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HOME CULTURES
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REPRINTS AVAILABLE
DIRECTLY FROM THE
PUBLISHERS
PHOTOCOPYING
PERMITTED BY LICENSE
ONLY
BLOOMSBURY
PUBLISHING PLC 2014
PRINTED IN THE UK
VOLUME 11, ISSUE 2
PP 133144
RICHARD BAXTER and
KATHERINE BRICKELL
FOR HOME
UNMAKING
RICHARD BAXTER IS A
LEVERHULME EARLY
CAREER FELLOW AT THE
CENTRE FOR STUDIES OF
HOME. HIS RESEARCH
INTERESTS INCLUDE
HOME FUTURES AND
MOMENTUM, VERTICALITY
AND HOME, AND HOME
UNMAKING.
KATHERINE BRICKELL IS
SENIOR LECTURER IN
HUMAN GEOGRAPHY
AT ROYAL HOLLOWAY,
UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.
HER RESEARCH FOCUSES
ON GENDER AND HOME
LIFE IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA WITH PARTICULAR
EXPERTISE ON DOMESTIC
VIOLENCE, MARRIAGE
BREAKDOWN, AND
FORCED EVICTION IN
CAMBODIA.
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!"#$ &'#()*+ ,(-./). '* +/) 01 #&)" +/) .+-+)2 )*3#",)4 )&',2
+'#* #3 5-() !-"$ +"-&)()". +# 3#"$-( ")6'$) ,/-*6) .7$8#(2
'9)4 87 :'87-* ")8)(. ;#.'*6 3#" ;/#+#6"-;/. '* "-*.-,<)4
0addat family mansions, the year 2012 saw home and its !"$-<2
'*6 +-<) - &)"7 ;=8(', -*4 ;#('+','9)4 .+-6)> ?* +/) -,-4)$', .+-6)
meanwhile, home !"making was relatively absent, usurped by a
longstanding and primary foous within interdisoiplinary home studies
on the produotive making of the domestio world. lnspired by events
happening globally, and in light of soholarly gaps to be redressed,
we oonvened two sessions at the 2012 Royal 0eographioal 3ooiety-
lnstitute of British 0eographers (R03-lB0) Annual Conferenoe dedi2
oated to exploring what we oalled home !"making." ln this speoial
issue, we bring together these papers and others to speak lor
@#$) #"making." 0ur editorial is aimed towards the interdisoiplinary
")-4)"./'; #3 $%&' )!*+!,'- and to groups beyond aoademia who
engage with homemaking in their professional and oreative praotioe.
lt is intended to provide stimulus for greater dialogue on home !".
making between soholars working on historioal and/or oontemporary
oonoerns from the 0lobal North and/or 3outh.
@#$) !"$-<'*6 '. )..)*+'-((7 - ,"'+'A=) #3 +/) ,)*+"-('+7 #3 /#$)2
$-<'*6 '* ('+)"-+="). #* /#$)> B/) (-++)" ,#*,);+ '. -+ +/) /)-"+ #3
how soholars habitually think about home and has resulted in the
taken-for-granted idea that home is made." omemaking is under2
stood as the suturing of sooial relationships, identities, and materiali2
ties into a plaoe oalled home, a pattern of regular doings, furnishings
and appurtenanoes," whioh fashion and reproduoe the domestio
(Uouglas 1991: 290). 1he assooiated words oonstruot" and build"
suggest that homemaking is a prooess, or aotion, that oarves out ma2
terial and/or imaginary oharaoteristios of home to the exolusion of the
state or oondition of homelessness. ln sum, homemaking is lauded as
the underlying goal of all housing prooesses" (Uayaratne and Kellett
2008: 55). But where does home !"making stand? ls it simply the re2
versal of homemaking, the subtraotion from some dimension of home
previously made? ls it the antithesis of all housing prooesses even?
1ust as Colloredo-Mansfeld (2003: 246) problematizes the banal
3-,+ +/-+ $-+)"'-( ;"-,+',) ")&#(&). -"#=*4 (#.. $#") #3+)* +/-* ;").2
ervation . [yet] reoeives soant attention or is tidily dismissed," we
-"6=) +/-+ +/) .'4)('*)4 *#+'#* #3 /#$) !"making warrants its own
storytelling. Moving beyond the apooalyptio tone of seminal work by
Porteous and 3mith (2001: 12) on domioide"the deliberate de2
struotion of home"we detne home !"$-<'*6 '* $#") &-"')4 -*4
)C;-*.'&) +)"$.> @#$) !"making is the preoarious prooess by whioh
material and/or imaginary oomponents of home are unintentionally or
deliberately, temporarily or permanently, divested, damaged or even
4).+"#7)4>
B/) $-D#"'+7 #3 .7*)"6'.+ .,/#(-"./'; 3#,=.). #* #8.+-,(). +#
/#$)$-<'*6 "-+/)" +/-* /#$) !"making per se. ln the realm of
>
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sexuality, for instanoe, idealized disoourses of home tied to the hetero2
sexual nuolear family renders, in this framework at least, gay men's
and women's homemaking a ohallenge (see 0orman-Murray 2006,
valentine 1993). 1his and other bodies of existing researoh that (im2
plioitly) engage with home !"making allow four key ideas on home
!"making to be outlined before we turn to the speoial issue artioles
speoitoally. lndeed, to date, home !"$-<'*6 '. '$;(',-+)4 *#+ #*(7
in literatures on foroed eviotions (Porteous and 3mith 2001, windsor
and Movey 2005), war and genooide (Meade 2011), and natural di2
sasters (Brun and Ragnhild 2008, Morrioe 2013), but also through life
events enoompassing, but not limited to, moving and leaving home
(Ahmed 1999, 1ansen and Lofving 2009), homelessness (May 2000,
Meth 2003), marital breakdown (Briokell 2014, watkins and osier
2005), domestio violenoe (Prioe 2002, warrington 2001), burglary
(Chapman 1999), and death (linoh and ayes 1994, Marooux 2001).
lirst, then, home !"$-<'*6 '. ;-"+ #3 +/) ('3),#=".) #3 -(( /#$).
and is experienoed by all home dwellers at some point in their housing
biographies. Although we oouohed the opening to the editorial within
the media speotaoles of eviotion and politioal regime ohange, home
!"making is also assooiated with more mundane and unreported hap2
penings of domestio life and times passing. 1he term lifeoourse" has
been adopted as a way of envisaging the passage of a lifetime less
as the meohanioal turning of a wheel and more as the unprediotable
tow of river" (ookey and 1ames 2003: 5). ome !"$-<'*6 +/)")87
reoognizes that peoples' domestio lives are rarely txed or prediotable,
8=+ "-+/)" 47*-$', -*4 &-"')4>
3eoond, our foous on home !"$-<'*6 4#). *#+ *),)..-"'(7 ;")2
olude homemaking from analysis. As Blunt's (2008) researoh on a
settlement house in New ork City illustrates, exploring a building's
biography draws attention to linear homemaking and !"making. ln
this oase, the !"$-<'*6 4)$-"<. +/) )*4 #3 #*) /'.+#"',-( ;/-.) -*4
enables the beginning of a new one. 1hese prooesses often ooour at
the same time too. 3uoh simultaneity is oaptured by Uayaratne and
Kellett (2008: 66) who oonoeptualize homemaking as a prooess that
oontinues and oonsolidates itself with eaoh event of signitoanoe that
adds to the sense of home by overooming the obstaoles whioh might
diminish it." Rather than operating in degenerative isolation from
one another, home !"$-<'*6 ,-.+. - .;#+('6/+ #* +/).) 4'$'*'./'*6
foroes in oonoert with homemaking.
1hird, developing from the former point, home !"$-<'*6 ./#=(4
*#+ 8) =*4)".+##4 -. -* )C,(=.'&)(7 *)6-+'&) )"#.'#* #3 $-+)"'-( '*+)62
rity and/or loss of attaohment. Rather, !"making oan also work sym2
biotioally with the reoovery or remaking of home too. lor women who
leave abusive marriages in Cambodia, for example, Briokell (2014)
has shown how home !"$-<'*6 /-. +/) ;#+)*+'-( +# 8) ,#*,="")*+(7
liberating and disempowering, as trade-offs are made between a life
free from violenoe and the stigma assooiated with a broken family.
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0ther soholars, in different telds, have also reteoted upon how the
4'.;(-,)$)*+ #3 /#$) $-7 ()-4 +# +/) ;(-,)$)*+ #3 #+/)".> E"#&'4'*6
the example of deoaying books oum stores of raw material for rodent
homemaking, Ue3ilvey (2006) notes in relation to museum objeots
how their erasure oan be viewed as a generative prooess and mani2
3).+-+'#* #3 .'$=(+-*)#=. '4)*+'+').>
lourth, our foous on home !"$-<'*6 ./#=(4 *#+ 8) +-<)* +# $)-*
that there is neoessarily a fully-tedged home to be !"made. lt is now
established that home is an ambiguously experienoed spaoe of be2
longing and alienation, intimaoy and violenoe, desire and fear" (Blunt
and varley 2004: 3), meaning that dwelling and belonging at home"
is rarely a oompleted endeavor. Moving beyond humanistio perspeo2
tives on homes as plaoes of innate sanotuary, homes are generally
(!")made in -%&' "-+/)" +/-* /** senses at any one time. Critiquing
romantioized detnitions of home in Porteous and 3mith's (2001)
0%&1213', arker (2009: 324) argues that in the faoe of homeless2
ness, disorimination, and domestio violenoe, whioh all problematize
spaoes that oount as a home, it is important to detne exaotly what
sort of 'home' is being destroyed." 1his is also the oase with home
!"$-<'*6>
ln this speoial issue we foous on home !"$-<'*6. +/-+ '*&#(&)
domestio injustioe. Burrell, lernandez Arrigoitia, and 1ervis Read
)-,/ )C-$'*) +/).) '* +/) ,#*+)C+ #3 ,(-..28-.)4 '*)A=-('+7 '* +/)
uK, Puerto Rioo, and lndia, respeotively. 1hrough the Ldwardian novel,
3aunders explores gender inequality, while tnally 0orman-Murray '+
/*> -"6=) +/-+ +/) ,/-(()*6). #3 *-+="-( 4'.-.+)" "),#&)"7 -") )C-,)"2
bated for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (L0B1) oommunities. 1he
;")&-()*,) #3 /#$) !"$-<'*6 )+/',-((7 ,-((. 3#" +/) ;"#,)..). -*4
power geometries of this prooess to be better foregrounded. Lxploring
the speoial issue papers, we now turn to four main themes of porosity,
(in)visibilities, agents, and temporality that eaoh oontribute to further2
'*6 =*4)".+-*4'*6 #3 /#$) !"$-<'*6>
POROSITY
1he publio/private divide has been thoroughly oritiqued in feminist lit2
erature on the domestio (see Blunt and Uowling 2006, Marous 1999).
Rather than representing a plaoe liberated from fear and anxiety,
a plaoe supposedly untouohed by sooial, politioal and natural pro2
oesses" (Kaika 2004: 226), homemaking is now understood through
its oonneotions to, and interaotions with, the outside world." lndeed,
the photograph from a Cambodian eviotion site featured on the front
oover of this issue speaks to this porosity, as the walls delineating
;=8(', 3"#$ ;"'&-+) 8),#$) *# $#") +/-* - .7$8#(', $-"<)" "-+/)"
than a funotioning feature of home. As Massey (1992: 14) elaborates,
the identity of home derives preoisely from the faot that it had always
in one way or another been open, oonstruoted out of movement, oom2
munioation, sooial relations whioh always stretohed beyond it." 0ften
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related to wider sooial inequality, home !"$-<'*6 .'$'(-"(7 8"'*6. +/)
multisoalarity of home into view.
ln the artioles by Burrell, lernandez Arrigoitia, and 1ervis Read, the
domestio interior is impaoted upon by the politioal eoonomy. Burrell
-"6=). +/-+ 4);"'&-+'#* -*4 - +"-*.')*+ ;#;=(-+'#* ,")-+) 4'.,#$3#"+
in Leioester homes. Manifest in negative, antisooial behavior on the
street, she doouments how home dwellers ohange the internal layout
of their homes to overoome this disturbanoe. lor lernandez Arrigoitia
and 1ervis Read, neoliberalism ultimately leads to home demolition,
or the threat of it, in poor neighborhoods of 3an 1uan and Mumbai.
1hey illustrate how home !"$-<'*6. '* +/) 4#$).+', '*+)"'#" ,-* 8)
the result of powerful struotural foroes, whioh transoend the physi2
oal boundaries of the house. Moving beyond home's assooiation just
with house, 0orman-Murray '+ /*. argue that the destruotion of L0B1
*)'6/8#"/##4 3-,'('+'). '* *-+="-( 4'.-.+)". '. ;-"+',=(-"(7 4-$-6'*6
to L0B1 oommunities. Uue to wider disorimination, these are impor2
+-*+ .'+). #3 8)(#*6'*6 -*4 -++-,/$)*+ +/-+ /)(; '* 3))('*6 -+ /#$)>
lt thereby follows that home !"$-<'*6 ,-* -(.# #,,=" #=+.'4) +/)
4#$).+', '*+)"'#">
?8D),+. -*4 +),/*#(#6'). -+ +/) +/")./#(4 #3 +/) '*+)"'#" -*4 )C2
terior are oentral to homemaking. 1his is best illustrated by work on
gated oommunities where fenoes, gates, seourity devioes, and patrols
proteot the home from peroeived outside" threats (Uavis 2006).
Materialities at boundary points oan, similarly, take heightened signit2
,-*,) '* /#$) !"makings. while Burrell's artiole disousses the role
of windows and doors, lernandez Arrigoitia illustrates how materials
#* +/) ,=.; #3 /#$) ,-* 8),#$) ,)*+"-( '* '+. !"$-<'*6> 5),-7'*6
stairoases and failing lifts, for example, often prevent the elderly from
&)*+="'*6 #=+ #" -,+ -. - ")$'*4)" +# ").'4)*+. #3 -* =*;()-.-*+ ;-.+>
B/=. +/) -")- .=""#=*4'*6 +/) 4#$).+', 8),#$). - .;-,) #3 *#*2
presenoe and non-belonging. lmplioated in the power dynamios be2
tween the state and residents, these thresholds also hold some sway
in prooesses of demolition, eviotion, and gentritoation. As an example
here, narratives about the detoienoy of windows were important in
the deoision to demolish the high-rise estate Red Road in 0lasgow
(1aoobs '+ /*. 2007).
Materiality is, of oourse, not the only oomponent of home. As Blunt
and Uowling (2006) argue, home also involves the imaginary, suoh as
feelings and meanings. At the same time, reoent work in the sooial
.,')*,). /-. -(.# )$;/-.'9)4 +/) '$;#"+-*,) #3 -++)*4'*6 +# +/)
multisensory (Pink 2009). Burrell's artiole shows home !"$-<'*6 -.
a multisensory prooess, involving exoessive noise and dirt, whioh im2
paots on residents' emotions and behavior. ln this oase, olass-based
inequality materializes as negative multisensory affeots whioh lead
+# 3))('*6. #3 =*/#$)('*).. -*4 +/) $-+)"'-( -*4 ,#";#")-( ")+")-+
#3 ").'4)*+. '*+# +/) '*+)"'#"'+7 #3 /#$)> B/'. '((=.+"-+). +/) ,#$;()C
.)A=)*,) #3 )&)*+. +/-+ ,-* 8) '*&#(&)4 '* /#$) !"$-<'*6 -*4 -,+.
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-. - ")$'*4)" +/-+ !"making is also something sensed, peroeived,
felt, smelt, touohed, and heard. 1here is potential for future work to
further explore the relationships between the material and imaginary
'* +/'. ")6-"4>
(IN)VISIBILITIES
3ome home !"makings, suoh as in natural disasters, are highly vis2
ible, espeoially when they are given global media ooverage. et it is
-(.# '$;#"+-*+ +# ,#*.'4)" +/) '*&'.'8'('9'*6 #3 /#$) !"$-<'*6 .+)$2
ming from disorimination, a laok of reoognition, and the ohoioe to se2
(),+'&)(7 -++)*4 +# *#"$-+'&) .;-,). #3 /#$) -*4 )C,(=4) +/#.) +/-+
do not tt an ideal model. 0orman-Murray '+ /*> .;)-< +# +/) 3-'(=") #3
the media and authorities to report, and respond to, the !"$-<'*6
of the L0B1 home in natural disasters. 1he artiole draws attention to
the plight of L0B1 oommunities by bringing to light experienoes that
might otherwise remain silenoed. 1here is a politios to whioh home
!"makings are told and those whioh are left (deliberately) unheard.
Although the home !"making agenda goes beyond this, the speoial
issue showoases these largely unheard stories and paves the way for
3="+/)" )C;(#"-+'#* 87 .,/#(-".>
3aunders' more historioal pieoe also brings the previously unseen
into view. elping to develop Ldwardian literature, whioh ohallenges
the ideals of the viotorian period, the writer 1ohn 0alsworthy oreated
a grittier and arguably more real" understanding of home. ere,
baokstage oontiot and tensions, suoh as marital rape and threat of
divoroe, were revealed rather than seoreted away from the reader in
+/) '*+'$-+) .;-,). #3 +/) /#$)> B/'. 8"'*6. +# +/) 3#") +/) '$;#"+-*+
'..=) #3 ,/-(()*6'*6 =*D=.+ /#$) !"makings or doing something
about it" (Briokell 2012: 77). ln this oase, 0alsworthy was able to
intuenoe popular oonsoiousness by bringing gender injustioe more
foroefully into the publio domain of the British Ldwardian period.
#"makings in the domestio, and even in the wider neighbor2
hood, oan be espeoially hidden" and, therefore, more ohallenging
to researoh and identify. Additionally, there may be underlying rea2
.#*. 8)/'*4 +/) ,#*,)-($)*+ #3 /#$) !"making. ln the oontext of
domestio violenoe, for example, researoh has emphasized how the
'4)#(#6',-( .,"';+'*6 #3 /#$) -. '*+'$-+) -*4 .-3) $-<). &'#()*,)
against women diftoult to see," with women often tolerating violenoe
so as not to signal a deep failure or oollapse of home (Prioe 2002:
40). lf home is the site of signitoant trauma and hardship, as it is for
the totive oharaoter lrene lorsyte in 3aunders' paper, then real-world
partioipants may not want to disouss these in researoh interviews.
3uoh diftoulties may also be repressed by the human psyohe to avoid
oontiot with self-oonstruoted identities and emotional turmoil. 1he
diftoulties of studying less visible home !"makings, espeoially in the
oontext of domestio injustioe, make researoh methods and teldwork
even more salient. 1here are issues of aooess, length of time in the
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teld, trust, ethios, and interpretation, whioh go beyond the soope of
this speoial issue. 1his praotioal dimension is another reason why the
study of homemaking is more apparent in literature on home and why
its kin prooess, home !"making, warrants greater attention.
AGENTS
3ooial and oultural theory has long drawn attention to the role of
agents in reproduoing, or resisting, unequal struotures (0iddens
1984). 1he artioles draw attention to these agents, whioh play impor2
+-*+ "#(). '* /#$) !"makings. ln Burrell's paper we have the tgure of
the private landlord, whioh speaks to an absent presenoe who asserts
,#*+"#( #* 4#$).+', ('3) -*4 ,-* ,-=.) /-"4./'; 3#" +)*-*+.> B/'. #82
servation is akin to work on the speotral, ghost-like, presenoe of the
oounoil in looal-authority-owned tats (Miller 2001). ln 0orman-Murray
'+ /*.'s pieoe the initial home !"making results from natural disaster,
but the injustioe is magnited by state polioy. lor example, regulations
do not aooount for the ohallenges and marginalization that L0B1
oommunities faoe in emergenoy shelters. ln this sense, there is a dou2
8() )*-,+$)*+ #3 /#$) !"making that 0orman-Murray '+ /*> ;#.'+ -.
queering notions of domioide. ln relation to the state, too, lernandez
Arrigoitia reveals the demonizing narratives and work done to justify
the demolition of high-rise homes in 3an 1uan, Puerto Rioo. 1he pres2
)*,) #3 +/).) *-""-+'&). '. - ,#$$#* ;/)*#$)*#* '* .+-+)2()4 /#$)
destruotion all over the globe (Crump 2002, Lees 2013, Porteous and
3mith 2001) and is partioularly relevant for the muoh-maligned resi2
4)*+'-( /'6/2"'.)> @'6/('6/+'*6 +/) "#() #3 +/).) -6)*+. -(.# /-. $=,/
8"#-4)" ;=",/-.) '* ;"#&'4'*6 "),#$$)*4-+'#*. 3#" .#,'-( ,/-*6)>
A theme in the artioles is also agenoy, or how these wider prooesses
and power relations are negotiated by home dwellers. 1his provides
a means for asserting some oontrol over diftoult oonditions and the
;#..'8'('+7 #3 $-<'*6 /#$)>
while the lndian government has looked to de-legitimize squat2
ters" as rightful home dwellers (akin to lernandez Arrigoitia), 1ervis
Read shows how, through their agenoy, some residents are able to
.+"-+)6',-((7 *)6#+'-+) /#$) !"$-<'*6 +# ;").)*+ #;;#"+=*'+'). '* +/)
long term. lor example, some partioipants subdivided their homes
;"'#" +# 4)$#('+'#* +# -,A='") - 6")-+)" *=$8)" #3 ;(#+. '* +/) ;(-,)
they are being relooated to. Lqually, while Burrell reports a laok of
agenoy to oontrol the permeability of home, she still identites how
some residents in Leioester offer some resistanoe, and hope, by di2
vesting themselves of objeots. 1his form of divestment, exiled into
storage" (Burrell 2014: 161), enhanoes the feeling that they will leave
3#" - 8)++)" /#$) -+ .#$) ;#'*+ '* +/) 3=+=")> @#$) !"$-<'*6 '.
therefore not a straightforward rejeotion of home as the oore aim of
/#=.'*6 ;"#,)..).> B/'. 3#,=. #* -6)*,7 -44. *=-*,) -*4 ,#$;()C'+7
+# /#$) !"making events and shows how homemaking and !"$-<2
'*6 ;"-,+',). -") $=+=-((7 ,#*.+'+=+'&)>
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TEMPORALITY
Beyond the spatiality of publio/private distinotions, temporality also
warrants further attention sinoe this is intertwined with the making
-*4 !"making of home. Although not fully artioulated in the litera2
ture, a biography of home is a story of its making and !"making. As
illustrated by Myerson's (2005: 91) house biography of her viotorian
house in Clapham, home is a plaoe of oomings and goings, of living
and dying, of moving in and moving out, of material deoay and repair.
B/).) $-<'*6. -*4 !"$-<'*6. .'6*'37 ,/-*6) -*4 +/) ;-..'*6 #3
time. 1he signitoanoe of temporality is evident in this speoial issue.
1hrough a longitudinal approaoh, 1ervis Read shows how the homes
of slum" dwellers in Uelhi are subjeot to oyoles of making and !"$-<2
ing, or settlement and demolition. 1hese oyoles do not just say some2
thing about the past and present, but also the future. ln lernandez
Arrigoitia's artiole a future home, whioh is aooeptable to the state and
middle-olass sooiety, is fundamental in the !"making of low-inoome
high-rise homes. without this vision of a better" future, or the 3im
City" (Lees and Uemeritt 1998: 234), the demolition would not go
-/)-4>
3uoh temporal patterns oan be oonstituted by oomplexity. ln
0orman-Murray '+ /*.'s pieoe, the !"making of L0B1 homes is also
a drawn out prooess that happened at different speeds. 1he initial
instantaneous home destruotion from the natural disaster was fol2
lowed by a series of more gradual unravelings in the neighborhood,
whioh oompounded and exaoerbated the negative impaot on L0B1
,#$$=*'+').> B/)'" -"+',() '((=.+"-+). +/) -4&-*+-6). #3 '*,#";#"-+2
'*6 +'$) '*+# +/) -*-(7.'. #3 /#$) !"$-<'*6 .'*,) +/'. ,-* ")&)-(
the multiple and interrelated events, or faotors, that oo-produoe
domestio injustioe. As Briokell (2012: 228) writes, divergenoes from
idealized versions of home . emerge either from sudden, gradual or
routine exigenoies of daily life."Moving beyond linear temporal paths,
as previously disoussed, a key argument in home !"$-<'*6 '. +/-+
/#$) '. .'$=(+-*)#=.(7 $-4) -*4 !"made. As Burrell and lernandez
Arrigoitia illustrate, home !"making praotioes, suoh as antisooial be2
havior on the street or the material deterioration of shared spaoes,
-") -,,#$;-*')4 87 ").'4)*+. .+'(( $-<'*6 /#$) '* +/)'" /#=.). -*4
tats. Uespite living in diftoult oonditions, the routines and rhythms
of daily life still go on (see also 0ans 1962). 1hese prooesses, whioh
unfold in the present, oan also reaoh into a past or future. 3uoh tem2
poral oonneotions are partioularly relevant to home, whioh is infused
with powerful emotions, attaohments, and memories (see Blunt and
Uowling 2006). Part of the reason why the destruotion of home, suoh
as in 0orman-Murray '+ /*.'s artiole, oan be so traumatio is beoause
the present is thiok with memories of happier times and relationships.
By oomparison, temporal oonneotions oan also help to ease disoom2
fort. ln 1ervis Read's artiole the future relooated home, whioh some
residents were able to intuenoe through their agenoy and taotios,
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offered some oomfort, at least, from impending demolition. 1his fur2
+/)" .=;;#"+. +/) -..)"+'#* +/-+ /#$) !"$-<'*6 '. *#+ *),)..-"'(7 -
*)6-+'&) ;"#,)..>
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