Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropology Today. Author(s): Veena das Source: Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4 (aug., 1987), pp. 11-13. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR.
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropology Today. Author(s): Veena das Source: Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4 (aug., 1987), pp. 11-13. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR.
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropology Today. Author(s): Veena das Source: Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4 (aug., 1987), pp. 11-13. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR.
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Anthropology Today. Author(s): Veena das Source: Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4 (aug., 1987), pp. 11-13. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR.
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
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http://www.jstor.org The Anthropology of Violence and the Speech of Victims Author(s): Veena Das Source: Anthropology Today, Vol. 3, No. 4 (Aug., 1987), pp. 11-13 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3033216 Accessed: 13-08-2014 21:19 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. This content downloaded from 200.130.19.177 on Wed, 13 Aug 2014 21:19:32 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions T h e Anth ropology of Viole nc and th e spe e ch of victims T h e colle ction of pape rs byDavid Rich e s' on anth ropological approach e s toviole nce of f e rs us an opportunitytoconside rth e e ntire inte lle ctuale nte rprise of unde rstandingth e nature of viole nce , wh ich re mains obscure e ve ntoday. T h e task of conce ptualizingviole nce is dif f icult. Itis th e re f ore notsurprisingth atth e se tof e ssays colle cte d h e re doe s noth ave a unity. T h e yh ave notonlybe e nwritte nf rom ve rydif f e re ntpe rspe ctive s, butth e yunde rstand th e ve ryde f initionof viole nce f rom dif f e re ntpoints of vie w. Some of th e e ssays de f ine viole nce ina narrow se nse of inf lictinginjuryth rough use of f orce . Oth e rs e xplore me taph oric me anings, as inth e e ssayonJapane se f ilm wh e re viole nce appe ars as a prote stagainstth e passage of time . One e ncounte rs dif f e re ntse ts of conce rns inth e se e ssays. Some give se nsitive portrayals of symbolic and ritualaspe cts of viole nce , as f ore xample inth e Spanish bullf igh t(Marvin) orth e rh e toric of viole nce inmyth , lite rature and f ilm (Moe ran, Ove ring). Oth e rs are conce rne d with th e cause s of viole nce , inpopulation de nsityorinclass structure (McKnigh t, Dunning, Murph yand Williams). Af e w pose issue s of le gitimacy, e spe ciallyth e que stionas towh olabe ls wh ose be h aviour as viole nt(G. McFarlane , Rich e s). Invie w of th is dive rsity, th e e ssaybyDavid Rich e s, bywayof anintroduction, ne e ds tobe conside re d insome de tail. Rich e s e mph asize s th atviole nce mayh ave both 'practical' and 'symbolic' goals, stre ssingth e importance of th e latte r. He points outth atinmanyculture s viole nce maybe done byinvisible f orce s such as witch craf tand magic, and th atanundue pre occupationwith Anglo- Saxonusage maypre ve ntus f rom re cognizingsuch ph e nome na as pe rtainingtoth e domainof viole nce . Howe ve r, alth ough th e re ade ris assure d th ate qual importance is be inggive ntoconce ptions of viole nce in dif f e re nt kinds of culture s, th e ove rall f rame work pre se nte d byth e auth orof th is e ssaybe lie s th is promise . Rich e s state s th atboth 'practical' and 'symbolic' goals maybe accomplish e d byth e use of viole nce , butf ails tose e th atth e ve ryassimilationof th e cate goryof th e symbolic toa goal appropriate s ittoth e mode l of instrume ntalaction. T h e atte mpttodistinguish be twe e n a ne ce ssaryconditionand a suf f icie ntconditionf or de f iningviole nce give s onlyth e impre ssionof rigour. Inf actwh atis include d unde rne ce ssaryconditions, viz th atallacts of viole nce h ave a core purpose , and unde r suf f icie ntconditions th atviole nce se rve s a varie tyof goals and purpose s, is soge ne ralth atitcannotintroduce th e kind of conce ptual rigourth atth e language of propositional calculus assume s. Furth e r, itle ads toa privile gingof th e instrume ntalove rth e e xpre ssive . For instance , Rich e s state s th at'if anactof viole nce h as no instrume ntal aim, it would not be pe rf orme d! T h is assume s th atissue s of signif icance and me aning maybe pre se ntonlyincontiguity, wh ich is insh arp contrasttoth e unde rstandingof viole nce e laborate d in some of th e oth e re ssays. Forinstance , one maycontrast th is vie w with th atof Cope t-Rougie r, wh ois much more impre sse d byth e ambiguitie s inth is conce pt. 'Viole nce , sh e says, 'th atpe rpe tuate s th e social orde rcontains with initse lf barbarous f orce s of de struction'. Itis th e ambiguityinth e re lationbe twe e npowe rand viole nce wh ich e xplains, accordingtoh e r, wh ysome pe ople are le d th rough th e strange ne ss of th e e ve nttoth e ide a of be autyinviole nce . Rich e s goe s ontode ve lopa triadic institutional structure , accordingtowh ich one maydistinguish be twe e nth e points of vie w of th e pe rf orme r, th e victim and th e witne ss. T h e discussionth e nsh if ts toth e que stionof h ow a viole ntactmaybe le gitimize d. T h us, th e pe rf orme rwould trytole gitimize viole nce as a pre - e mptive strate gy, wh ile f orth e victim itis pre se nte d as anille gitimate , orille galact. T h e witne ss mayvaryin h is re actions toth e act. T h e se ductive simplicityof th is mode l, h owe ve r, is ach ie ve d atth e costof de f iningaway th e mostve xingph ilosoph icalissue s such as th atof moral age ncy. As somanystudie s of colle ctive viole nce h ave sh own, we h ave todistinguish be twe e nth e instrume nt of viole nce , wh ich maybe a crowd, and th e age nts of viole nce wh ich maybe th e organize rs wh oh ave th e mse lve s not e ngage d inth e inf lictionof injury. Furth e r, th e re is a comple te surre nde r to th e instrume ntalistpe rspe ctive . I could notse e h ow th e viole nce inf licte d inritual, as inth e e ssays byHe ald or Marvin, maybe unde rstood inte rms of th e ge ne ralmode l propose d h e re . I wish toadd th atth e same triadic mode l was de ve lope d byE. V. Walte r2 as a dramaturgicalmode l wh ich was much more se nsitive toproble ms of signif icance inth e inf lictionof viole nce and te rror. T h e e le me ntof spe ctacle - as inth e bullf igh t, th e Spanish insurge ncie s orinth e de taile d re pre se ntationof viole nce inf ilm - willsimplynotle nd itse lf toth e institutional mode l propose d byRich e s. T h e symbolic cannotbe th ough tof as analogicaltoth e instrume ntaland th e n analyse d bysimilarinstitutionalmode ls. I suspe ctth at unde rlyingboth th e 'symbolic' and 'practical' goals, Rich e s th inks of one 's re lationtoth e bodyas primarily aninstrume ntalone . Ye twh e nviole nce is pre se ntas spe ctacle , itis th e 'te rritoriality' of th e bodywh ich provide s clue s toth e unde rstandingof th e style s of viole nce . Byth e te rritorialityof th e body, I me anth at justas ph ysicalspace s are orde re d inte rms of syste ms of me aning, sois th e bodyorde re d soth atth e dif f e re nt parts, mode s of move me nt, orways of arrangingth e body, conve yme aning. Le tme take twoe xample s of th is. BrianMoe ranquote s f rom th e f amous Japane se nove l, Diaryof a Mad Old Man, inwh ich th e h e rois a f ootf e tish ist, wh of e e ls h is blood pre ssure rise wh e ne ve rh is daugh te r-in-law allows h im tolick h e rf e e t. Alth ough h e f e e ls pe rilouslyclose todying, h e cannotstoplickingh e rf e e t. Oth e re xample s of torture and de ath are give ntosh ow th atth e re is a strongre pre se ntationalre lationbe twe e nse x and de ath . Appre ciationof be auty, th e se xual climax and th e mome ntof de ath be come me ans of conque ringtime and ach ie vingcommunitas. Similarly, Marvinde scribe s th e ae sth e tics of th e bullf igh tas be ingintune with th e social value s wh ich th e e ve ntrituallydramatize s. 'Wh atis of primaryconce rnis h ow th e matadorcomports h imse lf as h e f ace s th e bull. All notions of be auty, of appre ciations of style , and inde e d, all ae sth e tic judgme nts are base d onth e re lationsh ipbe twe e nth e man 11 VEENADAS Ve e na Das is Prof e ssorof Sociology, Unive rsityof De lh i. 1. Rich e s, David (e d.).1986. T h e Anth ropologyof Viole nce . Oxf ord, Blackwe ll, ?25. 2. Walte r, E. V. 1969. T e rrorand Re sistance : A Studyof Political Viole nce . London, OUP. This content downloaded from 200.130.19.177 on Wed, 13 Aug 2014 21:19:32 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions and bull, as me diate d byth e cape ' And again, 'T h e matadorwh omake s a bad job of killingbe cause h e is conce rne d with h is ownsaf e tywillbe conde mne d as an ase sino(murde re r), th atis as a sociallyunacce ptable kille r'. Itis notonlyinritualbutalsoinoth e rkinds of spe ctacle s - conside rth e case of f ootball h ooligan be h aviour, orth e de portme ntof th e bodyina conte xt of insurge ncie s - th atone f inds th ataninstrume ntal re lationtoth e bodyis subordinate d toide as aboutits te ritoriality. Accordinglyitis notth e instrume ntally e f f icie ntgoalorme th od th atis ch ose nbutone wh ich re sonate s with th e culture . Se ve rale ssays sugge stth ata se miologyof viole nce willnotde ve lopas longas ourconce ptualf rame works acce ptth e dich otomous distinctions of instrume ntal ve rsus e xpre ssive , orpracticalve rsus symbolic; f orde spite th e irappare ntsymme try, one te rm come s tof unction as a marke d te rm and th e oth e rbe come s a re sidualone . T h us th e cate goryof instrume ntal actionmaybe primary, as inth e e ssaybyRich e s, and th e cate goryof symbolic ore xpre ssive maysimplybe come th e re sidual cate goryth atwill take e ve ryth ingwh ich cannot be accommodate d with inth e cate goryof th e instrume ntal. T h atth e e ditorof th e volume doe s notinte nd itto h appe n, points toth e f orce with wh ich such h abits of th ough timpose th e mse lve s uponus. T h is volume raise s se ve ralimportantque stions about me th od. Inth e pre f ace toth e volume , itis state d th at th e distinctive me th ods of anth ropologicalre se arch are e vide ntinallth e ch apte rs since th e contributor's f indings ste m f rom f ie ld studie s inwh ich th e ywe re imme rse d in th e 'community' or'smallgroup' le ve lof socie ty, 'in wh ich sociallif e is live d...'. Itgoe s ontostate th atnow th atanth ropologists h ave re alize d th atanth ropological te ch nique s maybe applie d notonlyine xaminingnon- industrial and T h ird World socie tie s, but alsoin inve stigatingcommunitylif e inth e 'We ste rn' milie u, an ove rlapof inte re sts with sociologyis bound toarise . Wh atwould be th e nature of th is ove rlap? Firstof all, itse e ms tome th at'T h ird World' socie tie s is h ardlyan anth ropological cate goryand its f re que nt use to distinguish be twe e nanth ropologicaland sociological me th od mustsure lyde rive f rom th e f actth atitpre se nts a 'th irdne ss' toanth ropologists of th e 'f irst' world. Se e n inth e th ird pe rson, th atworld canbe tre ate d as both pe rsonand obje ct, a pe rspe ctive th atwould notbe possible if th e ywe re be ingtre ate d as se cond pe rsons in a dialogical re lationsh ip. And itis be cause of th is 'th irdne ss', pe rh aps, th at th e yh ave be e nre lative ly re luctanttodocume ntth e viole nce inf licte d byth e proce sse s of mode rnstate s, byide ologie s of de ve lopme nt orbyth e proje cts of capitalistand socialiste xpansions wh ich h ave alte re d th e nature of th e smallcommunitie s th atth e yh ave be e nstudying. Eve nsympath e tic anth ropologists canbe e mbarrasse d wh e nth e yare le d tocriticize th e 'mode rnist' e nte rprise . Fore xample , inane ssayonth e impactof population de nsityonf igh tinginAboriginalsupe rcamps, McKnigh t f inds itne ce ssarytore sortof counte rf actuals inh is argume nt. Havingpointe d toth e strange ne ss of th e situationinwh ich missionarie s came toe xe rcise gre at controlove rth e Aborigine s, toth e e xte ntof be ingable totake awaych ildre nf rom th e pare nts - a powe rth at th e ydid note xe rcise amongEurope anAustralians - th e auth orgoe s ontoimplyth atcriticism of th e missionarie s would be pe rh aps unjustf or'. . . h ad itnotbe e nf or th e missionarie s th e re would h ave be e nve ryf e w Aborigine s le f tonMorningtonIsland orinmanyoth e r parts of Que e nsland'. He alsoadds th e f ootnote : I would re gre tif mycomme nts aboutth e missionwe re to be inte rpre te d as anattack uponth e missionarie s. Many missionarie s are we llaware th atth e irpolicie sdid notalways h ave be ne f icialre sults. Aprope re valuationof th e policie s of th e missionarie s must take h istorical conte xt into account. Placingch ildre nindormitorie sse e msh arsh today, butinth e 1920sinAustralia I dare sayth atth iswasre garde d as th e be stwayof e ducatingch ildre n. Duringmymain pe riod of f ie ldwork onMorningtonIsland itwas quite obvious th atth e Supe rinte nde nt, th e Re v. Douglas Be lch e r, did h is be sttomove with th e time s. Inde e d inmanyways h e was we llinadvance of th e policie s of th e Que e nsland Gove rnme ntand th e Pre sbyte rianBoard of Missions. He did allh e could toh e lppre se rve th e pe ople 's traditional culture . He and h is wif e are h e ld inh igh re gard byth e MorningtonIslande rsand I am inde bte d toth e m f orth e ir warm h ospitality. If th e obje cts of th is studywe re tobe miraculously transf orme d intospe akingsubje cts th e ymaywe llask wh yth e anth ropologistis h e sitanttocriticize We ste rn notions of e ducation, and of th e ide ologywh ich de stroye d wh ole ways of lif e byth e e xe rcise of pastoral mode s of powe r. Sh ould notth e 'th irdne ss' of th e se socie tie s be atle astconve rte d intoa 'se condne ss' by wh ich th e ycane nte rintoa dialogicalre lationsh ipwith th ose wh ose conce ptions of knowle dge h ave made th e m intoobje cts of knowle dge and victims of totallyne w f orms of powe r? From th is pointof vie w, I we lcome d th e e ssaybyDavid Parkinwh ich addre sse s th e que stionof mute d viole nce use d byth e age ncie s of th e state and th atbyJoh nCorbin, wh ich provide s good insigh ts intoth e viole nce involve d inth e proce sse s of buildingth e mode rnstate se e nf rom th e pe rspe ctive of th ose wh odonotbe lie ve inth e nation state ide ologie s. Parkinsh ows h ow a comparison be twe e nmate rialdrawnf rom British socie tyand f rom Af ricansocie tymake s us re conside rnotions aboutth e moral age ncyinacts of viole nce , e spe ciallyabout h armf ulf orce s wh ich are autonomous of th e individual and e xte rnaltoh im. He sh ows h ow Giriama notions of viole nce th atare outside individualcontrolcorre spond toth e vie ws of some pe ople aboutth e tyrannyof th e state inpoliticallyce ntralize d socie tie s. His vie ws about totalizationas cumulative obje ctif icationof dif f e re nt individuals is e spe ciallyre le vantf orth e unde rstanding of viole nce , and sh ould provide animportantcorre ctive toth e atomize d individualof much of social action th e ory. I wish th e se th e me s h ad f ound some re sonance insome of th e oth e re ssays. Parkin, Corbinand Cope t- Rougie rh ave sh ownways of e volvinglanguage s bywh ich th e pe rspe ctive of communitie s and smallgroups onth e invisible and mute d viole nce of th e state , th e f actory, orof artif iciallycre ate d camps canbe narrativize d th rough anth ropologicalsch olarsh ip. Alth ough th e pre f ace toth e book state s th atallth e contributions ste m f rom th e e xpe rie nce s of anth ropologists f rom lif e as itis live d inth e small communitie s, th is is inf actnotstrictlycorre ct. T h e e ssay byBrianMoe ranis base d onth e analysis of ce rtain ge nre s inJapane se cine ma; th e e ssaybyEric Dunning, Patrick Murph yand Joh nWilliams onf ootball h ooligans is onth e basis of inte rvie ws - th e auth ors do not de scribe th e e ve ntstructure of a f igh tas dire ct witne sse s; Grah am McFarlane provide s f olk e xplanations of viole nce inruralNorth e rnIre land on th e basis of inte rvie ws conducte d af te rth e e ve nts; and Corbin's e xce lle nte ssaygive s a comparisonbe twe e ntwo h istoricalpe riods. T h is raise s importantque stions about th e re lations be twe e ntime and th e narrative of viole nce . If we th ink of th e pastnotonlyas a dime nsionin re lationtoth e pre se ntand th e f uture , notsimplyas th e conditionf orth e re alizationof th e pre se nt, butalsoas 12 This content downloaded from 200.130.19.177 on Wed, 13 Aug 2014 21:19:32 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions th e crystallizationof me mory, th e nwe are le d toask que stions aboutth e re lationbe twe e nnarrative truth and h istoricaltruth . Once viole nce h as be come a partof a syste m of re pre se ntations wh ich give f orm tome mory, it se e ms tome th atth e crucial que stionis h ow it transf orms th e e xpe rie nce of viole nce . Ye tth e auth ors h ave be e nsome wh atre luctantinaddre ssingth e se issue s. Fore xample , doe s th e lapse of time transf orm absurd de ath intoh e roic de ath , as f ore xample inth e case of re volutionaryorte rroristde ath s? T h e re lationbe twe e n narrative , me moryand f orms of re pre se ntationis e spe ciallyimportantwh e nwe conside rtraumatic e ve nts such as viole nce . Ane xample f rom McFarlane 's e ssay contrastingsocialscie nce mode ls of viole nce with f olk- mode ls inruralIre land maymake th is pointcle are r. McFarlane sh ows th atwh e ne xtre me viole nce occurs, th e communityproduce s atle astone sh are d ve rsionof th e e ve nts inwh ich de tails wh ich we re toogrue some are mulle d ove r. Wh e re as h e wonde rs wh e th e r anth ropologists h ave notch ose ntoe mph asize th e more positive vie wpoints of th e irinf ormants, h e f ails to provide a mode lof h ow a sh are d ve rsionof grue some e ve nts is produce d. If re pre ssionand f orge ttingtake place inproducing th e se sh are mode ls, th e n sure ly anth ropologists ne e d tolook intoth e nature of th is re pre ssionand its re pre se ntationallogic. Furth e r, th e re is a dif f e re nce be twe e na distantwitne ss and one wh o was inte nde d as witne ss bype rpe trators of viole nce . One maypointtoth e case s discusse d byFanorf inh is book wh e re witne sse s of grue some viole nce done tosignif icant pe rsons inth e irlive s appe are d tobe able toe xorcize th is viole nce onlybyf urth e rviole nce . Astudyof such witne sse s would, pe rh aps, produce dif f e re ntaccounts of viole nce f rom th e sanitize d ve rsions inMcFarlane 's e ssay. Rich e s h ad state d th at'T h e anth ropologist's conce rn is, of course , nottodwe llonth e e th icalmatte rs re lating toe ve nts wh ich some pe ople f ind disturbing! I wonde r wh e th e rth is bland state me ntcanbe supporte d in situations wh e re butf orth e anth ropologicalaccount, th e voice of th e victim migh th ave disappe are d with out le avinga trace . We now acknowle dge th atinre ading h istorywe mustle arnh ow tore ad sile nce s, f orth e victim rare lyge ts anopportunitytore cord h is orh e rpointof vie w. Inanth ropologyalsowe ne e d toaddre ss th e que stionof h ow we canmake th e world-vie w of th e victim e xplicit. Butth atwould re quire ane ngage me nt with ourf ie ld th atre -ope ns th e e ntire que stionof e th ics. I te nd toth ink th atth e spe e ch of th e victim mustoccupy th e ce ntralplace inth e narrative of th e anth ropologist. 3. Fanon, Franz. 1966 T h e Wre tch e d of th e Earth London, Pe nguin. Muse ums, tourism and th e de Burlington Garde ns T RIST AN PLAT T Wh ate xactlyis th e purpose of muse ums?, I aske d myse lf againas I le f tth e gloriously-name d Muse um of Mankind last T h ursday. I re me mbe re d h ow th e National Eth nograph ic Muse um inLa Paz h ad se tupe xh ibitions inwh ich Bolivian indiangroups addre ss th e ir compatriots with th e e xclusive 'we ', wh ile e lse wh e re th e indige nous pastis tre ate d as a commonf und of re gional or national ide ntity. Again, th e re ce nt CADW ce le brations atCae rle on's Le gionaryFortre ss inSouth Wale s h ad sh ownth e We lsh te llingth e British about 'ourRomanpast': h e re one tacitaim atle astwas th e uph illtask of e ducatingth e English . Butth e e xh ibitions I h ad glimpse d inLondon(partiallye xce ptingT h e Hidde nPe ople s of th e Amazon, cle arlyth e be st-f unde d) h ad le f tme painf ullyaware of culturaldistance , of th e disconne cte d f ace ts of th ath umancrystalwh ich th e me tropolis h olds inits Invisible Hand, rath e rth anof anyre alunive rse of h umancommunicative possibilitie s. T h e impre ssionwas notcorre cte d byEduardoPaolozzi's bricolage -game s inth e LostMagic Kingdoms e xh ibition, amidstclaims th at'itwas f rom Paris th atI le arne d e ve ryth ingabouttre ating"primitive art" se riously' (note th e claim of 'se riousne ss', inspite of Malcolm McLe od's disclaime rinA.T . June 1987). He re th e aim appe ars tobe th e appropriationof myste rious me aning- f ragme nts f rom af arf orne w ae sth e tic purpose s de f ine d inth e me tropolis. Se ve ralbits of Mankind are curre ntlyonof f e rat BurlingtonGarde ns f or'se rious' conside rationbyth e me tropolitan palate . T h e y include th e re al-lif e constructionof anIndone sianrice barn, Nige rianFace s of th e De ad, and th e Arab World; butitwas th e f unding of BolivianWorlds byLuf th ansa, and of Madagascar, Island of th e Ance stors byAirMadagascar(both airline s cle arlyinte re ste d inboostingth e irtouristbookings to e ach country), th atre minde d me of th e uncomf ortable continuum be twe e ne th nograph yand th e trave l- broch ure . . .Could I pe rsuade myse lf th at th e se arte f acts we re inf acttobe pe rce ive d as 'ambassadors' of th e irpe ople s toth e English capitalof Britain? T h e main'ambassadors' atth e BolivianWorlds e xh ibitionce rtainlye njoywe ll-e stablish e d cre de ntials inBolivianlite rature and e th nograph y. T h e ye voke th e de pth s of th e SanJosa tin-mine s atOruro('Oruiro, Folkloric Capitalof Bolivia', as th e touristposte rs say): th e Ande an'De vilof th e Mine sh af t' (h is painte d ph allus h e re de corouslycove re d f orth e British Public) and h is te mptre ss consort, a we avingsculpte d ove rh e rnake d sh oulde rs and bre asts. Inanaccompanyingte xt (inge nuouslyh e ade d 'T h e Culture of Pove rty'), th e De vilis ide ntif ie d as supay(a ge ne ric name f orde vilish be ings inBolivia), and h is mate is le f tanonymous e xce pt f ora conf usingre f e re nce toth e Virginof th e Adit. Both are se ate d stonily, side byside , inaninse tgrotto, e ach with a pairof e ncruste d h orns re ach ingtoth e e nclosingroof . T h e yoccupyth e ce ntre of th e vie we r's se micirculartour, and th e ygave me a th rill, th ough th e space allotte d toth e m is small - just a diabolic roadsh rine , staringoute nigmaticallyintoth e spotligh ts. Mostof th e e xh ibitionis intraditional'glass-case ' style , inte rspe rse d with ph otos and le ngth ypassage s of smallprint. Wh ata misse d opportunity! We could h ave T h e auth oris Re se arch Fe llow atth e Institute of LatinAme ricanStudie s (Unive rsityof London), and is atpre se ntworking with th e ESRC/CNRS- f unde d Franco-British re se arch proje ct (1985-1987) on'State controland socialre sponse inth e Ande s, 16th -20th ce nturie s'. This content downloaded from 200.130.19.177 on Wed, 13 Aug 2014 21:19:32 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions