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National Law Institute University, Bhopal

PROJECT FOR
HUMAN RIGHTS
TOPIC:

SOCI AL MOVEMENTS AND HUMAN
RI GHTS

Submitted to: Submitted by:
Prof (Dr.) Uday Pratap Singh Ayush Samaddar
Professor (Human Rights) 2012B.A.L.L.B 52

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank Prof (Dr.) Uday Pratap Singh, Professor (Human Rights), for providing me the
opportunity to work and prepare a project on this topic. I thank him for his guidance and advice.
Ayush Samaddar
2012 B.A.L.L.B(Hons.) 52

















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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 4
Four Stages of Social Movements ......................................................................................................... 5
Social Movements and Human Rights .......................................................................................................... 6
Class Struggle in Europe: ...................................................................................................................................... 6
Civil Rights Movement ........................................................................................................................................... 8
Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland ............................................................................................ 8
African- American Civil Rights Movement ............................................................................................. 10
The Black Power Movement ........................................................................................................................ 11
Anti-Apartheid Movement in South Africa ............................................................................................ 12
Jayaprakash Narayans Sampoorna Kranti ................................................................................................. 13
The Movement for Right to Information in India ..................................................................................... 14
Dalit rights movement ......................................................................................................................................... 14
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................................... 15
Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................ 17





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INTRODUCTION
Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individuals or
organizations which focus on specific political or social issues. In other words, they carry out, resist
or undo a social change.
Social Movements and Human Rights are linked entities. All definitions of social movement reflect
the notion that social movements are intrinsically related to social change.
There have been extensive talks about the role of various International Organizations in the
development of Human Rights but it is sometimes overlooked that very complex interactions
among citizen activism, social movements, political and legal arrangements, institutional
development, and economic arrangements has led to the development of these Human Rights and
has produced the right-protective societies like USA, most of Europe and some Asian and African
nations
1
. It is easily overlooked that these right protective societies are a product of the complex,
long-term changes within societies that result in respect for human rights.
Modern Human Rights are a result of extensive citizen activism and social movements like the
struggle of the working class with the bourgeoisie, the Black Power movement, Mahatma Gandhis
Satyagraha in South Africa and so on. Social Equality between the Blacks and Whites, Universal
Adult Franchise, prohibition of untouchability, introduction of democracy in many countries etc
would not have been possible had there been no citizen activism.
All social movements have a complex dynamics. While people have genuine aspiration to bring to
fore their real issues, many of the movements remain trapped at the symptomatic level and this
tantamount to bypassing the core issues
2
.






1
Social Change and Human Rights, Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann.
2
Social Movements and Social Change, Ram Puniyani,
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FOUR STAGES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
One of the earliest scholars to study social movement processes was Herbert Blumer, who
identified four stages of social movements lifecycles. The four stages he described were: social
ferment, popular excitement, formalization, and institutionalization. Since his early work,
scholars have refined and renamed these stages but the underlying themes have remained
relatively constant. Today, the four social movement stages are known as:
Emergence,
Coalescence,
Bureaucratization, and
Decline.
Although the term decline may sound negative, it should not necessarily be understood in negative
terms. Scholars have noted that social movements may decline for several reasons and have
identified five ways they do decline. These are
Success,
Organizational failure,
Co-optation,
Repression, or
Establishment within mainstream society.






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SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Social movements have typically been defined as collective actors constituted by individuals who
understand themselves to share some common interest and who also identify with one another,
at least to some extent. Social movements are chiefly concerned with defending or changing at
least some aspect of society and rely on mass mobilization, or the threat of it, as their main
political sanction. On the one hand, social movements can be contrasted with cultural trends
and fashions which exhibit less organization and conscious orientation to change, while, on the
other, they can be contrasted to much more formally organized and ideologically coherent
associations, such as political parties and interest groups.
Formally structured organizations may exist within or alongside a social movement and that many
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are connected to movements in this way.
Social movements have been, and remain, important agents in the processes that foster or retard
socio-historical change. Many of the key innovations in the socio-historical development of human
rights were constructed and articulated, in the first instance, in the context of social movements
seeking to challenge extant relations and structures of power
3
.
In advanced Western democracies, human rights were originally attained from below; citizens had
to wrest their rights from the state. Underlying the long-term changes that produced these
relatively rights-protective societies were conflicts, in the first instance, among social classes, in
which those who attained their human rights often had to resort to strikes, rebellion or revolution
before their concerns were taken seriously by the groups already in power.
CLASS STRUGGLE IN EUROPE:
Abstract ideas can influence social change, but those ideas often reflect prior or simultaneous
changes in political, social and economic arrangements. In particular, they often reflect the
interests of new social classes or previously subordinated social categories.
In the early modern period in Europe, two new social classes began to wrest their rights from the
state. These two classes were the bourgeoisie, or business class, and the working class. A set of

3
Stammers Neil, Social Movements and the Social Construction of Human Rights, Human Rights Quarterly
Vol.21, p 982-987.
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new, liberal ideals regarding human rights emerged during the Enlightenment, a period when
Europeans began to question both Church and monarchy. Much Enlightenment thought reflected
the desires of the rising bourgeoisie. This new class of men wanted formal legal equality to the
monarchs, nobles, priests and landlords who had previously ruled them, and they wanted that
equality to be extended to all (Christian, male, propertied) citizens. They wanted security of
property, the right to speak freely and publish their thoughts, and the right to elect their rulers.
They also wanted the right to personal autonomy and privacy, to live their lives as they saw fit
without excessive regulation. In effect, they wanted the rights endorsed by philosophical liberalism:
civil and political freedoms, participation in democratic government, and personal autonomy, as
well as the right to hold private property.
By the nineteenth century, the new industrial economy that the bourgeoisie had created had also
given rise to a new working class. These workers, at first exceptionally badly treated by their
employers began to evolve their own ideas of what eventually became human rights. Workers drew
on the earlier liberal tradition and demanded political equality, especially the vote, as without it
they had no saying the various legislatures of the Western world. They also fought for the right to
form trade unions, through which they could negotiate with their employers over pay and working
conditions. Eventually, various philosophies emerged about ways to overthrow or modify the
unregulated and exploitative capitalist system and create a more just world. One such way was
through communism, a system under which the state owned all the means of production and
directed all economic activity, but without democracy or rule of law. Another way was through
social democracy, a system that viewed the social provision of economic security as an inherent
part of respect for the individual, but respected political democracy and property rights and did not
require that all productive enterprises be in the hands of the state. As liberalism was the forerunner
of the principles of civil and political rights introduced in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR), these two latter philosophical stances were the forerunners of the principle of
economic human rights also included in the UDHR.
The rights that these two social classes won were not gained merely through persuasion or
argument with their rulers. Nor were they won by reference to international human rights law,
which did not exist at the time, or by citing the examples of states that protected human rights
elsewhere, since none existed. They were won through struggle, sometimes with violence or the
threat of violence attached, as in the two great revolutions of the late eighteenth century in the
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United States and France that instituted legal equality, political participation, and other civil and
political rights in those two countries.
Whatever the liberal ideals of equality, autonomy, and political freedoms and participation were,
those who accepted these ideals for themselves did not apply them to workers until the cost of not
doing so were high. Workers threatened to strike if their employers refused to negotiate with
them; mass movements of workers raised the specter of rebellion and revolution. Mass movements
of demobilized soldiers were also a threat, especially after many Western countries introduced
universal male conscription during World War I. After the Communist victory in Russia in 1917, the
post-war rebellions of demobilized soldiers in Germany, and the threat of rebellion in other
countries, governments introduced some social security measures the seeds of economic human
rights to ensure that the industrial democracies would remain stable.

CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT
The civil rights movement was a worldwide political movement for equality before the law
occurring between approximately 1950 and 1980. In many situations it took the form of campaigns
of civil resistance aimed at achieving change by nonviolent forms of resistance. In some situations it
was accompanied, or followed, by civil unrest and armed rebellion. The process was long and
tenuous in many countries, and many of these movements did not fully achieve their goals although,
the efforts of these movements did lead to improvements in the legal rights of previously oppressed
groups of people.
CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND
The Civil Rights Movements in Northern Ireland was a struggle against the Protestant domination
and equal rights for both Catholics and Protestants.
In January 1964, the Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ) was launched in Belfast. This organisation
joined the struggle for better housing and committed itself to ending discrimination in employment.
The CSJ promised the Catholic community that their cries would be heard. They challenged the
government and promised that they would take their case to the Commission for Human Rights in
Strasbourg and to the United Nations.
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Having started with basic domestic issues, the civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland escalated to
a full scale movement that found its embodiment in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association.
NICRA campaigned in the late sixties and early seventies, consciously modelling itself on the
American civil rights movement and using similar methods of civil resistance. NICRA organised
marches and protests to demand equal rights and an end to discrimination.
NICRA originally had five main demands:
1. one man, one vote
2. an end to discrimination in housing
3. an end to discrimination in local government
4. an end to the gerrymandering of district boundaries, which limited the effect of Catholic
voting
5. the disbandment of the B-Specials, an entirely Protestant Police reserve, perceived as
sectarian.
All of these specific demands were aimed at an ultimate goal that had been the one of women at the
very beginning: the end of discrimination.
Civil rights activists all over Northern Ireland soon launched a campaign of civil resistance. There
was opposition from Loyalists, who were aided by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern
Ireland's police force. At this point, the RUC was over 90% Protestant. Violence escalated, resulting
in the rise of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) from the Catholic community, a group
reminiscent of those from the War of Independence and the Civil War that occurred in the 1920s
that had launched a campaign of violence to end British rule in Northern Ireland. Loyalist
paramilitaries countered this with a defensive campaign of violence and the British government
responded with a policy of internment without trial of suspected IRA members. For more than 300
people, the internment lasted several years. The huge majority of those interned by the British
forces were Catholic. In 1978, in a case brought by the government of the Republic of Ireland
against the government of the United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the
interrogation techniques approved for use by the British army on internees in 1971 amounted to
"inhuman and degrading" treatment.
The IRA encouraged Republicans to join in the civil rights movement but never controlled NICRA.
The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association fought for the end of discrimination toward Catholics
and did not take a position on the legitimacy of the state. Republican leader Gerry Adams explained
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subsequently that Catholics saw that it was possible for them to have their demands heard. He
wrote that "we were able to see an example of the fact that you didn't just have to take it, you could
fight back". For an account and critique of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland, reflecting
on the ambiguous link between the causes of civil rights and opposition to the union with the
United Kingdom, see the work of Richard English.
One of the most important events in the era of civil rights in Northern Ireland took place in Derry,
which escalated the conflict from peaceful civil disobedience to armed conflict. The Battle of the
Bogside started on 12 August when an Apprentice Boys, a Protestant order, parade passed through
Waterloo Place, where a large crowd was gathered at the mouth of William Street, on the edge of
the Bogside. Different accounts describe the first outbreak of violence, with reports stating that it
was either an attack by youth from the Bogside on the RUC, or fighting broke out between
Protestants and Catholics. The violence escalated and barricades were erected. Proclaiming this
district to be the Free Derry, Bogsiders carried on fights with the RUC for days using stones and
petrol bombs. The government finally withdrew the RUC and replaced it with the army, which
disbanded the crowds of Catholics who were barricaded in the Bogside.
Bloody Sunday, 30 January 1972, in Derry is seen by some as a turning point in the civil rights
movement. Fourteen unarmed Catholic civil rights marchers protesting against internment were
shot dead by the British army and many were left wounded on the streets.
The peace process has made significant gains in recent years. Through open dialogue from all
parties, a state of ceasefire by all major paramilitary groups has lasted. A stronger economy
improved Northern Ireland's standard of living. Civil rights issues have become far less of a concern
for many in Northern Ireland over the past 20 years as laws and policies protecting their rights and
forms of affirmative action have been implemented for all government offices and many private
businesses. Tensions still exist, but the vast majority of citizens are no longer affected by violence.
AFRICAN- AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT
Like the movement for womens rights, the movement for the rights of African-Americans (as they
later came to be called) in the US also drew heavily on pre-existent liberal beliefs in equality,
political democracy, and the rule of law. These principles eventually 10 contributed to the passing
of the Civil Rights Act in the US in 1964, but not without violent resistance in the American South by
whites reluctant to give up their privileges. The movement was characterized by major campaigns
of civil resistance. Between 1955 and 1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience
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produced crisis situations between activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local
governments, businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to these situations
that highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans. Forms of protest and/or civil
disobedience included boycotts such as the successful Montgomery Bus Boycott (19551956) in
Alabama; "sit-ins" such as the influential Greensboro sit-ins (1960) in North Carolina; marches,
such as the Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) in Alabama; and a wide range of other
nonviolent activities.
Noted legislative achievements during this phase of the Civil Rights Movement were passage of Civil
Rights Act of 1964, that banned discrimination based on "race, color, religion, or national origin" in
employment practices and public accommodations; the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that restored and
protected voting rights; the Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965, that dramatically
opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional European groups; and the Fair
Housing Act of 1968, that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. African Americans
re-entered politics in the South, and across the country young people were inspired to action.
THE BLACK POWER MOVEMENT
Parallel to the Civil Rights Movements, and, from the midst of the Civil Rights Movement, emerged
the Black Power Movement in the USA. The movement for Black Power in the U.S. came during the
Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. Many members of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
(SNCC, a part of the Civil Rights Movement), among them Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture),
were becoming critical of the nonviolent approach to confronting racism and inequality
articulated and practiced by Martin Luther King, Jr., the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) and other moderatesand rejected desegregation as a primary
objective. Stokely Carmichael popularized the slogan of Black Power.
SNCC's membership was generally younger than that of the other "Big Five"
4
civil rights
organizations and became increasingly more militant and outspoken over time. From SNCC's point
of view, racist people had no qualms about the use of violence against black people in the U.S. who
would not "stay in their place," and "accommodationist" civil rights strategies had failed to secure
sufficient concessions for black people. As a result, as the Civil Rights Movement progressed,
increasingly radical, more militant voices came to the fore to aggressively challenge white

4
In addition to SNCC, the other "Big Five" organizations of the civil rights movement were the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Urban League, the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference, and the Congress on Racial Equality.
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hegemony. Increasing numbers of black youth, particularly, rejected their elders' moderate path of
cooperation, racial integration and assimilation. They rejected the notion of appealing to the
public's conscience and religious creeds and took the tack articulated by the famous Black activist
Fredrick Douglass, who, more than a century ago, wrote:
Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops without
plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without
the awful roar of its many waters. ...Power concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never
will.
The idea of Black Power exerted a significant influence. It helped organize scores of community
self-help groups and institutions that did not depend on Whites. It was used to force black studies
programs at colleges, to mobilize black voters to elect black candidates, and to encourage greater
racial pride and self-esteem.
Some major social movements achieved rights for various subordinated groups in the Western
world. There were mass movements for the recognition and introduction of Human Rights in the
East as well.
In late nineteenth century Russia, concern for the rights of peasants and workers resulted in the
formation of social democratic and communist political parties; the latter took power in 1917. In
parts of the Arab world, indigenous feminist movements pressured for equal rights with men. In
the mid-twentieth century, all over the colonized world indigenous nationalist elites drew heavily
on the emerging international principles of human rights, demanding, over the objections of
colonial powers, that the UDHR protect the human rights of subjects in colonies as well as citizens
in the colonizing powers. Shamed by evidence that they were promoting double standards, but also
threatened by militant and costly independence wars in such countries as Malaysia, Indonesia,
Algeria and Kenya, most of the European powers acceded to colonies independence by the early
1960s.
ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA
The iconic struggle between the apartheid regime of South Africa and those who resisted it
illustrates the complexity of some cases of civil resistance. Originally the use of civil resistance
against apartheid was based on Gandhian ideas, which originated in South Africa in 1906 where
Gandhi was a lawyer working for an Indian trading firm. Soon the African National Congress (ANC),
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founded in 1912, became the major force opposing the apartheid systems oppression of the 80%
non-European population of the country. Using mostly legal tactics of protest during its first four
decades, the ANC became more militant in the early 1950s and began using nonviolent direct
action.
White South Africans (Afrikaners) monopolized control over the state and the economy, including
rich natural resources such as a third of the worlds known gold reserves. The Afrikaners developed
an explicit theology and philosophy of white racial superiority and a legal and economic system
enforced by a modern military and police force that deliberately excluded nonwhites from
economic and political power. Nevertheless, the system became increasingly reliant upon nonwhite
labor and isolated from international diplomacy and trade.
Discouraged about the lack of results from their nonviolent campaign, Nelson Mandela and others
called for an armed uprising, creating the Umkhonto We Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) that
paralleled the nonviolent resistance. That, too, failed to tear down the apartheid system, and in the
end a concerted grassroots nonviolent civil resistance movement in coalition with international
support and sanctions forced the white government to negotiate.
On 17 March 1992 two-thirds of South Africas white voters approved a negotiated end of the
minority regime and the apartheid system. Nelson Mandela was elected as the President of the new
South Africa in the first free elections by the entire population.
JAYAPRAKASH NARAYANS SAMPOORNA KRANTI
Jayaprakash Narayan launched a major agitation against the growing authoritarianism of Mrs.
Indira Gandhi. A large number of prominent liberals and humanists came together with radicals in
1975 to form the first national human rights organisation, the People's Union for Civil Liberties and
Democratic Rights (PUCLDR). Within a few months, a series of political developments helped
consolidate the scattered concerns for the rights of the poor and oppressed on the one hand and for
the issues agitating middle class dissidents on the other. The announcement of the Emergency on
June 26, 1975 proved to be a supremely catalytic event. With the imprisonment and ostracism of
intellectuals and political activists, the national consciousness was stirred and new meaning infused
in the Indian understanding of democracy. In an effort to stifle dissent, thousands were imprisoned,
some' for the entire period. The press was gagged, and a host of new legislations severely restricted
both traditional and nascent challenges to the centralisation of power; namely, the rise of a
vigorous literature of dissent, in some cases through the politicisation of influential journals. But, as
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the latter picked up, and the Emergency moved nervously into its second year, the Centre cracked
down further, delivering a serious setback to the activities of human rights organizations. It was at
this point that the public stood as one to protest against the arrest of Jayaprakash Narayan.
Some significant advances marked this period the rise of both investigative journalism and public
interest litigation, in addition to some important socioeconomic gains by the more radical groups
working among the landless and the tribal.
It was during this mass agitation when Jayaprakash Narayan gave his famous speech where he gave
the slogan Singhasan chhodo, Janata aati hai.
THE MOVEMENT FOR RIGHT TO INFORMATION IN INDIA
To intensify the process of paradigm shift from state centric to citizen centric model of
development the Right to Information Moment in India came into existence in 1990s by resolving a
major contradiction between the Colonial Acts, which prevents access to information and the post-
independent Indian Constitution, which recognizes the seeking information as a fundamental right
to promote transparent, accountable, responsible, participatory and decentralized democracy. As a
result of grassroots movement for the Right to Information to combat the corruption, well informed
citizens and to promote the Good Governance, the state has responded in the form of Right to
Information Act 2005. With the introduction of the Right to Information Act 2005 the Colonial
Acts such as the official Secrets Act, Indian Evidence Act and the Civil Service Code of Conduct Rules,
which contain provisions that restrict the Fundamental Right to Information as ensured to the
citizens in the Constitution have become irrelevant.
DALIT RIGHTS MOVEMENT
Over one-sixth of Indias population, approximately 170 million people, live a precarious existence,
shunned by much of Indian society because of their rank as untoucha- bles or dalitliterally
meaning broken peopleat the bottom of Indias caste system. Dalits are discriminated against,
denied access to land and basic resources, forced to work in degrading conditions, and routinely
abused at the hands of police and dominant-caste groups that enjoy the states
protection.Beginning in the 1920s, various social, religious and political movementsrose up in India
against the caste system and in support of the human rights of the dalit community. In 1950, the
Constitution of India was adopted, and largelydue to the influence of Dr B.R. Ambedkar (chairman
of the ConstitutionalDrafting Committee), it departed from the norms and traditions of the
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castesystem in favour of justice, equality, liberty and fraternity, guaranteeing all citi-zens basic
human rights regardless of caste, creed, gender or ethnicity. Theimplementation and enforcement
of these principles has, unfortunately, been anabysmal failure. Despite the fact that untouchability
was abolished under Indias constitution in 1950, the practice of untouchabilitythe imposition
of social disabilities on persons by reason of their birth in certain castesremains very much a part
of India. Dalit movements have kept caste oppression in public view. Moving beyond
untouchability, which persists in virulent forms, the movement has had to con-tend with increasing
violence against dalits even as dalits refuse to suffer insilence, or as they move beyond the roles
allotted to them in traditional castehierarchy. The growth of caste armies in Bihar, for instance, is
one manifestation. The scourge of manual scavenging has been brought into policy and the law
campaigns; there have been efforts to break through public obduracy
in acknowledging that untouchability exists. In the meantime, there are efforts by groups working
on dalitissues to internationalise deep discrimination of caste by influencing the agenda of the
World Conference against Racism.











CONCLUSION

In todays world citizens of democratic countries like the USA, England, India, France and others
cannot imagine a life without the variety of rights guaranteed to them by the State.
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The Rights enjoyed by the workers in their work places is due to the mass struggle of the workers
working in industries and factories of newly industrialized Europe almost two centuries ago. The
equality between the African-Americans and the Whites in the United States is marked by a series
of Human Rights movements, mass struggles and violent protests that took place in the USA for
many long years due to the combined efforts of leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X.
Similarly, the peaceful coexistence of all races in South Africa is due to the Anti-Apartheid
movements that continued for more than 100 years.
All the human rights guaranteed to us today are a result of social movements demanding these
rights. Even today, there are social movements taking place across the world demanding rights for
the citizens. One of the examples is the India Against Corruption movement led by the charismatic
Baba Ramdev. Chinese citizens are increasingly rights-conscious and are challenging the authorities
over livelihood issues, land seizures, forced evictions, abuses of power by corrupt cadres,
discrimination, and economic inequalities which are due to the fact that China continues to be an
authoritarian one-party State. In Myanmar, the struggle against the Military Regime is continuing
with people, led by the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, demanding free and fair elections and a
democratic State that should guarantee them the Fundamental Rights which they are entitled to
receive.
The Human Rights enjoyed today by the citizens of a democratic country, have not just erupted out
of nothingness. There have been mass Social movements and struggle against the State to wrest
these rights from its grasp.








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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Internet Sources:
http://www.rtigateway.org.in/Documents/Articles/RTIMovementinIndia-
DrEVenkatesuNIRD.pdf
http://www.liberalsindia.com/freedomfirst/ff452-01.html
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/119368/American-civil-rights-movement
http://www.wlu.ca/documents/50528/gibney_sage_dr7_SuBMITTED_feb_22_2012.pdf
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Power
http://www.ncdhr.org.in/resources/publications/ndmj/UPR_Caste_Based_Discrimination
%2C_India_2012.pdf
Articles Referred:
Howard-Hassmann, Rhoda E., Social Change and Human Rights.
Stammers Neil, Social Movements and the Social Construction of Human Rights, Human
Rights Quarterly Vol.21
Kothari, Smitu, The Human Rights Movement in India: A Critical Overview.
Kurtz, Lester, The Anti-Apartheid Struggle in South Africa (1912-1992)
Patel, Vibhuti Social Change, 40, 4 (2010): 459477