Essay comparing the assertion that we are now living in a post-racial society to statistics and personal accounts of Asian Americans' experiences of racism
Essay comparing the assertion that we are now living in a post-racial society to statistics and personal accounts of Asian Americans' experiences of racism
Essay comparing the assertion that we are now living in a post-racial society to statistics and personal accounts of Asian Americans' experiences of racism
After the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States, it was suggested that we now live in a post-racial, colorblind society, in which race matters and racism are practically irrelevant (Lwin 2010). In the midst of these claims, the experiences of many Asian American citizens living in the United States counter such an assertion. Many Asian American people still face various forms of systemic racism and oppression in their everyday lives on both institutional and interpersonal levels, as individuals and members of a group, causing fluctuations in personal wellbeing, self-esteem and psychological stress for these individuals (Liang 2007). Their experiences challenge the concept of post-racial colorblindness, in that they illustrate how racism is still something they 3 continue to face even as the percentage of people of color in our society increases. President Obamas election drew a number of responses regarding the current state of race and racism in the U.S. Some of them asserted that civil rights problems and struggles with regards to race were a thing of the past, and that Obamas election signified a new era for politics beginning with the election of a person of color to a high position of power (Lwin 2010). Others equated this alleged post-racial era with increased colorblindness and the dissolution of perceived cross-racial differences (2010). Obamas election to the Presidency was being used to illustrate the idea that Americas problem with racism was over because it had finally elected a black president. One significant problem with these statements is that they suggest that no further attempts to protect people from racial discrimination, oppression and marginalization are necessary, being that racism and race itself are being referred to as things of the past (2010). Suggestions that our society is in a state of post-racial colorblindness 4 exemplify the compartmentalization aspect of racism, in that the majority is attempting to persuade (brainwash) its citizens into believing that everything is okay with regards to racism. Minority groups are being told to buy into the idea that oppression and discrimination are a thing of the past (in essence to get over it) when it is obvious that they are still present and active. Asian Americans are still a minority group in the U.S. Indeed, in 2050 their numbers are expected to increase from around 5 percent of the population to 9 percent (2010). These numbers stand in contrast to those of other minority groups. For example, by 2050 the population of Latino Americans is expected to rise to 30 percent, while African Americans are projected to rise to 15 percent of the U.S. population (2010). Being that Asian Americans are projected to continue to be a relatively small minority of the U.S. population, racial stereotypes about them will continue to be an issue within our society (2010). Similarly, being a small minority of the U.S. population also suggests that the attitude to Asian Americans will be one of 5 expecting them to conform and assimilate to larger society rather than stand on their own as a group and be able garner more civil rights and protections against racial discrimination (2010). In general, it would seem that Asian Americans contend with dual projections from our society; they are often stereotyped as intelligent, educated model citizens while also being treated as perpetual foreigners (2012). While being stereotyped as model citizens who are able rise to positions of relative acclaim and success, fear of the domination of Asian Americans in the job market and economy is also present (Liang 2007). Despite generally higher educational levels than white people, Asian Americans were found receive lower wages for the same jobs and have lower access to quality healthcare and mental health services, as well as lower rates of utilization of mental health services (Tawa 2012). Personal accounts of the systemic and interpersonal racism experienced by Asian Americans illustrate the persisting and pervasive forces of racial 6 discrimination and oppression active in our society. Asian Americans face racism in the institutions they interact with on a daily basis, such as school and the workplace (Talbot 2009). In an incident of being taunted by schoolmates for her appearance and ethnic identity, Donna Talbot reflected on how her teacher watched on and laughed as she was bullied at school. Although she was half- Japanese American and both of her parents were naturalized American citizens, her family was turned away from community clubs and she was discouraged by an administrator at her high school from accepting the offer to attend Amherst college, because the administrator did not want the first representative of their high school to be an Asian American (1999). Rather than shrink from life and participation in society and the struggle for civil rights for minorities and women, Talbot expresses that these experiences spurred her interest in social work to shed light on and fight against injustices as a woman of color (1999). Her experiences illustrate the ways in which racism takes place on both interpersonal and institutional levels, and how, although attempts were made to 7 both contain and compartmentalize her, she resisted both while continually maintaining a strong grasp of her Asian American identity, rather than bowing down and assimilating to larger white culture. It is worth noting that institutional and interpersonal racism and discrimination are differentiated in research on Asian American experiences of racism. Perceived structural racism (PSR) is conceived of as the means by which racial minorities are systemically oppressed and marginalized by the current power structures in place in American society (2012). Perceived interpersonal racism (PIR) differs in that it emanates from a persons own stereotypes and belief systems about a racial minority, thereby affecting their concept and treatment of a member of that racial group (2012). Furthermore, self-esteem, with regards to research on its correlation with perceived racism, falls into two categories: personal self-esteem and collective self-esteem, or how one feels about, perceives themselves in, as well as fits into their own racial group (2012). Higher rates of perceived interpersonal racism correlated with lower rates of 8 personal self-esteem among groups of both Korean and Japanese Americans (2012). Conversely, Tawa (2012) found that higher rates of perceived structural racism among Asian Americans contributed to higher collective self-esteem, in that PSR was perceived as the function of a flawed social structure and was not a reflection of the failings or flaws of the racial group or the individual as part of that group. Further, awareness of that the cause of PSR is a problematic and unequal social structure that is set up in such a away to continually subordinate and marginalize racial minorities was linked to higher rates of belongingness within ones own group (2012). Tawas research (2012) sheds light on containment as an aspect of the racism Asian Americans experience. Asian Americans report feelings of greater group belongingness in the face of systemic racism, illustrating that sticking together as a group is a mechanism by which they, as individuals, cope with racism. They are contained within their own minority group, marginalized and 9 oppressed as individuals and as a group, separate from the majority. In conclusion, the attempts to dismiss racism and race matters as things of the past, as exemplified in the statements that we are now living in post-racial colorblind society, as well as the data gleaned from qualitative and quantitative examples of the persistence and pervasiveness of racism show the competing forces at work in a racially diverse society. From these sources, it is possible to see how the majority group, consisting primarily of white people, attempts to suppress, contain and compartmentalize both the activities and ideology of Asian Americans (as well as other minority groups), through institutional and structural means as well as socio-political rhetoric. As Asian Americans continue to grow as a minority group in the U.S. population, they remain a relatively small percentage, even in projection, in comparison to groups of Latino and African Americans. For this reason, their ability to stand up as a group and be recognized as oppressed and in need of protection in the obvious continued struggle for civil rights as a racial minority is 10 something not to be taken for granted.
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References
Liang, C. H., Alvarez, A. N., Juang, L. P., & Liang, M. X. (2007). The Role of Coping in the Relationship Between Perceived Racism and Racism-Related Stress for Asian Americans: Gender Differences. Journal Of Counseling Psychology, 54(2), 132-141. doi:10.1037/00-0167.54.2.132
Lwin, M. (2010). The Numbers Game: Covering Asian Americans and Post- Racial America. Asian Pacific American Law Journal, 15(1), 92-113.
12 Talbot, D. M. (1999). Personal Narrative of an Asian American's Experience With Racism. Journal Of Counseling & Development, 77(1), 42.
Tawa, J., Suyemoto, K. L., & Roemer, L. (2012). Implications of Perceived Interpersonal and Structural Racism for Asian Americans' Self-Esteem. Basic & Applied Social Psychology, 34(4), 349-358. doi:10.1080/01973533.2012.693425
Summary of Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? by Beverly Daniel Tatum:And Other Conversations About Race: A Comprehensive Summary