans- formed in terms of its institutions, policies, while the EUs global stance is also affected. The enlargement strengthens our common voice in world affairs and Europe is equipped better to deal with its neighbours. A WIN-WIN STORY I am convinced that all enlargement rounds, including the last big bang, beneted the entire Union the older part as well as the new one. The enlargement has played a crucial role in enhancing economic prosperity and growth in Europe. Expansion of the single market was a key point. The fact that rapidly growing economies became part of the common market helped unleash its growth potential, boost competitive- ness, deepen the economic integration and thus, increase the resilience of the European economy as a whole. According to the IMF gures, the EU with a total GDP of 16 025 billion USD, in Purchasing Power Parity is the biggest economy and the largest common market in the world. Our GDP is 50 per cent higher than the cumulated economic output of the BRIC countries. Slovakia itself has jumped from 50 per cent to 75 per cent of the average EU GDP in less than ten years. Citizens of old Europe have also beneted from the recent round of enlargement. Fears that the entry of ten poorer coun- tries would pull money out of their pockets have proved ground- less. There was no reduction in the economic activity in older member states, their labour market was not awash by Eastern European plumbers and their welfare systems did not collapse. Since its very rst expansion to Denmark, Ireland and the Unit- ed Kingdom four decades ago, the enlargement has become an indivisible part of the European project. Until today, the EU has grown from six to twenty-seven member states, while in a couple of weeks Croatia will join the club as the rst Western Balkan country under the 2003 Thessaloniki Agenda. With another ve candidate countries and few other aspirants sitting in the wait- ing room, the European Unions enlargement is anything but a nished story. THE ENLARGEMENT AND ITS TRANSFORMATIVE POWER Being one of the EUs most successful policies, the enlargement has become a key tool for enhancing democracy and the rule of law as well as maintaining security and stability across Europe. Its transformative power is well-proven in case of South Euro- pean countries that got rid of their dictatorships in the 1970s, in case of Central and Eastern European countries that successfully and fully integrated following the collapse of the Iron Curtain, and nally, in case of Croatia, a country torn by the Balkan disaster just two decades ago, but currently a stable democracy capable of living by membership obligations. When speaking about a transformative power of the enlarge- ment policy, it should not be omitted that it is not only about an ultimate objective the EU membership. The accession process itself is essential for transforming a country. The EU- brokered agreement between Belgrade and Pristina is the most recent example. Could anyone imagine such a deal without a pull effect of a European perspective? 14 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE On the contrary, the enlargement provided them with an enormous growth impulse thanks to new, unprecedented invest- ment and business opportunities. They gained access to vibrant, unsaturated markets and favourable production capacities liter- ally next door and already before the accession of newcomers. This helped Western companies to strengthen their international competitiveness, while protecting domestic jobs. Countries that increased trade with and investment in new markets experi- enced stronger growth in particular due to enlargement. Labour migration eased bottlenecks in those states that opened up their labour markets. All of this serves as evidence that the enlargement is denitely a win-win story for each and every player. It is worth mentioning this repeatedly as the European public still seems to be rather fearful of potential immigration, especially during the economic downturn. In this regard both, the EU institutions and national governments need to do a better job of explaining all enlarge- ment benets. EXPERIENCE OF BEING ON BOTH SIDES OF THE FENCE There is no doubt that the enlargement agenda remains impor- tant. Nevertheless, current internal problems the EU is facing result in an impression that it is slipping down the list of our priorities. But even in these challenging times we must not forget that there is life outside the EU. There are countries and people counting on us, intending to follow our example, willing to join us. We should not abandon our ambitions to play an active role in providing stability and prosperity abroad, especially in our immediate surroundings. However, it is not only about ambi- tions. It is also about our responsibilities and interests. We need to have our neighbours on our side, rather than leaving the space open for possible instability and turbulence. In Slovakia, we remember well the difference between waiting outside and being inside. We have a fresh experience of being on both sides of the fence. More than two decades ago, when setting off for democracy, the rule of law and market economy, we were offered a vision a vision to become part of a united, peaceful and prosperous Europe. We are pretty aware of how important it is to keep this vision alive for the countries knocking on the EUs door. It is, rst of all, the Western Balkans where the EU cannot leave its business unnished. The stability and security of Europe has always been interlinked with that region. Anything hap- pening there affects our vital interests in a positive or a negative way. It is crucial for us to have the Western Balkans countries completely on board. Therefore, Slovakia strongly supports their European aspira- tions. On the one hand, we are the most resolute proponent of further EU enlargement, but on the other hand, we are the aspirants most vocal and direct critics when they do not deliver satisfactory results. We know perfectly well how difcult it is to meet all necessary benchmarks. But there is no other way, except doing your homework well and properly. CHANNELLING OUR SUPPORT AND EXPERIENCE During our transformation and accession process we received strong support and practical help from our partners in the Euro- Atlantic community. Now, being its fully-edged member, we try to channel our support and experience to others. The Western Balkans countries are struggling with problems similar to those we struggled with before. Therefore we consider it natural to provide all necessary assistance we can. We believe that our success has the power to inspire and encourage. To present tailor-made responses to the needs of our partners through consultations or internships, a Centre for Transfer of Experiences from Integration and Reforms (CETIR) was estab- lished by the Slovak Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs in 2011. Dozens of projects have been implemented until now. CONFERENCE REPORT 15 Within our national Ofcial Development Aid programme (ODA), we plan to allocate 500 000 EUR for the expert as- sistance in Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and other countries of the region this year. One example of our expert support is the National Convention for European Integration in Montenegro, a project similar to one implemented in Slovakia during our pre-accession period. It aims to develop strategies and commu- nication mechanisms with civil society on European issues as well as better inform the public about reforms carried out by the respective governments. Additional nancial assistance could be provided by the In- ternational Visegrad Fund that pools resources, capacities and know-how of four Visegrad countries the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Last year, ten projects to pro- mote democratization and transformation processes in Western Balkans countries were supported by 650 000 EUR within the Visegrad+ Programme. Given a good experience with third par- ties co-nancing our activities, we are open to cooperate with additional international donors, too. It is actually the Visegrad cooperation itself that remains one of our main export commodities towards the Western Balkans. The countries of the region are like communicating vessels close-knit by the same political concepts and problems. Any negative or positive development in one country is reected in a slightly modied shape in a neighbouring one sooner or later. Therefore, regional cooperation is strongly needed to overcome the existing problems and put the countries on the path of positive development. The importance of good neighbourhood relations and mutually benecial cooperation can hardly be overestimated. The experience of Slovakia and its neighbours within the Visegrad Four Group serves as a good example. CURRENT EU ENLARGEMENT: CONDITIONALITY AND FLEXIBILITY Following the 2004 and 2007 enlargements, there have been changes to the enlargement process in response to lessons learned. As a result, pre-accession as well as accession processes focus much stronger on good governance criteria the rule of law, independent judiciary, efcient public administration, the ght against corruption and organised crime. Given our own experience, Slovakia fully supports this new approach. Our partners sometime complain that the number of pages of the acquis is rising. That is true and it will not be otherwise. On top of that, the EU is heading towards a substantial change of its policies and institutions, especially in economic and nancial domains. This is a reality and aspiring countries must simply take this into account. They will certainly need more time to comply with the acces- sion criteria as it was in the case of our country. But there is no reason to reject them in advance because today they are perhaps a bit different in political, economic or socio-cultural terms. The Copenhagen criteria adopted two decades ago and nevertheless still relevant may be strict and rigorous, but they are denitely a fair test of how seriously the countries intend to integrate into the EU; how much they are prepared and mature for this step. They reect the fundamental European values and as these do not change, so will not the criteria. It is of crucial importance for these criteria to be properly applied by any current and future candidates for EU membership. Failure to do this could lead to a scramble in order to bring the countries concerned up to speed. The enlargement is neither charity, nor humanitarian assistance. Aspirants must not only benet from, but also contribute to the EU. They must make sure that our effort and resources are not wasted. New members are expected to be a part of solutions, not part of the problem. The EU enlargement is not about coming closer to the EU; it is about building the EU inside of each and every country. Conditionality is of utmost importance. There- fore we strongly support the on-own-merits principle. On the other hand, some exibility is also needed. By granting an aspirant a candidate country status or by opening accession 16 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE for keeping the EU at the forefront on a global stage. Without any doubt, the latest enlargement made the integration project stronger. We believe that future rounds will make it stronger again. It is therefore in our interest to help those sitting in the EUs waiting room get fully prepared for their membership. As in our case, the Copenhagen criteria may serve as a lighthouse navigating the candidates on their way towards the EU. negotiations the EU has the opportunity to encourage the states administration to intensify transformation efforts and the full- ment of accession criteria. It is our own experience that makes us believe there is no better encouragement on the way to the EU. **** Given its own integration experience, Slovakia is strongly advo- cating further EU enlargement. This policy holds a big potential CONFERENCE REPORT 17 While a doctrine designed to incorporate the states of the fallen- apart Warsaw pact into a greater European family had been contemplated and designed, the remains of the Soviet Union were passing through turmoil, whereas the war was raging in the Balkans, demanding a different conceptualisation. Though the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) had signed a cooperation agreement with the European Com- munity already in 1980 and a Trade and Cooperation Agree- ment between the EU and Albania had been penned in 1992, making the country eligible for funding under the EU PHARE program, it was not until 1997 that a more coherent strategic formulation was congured for EUs relations with countries of the ex-SFRY. The General Affairs Council (GAC) of April 1997 established basis for developing bilateral relations between the EU and the countries of the region** within a framework which promotes democracy, the rule of law, higher standards of human and minority rights, transformation towards market economies and greater cooperation between those countries. This newly de- ned concept, dubbed the EU-Strategy on Conditionality, was the rst major alteration of the Copenhagen criteria, aimed at addressing specifcities of countries in question, and became the legislative embodiment of the carrot and stick approach of the EU structural policy towards the region. In order to be allowed to start negotiations on these bilateral agreements, the countries of the region were given new Ten Commandments: HOW EU ENLARGEMENT HAS SHAPED AND CONTINUES TO SHAPE EUROPE By Suzana Grubjesi c, Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration of Serbia The enlargement policy of the European Union has been one of the most successful processes in over 55 years of the com- mon European project. The structural approach that the Union exercised has transformed and continues to transform countries and societies not only in Central and Eastern Europe, but also in its neighbourhood. And the very foundations of it, the manu- script for EUs transformative power, had been enshrined in the conclusions of the European Council of June 1993, setting what we call today the Copenhagen criteria. Ever since, stable institutions pledging democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities; a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with competition and market forces in the EU; and the ability to take on and implement effectively the obligations of member- ship, including adherence to the aims of political, economic and monetary union, have become the reformists equivalent of the ten commandments. Twenty years later, the Copenhagen criteria remain the back- bone of the enlargement process, with two (soon three) rounds of the EU membership increase*. However, transformative evangelism, while resting on these principles, soon took a more accommodating approach, especially when it comes to countries of what is nowadays known as the Western Balkans and the European Neighbourhood. ** The European Commission considers the 2004 and 2007 enlargements to be two parts of the same wave. ** Notion of the Western Balkans was introduced later. 18 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE the FRY. Oddly enough from this vantage point, the Council conclusions set as one of conditions for FRY a dialogue between Belgrade and Prishtina. The next phase of the EUs relations with the region was initi- ated by the Communication from the European Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on the stabilisation and association process for countries of South-Eastern Europe in May 1999. The approach entailed the drafting of stabilisa- tion and association agreements, with a view to accession to the European Union upon the fullment of the Copenhagen crite- ria, likewise the development of economic and trade relations, economic and nancial aid, support for democratisation, civil society, education and the development of institutions, as well as cooperation in the eld of justice and home affairs. Santa Maria da Feira European Council in June 2000 recognized the countries of the Western Balkans as potential candidates for the EU membership and the European future of the region was conrmed during a Council session in December of 2002 in Copenhagen. In June 2003, with the adoption of the Thessaloniki agenda, the narratives towards the region have somewhat changed. The 2004 big enlargement was less than a year away, Bulgaria and Romania were poised to join in shortly afterwards and the Western Balkans remained the only unconsolidated space inside the future territory of the EU. The pledge of the EU leaders that the Balkans will be an integral part of a unied Europe gave much needed hope to citizens throughout the region and new impetus for reforms. Serbia, at that period, was again passing through difcult times, following the assassination of the Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and a gradual dissolution of the union with Montenegro. It took nearly ve years since the adoption of the Agenda for Serbia to sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, which ve years later still remains to be fully ratied. 1. Credible offer to and a visible implementation of real oppor- tunities for displaced persons (including so called internal migrants) and refugees to return to their places of origin, and absence of harassment initiated or tolerated by public authorities; 2. Readmission of nationals of the States concerned who are present illegally in the territory of a Member State of the EU; 3. Compliance of the countries which are signatories of GFAP (General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina) with the obligations under the peace agree- ments, including those related to cooperation with the International Tribunal in bringing war criminals to justice; 4. A credible commitment to engage in democratic reforms and to comply with the generally recognised standards of human and minority rights; 5. Holding of free and fair elections at reasonable intervals on the basis of universal and equal suffrage of adult citizens by secret ballot, and full and proper implementation of the results of these elections; 6. Absence of generally discriminatory treatment and harass- ment of minorities by public authorities; 7. Absence of discriminatory treatment and harassment of independent media; 8. Implementation of frst steps of economic reform (privatisa- tion program, abolition of certain price controls); 9. Proven readiness to enter into good neighbourly and coop- erative relations with its neighbours; 10. Compatibility of RS (Republika Srpska)/FRY (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) as well as the Federation (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina)/Croatia agreements with the Dayton Peace Agreements. Furthermore, a set of additional requirements was mandate to each country, prejudicing that, unlike the Central and Eastern European ones, the countries of the region shall be joining the EU individually and upon their merits. GAC of April 1997 signied in a way the beginning of the long European journey for Serbia, as well, as the legal successor of CONFERENCE REPORT 19 criteria, and through various processes (some more successful than others) has learnt that its most powerful and most effec- tive instrument in supporting reforms lies within 35 negotiating chapters and their full and thorough implementation. It has also proclaimed that the European project shall not be completed without the countries of the Western Balkans eventually joining the EU. Thus, it remains beyond any doubt that peoples of the Western Balkans should be allowed to benet from this process and by advancing their own societies to benet the EU as a whole. The Serbian government shall remain diligently devoted to this goal and the countrys European future, where Serbia is a subject of European policies, not an object, a partner to its neighbours, not an adversary, an asset to the EU, and not a burden. All decisions of the EUs leaders in the past twenty years testify that they share this vision for Serbia, and granting a date for start- ing the accession negotiations this June would only accelerate its fruition, qualitatively enhancing the process and making it irreversible. The entry into force of the visa-free regime with the EU in De- cember 2009 brought a new optimism to citizens of Serbia and reinvigorated decision-makers. Merely three days afterwards, Serbia submitted its application for the EU membership. When the Commissions questionnaire for the avis on the membership application was handed over in November 2010, it took less than ve months for it to be sent back fully completed and the very prospect of the potential candidacy created a new positive momentum in previously stalling or idling areas. With the candidate status being granted in March 2012 and with the stronger than ever European commitment of the new government, the reform agenda in Serbia was given a new impetus. A credible opportunity to substantially and fundamen- tally change the Serbian state, economy and society as a whole through the process of the EU accession negotiations yielded unprecedented and until recently unthinkable breakthroughs. The EU has proven, throughout the past two decades, that it has a script for achieving transformation the Copenhagen CONFERENCE REPORT 21 EUROPEANIZING THE WESTERN BALKANS The Copenhagen criteria have signicantly remodeled the Western Balkans countries, facilitating their transition from post-conict societies, through stabilization, to association. The European membership perspective became the driving force for their stability and prosperity. Nowadays, the region has reached a stage when a European perspective has to be as visible and as clear as possible. Croatia is practically a member state, Montene- gro is pursuing accession negotiations, Macedonia is a step from starting accession negotiations, Serbia and Kosovo reached an agreement that enables both of them to open the next stages of the EU integration process. Therefore, a continuous and strong support from the EU and the member states is decisive for pull- ing the Western Balkans countries towards their shared strategic goal EU membership. In the case of Macedonia, the Copenhagen criteria played a crucial role for its accession process. Moreover, it was the countrys imperative to build a society with stable institutions that guarantee democracy, rule of law, human rights, respect and protection of minorities and a functioning market economy, capable of contributing to European development and pros- perity. In order to pursue the reform agenda, a rather burden- some process of comprehensive and deep-rooted reforms aligned to the fulfllment of the Copenhagen criteria and EU aquis was implemented. The result is that today the country has reformed judiciary, functioning and stable institutions, democratic society that guarantees human rights and unique advanced system for protection of minority rights. KEEPING THE MOMENTUM OF COPENHAGEN In the last two decades, the European family has embraced the countries from the East and from the South of Europe, spread- ing the area of security and peace all over the continent. Twenty years after the historical Summit of Copenhagen, the enlarge- ment policy of the EU has reached a momentum for reection on its founding pillars the Copenhagen criteria. The European Council held in Copenhagen in 1993 had a visionary role for the future of the EU and for Europe as we know today. The aim of enlargement was clear: to strengthen the security in Europe and to support the democratization and the reform-processes of the ex-communist regimes. Twenty years afterwards, the process of Eastern Enlargement, which was at the forefront of the Euro- pean Enlargement Agenda, has come to a successful conclusion, and it is, by all parameters, a successful story. After the big bang enlargement Europe has become stronger and more inuential. Setting the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership has contributed to the transformation of the ac- ceding countries, and has allowed a deeper integration of the EU. Moreover, the Nobel Peace Prize has given credit to the EU for its pacifying role, but it also stands as an obligation to continue pursuing a responsible and sustainable enlargement policy. In this context, it is a paradigm for the EU to nish the remaining task to ll in the political map of Europe with the new member states from the Western Balkans. BUILDING A COMMUNITY OF STABLE AND PROSPEROUS STATES THE UNFINISHED MISSION OF THE EU IN THE WESTERN BALKANS By Nikola Poposki, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia* * Following EU and UN practice the provisional reference the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is used. 22 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE tion, which explains the crux of the accession process: progress in meeting the Copenhagen criteria equals a move closer to EU membership. Aspirants must deliver on reforms and meet the criteria, but the EU must also deliver by pulling them closer to membership, based on their individual merits. However, in the case of the Western Balkans countries the EU has moved from strictly dened democratic conditionality to political conditionality, which targets specic issues in appli- cant countries. In the case of Macedonia, the imposed condi- tion of good neighborliness has been the gate keeper for the EU membership of Macedonia for too long. As a landlocked country with an open market economy, tradi- tionally Macedonia has had good relations with all its neighbors. The economic development of the Macedonia depends on the quality of its links and networks. Furthermore, Macedonias mul- ti-ethnic society is reected in the cultural links with its neigh- bors. The European experience of the neighboring states can be only an added value to Macedonia road to EU membership. In the relations with Greece, series of specic activities aimed at both intensifying the bilateral cooperation and strengthening the mutual trust have been initiated. Continuous efforts have been undertaken to resolve the bilateral difference in accordance with democratic principles, international law and as set out in the framework provided by the UN resolutions on the matter, the Interim Accord and the Judgment of the International Court of Justice. Opening EU accession negotiations can only posi- tively inuence efforts to resolve the name issue, not vice versa. Postponing the start of negotiations proved to be an unproduc- tive approach. With Bulgaria, another neighboring country member of the EU club, several initiatives and projects which are essential for genu- ine good-neighborliness, building the climate of friendship, mu- tual condence and improving the socio-economic conditions, have been proposed by the Macedonian government. Openness on all other EU-minded initiatives has been reiterated. Moreover, some of the latest achievements include: Decriminalization of defamation and label in order to further strengthen media freedoms, as well as an inclusive dialogue with the media stakeholders, aiming to address is- sues of concern. Judiciary reform is on track and started producing concrete results in form of increased efciency and reduced backlog in the courts. Four generations of trainees for judges and prosecutors already passed the professional training of the Academy and were appointed in the judiciary. In the fght against corruption, effective progress was made with concrete results and convincing track-records. Comprehensive reform of the administration adoption of new laws on administration and general administrative procedure. Publishing of the Review of the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which guarantees wide and strong protection of minorities, as a unique model in wider Europe Conduction of Local elections in 2013, in line with inter- national standards, and in a transparent and competitive atmosphere. Measures to improve the labor market, to reduce unemploy- ment and improve the business environment. The progress made by the Republic of Macedonia in view of fulllment of the Copenhagen political criteria as well as with regard to the overall reform endeavor was acknowledged by the European Commission in 2009, and has been repeatedly conrmed since. Still, the political decision by the European Council to open accession negotiations with the Republic of Macedonia has not been taken. EXPANDING THE COPENHAGEN CRITERIA The Copenhagen criteria have given a clear guideline to where an aspirant country should be headed on its path to EU mem- bership. That can be demonstrated through a simple math equa- CONFERENCE REPORT 23 The latest Spring Report of the European Commission, in April 2013, conrmed again that Macedonia continued to make progress in the key reform areas and in the good neighborly rela- tions, thus continuing to fulll all necessary criteria for opening accession negotiations. For the sake of the credibility of its com- mitments, Macedonia is fully prepared to enter the decisive stage of the journey to EU membership. Challenges still lay ahead. Starting accession talks can only facili- tate addressing these challenges and help the country to advance in the fulllment of all necessary criteria. Macedonia has no alternative but to follow the path towards EU membership. It is the path that has been paved for the last 20 years and the one that has the consensual support of all political subjects, as well as the unwavering support of the citizens. The start of the EU accession negotiations with Macedonia is only a logical continuation of EUs commitment for peaceful integration of Europe as a whole. It is a European value that all open issues and differences should be resolved through dialogue pursued with mutual respect and condence, respecting democratic principles and human rights. Acting in the spirit of the European principles and respecting mutual sensitivities, the Republic of Macedonia remains com- mitted to building a common European future with all neigh- bors. CONCLUSION Moving forward in a region characterized with extremely sensi- tive issues, Macedonia has made a great leap from a post-conict stabilization to pre-accession. After 20 years of difcult transi- tion, series of regional instabilities and wars, internal conict in 2001, the conclusion of the Ohrid Framework Agreement and constitutional changes, EU accession and the Copenhagen criteria have positively contributed to this process. CONFERENCE REPORT 25 ENLARGEMENT WITH THE WESTERN BALKANS By Ivan Vejvoda, Vice-President of the German Marshall Fund of the United States The post-World War II project of securing long-lasting peace and stability on the European continent is alive and well. The European Unions soft power works in the Western Balkans. Its magnetic attraction is helping the countries of the region embark on and persevere in the arduous endeavour of wholesale change, post-conict reconciliation and democratic and market reforms. This year of 2013 marks several important anniversaries. We are here today to celebrate the formulation and enshrining of the Copenhagen Criteria that became the framework for the acces- sion of post-communist countries to the European Union. It is also the tenth anniversary of the milestone June 2003 Thes- saloniki summit that had opened the path to the accession of the countries of the Western Balkans after the 1990s, a decade of violent conict, and devastation. The promise of enlargement was set in stone as a rm commitment on the part of the EU for those who met the Copenhagen criteria and who were ready to reconcile and move forward each on their own merit. But during this year we also sadly commemorate 10 years since the assassination of the Prime Minister of Serbia Zoran Djind- jic, one of the regions foremost democratic European leaders. Prime Minister Djindjic, whom I had the honour to work with, was one of the key architects of the peaceful, non-violent, electoral victory over Slobodan Milosevic. Djindjic, a true statesman, committed European, forward-leaning, bold and en- ergetic knew that Serbia and the region of the Western Balkans had lost precious time while other countries of the post-com- munist world were returning to Europe at a sustained pace after the epoch-breaking year of 1989 and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Zoran Djindjic realized that we all in the region needed to make up for the lost time by speedily enacting reforms and setting forth on the path of creating the institutional basis of a demo- cratic political culture, the guarantee of stability and peace. The European Union, both peace project and stable institutional framework was the indispensible friend and ally in the search for stable democratic ground and in the process of deep-seated democratic reforms. Today the Western Balkans are the last unintegrated part of core geographical Europe. No one questions whether the Western Balkans are part of Europe or not. After the enlargement of 2004 this region became completely surrounded by both the European Union and NATO member countries. In fact the Western Balkans are now geographically inside the EU thus at this point in time it is a question of how quickly the countries that compose it can full the Copenhagen criteria and resolve their outstanding issues and move towards full membership. If there is any need for proof that the soft power of Europe is effective then the best possible proof is most certainly the agree- ment reached on Friday April 19 between the prime ministers of Serbia and Kosovo, Ivica Dacic and Hashim Thaci, and their teams. This agreement is in so many ways a cardinal historical step. It is a true breakthrough in resolving one of Europes territorial- historic-ethnic challenges of which there have been so many in 26 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE and goal of joining a Europe whole, free and at peace has led to a strong dynamic of regional cooperation which is an essential component of each countrys foreign and security policy. In fact the intensity of regional cooperation in all walks of life is an unsung story. The Regional Cooperation Council based in Sara- jevo, successor of the Stability Pact created in 1999, fosters these post-conict condence-building measures by helping re-estab- lish economic, social, political commercial, cultural, security links. There is in fact a dense network and web of many bilateral as well as multilateral initiatives that reinforce this dynamic. The models of Nordic cooperation and Visegrad 4 are in many ways inspirations to be replicated. It should be underscored that with a large part of the world in economic throes, and the EU confronted with its greatest chal- lenge ever, does not facilitate the task of enlargement from either end, nor for the aspirant countries, nor for the mother ship that is the EU. There is much talk about fatigue coming from many quarters. And yet the process of enlargement continues. The publics of the region continue to believe in the safe haven of Europe not- withstanding what they themselves see as a crisis of the eurozone and a deep-seated debate about the future of EU governance and of the EU itself. The reason for this is that the public opinions of the countries of the Western Balkans have the positive and deep common sense that it is better to join the club of half a billion people than to stay as small and impoverished countries outside the European family. They realize that by joining the EU they would simply have a little more certainty, security, predict- ability and a little more prosperity than were they to stay outside and all this in spite of the on-going crisis. The economic crisis is clearly affecting the member states as well, and it is understood that it is no easy task to explain that the enlargement should be continued when hardship, rising unemployment and falling standards of living are in many of these countries a daily experience. In this situation it behoves the leaders of Europe and of its member states to show the path for- its history. The agreement is tantamount to the Good Friday agreement of 1998 reached between the British and Irish gov- ernments over the issue of Northern Ireland. And yet we know that it took another nine years, until 2007, to achieve the full power sharing agreement in the Northern Ireland Assembly Government in Belfast to nally lock in the solution. The role played by the EU, in the guise of Lady Catherine Ashton, was fundamental in achieving the good Friday agree- ment between Belgrade and Pristina which opened the next set of doors in their forward movement. Lady Ashton persevered, with prudence and acumen, through 10 rounds of negotiations rmly believing that the stakeholders were capable of courageous statesmanship that would ultimately lead them to a historical compromise. There was of course nothing simple or straightfor- ward in such a negotiation. Considering previous European historical timelines, reconcili- ation and democratic processes in the Balkans are moving at a steadfast pace in large part due to the existence of the EU. These are post-conict societies in search of stability, security, peace and prosperity, and the existence of the European peace project at their doorstep is both an incentive and promise of peace and stability. What happened in former Yugoslavia dur- ing the 1990s, the violent breakdown, should not have hap- pened in Europe at the end of the 20th century and yet it did. The European Community in spite of all its good intentions was unfortunately incapable of stopping the descent into the inferno of conict on European soil at the beginning of the 1990s. After the tragedy and the end of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, the 1999 NATO intervention and the fall of Milosevic from power it was left to the EU backed by the USA to make up for lost opportunities, failed peace-making attempts, by engaging its soft power and opening the prospect of full membership. The elected leaderships in all the countries of the Western Bal- kans have rmly committed themselves to democratic reforms and to full EU and Euro-Atlantic integration. This shared vision CONFERENCE REPORT 27 The region is a set of communicating vessels and all processes whether positive or negative reverberate throughout the whole of the region. The agreement reached between Belgrade and Pristina, the future membership of Croatia, the progress of Montenegro will hopefully inspire the leaders and societies in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia to make the important necessary next steps to continue meeting the Copen- hagen Criteria that were drafted by the European Council in this city twenty years ago. Among the member states there are champions who help and vigorously support the enlargement process. It is essential to broaden the circle of supporters, but it is ultimately up to the leaders of the candidate countries and aspiring members to take the greatest burden of responsibility for democratic reforms in helping create rule based societies for the good of their citizens. The great Florentine thinker Niccolo Machiavelli dened politics as the way in which we use virtu to overcome fortuna, or how we employ our best abilities to overcome what might seem our predicament and fate. This requires commitment, perse- verance and leadership and the understanding of the mutual responsibility we have toward each other in accomplishing the goal we have set ourselves of integrating Europe. ward, because the enlargement process is also about the credibil- ity of the EU itself, and not only about the countries who have the desire to join. I see todays event as such a strong gesture of support to the continuing process of enlargement.
When Croatia joins the EU on July 1st as the 28th member state this will be the most adamant proof of the Thessaloniki promise, as will be the further next steps and movement of all the countries part of the enlargement train. The fact that Mon- tenegro is already negotiating, that Serbia will hopefully and most probably get a date to begin accession talks in June this year is essential for the credibility of the EU and of the enlarge- ment process, and an incentive for the other countries. The on-going dynamic or momentum of the process is at the core of the EUs soft power effectiveness. If there is stagnation in the democratic reform process or in the EUs pro-active ap- proach then there is a danger of backsliding and standstill in the hard work of change and reforms. The fact for example that Macedonia still faces the unresolved name issue with its neigh- bour Greece, and the fact that it has been an EU candidate un- able to engage in accession talks is neither good for the country nor for the stability and security of the region as a whole. CONFERENCE REPORT 29 Brussels, Schuman Roundabout. The massive European Com- missions steel-and-glass headquarters looks over a line-up of waving ags. In the foreground, an old man and a teenager sit on a bench. For 50 years, the old man declaims, Europe has meant peace. Arms across his chest, the unperturbed adolescent stares at an undened point on the pavement before him and replies: So boring. It was 25 March 2007, on the ftieth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, when this scene appeared as a cartoon in the New York Times. It is tempting to draw a similar conclusion about the so-called Copenhagen criteria, the rules dening eligibility to membership in the European Union, which were adopted 20 years ago next month. In fact, in the midst of the most severe economic crisis since WW2, it would be justied if the teenager offered an even more bafed reply: With stub- bornly high rates of unemployment, social unrest, and growing mistrust among Member States, has the EU really meant peace? So precisely at this critical juncture, it is important to reafrm the EU enlargement as a milestone in the creation of modern European peace. Its a story that we should never tire to retell. For the Copenha- gen criteria are not just another piece of legalistic jargon, but possibly the most consequential codifcation of a transition to market-based liberal democracy. Adopted just over a year after the dissolution of the Soviet Unionjust as a reference point, Russian troops were still occupying the Baltic Statesthe Co- penhagen criteria offered an unmistakably bold symbolism. The ambition of the EU to accompany the economic and political transformation of a country testies to Europes most extraor- THE FOUNDATIONS OF EUROPES PEACE By Fabrizio Tassinari, Danish Institute for International Studies dinary power, that of attraction. Here was, at last, a chance for Europe to emerge, free of the straightjacket of the superpowers, away from the shadows of its past, and ready to dene a vision about its future. The expansion of the EU to the former communist nations of Central Europe was not a foregone conclusion. The wisdom of that choice, as well as of the reunication of a powerful Ger- many at the heart of the continent, was questioned in several, authoritative quarters. But thanks also to unwavering and vital support of the United States and to the parallel expansion of NATO, the EU effectively concluded that its long-term security would be guaranteed not by sealing its border and erecting barriers, but by opening up. By setting in motion the enlarge- ment process, the EU chose to bet on one of our most profound civilizational instincts, namely that our ability to trade and move and join forces among free societies is the best way to bring about stable peace. Last years Nobel Prize award is meant to acknowledge just that. With the Unions two other great achievements, the single cur- rency and the area of free movement of people, under severe strain, the accession of ten former communist satellites to the EU is more than a foreign policy success. In retrospect, it may be correct to regard it, as the Polish commentator Pawel Swieboda has done, as a zenith of the EU project so far. But to say zenith is also to acknowledge that the Eastern enlargement contains the seeds of its own decline. Already one year after the expansion, the French people rejected the Constitutional Treaty, ostensibly in fear of being ooded by hordes of Polish plumb- ers. The EU then entered into one of its recurrent phases of 30 20 YEARS THAT CHANGED EUROPE reform and buries merit. An effective civil service is not only about cutting red tape; it provides predictability to the political system and continuity to policy-making. But of course, excessive reliance on Eurocrats is not neces- sarily good. All policy measures are inherently political, to the extent that they reect some kind of vision about the organiza- tion of society. The more a bureaucrat becomes impermeable to democratic accountability, the weaker are the credentials of the political system. If anything, the post-2008 nancial maelstrom has applied a litmus test to this democratic decit. In Europe, we have gotten used to the stubborn insistence on austerity and structural reforms. But it is the surveillance of these policies by the non-elected bodies of the Troika that constitutes a very concrete application of bureaucratic leadership. While the suc- cess of these measures has varied greatly across countries, few Eurocrats have so far questioned either the diagnosis or the cure to Europes ails. As Bulgarian scholar Ivan Krastev has noted, the crisis is heralding an age in which policy, in particular economic policy, is gradually being taken out of the democratic equation. As in all other aspects of European integration, this brings us back to the role of citizens. In the enlargement process, the normalization between Kosovo and Serbia is historic, not only because Baroness Catherine Ashton patiently and successfully mediated a diplomatic breakthrough. It is because a matter of so profound implications and with such a long, tragic history is being resolved by democratically elected governments, which will be judged by voters for their actions. Similarly, any further progress in the enlargement, in the Balkans and beyond, will be measured not only by whether a government has ticked a box in the Commissions progress report, but by the concrete benets EU integration deliver to citizens, including their ability to travel more freely to Europe. The point is ultimately about rediscovering the original sources of democratic representation and pluralism throughout Europe. It is about reconnecting our political traditions to our quest for introspection. This time it was also triggered by inevitable, if rather circular, debates about the Unions absorption capacity to take in new members, challenged especially by the opening of the accession negotiations with a large, poor and Muslim country such as Turkey. Make no mistake: Twenty years since the adoption of the Copenhagen criteria, and almost a decade since the Big Bang enlargement towards Central Europe, the Union is still making great strides with its enlargement policy. Other interventions at this conference testify to the strategic centrality of the EU in the Balkans, a region where Europes ambitions overlap with its responsibilities and culpable inaction during the 1990s. Few can disagree, however, with the fact that beyond the Balkans the enlargement process is drawing to a close. There are several factors to account for this state of affairs. One is physiological, for the Union can quite simply not expand indenitely. Parallel to the enlargement process, the EU has long had in place instruments to deal with its closest neighbors in the East and in the South. But the dilemma of how to maintain the level of attraction for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova or even Morocco, without the lure of membership has not been resolved yet. The Unions attractiveness is also challenged by the rise of Asian powers, which have a more favorable demographic and economic outlook than ours. Even so, the most gargantuan challenge facing the EU, in the enlargement and far beyond it, is inherently political. Ironically for a process of transition towards democracy, the EU enlarge- ment is also steered by institutions whose democratic legitimacy is, for better or worse, always put in question. While national governments can inject (and take away) political energy to the process, the European Commission is the high priest of good governance. Its impartiality, competence and organization is almost religiously revered in the candidate countries, and with good reason. As someone hailing from the proigate south of Europe, Im painfully aware of the damage inicted by poor gov- ernance, where an endemic form of political patronage blocks CONFERENCE REPORT 31 reminder of the enduring power of this logic, not only to those nations aiming to join the EU, but also to those that are already in it. security, in its widest sense. It is about rekindling the founda- tional nexus between liberal democracy and peace in Europe. Celebrating the Copenhagen criteria should above all serve as a