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People with Disabilities in Virtual Worlds: Not Just a Game!

Fern Delamere (Concordia University) Celebration of Life

Introduction
The growth in new technologies has increased computer mediated leisure participation.
The popularity of digital games is one such example, with people spending a significant portion
of their discretionary time engaged in digitally mediated play (Bryce & Rutter, 2003; ESA, 2013;
Taylor, 2009). It becomes increasingly difficult to ignore the centrality of online play in
contemporary society (Mayra, 2008) nor the cultural and social importance of this leisure activity
(Wolf, 2001). As a context for research, virtual worlds of play have begun to garner significant
attention (Mennecke et al., 2008). The social interactivity inherent in digitally mediated play in
virtual worlds and the communal sense of place they provide is appealing for many participants.
The beneficial aspects of virtual worlds are believed to hold added significance for people with
disability related restrictions. Yet, there has been little research focused on the role of virtual
worlds for people with disabilities (Stendal, 2012).
The purpose of this exploratory study was to better understand the meaning and valuation
of the virtual world Second Life (SL) for participants who are disabled. Virtual worlds as
described by Bell (2008) are synchronous and persistent (always available) online networks of
people represented as avatars. The avatar is an embodied representation of self that the player
uses to play, perform, create socialize and explore graphically rich 3D environments. While
online spaces and digital play in virtual worlds are not without participation barriers for people
with disabilities (Trewin, Laff, Cavender, & Hanson, 2008), they do offer those who are
involved an ease of accessibility that many leisure activities do not (Anderberg & Jonsson,
2005). The limited research to date does indicate that virtual worlds have important things to
offer people with disabilities, including psychological benefits (Gilbert, Murphy, Krueger,
Ludwig, & Efron, 2013). As Zielke, Roome, and Krueger (2009) report, the virtual world of SL
allow participants with disabilities to experience control over their environment and success in
activities often inaccessible to them (p. 5). According to Smith (2012), SL acts as a form of
augmented reality where users can transcend their physical and cognitive challenges, often to
great therapeutic benefit (Smith, 2012). For many people with disabilities, virtual worlds serve
them in ways that go beyond just a game people play (Smith, 2009). The virtual world of SL
has been shown to have a positive impact on the quality of life of people with disabilities
(Anderberg & Jonsson, 2005; Stendal, Munkvold, Molka-Danielsen, & Balandin, 2013). One
research study determined that quality of life factors such as social participation, independence,
and sense of well-being increased as a result of participation in SL (Stendal, et al., 2013).
Second life, has also been show to be a communal place for people with disabilities where the
development of social capital is fostered and a sense of community is found (Delamere, 2011).

Methods
Boellstorff, Nardi, and Taylor (2012) highlight ethnography as a strong methodological
choice for the study of virtual worlds. This data is drawn from an ethnographic study of the
virtual world SL. The data consists of participant observation and interviews with 13 people over
an18 month period. A purposive sample was used and interviews were conducted with
individuals who self-identified as having a disability and had a stated interest to be interviewed
for the study. The data consists of publicly accessible chat logs, field notes, and research memos,
as well as, interview transcripts, private chat messages and screen shots of consenting
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participants. Participant observations were conducted in a variety of known spaces that are run
and operated by health and disability groups in SL. The majority of the interviewed participants
were from North America (10 American, 1 Canadian) and 2 from the UK. The age range of those
interviewed was 22-66 and the average age was 41.5 years. The majority of the interview
participants (10) had a physical disability (paraplegic, stroke, multiple sclerosis, cancer,
amputation, and cerebral palsy), one person was deaf and two identified mental health
(depression and bi-polar) as their primary disability. Interpretive methods were employed and
data analysis was guided using grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). As such, ideas and
concepts related to the participants understanding and meaning of virtual worlds were coded
(using an open, axial, and selective coding process) with emergent themes developing.

Findings
Participants in this study were involved in a range of leisure activities, social events and
learning opportunities available through SL. The findings highlight the importance and the value
of virtual world activities for people with disabilities in SL. The following themes emerge as
salient aspect of their involvement.

Expanding Social Relations and Building Close Bonds
Participants recognized the capacity of virtual worlds to expand their social lives and create
strong friendships and lasting social bonds. Many had acknowledged important social
relationships outside of SL, but also highlighted restrictive access to developing broader social
relations. L.S. speaks poignantly about this, you know, I dont consider SL to be a game. For me,
I view it as a lifeline to me and others who I know in SL. We are confined to our home and here
we can participate in so many different social activities. We all went on the cruise ship the other
day, had a blast! In addition, there was an understanding by some that the sociality of play took
on increased significance for them in comparison with non-disabled participants. As G.S. states,
I dont think that disabled and non-disabled peoples reason for coming to play in SL differ
much, its fun! However, I think the reason for staying in SL does differ. The social benefits for us
are so overwhelmingly huge! One participant who is deaf emphasized how SL expanded her
social world extensively and that the text based form of communication used at the time levelled
the playing field as a communication equalizer. It was also emphasized by participants and
evident through research observations that the relations built and the activities engaged in were
not trivial or meaningless, for them these were real and tangible social relations. J.F., who
created a photo gallery in SL, expressed this best; It took a while, but then I realized that my
online social life was a REAL social life. That the virtual SL is in fact very real when it comes to
human interaction and creative expression.

Communities of Support (Formal and Informal)
This research indicates that the health and disability spaces in SL are well developed
communities of support. The support is enacted in both formal and informal ways. Formal
structures include organized educational events, conferences, illness specific support groups, and
talks focused on disability specific issues (e.g. obtaining Security and Disability Insurance and
managing cancer treatment). There are also informal supports founded in the developed networks
of people in SL and the friendships built within them. G.S notes, I think it is important to
recognize the depth and diversity of peer support for people with disabilities in SL. I know of 80
different groups, the variety is stunning. N.B. supports the importance of this, SL provides an
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opportunity to build a circle of support and an opportunity for personal growth. E.M. places the
emphasis on sharing success as evidence of such support, the great thing about Virtual Ability is
the community aspect. We all support each others successes. These and other examples give
evidence to the sense of community that is built in SL for people with disabilities. As C.M.
highlights, I went looking for help with my own disabilities. What I found wasnt people who
needed help or people who could help, but instead people helping each other!

Sense of Purpose and Therapeutic Use
For many, SL provided a sense of purpose and belonging in real and concrete ways. The
inclusive culture of SL allowed individuals to take on purposeful roles and responsibilities that
they found rewarding. While the activities are not in and of them self inconsequential, it was the
valued meaning attached to them that is so salient. There was a real sense of accomplishment and
contribution for many. The volunteer work in the disability and health is one such example but it
expands beyond this. As B.L. succinctly talks about his volunteer work, without SL I would not
have had the opportunity to help people that I have. It has provided me a way to contribute back
to society. Another participant was proud to help education nursing student through his volunteer
participation with University classes conducted in SL. J.L also discusses how gratifying it is to
own a business and start a foundation that assists other people with disabilities to flourish. J.L.:
we transcend obstacles here, SL emboldens me to do things, I have the confidence, and the
success I have is very gratifying. In addition finding meaning and purpose, there was also an
acknowledged use of SL for specific therapeutic goals. As M.K., who recently had a stroke,
humorously explains: SL has been an exceelent way for me to have cognitive retraining, sorry
typos lol. I need more treaining it seems ;0. J.L., who also had a stroke acknowledged the
therapeutic value of SL for him. He is very active in this virtual world running a web radio show
that he streams into SL every day of the week. As he describes it, for mmme its basically my
own therapy, it makes me money but, its umm it gets me up every morning and I do the show
because it is basically my form of physical therapy and cognitive exercise. For many participants
SL is not considered an alternate life, rather it is an enmeshed part of their life.

Discussion
As a spatial, temporal, and social location virtual worlds hold substantive socio-cultural
meaning and value for individuals with disabilities who participate in them. This study indicates
that people with disabilities found a sense of freedom, important social relations, community
support, purposeful involvement and therapeutic benefits from their involvement in SL. While
SL is a playful and fun activity, the utility and benefits of play involvement take on an
instrumental role that makes it more than just a game for people with disabilities. These
findings support the small body of literature on disability and virtual worlds. As a leisure past-
time, virtual worlds provide a sense of community and specific social affordances that enhance
participants perceived quality of life in what are very real and tangible ways (Smith, 2012;
Stendal et al., 2013). This body of research exposes the benefits of virtual worlds for those
participating in them. While these benefits are evident, persons with disabilities involvement is
not without issue. There is a recognized need, to also explore and understand the barriers
(economic, social, individual) and challenges related to universal design issues for those who
want to participate but cannot.


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References
Anderberg, P., & Jonsson, B. (2005). Being there. Disability & Society, 2(7), 719-733.
Bell, M. (2008). Towards a definition of "virtual worlds". Journal of Virtual Worlds Research,
1(1), 1-5.
Boellstorff, T., Nardi, B., Pearce, C., & Taylor, T. (2012). Ethnography and virtual worlds: A
handbook of method. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Press.
Bryce, J., & Rutter, J. (2003). Gender dynamics and the social and spatial organization of
computer gaming. Leisure Studies, 22(2), 1-15.
Delamere, F. (2011). Second Life as a digitally mediated third place: Social Capital in virtual
world communities. In G. Crawford, V. Gosling & B. Light (Eds.), Online gaming:
Production, play & sociality London, Uk: Routledge.
ESA. (2013). Sales, demographic and usage data: Essential facts about the computer and video
game industry Retrieved August, from Entertainment Software Association.
http://www.theesa.com/facts/pdfs/ESA_EF_2013.pdf
Gilbert, R., Murphy, N., Krueger, A., Ludwig, A., & Efron, T. (2013). Psychological benefits of
participation in three-dimensional virtual worlds for individuals with real-world
disabilities. International Journal of Disability, Development, and Education, 60(3), 208-
224.
Mayra, F. (2008). Mapping global game cultures: Issues for a sociocultural study of games and
players. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 11(2), 249-257.
Mennecke, B., McNeill, D., Ganis, M., Roche, E., Bray, D., Konsynski, B., & Lester, J. (2008).
Second Life and other virtual worlds: A roadmap for research. Communications of the
Association for Information Systems, 22(20), 371-388.
Smith, K. (2009). The use of virtual worlds among people with disabilities. Paper presented at
the 24th Annual International Technology & Persons with Disabilities Conference, March
16-21. Los Angeles. Retrieved August 4, 2009 from http://www.anikto.com/csun09/.
http://www.anikto.com/csun09/
Smith, K. (2012). Universal life: The use of virtual worlds among people with disabilities.
Universal Access in the Information Society, 11, 387-398.
Stendal, K. (2012). How do people with disability use and experience virtual worlds and ICT: A
literature review. Journal of Virtual Worlds Research, 5(1), 873-882.
Stendal, K., Munkvold, B., Molka-Danielsen, J., & Balandin, S. (2013). Social affordances for
people with lifelong disability through using virtual worlds. Paper presented at the 46th
Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS), Hawaii.
http://www.computer.org/csdl/proceedings/hicss/2013/4892/00/4892a873.pdf
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for
developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Taylor, T. (2009). The assemblage of play. Game and Culture, 4(4), 331-339.
Trewin, S. M., Laff, M. R., Cavender, A., & Hanson, V. L. (2008). Accessibility in virtual
worlds. 26th Annual Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems: Art, Science,
Balance Retrieved January 22, 2009 from http://portal.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1358752
Wolf, M. (2001). The medium of the video game. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Zielke, A., Roome, C., & Krueger, A. B. (2009). A composite adult learning model for virtual
world residents with disabilities: A case study of the virtual ability second life island.
Journal of Virtual Worlds 2 (1), from https://journals.tdl.org/jvwr/article/view/417/461

5

Qualitative Data Collection Methods for Novice Humanist Researchers
Lisbeth A. Berbary (University of Waterloo)

With the desire to provide novice qualitative researchers with a plan of action, a
methodological a priori, and an underlying framework for design, my doctoral student, Jessika
Boles and I pulled from the writings of Crotty (1998) and Lather and St. Pierre (2005) to create
an eight-point scaffolding of philosophical and practical research decision points (Berbary &
Boles, in revision). This scaffolding is grounded in humanist notions of qualitative research,
which Lather (2013) described as Qual 1.0the conventional interpretive inquiry that emerged
from the liberal humanism of sociology and cultural anthropology, Qual 2.0the centered,
disciplined, regulated, and normalized inquiry of qualitative handbooks, textbooks, and
journals that remains within the humanist enclosure (p. 635). Many researchers have shifted
toward more post-humanist qualitative endeavors based on critiques of humanisms focus on
linear progression, meta-narratives, binary structure, stable identities, and preservation of Truth.
However, for the novice researcher it is relevant to first understand humanist traditions and
humanist research design because they are the starting point for all re-interpretations of
qualitative research. Therefore, this scaffolding remains grounded within these more humanist
traditions and can be used to construct an aligned, yet fluid research design for Qual 1.0 and 2.0.
Included in this scaffolding are the following eight components and their potentials, although one
need not begin in a specific order as long as each decision point is considered during research:

1. Ontology: How we are [realism, radical ontology
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, materialist ontology, etc.]
2. Epistemology: How we know what we know [objectivism, constructionism,
subjectivism, and/or a critique of epistemological projects etc.]
3. Theory: Ideas with which to think about content, methodology, and analysis
[post-positivism, interpretivism, critical theories, deconstructive theories, mid-level
theories, etc.]
4. Methodology: Rationale for methods [grounded theory, phenomenology, case study,
action research, ethnography, narrative inquiry, autoethnography, post-methodology,
etc.]
5. Data and Methods of Collection: Content and/or collection procedures [non-
participant observation, participant observation, interviews (in-depth, semi-structured,
unstructured, life story, personal narrative, photo-elicited, etc.), artifact collection,
document collection, journaling, dream data, creative endeavors, conversations,
materialities, etc.]
6. Analysis/implicit interpretation/emergences of sense: Procedure for seeing data,
implicit sense making, and/or thinking through theory [post-positivist coding,
traditional/categorizing, constant comparison/emergent, narrative re-storying,
rhizomatic, contextualizing, theoretical pluralism, data glow, etc.]

1
Post-humanist possibilities are included as potentials within the overarching components of our
scaffolding with the clear recognition that post-humanist work itself would dismantle such
categorized components and work outside of such structure. Such possibilities are included
within this scaffolding in order to show their possibility, and to help talk across paradigms by
showing where humanism might best make sense of them and by acknowledging their
potential humanist points of departure into new becoming.
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7. Representation/explicit interpretation/significances: How we re-present data,
explicit sense making to an audience, and/or becomings [post-
positivist/traditional/evidence-based/researcher-as-authority/de-
contextualized/fragmented/reductionist, narrative/creative analytic practice (found
poetry, fiction, creative non-fiction, ethno-screenplay, personal narrative, video,
performance, contextualized/overlapping, multiple/shows tensions, flattened logic,
assemblage, entanglement, mangle, unanswered questions, etc.]
8. Conclusions or non-conclusions back to theory/literature review or beyond: The
so what of the research

This three-hour pre-conference workshop will review the above scaffolding with a heavy
focus on the use of qualitative methods for data collection. Our workshop time together will be
broken down in the following way:

Hour 1: Review of the Qualitative Process
It is always necessary for methods of data collection to be situated within strong
scaffolding that deliberately aligns methodological choices based on ontological,
epistemological, and theoretical allegiances. Therefore, we will begin the first hour with a quick
overview of the qualitative research process as outlined by the above scaffolding in order to
better understand potential alignments. A brief review of how to connect epistemology, macro
social theory, methodology, methods, analysis styles, and representation choices for qualitative
projects will be presented, along with a discussion of writing concise purpose statements and
well-focused research questions.
To provide novice researchers with the opportunity to develop practical skills, the
remaining 2 hours of this workshop will specifically focus on step 5, Data and Methods of Data
Collection.

Hour 2: Preparing for Data Collection
For this second hour, we will explore various methods of data collection (non-participant
observation, participation observation, various types of interviews, and creative collection
methods), discuss what kinds of data each elicits, view examples, and learn about preparing for
the field. Specifics will be provided on moving from research questions to interview questions,
developing semi-structures and unstructured interview guides, taking overt observation notes,
and eliciting rich data stories through feminist interviewing techniques.

Hour 3: Practicing Data Collection Techniques
The final hour of this workshop will focus on putting into practice the data collection
methods that were previously discussed. Participants will practice interview skills and
observation skills through a variety of activities such as three-way interviews, observation
challenges, memory games, and interactive experiences.

References
Berbary, L. A., & Boles, J. C. (in revision). Eight reflection points: Re-visiting scaffolding for
improvisational inquiry. In revision with Leisure Sciences.
Crotty, M. (1998). The foundations of social research: Meaning and perspective in the research
process. London: Sage.
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Lather, P., & St. Pierre, E. A. (2005). Paradigms of social research. Classroom Handout.



Is It All About Me? An Autoethnographic Odyssey
Mark Havitz (University of Waterloo)

Leisure scholars have engaged in discourse ranging from method to ontologies,drawn from
a multiplicity of fields, and studied a variety of environments in order to enhance understanding
of leisure. This inherent multiplicity gives rise to a number of questions: Are ourresearch
questions driven by the frameworks we have studied? Or should the question of interest drive the
method? How do researchers bracket themselves to understand how leisure has enhanced or
inhibited their well-being prior to researching others? How can this journey assist emerging and
current scholars in reflecting how their lens may influence our understanding people in Our New
Leisure Society? What can systematic personal introspection, linked to history, culture and
community, and spun into compelling narrative, contribute to better understandingOur New
Leisure Society and to the emergent leisure literature?
Autoethnography is an emergent research approach that attempts to make those
connections while privileging the vantage point of the author. Can autoethnographers make
contributions to method and to knowledge translation and exchange? Perhaps more than one
would think. Or does autoethnography just produce self-aggrandizing and (occasionally)
aesthetically pleasing text? And, if so, what is the value in that?

I propose a three-hour CCLR 14 pre-conference session devoted to exploration of the
above questions. It will include three components:
1. An hour devoted to reading an autoethnographic paper tentatively titled In the
Twilights of Their Lives.This paper will explore, from a critical feminist
perspective, evolving male social sporting worlds during the last have of the 20
th

Century and into the early 21
st
Century. In addition to me, principal characters
include my father and my university coach. Method and content underpinning that
paper is introduced at the end of this proposal.
2. How is autoethnography personal? The second hour will be devoted to small group
discussion and reporting of felt connections and life communalities between the
audience and points raised by the autoethnographer.As a primer, several questions
raised in recently presented or published leisure-focused autoethnographies may be
introduced (Botterill, 2004; Havitz, 2007, 2008, 2011):
a. Beyond use as a category of experience useful to tourism economists, Visiting
Friends and Relatives (VFR) has received very little exploration in the tourism
literature. What might autoethnographic examinations of VFR contribute to
advancing understanding of Our New Leisure Society?
b. Might autoethnography provide a research tool useful in repositioning our
field in the minds of general citizenry?
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c. Could autoethnography be important in broadening understandings of roles
physical activity and travel may play in stimulating and incubating innovative
ideas and concepts?
d. Can autoethnography illuminate potential roles of leisure, tourism,sport
participation and sport spectating in reproducing and challenging cultural
perceptions of gender and race?
To paraphrase Berbary and Boles (2013): As we think differently what notions of ourselves and
our beliefs do we maintain, reject, re-define, or recreate?

3. How is autoethnography political? The third hour will encourage participants to adapt
an outward orientation: What would they study? If re-told, how might their story
trouble or illuminate issues facing Our New Leisure Society?
In the Twilights of Their Lives
An introduction to the autoethnography used to guide the first hour of the pre-CCLR workshop
The role of cognitive development and socialization in the development of sport loyalty
has been established for some time. James (2001) noted that American children were capable of
forming team allegiances before starting Kindergarten. I was one of those boys. By September of
1962 I was an ardent supporter of Vince Lombardis Green Bay Packers and, closer to home,
literally considered myself an Escanaba Eskymo. After all, I was a student in that district. One of
a half-dozen still vivid memories of Kindergarten that fall involves a coloring assignment when
Mrs. Flemstrom asked us to draw something, perhaps an activity from the previous weekend or a
fun event in our lives. I chose a football game and can remember exactly where I sat in that
classroom as I struggled, using a bulky crayon, to draw accurate facemasks on the Eskymo
football players. Players in my drawing wore the appropriate orange and black, to be sure, but
my budding attempts at realism were frustrated by the fact that I had to use black for the
facemasks because the more accurate white crayon didnt show on white paper with which we
were provided. Little wonder I chose not to pursue art.
My journey into leisure studies can be traced directly to an intense early love of parks and
sport. I suppose that admission, with its attendant notions of causality, identifies me as post-
positivist. So be it; that worldview was the basis of my formal academic training and represents
my dominant research position over most of my 30-year to date career. But by itself that posture
is inadequate for exploring the complex depth of leisure and sport in society. Our 1965 move
from Escanaba, downstate to Lansing, expanded my team loyalty universe to anything associated
with the black and gold of the Waverly school district and the 40,000 student green and white
behemoth on the other side of town, Michigan State University. I took for granted that Spartan
football was the top team in the land and that the track team was also powerful. My family,
especially Dad and I, attended 30 to 50 sporting events per year, including virtually all home
high school football, basketball, and track and field contests, probably a third of those on the
road, and a smattering of baseball games. In addition, Dad and I would take in 10 or 12 like
events at Michigan State. If high school athletes were familiar, if not virtually accessible,
university athletes assumed a god-like aura. I especially identified with NCAA track champions
including Bob Casselman, Marshall Dill, Ken Popejoy, Gene Washington and Bill Wehrwein;
wing-footed warriors all, who seemed to defy basic tenants of physics and biology as they flew
around the oval. We always sat in the second deck of stands, which afforded a relatively unique
9

view from above as athletes momentarily disappeared from sight only to emerge on the opposite
side of the 1940-built arena. Primary coach of MSUs distance men was assistant coach Jim
Gibbard, a man with whom I would become intimately acquainted some ten years hence.
Responding to Johnsons (2013) call for more leisure scholarship on masculinity and
sexual identity in leisure studies (p.254), the first purpose of this session is to create and present
an autoethnographic narrative of my relationships with arguably the two most salient men in my
athletic and sports-heavy life journey; those being my father and my university coach. Written
using a critical feminist lens, which focuses on patriarchy, privilege and power, this narrative
also includes elements of social constructionism (Burr, 2003) while tracing the lives of two men
of similar early life background including the Great Depression, military service, and university
athletic participation; whose professional and personal lives and life philosophies assumed very
different trajectories as they entered their thirties and beyond only to, almost beyond explanation,
end up in relatively the same place. Freysinger et al. (2013) argued that critical constructionists,
including feminists, have come to see this approach as a way to bridge the divide between and
individualistic and a structuralist orientation to research . . . (p. 73). They later add that critical
constructionism incorporates critical theory and a structured view of power alongside notions of
socially constructed meanings (p. 544). This perspective is also appropriate given re-occurring
themes related to gender and race which permeated both Dads and Gibbs teaching and
coaching lives (Ellingson & Ellis, 2008).
Consistent with suggestions by Chang (2008) and Norris, Sawyer, and Lund (2012) this
autoethnography will draw on a plethora of available background material including photos and
records for Dads (and mine) and coach Gibbards families; over three dozen yearbooks
documenting athletic worlds of all three male protagonists; three decades of newspaper coverage,
ranging from the local State News to the New York Times; video testimonials recorded late in life
by both elder men; survey comments from several dozen former athletes, male and female; a
dozen interview transcripts; and athletic department records. These materials allow a tracing of
my relationships with these men spanning multiple decades to my middle age and their end-of-
life battles with dementia and cancer respectively. The autoethnography will be structured to
conform with Richardsons (2000) five evaluation criteria and contains rough edges and tender
moments spanning the gamut of emotions from frustration to elation (Ellis, 1999).

References and Influences
Berbary, L. A., & Boles, J.C. (in revision). Eight reflection points: Re-visiting scaffolding for
improvisational inquiry. In revision with Leisure Sciences.
Botterill, T. D. (2004). An autoethnographic narrative on tourism research epistemologies.
Society and Leisure, 26, 97-110.
Burr, V. (2003). Social constructionism (2
nd
ed.). East Sussex, UK: Routledge.
Chang, H. (2008). Autoethnography as method. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.
Ellis, C. (1999). Heartfelt autoethnography. Qualitative Health Research, 9, 669-683.
Ellingson, L., & Ellis, C. (2008). Autoethnography as constructionist project. In J. A. Holstein &
J. F. Gubrium (Eds.), Handbook of constructionist research (pp. 445-465). New York:
Guilford Press.
Havitz, M. E. (2007). A host, a guest, and our lifetime relationship: Another hour with Grandma
Havitz. Leisure Sciences, 29, 131-141. On-line narrative available at:
http://www.ahs.uwaterloo.ca/~mhavitz/grandma/presentation.html
10

Havitz, M. E. (2008, May). White store on a purple highway: Hanging out, growing up, and
fitting in with Grandpa Keefer. Presented at the Twelfth Canadian Congress on Leisure
Research (CCLR 12), Montreal, PQ.
Havitz, M. E. (2011, May). Trip of a lifetime: An autoethnographic retrospective on a life-
altering family vacation. Presented at the Thirteenth Canadian Congress on Leisure
Research(CCLR 13), St. Catherines, ON.
Norris, J., Sawyer, R. D., & Lund, D. (Eds.). (2012). Duoethnography: Dialogic methods for
social, health, and educational research. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press.
Richardson, L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography. Qualitative Inquiry, 6, 253-255.



Everything is More Intense: The Emotion Work of Delivering Leisure Experiences
Mandi Baker (Griffith University), Raphaela Stadler (University of Hertfordshire)

Introduction
Managers rely on employees' use of emotions to deliver positive leisure experiences. While
emotional labour, the management of ones emotion in order to achieve successful service
delivery (Hochschild, 1983), has been extensively researched in disciplines such as management
(Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002; Morris & Feldman, 1996), nursing (Mazhindu, 2003) and
psychology (Rustin, 2003), the embodied experience of emotional labour remains relatively
unexplored in leisure contexts. Leisure scholars have, for example, considered the measurement
of emotional labour (Chu & Murrmann, 2006), the correlation to organizational benefit (Van
Dijk, Smith, & Cooper, 2011) and costs (Constanti & Gibbs, 2005; Kim & Han, 2009) but a
critical analysis of how emotion labour is constructed and experienced remains under researched.
Moreover, the service of emotions in producing leisure experiences for others is implicit and
assumed in many workplaces. Emotions, therefore, need to be better understood as they are
experienced both in the production of leisure experiences for others and in the effects they have
on employees wellbeing.
Our research problematizes the assumed nature of emotional labour and makes visible the
nature of emotions at work in providing leisure experiences. Drawing on post-structural notions
of self (Weedon, 2004), we argue that employees experiences of emotion are multiple,
fragmented and, at times, contradictory. Thus we utilize the term emotion work, rather than
emotional labour, to conceptualize a more nuanced and complex understanding of embodied
experiences of emotions at work. Taxing emotion work can result in burn-out, fatigue, and
negative personal/social experiences for individuals and has implications for retention and
employee satisfaction for employers (Grandey, 2003; Kim & Han, 2009). Therefore recruiting,
managing, and maintaining quality employee performance is reliant on understanding of how
emotion work is experienced by staff. We argue that reflexive management practices need to be
employed in order to support emotionally healthy and sustainable leisure workforces.

Methods
We have chosen a qualitative case study approach because it allows exploration of
individuals and organizations and the complex relationships of these within their respective
contexts (Yin, 2009), it recognizes the subjective human creation of meaning and pluralism of
experience (Crabtree & Miller, 1999, p. 10) and makes it possible to better understand
11

participants experiences especially when boundaries of a phenomenon are unclear (Baxter &
Jack, 2008, p. 545). This approach acknowledges a post-structural framing of the multiplicity of
embodied experience and the construction of knowledge. The researchers reflexively engaged
with multiple layers of meaning and meaning making processes (Stronach, Garrat, Pearce, &
Piper, 2007) by drawing on 66 in-depth interviews (38 camp and 28 music festival), field notes
and auto-ethnographic accounts of working in the respective leisure spaces to weave together a
critical research narrative about emotion work.
While a community music festival in Queensland, Australia and summer camps in Ontario,
Canada differ in many ways (genealogically, business objectives, etc.), these cases were chosen
based on the shared characteristics of liminal leisure delivery spaces that were shaped by the
emotion work expected and performed by employees. The leisure spaces considered for this
article are unique in that they were both temporary communities focussed on the production of
pleasurable leisure experiences for others. In both cases, employees were required to work within
close-knit staff teams for short periods of time (approximately 1-2 months) with long work hours
and unusual tasks. The commonalities and differences of the cases analysed in this study, offered
ruptures (Foucault, 1982) to the assumed positive and beneficial employment experiences of
those working to deliver recreational and leisure experiences to others (Guerrier & Adib, 2003).
A number of sampling techniques were employed for each case (e.g. convenience, purposive,
and snowball) to generate and select a pool of camp and festival employee interview participants
(Neuman, 2006). Interviews were transcribed and were coded manually at an initial stage and
then again using NVivo software for more complex and detailed analysis. The data were
analysed for themes as well as discursive practices that illustrate how the emotion work of
employees roles were experienced and how these are shaped by discourses. An instrumental
multi-case study methodology (Stake, 1995) was employed to provide insight into an issue and
where the case plays a supportive role in facilitating an understanding of something else
(Baxter & Jack, 2008, p. 549).

Findings
The findings suggest that both cases were delineated by certain social, emotional and even
geographic parameters that made them unique leisure production and consumption spaces. They
both contained elements of suspended reality by employees being (physically) removed from
their everyday lives and plunging them into a new but temporary reality. Employees level of
commitment to delivering the benefits of festival or camp experiences acted as a focal and
unifying agent (Sharpe, 2005). The boundaries between work and leisure became blurred, adding
to an unconventional employment experience. While summer camp employees called this the
bubble and festival staff members spoke of the family, Turner refers to experiences of anti-
structure, like these, as communitas (Turner, 1994). Interview participants from both cases stated
that their employment experiences were rich and fulfilling and created powerful experiences of
belonging. Experiences of communitas, or in this case intense working communities, are not
always positive as is often assumed for those delivering leisure or recreational experiences to
others (Guerrier & Adib, 2003). According to Olaveson, a very intense social life always does a
sort of violence to the individuals body and mind and disrupts their normal functioning. This is
why it can last for only a limited time (Olaveson, 2001, p. 100). Interview participants made
statements about experiences exhaustion and/or being emotionally drained and the reason why
some staff left early or didnt enjoy their employment experiences as much as they expected.
From our analysis, we found three themes that illustrated the complexities and added to the
12

intensity of leisure service delivery experiences; social demands, emotion work expectations
and geographic liminality.

Social Demands
Relationships in these environments are emotionally porous and intense. The stripping
away of familiar roles and statuses necessary for anti-structural reality in which communitas can
emerge makes participants vulnerable (Turner, 1994). Employees must find support in people
they have only just met and who are also embedded in the same social reality as they are
(Guerrier & Adib, 2003). This makes leisure employee spaces dangerous in a Foucauldian
sense. That is, camp or festival social life is not bad, in fact the pervasive attitude of acceptance
in both is highly revered, but individual vulnerability of employees cause their relationships to be
more intense or, as one interview participants said, fortissimo (Daniel, music festival) than
usual. People who have not had a camp or festival employee experience often underestimate this
aspect; I dont think people knowhow intense it is because you are living there, and you are
living in it (Terri, camp). Although this is anticipated by some, Ive heard that it gets really
really intense (James, camp) nothing prepares employees for the closeness that is developed.

Emotion Work Expectations
The strong emotional connections with others in communitas (Turner, 1994) was
unanimously assumed to be positive in both study populations. However several interview
participants described the social festival or camp environment as being intense in a negative
way. These statements referred to a kind of pressure that they felt about being expected to appear
positive and emotionally in-control at all times. For example a festival employee said,
We can't get emotional. We can't express our anxieties and we can't display our frustrations in front
of them [members of the community]. They are sometimes quite powerful emotions, ... And even
me. I mean, it wasn't quite working outand it just pushed my button. I had to go off in the dark
somewhere and swear a bit (laughs). As long as nobody could hear me (Daniel, music festival).

Geographic Liminality
Additionally, employees commented on the magnification of issues in such closed social
environments.
I think that a huge part of that is the fact that the camp community is usually, in a residential
setting, such a closed community that things that wouldnt be issues in other professions get
magnified because its such a tiny environment. in most professions you go home, have dinner,
go to a movie, talk to your friends and come back the next day and have a fresh perspective but at
camp, you stew about it and you get worried about it and it builds. when you live where you
work, you work a lot harder, and everything is more intense (Beth, camp).
With little time or options to be away from one another, camps and festivals become an
emotional pressure cooker for staff.

Discussion and Implications
Our examination of leisure employees embodied experiences illuminates possibilities for
rethinking the emotional expectations of these roles. By drawing on post-structural insights our
research considers the complex, multiple and contradictory nature of the emotion work embodied
in leisure provision and employee communitas (Turner, 1994) experiences. A post-structural
approach to leisure employment studies gives insight to how discourses and practices shape
13

emotion work experiences. The use of family and bubble analogies, for example, shed light
on discursive practices that shape and maintain certain expectations for employees experiences.
These camp and festival metaphors emphasize the nature of emotional relationships and
friendships in their respective environments. Camp and festival employees being far from their
home environments creates a kind of social and emotional vulnerability. Discourses of work
pleasure and benefits obscures the emotional demands of their roles and, we argue, makes it all
the more critical that managers engage reflexive management practices.
By making the emotion work of leisure service providers visible, camp managers and
festival organizers may address the intangible needs of staff rather than the mainly regulatory
approach currently taken in resolving management dilemmas. This research draws conclusions
for leisure administrators, managers and policy makers in order that they may engage in reflexive
management practices that support the emotion work of their employees (Frisby, 2005).
Furthermore, we provide managers with in-depth understandings of the emotional demands on
their staff and with it the sensitive nature of individuals interpretation of the effects of these
experiences. This research supports recommendations for ground level applications in providing
optimal employment experiences and informs reflexive practices for policy design and
administration. More broadly, practitioners and stakeholders in the leisure industry can draw
relevant insights on supportive and sustainable employment practices for employees emotion
work in other leisure service provision roles.

References
Baxter, P., & Jack, S. (2008). Qualitative case study methodology: Study design and
implementation for novice researchers. The Qualitative Report, 13, 544-559.
Brotheridge, C. M., & Grandey, A. A. (2002). Emotional labor and burnout: Comparing two
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Mazhindu, D. M. (2003). Ideal nurses: The social construction of emotional labour. European
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Yin, R. K. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods (Vol. 5). Sage.



Assessing Visitors Satisfaction at Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site
Maria Banyai (George Brown College)

Introduction
Visitors experience has come to the attention of Parks Canada Agency as one of the most
important aspects of visitation, providing Canadians with opportunities to learn and connect to
various natural and historic national sites. While various site attributes have been recognized in
previous studies to be important elements influencing visitors overall satisfaction with their
experiences (Herrick & McDonald, 1992; Meng, Tepanon, & Uysal, 2008) , Riscinto-Kozub, and
Van Hyfte (2010) argue that little work has been undertaken aimed at defining the satisfaction
construct in nature-based settings and those forces that make a real difference in evaluating
overall satisfaction... (p.142). Existing research (e.g., Alegre & Cladera, 2006; Fuller &
Matzler, 2008) suggests that satisfaction with specific dimensions of a place influences overall
satisfaction with the place. Previous research also shows that visitors satisfaction in natural
settings is influenced by quality of interpretation and opportunity to learn through interpretation
(Hwang et al., 2005; Moscardo & Woods, 1998). Repeat visitation has been considered to be an
influential factor in tourists likelihood to recommend the destination and in their overall
satisfaction with the site visits (Oppermann, 2000; Pritchard, 2003). Huh and Uysal (2003) found
that gender influenced visitors overall satisfaction, and age was also found to be a significant
factor affecting visitors overall satisfaction (Francken & Van Raaij, 1979 as cited in Andriotis,
15

Ajiomirgianakis, & Mihiotis, 2008). This study addresses the gap in literature related to
satisfaction research in nature-based settings. It is hypothesized that visitors overall satisfaction
with visits to Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site is influenced by their
satisfaction with site attributes, their perceived importance of interpretation to learning, their age
and gender, and visitation pattern.

Literature Review
Limited research has addressed visitors satisfaction in nature-based settings (Naidoo,
Ramseook-Munhurrun, & Seegoolam, 2011). Noe and Uysal (1997) found that at historical
attractions, visitors satisfaction was more dependent on instrumental factors such as restrooms
and shelters; while at those sites designed for outdoor recreation, overall satisfaction was highly
dependent on expressive elements such as camping and swimming. This was confirmed by
Tonge and Moores (2007) who found visitors satisfaction at marine parks was highly
associated with access to, smell and conditions of the Swan River, the presence of dogs and
places to park attributes; while lower levels of satisfaction were associated with cyclists,
information signs and litter (p. 772). The main factors influencing visitor satisfaction with two
national parks in Tanzania were found to be friendliness of guides and group harmony for
Kilimanjaro National Park visitors, while visitors to Serengeti National Park were satisfied with
the knowledge and friendliness of the guides and with the group harmony. Regarding
interpretation services, researchers agree that the interpretation provided at tourism sites is an
essential component of the tourist experience, affecting visitors overall satisfaction (Poria,
Reichel, & Biran, 2006). Hwang et al. (2005) argue that interpretation in a natural park setting
plays an important role in visitors perception of service quality, and thus satisfaction. Lastly,
satisfaction can also be influenced by tourists demographic characteristics and past experience
(Woodside & Lysonski, 1989). In their study on tourists satisfaction with Mallorca, Spain,
Kozak and Rimmington (2000) found that tourists between the ages of 15 and 24 years old were
more likely to be satisfied with all attributes of the destination than other age categories. Huh and
Uysal (2003) found that overall satisfaction varies depending on gender. Their findings were
similar to those of Qu and Li (1997) who found that Mainland Chinese male visitors to Hong
Kong were more satisfied than female tourists. Moreover, Baloglu et al. (2003) found that repeat
visitors scored higher on satisfaction then first-time visitors. Also, Fallon and Schofield (2004),
in their investigation of UK first-time versus repeat visitor satisfaction with Orlando, Florida,
found that those who were repeat visitors rated all destination attributes significantly higher than
first-time visitors.

Methodology
In the summer of 2011, the Parks Canadas Visitor Information Program (VIP)
questionnaire was use at Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site to gather visitor
information. A total of 1464 were handed out, of which 797 were completed and returned,
resulting in approximately 74% response rate. The composite measures of visitors overall
satisfaction, their satisfaction with site-specific attributes, as well as their perceived importance
of interpretation to learning were measured on a 5-point scale, where 1 is not at all satisfied
and 5 is very satisfied. Visitors were also asked to indicate their year of birth and their gender.
Repeat visitation has been examined in terms of respondents being first-time visitors, or repeat
visitors (based on them visiting this year, in the past years, or this year and past years).
16

Hierarchical multiple regression was used to examine the various relationships between the
studys variables and the influence of the independent variables on visitors overall satisfaction.

Findings
The average age of visitors to Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site was
47.50 years old, 56% of respondents were women and 44% were male. 81% of respondents have
visited the park in the past (n=619), while only 19% have never visited before (n=145). In terms
of the composite measure importance of interpretation to learning, respondents perceived
interpretation items as somewhat important to their learning of the site ( =3.75, SD=1.03,
n=202, =0.94). The composite measure of satisfaction with site-specific attributes reveals that
visitors were relatively satisfied with various site attributes ( =4.32, SD=0.53, n=267, =0.87).
Lastly, regarding the composite measure of overall satisfaction, visitors were generally satisfied
with their visit ( =4.32, SD=0.62, n=709, =0.86).
Results of the first step of the hierarchical multiple regression analysis revealed that age
and gender account for 3.8% of the total variance in respondents overall satisfaction with
Kejimkujik (R2 = .038). This amount of variance is statistically significant amount of the total
variance (F = 3.386, p <.05). While age is not a significant predictor of overall satisfaction
(=.071, p = .425), there was a significant effect of gender on overall satisfaction, with higher
levels of overall satisfaction being associated with being a female (gender being a binary variable
where males=0 and females=1) (=0.222, p<.05). In step two of the hierarchical multiple
regression, repeat visitation was added as a variable influencing overall satisfaction. A total of
3.3% of total variance being explained by the three variables (R2 = .033). However, this amount
of variance is not statistically significant (F= 2.394, p=.072). Although being female still makes
a significant independent contribution to overall satisfaction ( = .226, p <0.05), the inclusion of
repeat visitation in the second model decreases the significance of the three variables combined
in explaining variations in visitors overall satisfaction. However, in third step of analysis, with
the inclusion of importance of interpretation to learning and satisfaction with site-specific
attributes, a total of 46.3% of the variance in overall satisfaction is being explained (R2 = .463).
The inclusion of these constructs explained an additional 43% of variance in visitors overall
satisfaction ( R2=.428). A closer look at the results of step three reveals that only gender and
satisfaction with site-specific attributes make an independent contribution to the variance in
overall satisfaction ( = .153, p 0.05), ( = .694, p 0.001) respectively.

Discussion and Implications
Although the study did not show a significant effect of perceived importance of
interpretation on overall satisfaction, descriptive analysis revealed the equal importance of both
attended and unattended interpretation (Hwang et al, 2005). This study reveals that at
Kejimkujik, visitors perceive the self-guided learning through interpretive panels and self-guided
tours to be more important to their learning of the site. According to Herrick and McDonald
(1992), visitors to nature-based setting use the site characteristics to evaluate their overall
experience. Visitors to the site were most satisfied with the staffs ability to meet their needs and
expectations. Moreover, respondents satisfaction with the recreational activities was the highest
amongst the three types of activities. Noe and Uysal (1997) also found that in those sites
designed for outdoor recreation, overall satisfaction was highly dependent on expressive
elements such as camping and swimming. Crompton (2003) noted that in order for visitors to
reach a high satisfaction level with their experiences, both maintenance (i.e. restrooms, visitor
17

information) and motivator (activities, education programs) need to emerge as satisfiers. This
study does reveal that visitors satisfaction with the visitor centre is one of the top maintenance
factors leading to satisfaction. Repeat visitation was not found to significantly affect visitors
overall satisfaction at Kejimkujik. This is surprising given that previous research revealed that
past experiences lead to higher levels of satisfaction with the destination (Baloglu et al., 2003;
Kozak & Rimmington, 2000). However, at Kejimkujik, visitors age and gender were
significantly correlated with overall satisfaction. Thus, older visitors had higher levels of overall
satisfaction. The findings support previous empirical studies which showed that customer
satisfaction levels were higher with older age (Bryant & Cha, 1996). Regarding the effects of
gender, this study found that being a female explains a significant amount of variation in a
visitors overall satisfaction Kinnaird and Hall (1996) argue that a tourism experience is a
gendered realm where women leisure experience is highly dependent on the fact that they often
act as facilitators of others leisure. Given the nature of the site, it could be that overall
satisfaction for women is related to the success of their visitation plans, and their continuous
involvement in shaping the leisure experiences of the group/family.
This study presents a number of implications related to the study and management of
nature-based settings. Regarding the site attributes, park managers might want to focus on those
attributes which were deemed by respondents to be less than satisfactory. Park managers and
employees might want to pay more attention to the cleanliness of their washrooms, and the Wi-Fi
services provided. Furthermore, the interpretive programs offered at the site are important in
forwarding Parks Canadas agenda related to providing visitors with learning opportunities at
national sites (Jager & Sanche, 2010). Visitors perceived the musical concerts, and the festivals
and events at the site of neutral importance in their learning about Kejimkujik. Regarding
opportunities for future research, this study did not investigate visitors motivations, and their
length of stay at the site, both being variables identified by researchers to be important in
affecting visitors satisfaction (Meng, Tepanon, & Uysal, 2008; Neal, 2004). Lastly, more
qualitative approaches to the examination of satisfaction should be adopted to examine
satisfaction as it is experienced by the consumers, through their own voices (Fournier & Mick,
1999).

References
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Journal of Travel Research, 44, 288-297.
Andriotis, K., Agiomirgianakis, G., & Mihiotis, A. (2008). Measuring tourist satisfaction: A
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Baloglu, S., Pekcan, A., Chen, S., & Santos, J. (2003). The relationship between destination
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Fuller, J. , & Matzler, K. (2008). Customer delight and market segmentation: An application of
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season holiday destination. Journal of Travel Research, 38, 260-269.
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motivation: The case of a nature-based resort. Journal of Vacation Marketing, 14(1), 41-
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Moscardo, G., & Woods, B. (1998). Managing tourism in the wet tropics world heritage area. In
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satisfaction with nature-based tourism attractions. International Journal of Management
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of Travel Research, 27(4), 8-14.



Post-Qualitative Radical Ontology, Flattened Logic, and Material Becomings in Leisure
Research.
Lisbeth Berbary (University of Waterloo)

It is an exciting time for qualitative inquiry in the social sciences due to the current
movements geared toward innovative improvisational approaches, post-humanist re-deployments
of humanist traditions, and post-qualitative paradigm shifts. These ontological, epistemological,
and theoretically driven movements in qualitative inquiry become of particular relevance to our
field of Leisure Studies because of our long tradition of being at the forefront of qualitative
research methodologies. While many fields are still continuing efforts to legitimatize qualitative
work within their approaches to scholarship, our field has instead pushed the boundaries of
research to encompass much broader possibilities at a much faster pace. Looking at our journals
we see examples of theoretically driven methodological discussions (Parry, Johnson, & Stewart,
2013), special issues on creative analytic practices (Parry & Johnson, 2007), and rigorous
19

examples of innovative approaches and representations such as theoretically-grounded found
poetry (Yuen, Arai, & Fortune, 2012), fictional narratives (Dunlap, 2009; Johsnon & Samdahl,
2005; Glover, 2007), vignettes (Parry, 2007), autoethnographies (Axelsen, 2009; Havitz, 2007),
photo-discourse analysis (Mowatt, 2012), ethno-screenplay (Berbary & Johnson, 2012), and
beyond. Therefore, because Leisure Studies tends to be on the forefront of qualitative
movements and because we intend to remain there, we must continuously engage the
methodological conversations within which our research traditions ground themselves.
With the intention of contributing to such already strong qualitative traditions, in 2013 my
doctoral student and I proposed a scaffolding
2
sous erasure (Derrida, 1974) for humanist
qualitative research or what Lather (2013) might characterize as the humanist traditions of Qual
1.0, Qual 2.0, and Qual 3.0 (Berbary & Boles, in revision). Lather (2013) described these
traditions as Qual 1.0the conventional interpretive inquiry that emerged from the liberal
humanism of sociology and cultural anthropology, Qual 2.0the centered, disciplined,
regulated, and normalized inquiry of qualitative handbooks, textbooks, and journals that
remains within the humanist enclosure, and Qual 3.0inquiry that begins to use postmodern
theories to open up concepts associated with qualitative inquiry yet still remains within a more
structured, humanist, and defensive position (p. 635). Within these traditions, we found the
following scaffolding useful for novice researchers grounded within all three of these qualitative
moments. In particular our original scaffolding considered seven philosophical and practical
decision points used to construct an aligned, yet fluid research design that included the following
and their potentials, although one need not begin in a specific order as long as each decision
point is considered during research:

1. Epistemology: How we know what we know [objectivism, constructionism,
subjectivism, and/or a critique of epistemological projects etc.]
2. Theory: Ideas with which to think about content, methodology, and analysis
[post-positivism, interpretivism, critical theories, deconstructive theories, mid-level
theories, etc.]
3. Methodology: Rationale for methods [grounded theory, phenomenology, case study,
action research, ethnography, narrative inquiry, autoethnography, etc.]
4. Data and Methods of Collection: Content and/or collection procedures [non-
participant observation, participant observation, interviews (in-depth, semi-structured,
unstructured, life story, personal narrative, photo-elicited, etc.), artifact collection,
document collection, journaling, dream data, creative endeavors, conversations, etc.]
5. Analysis/implicit interpretation: Procedure for seeing data, implicit sense making,
and/or thinking with theory [post-positivist coding, traditional/categorizing, constant
comparison/emergent, narrative re-storying, rhizomatic, contextualizing, etc.]
6. Representation/explicit interpretation: How we re-present data, explicit sense
making to an audience, and/or becomings [post-positivist/traditional/evidence-
based/researcher-as-authority/de-contextualized/fragmented/reductionist,

2
We follow Derrida in putting scaffolding sous rature or under erasure in order to retain the
structure of qualitative research methodologyits structuring concepts and categoriesbecause
it appears necessary and, at the same time, cross it out because it is inaccurate yet must not be
fully rejected, but opened up (St. Pierre, 2011, p. 613)

20

narrative/creative analytic practice (found poetry, fiction, creative non-fiction, ethno-
screenplay, personal narrative, video, performance, contextualized/overlapping,
multiple/shows tensions, unanswered questions, etc.]
7. Conclusions or non-conclusions back to theory/literature review or beyond: The
so what of the research

At the time that we proposed this scaffolding, I had imagined that it would be useful for all
qualitative endeavors, even those that were more post-qualitative in nature. In particular, I was
convinced that epistemology was the most useful concept with which to ground our
approaches because one could easily situate their work within objectivism, constructionism, or
subjectivism. In fact, for years I had taught my qualitative students that while there were other
epistemological perspectives or ways of knowing how we know, these three epistemologies
could potentially be inclusive of most social theories ranging from post-positivism to post-
structuralism. Truthfully, I had been claiming a subjectivist epistemological perspective within
my own self-identified, post-structural feminist qualitative research endeavors believing that
meaning within post-structuralism was best represented by the subjectivist subject constituted
by discourse imposing meaning on an object. I recognized that post-structuralism itself was
situated outside of humanism and therefore showed the limitations of humanist notions of the
meta-narrative, transparent language, Cartesian binary structures, progress, linearity, foundations
of Truth(s); however, it never occurred to me that even the notion of a subjectivist epistemology
may itself be a humanist concept.
Luckily, as our above scaffolding was reviewed for publication, my student and I were
challenged to shift from Qual 3.0 into Qual 4.0an inquiry of becoming in the Deleuzian
sensethat cannot be tidily described in textbooks or handbooks and has no methodological
instrumentality to be unproblematically learned (Lather, 2013, p. 635). Qual 4.0 challenges the
representational logic of humanist research and rather than unproblematically accept the
epistemological project, instead forces its rejection as it shifts to ontological questions of being.
In particular, it was suggested that our scaffolding be re-worked to include ontology since
qualitative work within post-humanist traditions requires thinking ontologically, not
epistemologically as in traditional humanist endeavors.
Wanting to accept the challenge of reviewers, and with the intention of revising our
scaffolding, I began further reading into post-qualitative work, new feminist materialism, post-
humanism, and the philosophical writings of Deleuze. It was only through such reading that I
came to recognize the relevance of ontology for research as it shifts from Qual 1.0, 2.0, and
nascent Qual 3.0 towards a full position of Qual 4.0. In particular, after reading more post-
qualitative work, I find fault in our previous omission of ontology and reliance on
epistemological projects because it simply continues the problematic humanist tradition of
eclipsing ontology by what seemed to be urgent epistemological concerns in the last half of the
twentieth century (St. Pierre, 2013, p. 647). Ontology can no longer be ignored in scaffolding
for qualitative research because as we shift into Qual 3.0 towards 4.0 we must talk ontology if
we are to rethink qualitative research within post-humanist paradigms. In particular, within post-
qualitative research we find a complex, affirmative, experimental ontology of becomingthat
moves away from epistemology and representation (St. Pierre, 2013, p. 652). Therefore, while
up until now my own work has had little effect on the humanist underpinnings of qualitative
inquiry, chiefly because we have yet to shift and so problematically keep humanisms ontology
intact (St. Pierre, 2013, p. 649), my student and I now include ontology in our revised eight-
21

point qualitative scaffolding in order to highlight ontologys becoming relevance and to push the
field towards having those difficult ontological conversations that are often ignored or subsumed
under epistemology.

1. Ontology: How we are [realism, idealism, radical ontology, materialist ontology, etc.]

Yet shifting into a post-qualitative paradigm requires much more than a simple addition of
ontology to scaffolding for research. To play with the more radical ontologies of Qual 4.0 and its
methodology-to-come or a thousand tiny methodologies (Lather, 2013, p. 635), we must re-
visit even our scaffolding sous erasure to acknowledge how its reliance on more humanist
ontologies forces a rejection of or deconstruction of even our conception of such
methodological a priori scaffolding (Marcus, 2009, p.5). In fact, post-humanist research
requires an entire re-deployment of most qualitative concepts including the we of
ontology/epistemology, the use of theory as a lens or perspective, notions of data/data
collection/analysis, claims of subjectivity, belief in representational logic, and application of
structure, scaffolding, or the assumption of a researching doer behind the deed who outlines
the doing before she begins (Lather & St. Pierre, 2013, p. 630). It challenges us to re-define
depth/surface representations and to restore the material into the linguistic turn.
The intention then of this presentation is to create a space for thinking through the potential
uses, limitations, and possibilities-to-come regarding a shift into post-humanist, post-qualitative
research within Leisure Studies. What would such a shift mean for the ways in which we embark
on research? How would research look and how would it function within a post-qualitative
tradition? How does it re-deploy our taken-for-granted notions of humanist research? How
might a shift into Qual 4.0 be useful and/or detrimental to social justice oriented leisure
endeavors? And finally, what questions are left to ask and/or critiques are left to make as we
encourage new ontological and epistemological possibilities for our leisure research?

References
Axelsen, M. The power of leisure: I was an anorexic; Im not a healthy triathlete. Leisure
Sciences, 31(4), 330-346.
Berbary, L. A., & Johnson, C. W. (2012). The American sorority girl recast: An ethnographic
screenplay of leisure in context, Leisure/Loisir, 36(3-4), 243-268.
Crotty, M. (1998). The foundations of social research: Meaning and perspective in the research
process. London: Sage.
Derrida, J. (1974). Of grammatology (G.C. Spivak Trans.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press. (Original work published 1967).
Dunlap, R. (2009). Taking aunt Kathy to dinner: Family dinner as a focal practice. Leisure
Sciences, 31(5), 417-433.
Glover, T. D. (2007). Ugly on the diamonds: An examination of white privilege in youth
baseball. Leisure Sciences, 29(2), 195-208.
Havitz, M. E. (2007). A host, a guest, and our lifetime relationship: Another hour with grandma
Havitz. Leisure Sciences, 29(2), 131-141.
Johnson, C. W., & Samdahl, D. M. (2005). The night they took over: Misogyny in a country-
western gay bar. Leisure Sciences, 27(4), 331-348.
Lather, P. (2013). Methodology-21:What do we do in the afterward? International Journal of
Qualitative Studies in Education, 26(6), 634-645.
22

Lather, P., & St. Pierre, E. A. (2013). Introduction: Post-qualitative research. International
Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 26(6), 629-633.
Marcus, G. (2009). Notes toward an ethnographic memoir of supervising graduate research
through anthropologys decades of transformation. In J. Faubion & G. Marcus (Eds.),
Fieldwork is not what it used to be: Learning anthropologys method in a time of transition
(pp. 134). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Mowatt, R. A. (2012). Lynching as leisure: Broadening notions of a field. American Behavioral
Scientist, 56(10), 1361-1387.
Parry, D. C. (2007). There is life after breast cancer: Nine vignettes exploring dragon boat
racing for breast cancer survivors. Leisure Sciences, 29(2), 53-69.
Parry, D. C. & Johnson, C.W. (2007). Contextualizing leisure research to encompass complexity
in lived leisure experience: The need for creative analytic practice. Leisure Sciences, 29(2),
119-130.
Parry, D. C., Johnson, C. W., & Stewart, W. (2013). Leisure research for social justice: A
response to Henderson. Leisure Sciences, 35(1), 81-87.
St. Pierre, E. A. (2013). The posts continue: becoming. International Journal of Qualitative
Studies in Education, 26(6), 646-657.
St. Pierre, E. A. (2011). Post qualitative research: The critique and the coming after. In: Denzin
NK and Lincoln YS (Eds.,) The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research, 4th ed. Thousand
Oaks CA: Sage, pp.611-626.
Yuen, F., Arai, S., & Fortune, D. (2012). Community (dis)connection through leisure for women
in prison. Leisure Sciences, 34(4), 281-297.



Different Types of Sexual Risk-Takers Among Young Female Tourists
Liza Berdychevsky (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign), Heather Gibson (University of
Florida)

Sex and tourism historically go hand in hand (Bauer & McKercher, 2003; Littlewood,
2002). Indeed, tourism is associated with the geographical expansion of sexually transmitted
diseases (STDs) (Clift & Forrest, 2000), as sexual risk-taking (SRT) tends to be more prevalent
in tourism (Black, 1997). Researchers cite feelings of situational disinhibition, resistance to
social norms, anonymity, and liminality/liminoidity to explain SRT in tourism, both in terms of
the accelerated temporal progression of sexual relations and choice of sexual partners (Andriotis,
2010; Diken & Laustsen, 2004; Poria & Carr, 2010; Thomas, 2005). Discussions about the
consequences of SRT in tourism typically focus on STDs (Bloor et al., 2000; Clift & Forrest,
2000; Hart & Hawkes, 2000), while other potential physical, mental, social, and emotional
consequences emanating from SRT, both in steady and casual sexual relationships, have tended
to be ignored.
Gender relations are pivotal to understanding tourist experiences (Gibson, 2001),
particularly when the focus is on tourists sexual behavior as sex has been historically subject to
a host of taboos, prejudices, and silence (Foucault, 1976). Shedding light on womens sexual
behavior on vacation is important, as tourism often subdues sexual double standards and
provides women with opportunities for self-exploration and self-discovery (Berdychevsky et al.,
2013; Ragsdale et al., 2006). In addition to gender, a life span perspective is crucial to
23

understanding SRT (Carpenter & DeLamater, 2012), with the novice phase of early adulthood
(17-33 years) being the peak era for thrill-seeking, adventurousness, lack of commitments,
experimentation, and a sense of immortality (Gibson, 1996). This assumption and the Centers for
Disease Control and Preventions (2008) estimate that SRT in adolescence constitutes a priority
for public health in the US have guided the focus of this study on female college students and
SRT in tourism.
Personality characteristics, in addition to age and gender, are frequently explored with
respect to SRT, including the trait of sensation-seeking (Zuckerman, 1994, 2007). Considering
evidence of a relationship between sensation-seeking and SRT, Kalichman et al. (1994)
developed a scale to specifically measure sexual sensation-seeking (SSS). They operationally
defined SSS as the propensity to attain optimal levels of sexual excitement and to engage in
novel sexual experiences (p. 387). Sexual sensation-seeking was found to be consistently
related to various measures of SRT (Chng & Gliga-Vargas, 2000; Gaither & Sellbom, 2003;
Kalichman & Rompa, 1995). Therefore, the purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to explore
female college students perceptions of and motivations for SRT in tourism, and (2) to identify
different types of sexual risk-takers in tourism and their sensation-seeking profiles.

Methods
The study used a sequential mixed methods design, starting with a qualitative and
proceeding to a quantitative phase. A qualitative start with 15 in-depth, face-to-face, individual
interviews (1.5 - 2.5 hours each) was essential to approach this topic inductively, however, only
quantitative results are reported here. The survey instrument was developed based on the
qualitative findings and relevant literature. It was pre-tested via cognitive think-aloud interviews,
expert reviews, and a pilot test. The data were collected via an online survey using the following
scales: SRT Perceptions (1 = SD and 5 = SA); SRT Motivations (1 = SD and 5 = SA); Sexual
Sensation-Seeking (SSS) and Nonsexual Experience-Seeking (NES) (1 = not at all like me and
4 = very much like me) (Kalichman et al., 1994; Kalichman & Rompa, 1995). The target
population consisted of female students enrolled in a Southeastern US University in spring 2013.
Using systematic stratified random sampling (proportional representation based on class
standing) a sample of N = 4,282 was drawn (every 6
th
female student) from the registrars list.
Following elimination of substantially incomplete responses, the effective response rate was
19.92% (N = 853). The mean age of the sample was 23.5 years (SD = 6.67). Two thirds (66.6%)
identified themselves as white/Caucasian, 13.7% as Hispanic, 8.3% as Asian, and 6.4% as Black.
With respect to marital status, 84.4% were never married, 12.8%, married, and 2.2% separated.
Since the construct validity of the perceived dimensions of and motivations for SRT in tourism
had not been established before, principle components exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was
conducted with oblique rotation. The number of retained factors was guided by the Eigenvalues,
scree plot, and the principles of simple structure. Factor loadings higher than .35 were considered
(Costello & Osborne, 2005). Regressed factor scores were used as the cluster variate for the
cluster analysis (CA), starting with hierarchical and then proceeding to iterative K-Means CA
and TwoStep CA. Sensation-seeking profiles of the clusters were examined through MANOVA.

Results
A variety of sexual activities and touristic contexts were reported with respect to SRT, but
a certain consistency existed in terms of the perceived dimensions of SRT in tourism. EFA was
conducted to explore this issue, suggesting a solution with three factors extracted from 20 items
24

and accounting for 70.29% of the total variance. The three SRT in tourism factors were
interpreted as a combination of mental/emotional (Eigenvalue = 9.25, 46.25%, = .95), physical/
sexual health (Eigenvalue = 3.74, 18.68%, = .92), and socio-cultural (Eigenvalue = 1.07,
5.36%, = .84) dimensions. Likewise, EFA was implemented to identify the motivation
dimensions for SRT in tourism, yielding a three factor solution extracted from 19 items and
accounting for 61.89% of the total variance. The motivational factors were interpreted as:
anonymity/detachment (Eigenvalue = 8.83, 46.48%, = .91), exploration/thrill/empowerment
(Eigenvalue = 1.92, 10.09%, = .90), and fun/less inhibitions/opportunity (Eigenvalue = 1.01,
5.31%, = .82). Table 1 presents cluster centers (K-Means CA) and the profiles (MANOVA).

Table 1. Clusters and Sensation-Seeking Profiles of Female Sexual Risk-Takers in Tourism
Sexual Risk-Taking Clusters
2
(N = 803)
3

F Cluster Variate
1

C1
n=217
C2
n=256
C3
n=180
C4
n=61
C5
n=89
Risk perceptions


Mental/emotional .552 .291 -1.155 -.529 .514 167.532*

Physical/sexual health .297 .291 .079 -2.773 .207 386.388*

Socio-cultural .586 .299 -1.191 -.426 .398 176.498*
Motivations


Anonymity/detachment .664 -.208 .388 .043 -1.801 222.652*

Exploration/thrill/empowerment .765 -.641 .294 .652 -1.055 176.501*

Fun/less inhibitions/opportunity .132 .323 .369 -.344 -1.753 144.187*
Sensation-Seeking Indices
4


Nonsexual Experience Seeking 2.50 2.36 2.50 2.32 2.06 14.339*
Sexual Sensation-Seeking 2.09 1.90 2.33 1.98 1.49 39.237*
Note: * p < .001
1
Latent variables; regressed factor scores are standardized (M = 0.00, SD = 1.00); a positive
factor score indicates responses higher than the means for the items included in the factor
2
The cluster centers in the table reflect the characteristics of the typical case for each cluster

3
Out of 853 participants, only 803 had the data for all of the items included in this analysis
4
Mean endorsements were computed for NES and SSS; Wilks' = .813 (F = 21.771, p < .001)
Cluster one (C1) was interpreted as high and diverse risk perceivers motivated by anonymity and
exploration. These women perceived all SRT dimensions as relatively important and were
motivated by anonymity/detachment and exploration/thrill/empowerment. Following the same
logic, cluster two (C2) was conceptualized as moderate and diverse risk perceivers motivated by
fun, cluster three (C3) as low risk perceivers with diverse motivations, cluster four (C4) as low
risk perceivers motivated by exploration, and cluster five (C5) as unmotivated, high and diverse
risk perceivers. Table 1 demonstrates significant differences among the clusters in terms of NES
and SSS. Post Hoc tests (p < .05) revealed for NES: C5 < C1, C2, C3, C4; C1 and C3 > C2; and
for SSS: C5 < C1, C2, C3, C4; C3 > C1, C2, C4, C5; C1 > C2.

Discussion
This study revealed a diversity of female sexual risk-takers with different sensation-
seeking propensities. The high and diverse risk perceivers motivated by anonymity and
exploration (C1), having among the highest NES and SSS levels, challenge the idea that high
sensation-seekers underestimate the risks (Zuckerman, 2007). Their tendency to be both high
25

risk-perceivers and high sensation-seekers suggests that perceived risks do not necessarily deter
them from SRT. Their very high susceptibility to anonymity, detachment, exploration, and
empowerment (Bauer & McKercher, 2003; Berdychevsky et al., 2013) as the motivations for
SRT may also put them at risk. For the moderate and diverse risk perceivers motivated by fun
(C2), the prominence of the fun/less inhibitions/opportunity as a motivation suggests an
opportunistic approach to situational disinhibition in tourism for the sake of fun (Apostolopoulos
et al., 2002; Eiser & Ford, 1995). These women are also at risk as opportunistic approach may
leave them unprepared for sexual encounters (Ragsdale et al., 2006). For the low risk perceivers
with diverse motivations (C3), the highest NES and SSS levels are consistent with downplaying
the mental/emotional and socio-cultural SRT dimensions, which is in line with the sensation-
seeking literature (Zuckerman, 2007). These women might also be at risk as they appear to be
motivated by all three motivational factors. As such, the sense of anonymity, detachment,
situational disinhibition, and excitement (Diken & Laustsen, 2004; Thomas, 2005) may magnify
their tendency to downplay the risks and augment the illusion of invincibility at this young age
(Gibson, 1996). For the low risk perceivers motivated by exploration (C4), the sense of
exploration and empowerment related to SRT in tourism (Berdychevsky et al., 2013) motivates
them to take part in these experiences. The unmotivated, high and diverse risk perceivers (C5)
seem to be the least likely to engage in SRT in tourism since they appear to be unsusceptible to
the motivations and do not downplay the risks. Their low NES and SSS explain their risk
aversion and lack of motivation as sensation-seeking was found to correlate with SRT (Bancroft
et al., 2003; Zuckerman & Kuhlman, 2000).
Finally, with the potential exception of C5, all of the sexual risk-taker types should be
targeted by health programs/information campaigns addressing SRT in tourism, yet, for different
reasons. Since the various clusters have divergent risk perceptions and motivations, they may
respond differently to health information messages, which may decrease the efficacy of
approaches with one blanket message. Conversely, leveraging this diversity with a polymorphic
approach tailoring messages to specific profiles of sexual risk-takers may boost effectiveness.
Thus, this study contributes to the literature by addressing an under researched aspect of human
behavior in tourist contexts and provides an initial platform for a line of research formulating
practical implications for the health programs aimed at addressing SRT in tourism. Current
results are delimited to young, college-educated women who were not intimidated by the studys
sensitive topic. Leveraging the potential of intersectionality, future studies could explore SRT-
related matters across gender, race, class, sexuality, and life course.

References
Andriotis, K. (2010). Heterotopic erotic oases: The public nude beach experience. Annals of
Tourism Research, 37(4), 1076-1096. doi: 10.1016/j.annals.2010.04.003
Apostolopoulos, Y., Snmez, S., & Yu, C. H. (2002). HIV-risk behaviours of American spring
break vacationers: A case of situational disinhibition? International Journal of STD &
AIDS, 13(11), 733-743. doi: 10.1258/095646202320753673
Bauer, T. G., & McKercher, B. (Eds.). (2003). Sex and tourism: Journeys of romance, love, and
lust. New York: The Haworth Hospitality Press.
Berdychevsky, L., Gibson, H., & Poria, Y. (2013). Women's sexual behavior in tourism:
Loosening the bridle. Annals of Tourism Research, 42, 65-85.
doi: 10.1016/j.annals.2013.01.006
26

Clift, S., & Forrest, S. (2000). Tourism and the sexual ecology of gay men. In S. Clift & S.
Carter (Eds.), Tourism and sex: Culture, commerce and coercion (pp. 179-199). London:
Pinter.
Diken, B., & Laustsen, C. B. (2004). Sea, sun, sex and the discontents of pleasure. Tourist
Studies, 4(2), 99-114. doi: 10.1177/1468797604054376
Eiser, J. R., & Ford, N. (1995). Sexual relationships on holiday: A case of situational
disinhibition? Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 12(3), 323-339.
doi: 10.1177/0265407595123001
Foucault, M. (1976). The history of sexuality: An introduction (Vol. 1). New York: Pantheon.
Gibson, H. J. (1996). Thrill seeking vacations: A life span perspective. Loisir et Socit / Society
and Leisure, 19(2), 439-458. doi: 10.1080/07053436.1996.10715527
Gibson, H. J. (2001). Gender in tourism: Theoretical perspectives. In Y. Apostolopoulos, S.
Snmez & D. J. Timothy (Eds.), Women as producers and consumers of tourism in
developing regions (pp. 19-43). Westport, CT: Praeger.
Greene, K., Krcmar, M., Walters, L. H., Rubin, D. L., & Hake, J. L. (2000). Targeting adolescent
risk-taking behaviors: The contributions of egocentrism and sensation-seeking. Journal of
Adolescence, 23, 439-461. doi:10.1006/jado.2000.0330
Kalichman, S. C., Johnson, J. R., Adair, V., Rompa, D., Multhauf, K., & Kelly, J. A. (1994).
Sexual sensation seeking: Scale development and predicting AIDS-risk behavior among
homosexually active men. Journal of Personality Assessment, 62(3), 385-397.
doi: 10.1207/s15327752jpa6203_1
Littlewood, I. (2002). Sultry climates: Travel and sex. Cambridge: Da Capo Press.
Ragsdale, K., Difranceisco, W., & Pinkerton, S. D. (2006). Where the boys are: Sexual
expectations and behaviour among young women on holiday. Culture, Health & Sexuality,
8(2), 85-98. doi: 10.1080/13691050600569570
Thomas, M. (2005). What happens in Tenerife stays in Tenerife: Understanding womens
sexual behaviour on holiday. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 7(6), 571584.
doi: 10.1080/13691050500256807
Zuckerman, M. (2007). Sensation seeking and risky behavior. Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Zuckerman, M., & Kuhlman, D. M. (2000). Personality and risk-taking: Common biosocial
factors. Journal of Personality, 68(6), 999-1029. doi: 10.1111/1467-6494.00124



Shared Use of Public School Facilities: Perceptions of Recreation Directors and School
Principals
Jason Bocarro, Michael Canters, Myron Floyd, Troy Carlton, Renee Moore (North Carolina
State University)

Partnerships between schools and other community agencies to share facilities can create
new opportunities for leisure time physical activity (LTPA) (Kanters, Bocarro, Edwards, Casper,
& Floyd, 2013). Increasing access to safe and accessible opportunities for LTPA is especially
important for disadvantaged populations (Powell, Slater, Chaloupka, & Harper, 2006). Prior
research has shown that families who live in low socioeconomic status (SES) neighborhoods and
communities with a higher percentage of Black and/or Hispanic families are less likely to have
27

access to recreation facilities and amenities (Powell et al., 2006).
One method of increasing access to places for LTPA is the sharing of public school
facilities and spaces designed to facilitate PA (Institute of Medicine, 2009). Schools are more
conveniently located in most communities and offer an accessible and safe environment for
community members to engage in physical activity (Booth & Okely, 2005). Shared use refers to
the sharing of a facility by two or more organizations and can be both formal (e.g., a YMCA
enters into a contract with a local elementary school to use a gymnasium for afterschool daycare)
or informal (e.g., high school running tracks are used by local residents for unstructured PA).
Shared use is not a new concept (Spengler, Young, & Linton, 2007) but its resurgence as an
efficient and effective way to create LTPA opportunities comes at a time when researchers,
practitioners, and policy-makers have adopted ecological frameworks to develop interventions to
increase physical activity (Sallis et al., 2006). Broadly speaking, an ecological framework
examines human beings relationships to their environment. In the context of physical activity
research, the framework is used to examine individual, social, policy and environmental factors
that influence activity patterns (McLeroy et al., 1988).
However, local agencies or community groups seeking to use public school buildings and
grounds for community based programs often find it difficult to access these spaces during
afterschool hours (Evenson & McGinn, 2004). For example, Lee, Burgeson, Fulton, and Spain
reported that only 59.6% of all public schools made their physical activity facilities available for
children and adolescents in the evenings, 57.6% were available after school and 46% on
weekends (Lee, Burgeson, Fulton, & Spain, 2007) and Spengler, Connaughton and Maddock
found that 69% of responding schools shared facilities. Frequently cited barriers to shared use
include concerns about liability (Spengler, Connaughton, & Maddock, 2011) and the perceived
operating cost increases associated with the additional use of facilities (Spengler, 2012). National
organizations like the Institute of Medicine (Institute of Medicine, 2009), the American Heart
Association (American Heart Association, 2012), and the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services (Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report Subcommittee of the
President's Council on Fitness, 2012) have identified shared use of school facilities as a priority
strategy to make healthy living easier in communities across the nation, especially those of racial
minorities, low socioeconomic status and individuals living in rural areas. However, little is
known about the current status of shared use across a large sample of public schools.
Furthermore, while some studies have identified potential barriers that prevent shared use school
partnerships (Kanters et al., in press; Spengler et al., 2011) much of this research has relied on
either a cross-section of school administrators or responses from a single school district. The
purpose of this study was to: a) survey all public schools and recreation departments in a State to
determine the current status of shared use; and b) examine the common characteristics of shared
use and its barriers.

Methods
Two separate surveys were sent out. The first was emailed to all 237 recognized local
government park and recreation directors in North Carolina. One hundred and thirty-four (134)
responses were received for a response rate of 57% The second survey was emailed to all public
elementary, middle, and high school principals (N=2,359) in North Carolina. Of the 2,359 school
principals who received either an email link or phone contact regarding the survey, 1,230
responded resulting in a response rate of 52.14%. The surveys, comprised of questions related to
shared use of school facilities, was designed to provide baseline information about the extent of
28

formal and non-formal shared use of school facilities, type of agreement (informal, formal, or no
agreement), and perceived barriers that deter shared use (e.g. liability concerns, costs, etc.).
School demographics were measured by the percentage of students at each school receiving free
and reduced lunch, the percentage of Black and Hispanic students, and economic well-being of
the county where each school is located. Percentages were recoded into the following tertiles:
low percentage of students; moderate; and high percentage of students in each demographic
category.

Results
Nearly 90 percent (89.1%) of survey participants (n=1051) indicated that school facilities
were used by outside/non-school groups or individuals. The five most commonly shared school
facilities were gyms (71.3%), cafeterias (47.1%), baseball/softball fields (34.9%), open spaces
(29.7%), and classrooms (26.8%).The most frequently shared facilities at the 694 elementary
schools were the gym (68.2%), cafeteria (45.1%), playground (32.4%), and open space (31.6%).
Middle schools (n=244) were most likely to share the gym (80.3%), baseball/softball field
(50.8%), cafeteria (44.3%), and football field (44.3%) and high schools (n=244) shared the gym
(71.3%), cafeteria (54.5%), football field (48.8%), and baseball/softball field (43.1%). Formal
written agreements for shared use were more common across all school types and facilities.
When shared used occurred, the percentage of formal written agreements for each school type
were 57.5% for elementary schools, 63.9% for middle schools, and 59.6% for high schools.
Formal written agreements were more common when schools shared use of gyms (73.8%),
football fields (68.7%), baseball/softball fields (65.2%), and soccer fields (63.5%). An informal
or no agreement for shared use was most common with school playgrounds (65.9%), and tracks
(64.9%). For schools that did not share use of their school facilities (n=135) the most frequent
reasons were no outside groups had ever asked to use school facilities (46.3%), followed by
availability of facilities (12.0%), design of school facilities (10.9%), facility maintenance
responsibilities and costs (10.3%), and liability concerns (9.1%). Results of logistic regression
models examined whether school characteristics associate with participation in shared use. In
the unadjusted analyses, the least economically distressed tier designation (OR=0.65; 95%
CI=0.43-0.99, P=0.04) was significantly associated with decreased odds of participation in
shared use of school facilities. Greater percentages of students in free and reduced lunch (second
tertile, OR=2.17; 95% CI=1.363.46), P=.001; third tertile, OR=2.19; 95% CI=1.373.50;
P=.001) were significantly associated with increased odds of participation in shared use. Greater
percentages of Black student population (second tertile, OR=3.68; 95% CI=2.17-6.22; P=.000;
third tertile, OR=1.85; 95% CI=1.19-2.85; P=.005) were also significantly associated with
increased odds of participation in shared use. However, when all variables were included in the
analysis together (the adjusted model), only the least economically distressed designation
(OR=0.62; 95% CI=0.39-0.97, P=0.036) and the higher percentages of Black population (second
tertile, OR=3.29; 95% CI=1.83-5.91; P=.000; third tertile, OR=1.65; 95% CI=1.62-2.67; P=.041)
were significantly associated with shared use of school facilities. Interestingly, the majority of
park and recreation directors (85%) had engaged in a shared use agreement to facilitate their
programs. Although the majority of these agreements were formal (66.3%), a significant number
were informal (42.6%). The most commonly cited barriers that park and recreation directors
experienced were: Availability of School Facilities (Scheduling issues) and Facility maintenance
and costs. Interesting barriers related to liability concerns were ranked low.

29

Discussion
Four key findings emerge from the study results. First, the percent of public schools in
North Carolina that indicated they currently allow outside/non-school groups or organizations to
use their facilities (88.7%) and those reported by park and recreation directors (85%) was much
higher that previously reported (e.g., Lee et al., 2007; Spengler et al., 2011). The fact that almost
90% of public schools in this survey share some portion of their facilities is an encouraging
finding. If school administrators are willing to allow some outside use of their facilities there
may be opportunities to increase community programing and places for PA. Second, although
shared use of indoor facilities and athletic fields was governed more frequently by formal written
agreements, shared use of school playgrounds and track facilities was more frequently permitted
with only informal or no agreement for community use. School administrators may be hesitant to
allow access to indoor facilities after school hours without formal agreements that include
provisions for liability coverage, additional security, and facility operation, maintenance and
repair costs. Third, unlike previous research that cites concerns about increased liability and
facility maintenance and operating costs as the most frequent barriers to shared use, we found
liability and costs were less frequently reported as a barrier than lack of community interest in
using school facilities and school administrators not knowing where to start. This does not imply
that schools administrators are less concerned about increased liability exposure or incurring
additional facility operation and maintenance costs as reported in previous research (Evenson &
McGinn, 2004; Spengler et al., 2011; Spengler et al., 2007) since a majority of respondent
schools indicated that formal agreements were required for shared use of school facilities.
However, it does suggest that under used school facilities may be available for use. Finally,
schools with a greater concentration of Black students and schools with more students from low
income families were more likely to share their facilities with community-based organizations
and members. This may be due to variations in quality and quantity of a communitys PA
facilities. Higher income communities are more likely to have a greater number and quality of
public facilities designed for PA resulting in less demand for shared use of school facilities
(Estabrooks, Lee, & Gyurcsik, 2003). These findings suggest most schools are accommodating
to shared use partnerships. More research on the nature of shared use and types of programs and
activities that occur is needed. Community organizations seeking to use indoor school facilities
or athletic fields should be prepared to complete a formal written use agreement. However,
access to playgrounds and running tracks may be achieved with little to no formality. A school
history of low or no shared use may not be an indication of a schools unwillingness to allow
community use of their facilities. Preconceived notions that schools are unwilling to share their
facilities may be preventing community organizations from initiating contact with school
administrators. Finally, shared use may be particularly effective in low income and racial
minority communities. Future research examining the nature of shared use and types of
programs and activities that occur is needed.

References
Booth, M. L., & Okely, A. (2005). Promotiong physical activity among children and adolescents:
The strengths and limitations of school-based approaches. Australian Journal of Health
Promotion, 16(1), 52-54.
Estabrooks, P. A., Lee, R. E., & Gyurcsik, N. C. (2003). Resources for physical activity
participation: Does availability and accessibility differ by neighborhood socioeconomic
status? Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 25, 100-104.
30

Evenson, K. R., & McGinn, A. P. (2004). Availability of school physical activity facilities to the
public in four U.S. communities. American Journal of Health Promotion, 18(3), 243-250.
Kanters, M. A., Bocarro, J. N., Edwards, M. B., Casper, J. M., & Floyd, M. F. (2013). School
sport participation under two school sport policies: Comparisons by race/ethnicity, gender,
and socioeconomic status. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 45(1), 113-121.
Kanters, M. A., Bocarro, J. N., Filardo, M., Edwards, M. B., McKenzie, T. L., & Floyd, M. F. (in
press). Shared use of school facilities with community organizations and afterschool
physical activity program participation: A cost-benefit assessment. Journal of School
Health.
Lafleur, M., Gonzalez, E., Schwarte, L., Banthia, R., Kuo, T., Verderber, J., & Simon, P. (2013).
Increasing physical activity in under-resourced communities through school-based, joint-
use agreements, Los Angeles County, 2010-2012. Preventing Chronic Disease, 10, E89.
Lee, S. M., Burgeson, M. A., Fulton, J. E., & Spain, C. G. (2007). Physical education and
physical activity: Results from the school health policies and programs study 2006. Journal
of School Health, 77, 435-463.
Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse Report Subcommittee of the President's
Council on Fitness, S. N. (2012). Physical Activity Guidelines for Americans Midcourse
Report: Strategies to Increase Physical Activity Among Youth. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services.
Powell, L. M., Slater, S., Chaloupka, F. J., & Harper, D. (2006). Availability of physical activity-
related facilities and neighborhood demographic and socioeconomic characteristics: A
national study. American Journal of Public Health, 96(9), 1676-1680.
Sallis, J. F., Cervero, R. B., Ascher, W., Henderson, K. A., Kraft, M. K., & Kerr, J. (2006). An
ecological approach to creating active living communities. Annual Review of Public
Health, 27, 297-322.
Spengler, J. O., Connaughton, D. P., & Maddock, J. E. (2011). Liability concens and shared use
of school recreational facilities in underserved communities. American Journal of
Preventive Medicine, 41(4), 415-420.
Spengler, J. O., Young, S. J., & Linton, L. S. (2007). Schools as a community resource for
physical activity: Legal considerations for decision makers. American Journal of Health
Promotion, 21(4), 390-396.



Cittaslow: Ecogastronomy, Life, and Leisure A Comparative Case Study
Tom Delamere, Peter Briscoe (Vancouver Island University), Susan Markham-Starr (Acadia
University)

The 2012 National Study on Balancing Work and Caregiving in Canada noted that
Canadians are facing a greater disparity in their work-life balance than ever before (OKane,
2012). This disparity not only impacts the individual, but also the family and the community.
Indeed, the decline in the balance of participation in everyday life threatens the sustainability of
our communities and the notion of civic pride and livable community. This is not just a local,
but a global issue (Haworth & Lewis, 2010). Sense of place, and community identity, are often
seen as key aspects of viable, sustainable communities and are notions that are at risk in an ever-
31

changing society (Radstrom, 2011). Indeed it could be suggested that the concept of sense of
place is not inherent to the physical setting of the community, but lay within individual
interpretations of the setting, which are constructed through experience with the setting
(Steadman, 2003). This is an important distinction, especially in consideration of the
experiential connection to place which is often observed in the community setting (Pink, 2011).
These connections are distinctive to many localities, and are prized and protected by local
residents (Elovich, 2012). While these experiences are socially constructed, there are also
elements of urban design and the physical nature of place that contribute to the setting for life in
the community (Knox, 2005).
The Slow Food and Cittaslow movements that originate out of Italy offer a form of
resistance to the speeding up of life and the inherent imbalances created by the overriding
work/leisure paradigm often associated with our harried, consumption-based society (Bowers,
2007; Mayer & Knox, 2009). Cittaslow, in particular, attempts to
foster a notion of fluid community engagement, through the provision of culturally
supportive services and facilities that protect residents from the homogenizing elements of
mainstream contemporary community development (Bowers, 2007, p. 39).

Cittaslow has built upon the slow food movement, extending their principles beyond (but
still including) food to designating whole communities as Slow Cities (pop. less than 50,000)
where people are

still curious of the old times, towns rich of theatres, squares, cafes, workshops, restaurants
and spiritual places, towns with untouched landscapes and charming craftsman where
people are still able to recognize the slow course of the Seasons and their genuine products
respecting tastes, health and spontaneous customs...." (Cittaslow, 2011).

Understanding the importance of these principles helps to connect material landscape, social
identity, and relationships within community. It is of particular importance since place is also
concerned with social value, economic value, and distinctiveness (Spice, 2012: 52)
The purpose of this research was to compile a comparative case study involving the
communities of Cowichan Bay, BC and Wolfville, NS. Cowichan Bay, on Vancouver Island,
was the first community in North America to be awarded the Cittaslow Slow City designation
and is focussed on preserving the unique identity of the Cowichan Bay area and the continual
improvement of the quality of life for its residents, local businesses, and visitors (Slow
Cowichan, 2012). Wolfville, in the Annapolis Valley, went through part of the Cittaslow
ratification process in 2009, receiving support from many of the key stakeholders, and a positive
evaluation from the Cittaslow assessors. However, local political issues coupled with constraints
on the available time of the key individuals led to the ratification process being stalled. The idea
has not died, but rather has taken a new shape with the creation of the Slow Motion Food Film
Fest, now renamed Devour, that showcases film, food, food culture, and food systems. Several of
the Cittaslow proponents are now part of the Devour festival and are building on the Cittaslow
principles.
Research was conducted through a series of structured and semi-structured interviews with
key proponents of the Cittaslow movement in each of the communities. The interviews took
place between late February and early April, 2013. Two interviews were held in Cowichan Bay,
the first with two Cittaslow proponents and the second with one (different) proponent. The
Wolfville interview involved one proponent, for a total of four people interviewed. Interview
32

subjects were approached based upon the research teams knowledge of their involvement with
the Cittaslow applications that were put forth by the respective communities, and through their
roles as catalysts for the Cittaslow initiatives in their communities. Purposive sampling (also
noted as judgmental or expert sampling) is utilized in situations such as this where the
researchers select study participants on the basis of what needs to be known (Babbie, 2011;
Tongco, 2007). Interview questions focused upon the following areas:
What led you to go for the Cittaslow designation?
Is there uniqueness about the community that would allow the certification to happen?
What challenges did the community face in achieving its goal?
Have many of these conditions (challenges) changed over time?
How have longer-term residents and local businesses responded?
Has quality of life been maintained, enhanced, or diminished?
Has it been good for business? For residents? For visitors?
What do you see as future goals or directions for your community?

The theoretical lens through which the research has been conducted is that of social
phenomenology, recognizing the perspective that people participating in the daily life of a
community are able to ascribe meaning to a situation and then make judgments that provide
subjective meaning of their experience. Identifying patterns within the data allows for themes
that emerge from the data to develop into categories for further analysis (Fereday & Muir-
Cochrane, 2006). Qualitative content analysis (using an inductive approach) of the transcribed
interviews was utilized to establish key themes, establish the antecedent conditions to the
awarding of the Cittaslow designation, understand relationships between local residents,
businesses, and tourists, and the desired lifestyles of those stakeholder groups from the
perspectives of the Cittaslow proponents in their communities (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005).
From an initial review of the recorded interviews and the researchers interview notes, the
following thematic areas have emerged, which will be discussed in greater detail at the CCLR
2014.

Initial Themes Key Statements/Concepts
Values

we can do things differently
Already a unique community
Making it a better place to live
Avoidance of becoming a homogenous, ubiquitous community
Connections (connectedness with
and connectivity between)

new blood
communication between business, residents, and guests
hearing all voices
Community

Style of living
OCP and Sustainability Strategic Plan
Informing decisions
Controlling our own destiny, protecting integrity
Having a say in the life of the community
if you dont have a plan, you fall into happenstance
Catalysts

Key players; not wanting to be seen as the show
Involvement and engagement
Identity

Unity
The biggest asset we have is the brand
That is why we are here
33


The apparent focus on key elements of community (including values and identity) would
contradict the findings of Grzelak-Kostulska, Hoowiecka, and Kwiatkowski (2011) who
determined a rather low degree of community involvement in the movement toward designation
as a slow community. The connection between residents, business, and guests is seen as central
in both Wolfville and Cowichan Bay. The need for the main proponents to not be seen as being
singularly responsible for the movement toward the Cittaslow designation is important,
emphasizing the need for greater involvement and engagement of the broader community for the
benefit of the community. The idea of a more locally-determined planning and development
agenda is seen by Meyer and Knox (2006) as an alternative strategy, one that is more
sustainable in nature. It is hoped that the detailed research findings and discussions will inform
other communities and proponents of the existence of key variables as they attempt to address
the pressures of growing and the speeding up of community life and strive to achieve the
ongoing sustainability of, and active participation in, community life.
References
Bowers, T. (2007). Cultivating a leisurely life in a culture of crowded time: Rethinking the
work/leisure dichotomy. World Leisure Journal, 49(1), 30-43.
Babbie, E. (2011). The basics of social research, 5
th
ed. Belmont, CA.: Wadsworth.
Cittaslow International. (2011). http://www.cittaslow.net Accessed October 30, 2012.
Elovich, M. A. (2011). Becoming Cittaslow: A citys journey to becoming a Cittaslow member.
Unpublished Master`s Thesis.
Fereday, J., & Muir-Cochrane, E. (2006). Demonstrating rigor using thematic analysis: A hybrid
approach of inductive and deductive coding and theme development. International Journal
of Qualitative Methods, 5(1), 1-11.
Grzelak-Kostulska, E., Hoowiecka, B., & Kwiatkowski, G. (2011). Cittaslow International
Network: An example of a globalization idea? In the scale of globalization: Think globally,
act locally, change individually in the 21st century (Conference Proceedings), 186-192.
Ostrava: University of Ostrava.
Haworth, J., & Lewis, S. (2010). Work, leisure, and well-being. British Journal of Guidance and
Counselling, 33(1), 67-79.
Hsieh, H-F., & Shannon, S. E. (2005). Three approaches to qualitative content analysis.
Qualitative Health Research, 15(9), 1277-1288.
Knox, P. L. (2005). Creating ordinary places: Slow cities in a fast world. Journal of Urban
Design, 10(1), 1-11.
Mayer, H., & Knox, P. L. (2006). Slow cities: Sustainable places in a fast world. Journal of
Urban Affairs, 28(4), 321-334.
Mayer, H., & Knox, P. (2009). Pace of life and quality of life: The Slow City Charter. In Sirgy,
M. J., R. Phillips, and D. R. Rahtz. (2009). Community quality-of-life indicators: Best
cases III. New York: Springer.
OKane, J. (2012). What time did you get home from work? Globe and Mail. October 26, 2012.
Pink, S. (2011). Amateur photographic practice, collective representation and the constitution of
place. Visual Studies, 26(2), 92-101.
Radstrom, S. (2011). A place sustaining framework for local urban identity: An introduction and
history of Cittaslow. Italian Journal of Planning Practice, 1(1), 89-113.
Slow Cowichan. (2012). http://slowcowichan.com. Accessed October 30, 2012.
34

Spice, A. (2012). Ethical consumption in a fair trade town: Global connections in local places.
Unpublished Masters Thesis. Halifax, NS: Dalhousie University.
Steadman, R. C. (2003). Is it really just a social construction?: The contribution of the physical
environment to sense of place. Society & Natural Resources: An International Journal,
16(8), 671-685.
Tongco, D. C. (2007). Purposive sampling as a tool for informant selection. Ethnobotany
Research & Applications, 5, 147-158.



Understanding Complaining Behaviour and Clients Preferences for Service Recovery
Strategies: An Experiment
Dave Drewery, Ron McCarville (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
Leisure services are typically intended to meet or exceed client expectations (Berry &
Parasuraman, 2004). Services that fail to meet that standard are referred to as service failures.
Therefore perceptions of failure lie ultimately with the client (Maxham & Netemeyer, 2003). An
emergent service failure literature has determined that such failures play an important role in
client perceptions and subsequent behaviours. They can influence clients likelihood of reusing
the service and intentions to spread positive and negative information about the service
(Zeithaml, Berry, & Parasuraman, 1996). It is not surprising, then, that service providers have
shown considerable interest in the dynamics around service recovery. It is essential that they
seek to recover from all such failures (Michel, Bowen, & Johnston, 2009). Effective recovery
efforts can build both satisfaction and loyalty (La & Kandampully, 2004).
Two themes within the service failure literature are of particular interest in this study. The
first is complaining behaviour. Complaining behaviour is broadly defined as an explicit
expression of disappointment. While some complaint behaviours are welcome (they help the
provider recognize and address problems), others can be problematic. Complaints that are not
directed to the provider directed but instead to other clients and may be particularly damaging.
Such complaints not only reinforce negative attitudes towards the service (Singh & Wilkes,
1996) but they may also decrease the probability that listeners will seek to use the service in the
future (Chen, Wang, & Xie, 2011). The second relevant theme in the recovery literature is that
of resolution or recovery dynamics. Service recovery is a process which attempts to minimize
the impact of service failure on clients attitudes and future intentions (La & Kandampully,
2004). This study is interested in the ways in which aggrieved clients seek to deal with their
disappointment. The issues of complaining behaviour and recovery dynamics are inextricably
linked with the process of psychological coping. Coping refers to a type of emotion regulation
that is both conscious and voluntary (Smith & Alloy, 2009). Negative experiences such as
service failures have the potential to trigger a negative psychological state. Such a state may
consist of a number of negative emotions and attitudes. Clients are motivated to address this
negative state and complaining behaviour may result. Indeed, Gelbrich (2010) characterizes
complaining as an important coping strategy offering a means of dealing with negative emotions.
Clients who adopt a general problem-solving focus to coping may complain directly to the
provider hoping to resolve the failure. Problem-focused complainers may also complain to
others for the purpose of social support. In both cases, the goal is one of coping with failure.
35

Conversely, aggrieved clients may also engage in vindictive word-of-mouth, and vindictive
voice (Gelbrich, 2010). Both are comprised of emotion-driven negative comments directed
solely at other potential clients and not to the provider. Such complaints are typically not
intended to problem solve per se, but instead help to return a client to a more positive or balance
state (Kowalski, 1996). We sought to discover the ways in which possible clients responded to a
service failure. To whom would they complain? What was the purpose of their complaint?
Specifically, we were guided by several research questions including: RQ1: When the cause of
the failure is ambiguous, to what/whom do clients attribute blame; RQ2: How well do attribution
of blame and perceived failure severity predict clients negative emotions; RQ3: What is the
relative influence of each negative emotion in predicting the likelihood of clients complaining
behavior? RQ4: How do situational and dispositional factors influence clients preferences for
service recovery?

Methods
An experimental design assigned a convenience sample of university students (n = 293) to
a series of hypothetical messages. First, though, participants responded to a number of global
attitudinal scales (social norms of complaining, worthwhileness of complaining, societal benefit
of complaining, locus of control, tendency for avoidance). Next, they were exposed to a
hypothetical service failure scenario (participant planned to travel by bus to a water park but
missed the ride). Respondents were then randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups
focusing on a failure severity message. In the low failure severity condition, participants were
told that another bus would be arriving in 15 minutes. In the high severity condition, they were
told that no other buses would be arriving. They were then asked two questions about that
scenario. Specifically, they were asked to rate the severity of the failure (on a 5-point Likert
scale), and to indicate who was to blame for this failure (self or provider). We were interested in
how they might assign blame so we then asked why they made this attributional assessment. We
found that the qualitative responses often noted that no one was to blame so on a post hoc basis
we added a third response category (that of no one was to blame). Demographic items were then
collected. Participants completed two scales assessing their emotional response to failure and
their likelihood of complaining. The survey then focused on recovery strategy preferences. We
asked them to recall the previous scenario as they pondered the issue of financial investment/cost
(operationalized by the price of the event ticket). They were then exposed to one of two
treatments (low cost, high cost). In the low cost condition, participants were told their ticket to
the water park was $5. In the high cost condition, the ticket was $35. Participants were then
consulted regarding their preferences for service recovery. Using single item and multi-item
measures, we assessed their preferences for compensation, apology, retrospective explanation,
empathy, choice, opportunity for voice, and effort.

Results
Using a chi-square analysis, it was found that those participants in the high failure severity
group were significantly more likely to blame the provider then they were to blame themselves
or some external cause of failure. However, those in the low failure group did not differ in their
assessments of blame. Using a general linear model (GLM) approach, we tested the relationships
between cognitive appraisals and negative emotions. Controlling for age and sex, we found that
the emotions which emerge after failure largely depends on attribution and severity. All models
were highly significant (p = <.001). Some models explained high proportions of variation in the
36

dependent variable while others did not (adjusted R
2
: anger = .544, frustration = .403, shame =
.227, guilt = .105, regret = .273, dissatisfaction = .093). Briefly, anger and frustration were
highest when providers were believed to be at fault and severity was high, and lowest under the
self-blame, low severity condition. Those who blamed the provider or external factors were
significantly less likely to experience shame or guilt than were those who blamed themselves.
Using multiple regression we tested the relative effects of emotions and appraisals on
complaining. The models for vindictive word-of-mouth (R
2
=.572), vindictive voice (R
2
=.358),
and support seeking word-of-mouth (R
2
=.392) were highly significant (p = <.001). The model
for problem solving voice was insignificant (p = .283). Controlling for age and sex, we found
that emotions, not cognitive appraisals, influence complaining behaviours. The standardized
effects of each emotion differed across each complaining dependent variable. Anger had
significant effects on vindictive word-of-mouth and vindictive voice, whereas frustration had
significant effects on vindictive word-of-mouth and support seeking word of mouth. Regret had a
significant effect on support seeking word-of-mouth. Dissatisfaction failed to predict any of the
complaining outcomes. Finally, we constructed general linear models for each of the dependent
recovery preferences. All but three models (i.e., effort, control, education) were significant (p =
<.005). However, we explained only minor variation in each model, with adjusted r squared
values ranging from 3% (control) to 34% (explanation of failure). Results show that preferences
for service recovery differ based on cognitions and emotions. To highlight one example, those
who blamed the provider also demand more compensation from the provider regardless of
amount of perceived loss. While age was not a significant predictor of any service recovery
preferences, sex displayed a significant effect (p = <.01) on desire for empathy. Females had a
greater desire for an empathetic employee-Client interaction.

Conclusions
This study draws on theories from the business, health, and social-psychology literatures to
help understand the ways in which leisure service clients deal with service failure. This study
reinforces previous notions that the emotional responses emerging from service failures differ
based on clients perceptions of the situation (Ellsworth & Scherer, 2003). Consequently, these
negative emotions influence clients complaining behaviours. Complaining is conceptualized
here as a coping mechanism intended to address negative states. We found that complaining
behaviour is largely based on how the clients feel and not how they think about the failure. This
means that leisure service providers may need to manage clients emotions in order to decrease
the likelihood of potentially harmful negative word-of-mouth behaviours. Unfortunately,
emotions and appraisals of the situation did not fully explain problem-solving behaviours. This
suggests the complexity of dynamics surrounding service failures.
It seems unlikely, then, that a single strategy will be effective for all recovery initiatives.
Instead, providers can benefit from being flexible as they seek to recover from errors. These data
suggest they might seek to understand clients thoughts and feelings about the failure before
recovery efforts are undertaken. Contrary to some research, we found that preferences for
symbolic atonement (i.e., compensation and apology) are not universal but instead are dependent
on the situation. Furthermore, results indicate that the way in which clients are encouraged to
participate in a service recovery (e.g., to give feedback, to share feelings, to provide suggestions
for provider improvement) should vary based on emotions and situational characteristics. Given
that the service experience is profoundly co-created, it seems that (in certain situations) the
provider can improve clients perceptions of service quality by including them in the recovery.
37

Previous research has indicated that the way the recovery happens can be as important as the
actual outcome of the recovery (Kim, Kim, & Kim, 2009). This suggests that providers should
manage opportunities to involve their clients in the recovery process following failure. Future
research should investigate the relationships between participation and other post-recovery
outcomes.

References
Berry, L. L., & Parasuraman, A. (2004). Marketing services: Competing through quality. New
York, NY: Simon and Schuster,.
Chen, Y., Wang, Q., & Xie, J. (2011) Online social interactions: A natural experiment on word
of mouth versus observational learning. Journal of Marketing Research, 48(2), 238-254.
Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jmkr.48.2.238
Crie, D. (2003). Consumers' complaint behaviour. Taxonomy, typology and determinants:
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Management, 11(1), 60-79. doi:10.1057/palgrave.dbm.3240206
Ellsworth, P. C., & Scherer, K. R. (2003). Appraisal processes in emotion. In R. J. Davidson, H.
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Gelbrich, K. (2010). Anger, frustration, and helplessness after service failure: Coping strategies
and effective informational support. Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, 38(5),
567-585. doi: 10.1007/s11747-009-0169-6
Kim, T., Kim, W. G., & Kim, H. (2009). The effects of perceived justice on recovery
satisfaction, trsut, word0of-mouth, and revisit intention in upscale hotels. Tourism
Management, 30(1), 51-62. Retrieved from
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Kowalski, R. M. (1996). Complaints and complaining: Functions, antecedents, and
consequences. Psychological bulletin, 119(2), 179. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.119.2.179
La, K. V., & Kandampully, J. (2004) Market oriented learning and customer value enhancement
through service recovery management. Managing Service Quality, 14(5), 390-401.
doi:10.1108/09604520410557994.
Liao, H. (2007). Do it right this time: The role of employee service recovery performance in
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Maxham III, J. G., & Netemeyer, R. G. (2003). Firms reap what they sow: the effects of shared
values and perceived organizational justice on customers' evaluations of complaint
handling. Journal of Marketing, 46-62. doi: 10.1509/jmkg.67.1.46.18591
Michel, S., Bowen, D., & Johnston, R. (2009). Why service recovery fails: tensions among
customer, employee, and process perspectives. Journal of Service Management, 20(3),
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38

Zeithaml, V. A., Berry, L. L., & Parasuraman, A. (1996). The behavioral consequences of
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from: http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1251929



International Tourists Perception of Beach Hawkers in a Coastal Ghanaian Community
Natalie Drope (Vancouver Island University)

Introduction
Rich in attractions, and politically stable, Ghana has been drawing visitors from around the
world for decades (Freeman, 2010). Ghana relies heavily on tourism revenues and patronage, as
tourism is associated with many positive benefits and can support a revitalization of communities
and a better quality of life for residents (Boakye, 2012; Mensah, 2012). Part of the tourist
experience in Ghana is interacting with hawkers. Hawking can be defined as the act of offering
goods for sale to the public without having a permanent built-up structure from which to conduct
business (Asiedu & Agyei-Mensah, 2008). Hawkers approach people in order to provide
convenient and timely services to consumers at affordable prices (Asare, 2008). Hawking is
deeply engrained in Ghanas culture, and is an integral part of the informal economy (Davis,
2008). To tourists, however, the aggressive nature of hawking has the potential to be perceived
as a nuisance, which could have a negative effect on tourism.
The purpose of this case study was to explore international tourists perceptions of beach
hawkers in the coastal Ghanaian community of Busua. The tourist gaze (Urry, 1990) was used as
the primary theory to explore the complex nature of the host-guest relationship, and in this case,
the hawker-tourist relationship, with additional support from aspects of the mutual gaze (Maoz,
2006). Busua is located in the Central Region of Ghana approximately 280 kilometers from
Accra, the countrys capital. The community is a traditional fishing village that has been
attracting international tourists for many years, which is illustrated by its wide range of well-
established hotels, bars, and restaurants that line the beach.

Literature
The tourist gaze was introduced in 1990 as one way to explain the complex nature of host-
guest relationships through analyzing the visual nature of the tourist (Urry, 1992). The way a
tourist acts in a destination is constructed by signs, metaphors, and pictures of the destination,
which are usually gathered or fed to the tourist through media, research, or even subconsciously.
While a tourist experiences or consumes a destination, their gaze is constructed based on the
present, but also on what has been created and imagined in ones mind. The construction of the
tourist gaze is influenced by how tourists see the natural and built environment, but also
includes other influences such as the host populations impact on the tourism experience (Urry,
1992).
Building on the tourist gaze, Maoz (2006) discusses how both the host and tourist gaze
upon each other in what is termed the mutual gaze. These reciprocal attitudes and behaviors,
which are further impacted by intercultural and interpersonal tensions, play out in perceptions of
and interactions between the host and guest. Understanding how tourists perceive the host
population, and vice-versa, provides a deeper understanding of the social and cultural factors at
play, which ultimately ties in to the sustainability of the tourist experience in a destination. The
39

gaze of a tourist may be formed based on frequency and quality of interaction with the host, as
well as perceptions of the destination, past experiences, and the tourist typology (Maoz, 2006).
According to Asare (2010) approximately 90% of Ghanas labor force is immersed in some
way in the informal economy. In urban centers like Accra, hawkers are seen as a problem due to
their association with crime, poverty, child labour, and prostitution (Asare, 2010). Due to the
overwhelming presence of hawkers in Ghana and the numerous safety concerns they present,
governmental agencies have attempted to prohibit hawkers from selling on the streets numerous
times (Asare, 2010). These efforts have not been successful, and the hawkers still remain.
Ghanaians say that buying from hawkers is convenient, but many foreigners find the aggressive
nature of hawking to be quite intimidating and culturally obscure (Davis, 2008).
For the purpose of this study the tourist gaze was applied to explore how tourists see the
beach hawkers and how the beach hawkers impact the overall experience of the tourism
experience in Busua. To further explore the gaze theory respondents were encouraged to reflect
on how their expectations were constructed prior to visiting Busua.

Methodology
Data were collected from May 21 - May 26, 2013, utilizing a dual stage process of
participant observation (two days) followed by five in-depth semi-structured interviews (20
minutes) and one three-person semi-structured group interview (25 minutes). Purposive sampling
with the criteria of being an English speaking international tourist resulted in a sample of eight
individuals aged between 20 and 35. Based on Urry (1992) and Maozs (2006) insights on the
development of perceptions, interview questions focused on: a) previous travel experience in
Ghana, b) any research that the individual may have done prior to visiting Busua, and c) their
impressions, encounters, and experiences with the local hawkers. Interviews were audio recorded
then transcribed verbatim prior to analysis.

Results
Data from the study were analyzed qualitatively using a multi-stage emergent theme
process that particularly focused on visitors perceptions of Busuas beach hawkers. Further
analysis of the codes revealed three main themes related to: a) comparative judgments, b)
appreciation, and c) pre-conceived perceptions.
Comparative Judgments related to tourists perceptions of Busua in comparison to other
places that they had visited in Ghana. Every tourist interviewed had previous experience places
such as Accra, Kumasi, Cape Coast, Kakum National Park, etc, and they all perceived that the
level of hawking in Busua was different. Respondents indicated that in Busua they would
encounter two or three hawkers a day as opposed to the seemingly endless parade of hawkers
they would encounter in other destinations. A participant illustrated this by stating, its like
there are no hawkers here in comparison to so many touristy areas of Ghana (male,
Switzerland). There was consensus that the hawkers in Busua were perceived as being calmer,
less persistent, and not aggressive.
Appreciation relates to the unanimous perception that the culture of hawking in Busua is a
positive aspect of the tourist experience. Every tourist had experiences of positive encounters to
share. Some respondents spoke of the quality of product purchased, the building of relationships
with the hawkers, and the familiarity of the hawkers. One respondent relayed how she had
visited Busua three times, and the hawkers remembered her and greeted her with familiarity:
Im sure they see people come and go, but its so nice how they recognize me and remember me
40

from when I was here before (female, Canada). Another respondent spoke about how pleased
he was with the quality of lobster he had purchased on the beach. Although perceptions were
overwhelmingly positive, one participant did speak of a negative experience with a hawker that
related to feelings of being cheated on the weight of a product The scale they were using was so
old, I knew it was not right(male, England).
Preconceived Perceptions focused on pre-visit information gathering tourists had done
through sources such as the Internet, travel magazines, and friends and family. All participants
had some pre-visit exposure to information on Busua, most commonly through word-of-mouth.
A few of the tourists noted that hearing about Busuas laid-back reputation and the respective
lack of hawkers encouraged their decision to travel there. Also influencing pre-conceived notions
of hawkers in the community is the Brandt Travel Guide, which constructs the image of the
hawkers as a part of the tourism experience. For example, in the guidebook the hawkers are
referred to as their common selling names, such as Frank the Juice Man, or Daniel the Pancake
Man. When tourists arrive in Busua they expect to encounter these particular hawkers, and the
hawkers introduce themselves so that tourists will make the connection and feel reassured of
their reputation. Three participants indicated that the guidebook influenced their decision to
travel there, and encountering the hawkers was a positive part of their experience Reading
about Frank and the other guys in the book before I got here was really cool. When I got here
and met them it was just as Id expected (female, USA).

Discussion
The results of this case study revealed that international tourists perceived local beach
hawkers in Busua as a positive component of their experience. As Urry (1992) suggested,
international tourists are forming their experience based on their interactions with the hawkers as
well as their prior knowledge and expectations. The experience was positive due to the hawker
culture of Busua, as well as the consistency of the hawking culture and the meeting of pre-
conceived expectations. An example of this is the tourists reading about the hawkers in the
guidebook. Unlike Daviss (2008) suggestion that hawkers are often seen as a nuisance to
tourists, Busuas hawkers were seen as an added value in the community because they are part of
the tourism culture. As a result, Busuas hawkers have been constructed as an important part of
the tourism product rather than an unavoidable annoyance.
This study also showed that the tourism context of Busua is perceived as different from
other tourism sites in Ghana. This has allowed tourists and hawkers to exist in a co-constructed
space where tourists are comfortable being approached not harassed; thus enabling the formation
of relationships. Busua is unique within Ghana, and the results of this study show that this
uniqueness is greatly appreciated. Uniqueness is an important aspect of the tourism destination,
thus steps should be taken to maintain the local hawker culture.
While participants saw the current level of hawking in Busua as acceptable at the time of
data collection, this was largely in contrast with other tourism destinations in Ghana. This
positive reputation is beneficial for Busua, but the cost associated with this is that while tourists
are discussing the benefits of Busua they are also recalling the negative experiences of other
destinations. The local tourism council may want to consider either developing policies, or
monitoring the current stage of hawking so that tourists can continue to have positive interactions
with hawkers in Busua. In addition, this study would be useful to other tourism planners who
work in environments with hawkers, so that more attention can be paid to the visitor experience
in relation to hawking.
41

Limitations of this exploratory case study were its relatively small sample size and its
exclusive focus on the perceptions of international tourists. However, a main contribution of this
study is the identification of a unique Ghanaian tourism context and the suggestion that hawking
can be a positive aspect of the tourism experience. Given the noted differences of Busua and its
attractiveness to international visitors, future research should focus on revealing how the
hawking culture in Busua is created and maintained by residents, and how other destinations may
be able to develop policy to mimic this culture. Lastly, future research should take a mutual gaze
(Maoz, 2006) approach and focus on exploring how experiences are co-constructed within
tourism through the perspectives and experiences of the hawkers.

References
Asare, D. N. Y. B. (2010). A study of the street hawking phenomenon: A review of
intervention programmes. Unpublished masters thesis. Ashesi University College, Accra,
Ghana.
Asiedu, A. B., & Agyei-Mensah, S. (2008). Traders on the run: Activities of street vendors in the
Accra metropolitan area, Ghana. Norwegian Journal of Geography, 63(3), 191-202.
Boakye, K. (2012). Tourists' views on safety and vulnerability: A study of some selected towns
in Ghana. Tourism Management, 33(2), 327-333.
Davis, J. (2008). Selling wares on the streets of Accra: A case study of street hawkers in Ghana's
capital. Focus on Geography, 51(3), 32-36.
Freeman, F. (2010). Ghana: The waste land. World Policy Journal, 27(2), 47-53.
Maoz, D. (2006). The mutual gaze. Annals of Tourism Research, 33(1), 221-239.
Mensah, C. (2012). Residents perception of socio-economic impacts of tourism in Tafi Atome,
Ghana. Asian Social Science, 8(15), 274-287.
Urry, J. (1992). The tourist gaze "revisited". American Behavioral Scientist, 36(2), 172-
186.



Confronting Crises of Representation: Artful Re-Constructions of Dementia
Sherry L. Dupuis (University of Waterloo), Gail Mitchell (York University), Pia Kontos (Toronto
Rehabilitation Institute-University Health Network), Christine Jonas-Simpson (York University),
Julia Gray (Possible Arts)

Guba and Lincoln (2005) identified the dangers inherent in the traditional ways we
conduct, reflect, and share research. These dangers are associated with three important crises: (1)
a crisis of authority (which tells us the world is this way when perhaps it is some other way or
many other ways); (2) a crisis of representation (which serves to silence those whose lives we
appropriate for our social sciences, and which may also serve subtly to re-create this world,
rather than some other, perhaps more complex, but just one); and (3) a crisis of accessibility
(which presumes that certain people have access to research while others do not) (Guba &
Lincoln, p. 211). Dupuis (1999) described her own personal experiences of these and other crises
in leisure research, highlighting her growing uncertainty around our abilities to adequately
capture and represent reality; her discomfort of researcher claims of authority, both moral and
scientific; the tensions felt around issues of voice, where the researcher self is edited out of
research texts and at the same time reproduces/constructs the other; and the impossibility of
42

distancing the self and emotions in research. In this paper, we describe one example of how we
have confronted the crises embedded within traditional research approaches. Drawing on the
critical and complexity paradigms and critical arts-based research, we describe one community-
based research project focused on challenging the tragedy discourse of dementia.
The dominant and stigmatizing tragedy discourse that surrounds and constructs dementia
as being doomed, gutted, ravaged, taken over by a beast, and turned into the living dead,
perpetuates a deep and pernicious fear of, and disregard for, persons with dementia (Mitchell et
al., 2013, p. 2). This discourse - words, images, and cultural understandings - is responsible for
much of the harm and suffering endured by persons and families living with dementia. It shapes
how persons with dementia perceive themselves, how they are perceived, judged, and treated by
others as so evident in the dehumanizing practices witnessed in dementia care, and the choices
and opportunities made available to them. As an example, the tragedy discourse in leisure
research and practice has resulted in leisure only being valued in the context of dementia as a
treatment/therapy to manage behaviours and improve functioning (Dupuis et al., 2012). In
consequence, persons with dementia are denied access to alternative discourses that challenge
the predominant discourse and promote personal and social change.
A growing body of research demonstrates the effectiveness of the arts for engaging
individuals in critical reflection and changing images, understandings, and actions in healthcare.
The aims of critical arts-based inquiry are to: expose absurdities in language/discourse,
activities/practices, and ways of relating/organising that marginalise and other so as to unveil
oppression; challenge these taken for granted understandings; and transform praxis (Finley,
2005). As Finley (2011) states: From within the liminal openings that are created by the
performance/practice of arts-based inquiry, ordinary people, researchers as participants and as
audiences can imagine new visions of dignity, care, democracy, and other decolonizing ways of
being in the world. Once it has been imagined, it can be acted upon, or performed (p. 443).
Critical arts-based approaches escape the reproduction of master narratives by interrogating often
conflicting stories and juxtaposing multiple perspectives (Norris, 2009). Critical arts-based
inquiry fits well within complexity science. The central ideas of complexity science are that
human beings and the universe we inhabit are living systems, complex adaptive systems where
mutual process, non-linear change, networked connections and transformations continually bring
forth new realities and new possibilities (Mitchell, Jonas-Simpson, & Cross, 2012, p.32 ).

The Re-Imagining Dementia Through the Arts Project
As part of a larger arts and community-based research project focused on developing a
research-based drama on dementia, we worked with local Alzheimer Society chapters to recruit 8
persons with dementia and 7 family members who were brought together with 7 visual artists, 8
performance artists, and researchers in a one-day workshop. In the morning and in two separate
audio and video-recorded focus groups we worked with persons with dementia and family
members to explore the implications of the tragedy discourse for persons and families
experiencing dementia and to begin to create an alternative discourse. Persons with dementia and
their family members were asked to respond to questions such as: How has the current way
dementia is depicted affected you and your life? What are the things you would like to change
about how others see you? Visual and performance artists and researchers in the room had a
chance to learn from persons with dementia and their families about what they experience and
how they feel about the dominant messages of loss, decline and dysfunction. We also were
opened up to and learned about possibilities in new ways by exploring with persons with
43

dementia and their family members what they wanted the world to know about them and how
they wanted others to see dementia and persons living with it. In the afternoon, participants
worked in small groups, each with one of the visual artists and one of the performance artists, to
create eight visual and expressions that reflect what persons with dementia want the world to
know about them: despite loss and sadness they are supported by loving networks, embracing
life, remaining active and engaged, breaking the silence, and transforming with new possibilities.
Consistent with other critical arts-based researchers (Butler-Kisber, 2002; Irwin & de Cosson,
2004; Norris, 2009), we saw our participatory process as a transformative space where
understandings could be interrogated, and new data could be generated and mediated into artistic
representations of experience. Within one month of the workshop, we worked with participants
to create poetic expressions of what they shared with us, and telephone interviews were
conducted with all participants to explore their experiences at the workshop and what, if
anything, had changed for them as a result of their participation.

Artistic Renderings of Dementia: Some Examples
As a way to confront the representational crises identified above, we used the arts not only
as a space of inquiry but as a way to represent in creative ways the multiple, sometimes
contradictory, complex nature of lived experience as envisioned by persons living those
experiences. That is, our intent was not to analyse the artistic expressions but to provide a means
by which persons with dementia and their family members could speak for themselves through
the arts. We showcased the resulting artistic renderings in public art shows and gatherings as a
way to question dominant perceptions and trigger new ways of seeing, being and relating.
44

Discussion
Drawing on Foucaults notion of biopower, Goodley (2011) emphasised that we come to
know others and ourselves through the discourses of biopolitics. The question is: to what extent
do we fashion and resist these discourses in the construction of who we are? (p. 108). The
stories, language, and artistic expressions used to describe life with dementia by persons with
dementia challenge in profound ways the predominant tragedy discourse. When persons with
dementia and their family members in our study were able, with others, to interrogate the
discourse, stigma and stereotypes that surrounded their lives, such interrogation opened up
alternative discourses of possibilities, of hope. What was interesting to us was how central
leisure was in the resistance of the tragedy discourse. Our community partners living with
dementia used language, metaphor and images of dancing, painting, climbing, traveling, learning
new skills and activities, taking risks, being physically active, being embraced in loving
relationships, and making a difference through their activist work. Consistent with Wearing
(1995, 1998) and others (Dionigi, 2002a, 2002b), leisure provided a space where persons with
dementia could escape the confines of the tragedy discourse and construct and embrace
contradictory discourses. In so doing, leisure serves as an important means by which persons
with disabilities and illness are able to reconstitute a more positive sense of self (Ashton-
Schaeffer et al., 2001a, 2001b; Jessop, Bundy, & Cornell, 2013). As an example, one of our
community partners with dementia had told very few people about his diagnosis prior to
participating in our workshop. He knew all too well what the dominant perceptions of dementia
were and spoke at the workshop of how fearful he was of how others would treat him. He
referred to himself as Quasi Motto, wearing the stigma of dementia on his back. After the
workshop, he told us how things had changed for him, and how he was now ready to tear the
stigma off his back. More recently, he came out publically in a featured newspaper article as a
way to more broadly challenge public understandings of dementia. Our community partners
(i.e., artistic and performance artists, family members) who did not have dementia spoke of the
life changing nature of the workshop, demonstrating the power of critical community and arts-
based research for individual and collective resistance and the potential it has for broader social
change (Shaw, 2001). Future research could explore the impacts of the artistic renderings in
shifting others images and understandings of dementia and the use of this methodology with
persons and families experiencing other illnesses and disabilities.

References
Ashton-Schaeffer, C., Gibson, H., Autry, C., & Hanson, C. (2001a). Meaning of sport to
adults with physical disabilities: A disability sports camp experience. Sociology of
Sport, 18(1), 95114.
Ashton-Schaeffer, C., Gibson, H., Holt, M., & Willming, C. (2001b). Womens
resistance and empowerment through wheelchair sport. World Leisure Journal, 4,
1121.
Butler-Kisber, L. (2002). Artful portrayals in qualitative inquiry. The road to found
poetry and beyond. Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 48(3), 229-239.
Dionigi, R. (2002a). Leisure and identity management in later life: Understanding
competitive sport participation among older adults. World Leisure Journal, 44(3),
4-15.
Dionigi, R. (2002b). Resistance and empowerment through leisure: The meaning of
competitive sport participation to older adults. Leisure et socit/Society and
Leisure, 25(2), 303-328.
Dupuis, S. L. (1999). Naked truths: Towards a reflexive methodology in leisure research.
Leisure Sciences, 21(1), 43-64.
45

Dupuis, S. L., Whyte, C., Carson, J., Genoe, R., Meschino, L., & Sadler, L. (2012). Just dance
with me: An authentic partnership approach in understanding leisure in the dementia
context. World Leisure Journal, 54(3), 240-254.
Finley, S. (2005). Arts-based inquiry: Performing revolutionary pedagogy. In N. Denzin
& Y. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of qualitative research (3
rd
ed.) (pp. 681-
694). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Inc.
Finley, S. (2011). Critical arts-based inquiry: The pedagogy and performance of a radical
ethical aesthetic. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of
qualitative research (4
th
ed.) (pp. 435-450). Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications.
Goodley, D. (2011). Discourse: Poststructuralist disability studies. In Disability Studies:
An interdisciplinary introduction. (pp. 103-121). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Guba, E., & Lincoln, Y. (2005). Paradigmatice controversies, contradictions, and
emerging confluences. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of
qualitative research (3
rd
ed.) (pp. 191-215). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications.
Irwin, R., & deCosson, A. (2004). A/r/tography: Rendering self through arts-based living
inquiry. Vancouver, BC: Pacific Educational Press.
Jessup, G. M., Bundy, A. C., & Cornell, E. (2013). To be or to refuse to be? Exploring
the concept of leisure as resistance for young people who are visually impaired.
Leisure Studies, 32(2), 191-205.
Mitchell, G., Dupuis, S. L., & Kontos, P. (2013). Dementia discourse: From imposed
suffering to knowing other-wise. Journal of Applied Hermeneutics.
Mitchell, G., Jonas-Simpson, C., & Cross, N. (2012). Innovating nursing education:
interrelating narrative, conceptual learning, reflection, and complexity science.
Journal of Nursing Education and Practice, 3(4), 30-39.
Shaw, S. (2001). Conceptualizing resistance: Womens leisure as political practice.
Journal of Leisure Research, 33(2), 186201.
Norris, J. (2009). Playbuilding as qualitative research: A participatory arts-based
approach. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press Inc.
Wearing, B. (1995). Leisure and resistance in an ageing society. Leisure Studies, 14, 263-
279.
Wearing, B. (1998). Leisure and feminist theory. London: Sage.




Youth With Disabilities: The Influence of Leisure on Family Dynamics
Marie-Michle Duquette (Universit du Qubec Trois-Rivires)

This presentation offers a state of knowledge on the links between leisure experience and
the functioning of families in general. It then explores how these links could act within families
with a child with disability.
Approximately one billion individuals live with a disability representing roughly 15% of
the world population (World Health Organisation, 2011). In Quebec, one out of ten individuals
lives with a disability and, within this proportion, 4.8% are young individuals of fourteen years
of age or younger (Office des personnes handicapes du Qubec, 2011). These young people,
therefore, represent a significant portion of the population requires of physical activity programs.
Young individuals living with a disability may be limited in their opportunities, but not in their
desire to practise sports and physical activities (Cowart, Saylor, Dingle, & Mainor, 2004).
Leisure experiences provide multiple benefits for participants. These experiences can arise
regardless of the activity or the type of people who practise them (Csikszentmihalyi, 2004).
46

Physical activities and sports represent an opportunity for young people to experience leisure. In
addition, these activities fit in with the adoption of a healthy lifestyle.
Research has shown that presently, young people practice more sedentary activities than
physical activities. In addition, the 2013 Canadian Health Measures Survey (CHMS) shows that
almost one third of young people aged between 5 and 17 years of age are overweight or obese.
This situation is even more alarming among young people with disability.
Indeed, these young individuals are more sedentary than those without disabilities (Badia,
Orgaz, Verdugo, & Ulln, 2013). The leisure activity most often practiced by these young people
is watching television (Buttimer & Tierney, 2005). The AlterGo organisation, in collaboration
with the Universit du Qubec Trois-Rivires, has developed a project entitled, Choisir de
Gagner: le dfi des saines habitudes de vie chez les jeunes vivant avec une limitation
fonctionnelle
3
. The first two phases of this project, spread out over four years, helped paint a
portrait of the current situation of youth with disabilities in schools and recognise the facilitating
and restricting factors in terms of adhering to a healthy lifestyle. The first results of this project
are analysed under the aspects of: accessibility of the environment, support offer, social
interactions and quality of the experience in physical activities practice in school. This research
brings forth a complementary aspect of the project by examining the role of leisure experience
on the family dynamics of the young individual with a disability.
Several factors may influence the leisure experience through a physical activity such as the
person with a disability, the family and the environment (Barr & Shields, 2011; Buttimer &
Tierney, 2005). Family is a factor that influences the practice of physical activities by the
persons with disability and can act as a barrier or as a facilitator (Badia et al., 2013; Buttimer &
Tierney, 2005; King et al., 2006). The parents of youth with disability are more influential
because of their presence for commuting, the cost and the practice of the physical activities
(Adamo, Langlois, Brett, & Colley, 2012; Badia et al., 2013; Buttimer & Tierney, 2005). Many
studies, for example King et al. (2006), King, Law, Hurley, Petrenchik, and Schwellnus (2010)
and Solish, Perry, and Minnes (2010), have examined the role of family dynamics on the leisure
experience through physical activities. However, none of these studies have assessed the role of
leisure experience within the family dynamics of a child with disability.
Families living with an individual who has disability are exposed to more stress in
comparison to other families (Rogers & Hogan, 2003). They must adapt to different situations on
a daily basis (Walsh, 2006). These families adapt to the different situations brought on by their
young ones limitations and rise above adversity (Jourdan-Ionescu et al., 2011; Richardson,
2002; Walsh, 2006). The family dynamics, with its proprieties, its dimensions and its
characteristics, can be more resilient and become stronger after these stress and adversities
(Richardson, 2002).
This study seeks to understand how a leisure experience can influence the family dynamics
of youth with disability. The first objective is to identify the elements of the leisure experience of
the young living with a disability, elements that interact with his family dynamics. The second
objective is to describe the interaction of these components with family dynamics.
The research method consisted of the examination of multiple cases. Individual, semi-
structured interviews were conducted with four different families including parents and their
teenagers living with disability. The four young are between 13 and 17 years old and have a
physical disability. One of them is deaf, two have a paralysis and one have a syndrome of

3
Choose to win: Challenge of a healthy lifestyle for the children with disability
47

CLOVE. The only girl of the group is the most handicapped. The activities they practice are all
group activities. Only one of these young individuals is integrated into a regular activity; the
three others engage in activities adapted to their disabilities. Each family are biparental.
The interviews were transcribed and pre-analysed according to Yins (2014) intrasite and
intersite method. This method consists of writing an individual rapport for each case and after,
draw cross-cases conclusions (Yin, 2014).
The interaction of the leisure experiences dimensions (actual practice, satisfaction,
emotions and motivation of the child) with the dynamic of the family is present for the teenager,
the parents, the couple and the family. The leisure experience can enhance the autonomy of the
teenager, improve his future prospects and reduce the negative anticipations of his parents. The
experience brings the teenager to develop his physical, psychological, cognitive and social skills.
Through the sport and the experience, he feels positive emotions, develop his talent, his
optimism and his strategic skills. The nature of the activity raises the interactions and helps to
develop a social network. In the leisure experience, even the parents can develop their social
network. They can share with other parents experiences and feelings. This breaks isolation of
the parents and gives opportunities to exchange with other parents who live the same situation.
The activity practiced by the teenager with disability gives the parents a moment together which
is favourable to the strengthening of their relationship. On a different side, when a parent is
implicated in the leisure of his child, this gives opportunities to have a privileged moment
together. These interactions with the leisure experience and the real-life experience of the family
members are reflected on the family climate and in the family routines. They bring some pleasant
moments and hope for the future. The preliminary results are presented and modeled in the figure
below. The leisure experience includes the family and the teenager dimensions and its effect is
briefly presented.

.


- Bring futures
positives prospects
- Reduce the
negatives
anticipations
- Share a moment in
couple
- Share with others
parents
- Spend quality time
parent-child
- Break the isolation
- Develop a social
network
- Offer a respite
moment
- Enhance the
autonomy
- Consider futures
positives prospects
- Develop skills
- Develop optimism
- Acquire a gratitude
in school
- Envisage studies
post-secondary
- Develop a social
network
48

Some analyses tracks of the cases are potentially interesting for the cross-case analyse.
Elements appear to emerge from the interaction of the leisure experience elements with family
dynamics. Its possible that the leisure experience can have an effect on the families resilience
processes. It is evident that the results are not entirely analysed. Three of these cases are similar.
The one who is different deals with the most handicapped teenager. Hence, another case
addressing a family living with a more handicapped kid will be needed in order to enrich the
data.
The benefits anticipated from this research are numerous. This project allows for
advancement in the analysis of the determinants of the quality of the leisure experience and its
effects on the family dynamics of a young disabled person. On the theoretical level, this research
project offers a different view of the studies on this topic. Indeed, no study has analysed the
effect of the components of leisure experience on the family dynamics of a young individual
with disability. On a professional level, this study will bring new elements of discussion for the
promotion of leisure activities for young individuals with disability and their families by
demonstrating the positive role that it has on the family dynamics. Finally, on a social level, this
study will support the research project Choisir de Gagner: le dfi des saines habitudes de vie
chez les jeunes vivant avec une limitation fonctionnelle in the promotion of a healthy lifestyle
for children with disability throughout schools in the province of Quebec.

References
Adamo, K. B., Langlois, K. A., Brett, K. E., & Colley, R. C. (2012). Young Children and
Parental Physical Activity Levels: Findings from the Canadian Health Measures Survey.
American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 43(2), 168-175. doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2012.02.032
Badia, M., Orgaz, M. B., Verdugo, M. ., & Ulln, A. M. (2013). Patterns and determinants of
leisure participation of youth and adults with developmental disabilities. Journal of
Intellectual Disability Research, 57(4), 319-332. doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2788.2012.01539.x
Barr, M., & Shields, N. (2011). Identifying the barriers and facilitators to participation in
physical activity for children with Down syndrome. Journal of Intellectual Disability
Research, 55(11), 1020-1033. doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2788.2011.01425.x
Buttimer, J., & Tierney, E. (2005). Patterns of leisure participation among adolescents with a
mild intellectual disability. Journal of Intellectual Disabilities, 9(1), 25-42.
Cowart, B. L., Saylor, C. F., Dingle, A., & Mainor, M. (2004). Social Skills and Recreational
Preferences of Children With and Without Disabilities. North American Journal of
Psychology, 6(1), 27-42.
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2004). Vivre: La psychologie du bonheur. Paris: Robert Laffont.
Jourdan-Ionescu, C., Ionescu, S., Bouteyre, ., Roth, M., Mthot, L., & Vasile, D. (2011).
Rsilience assiste et vnements survenant au cours de l'enfance : maltraitance, maladie,
divorce, dcs des parents et troubles psychiatriques des parents. In S. Ionescu (Ed.), Trait
de rsilience assiste (pp. 155-246). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
King, G., Law, M., Hanna, S., King, S., Hurley, P., Rosenbaum, P., & Petrenchik, T. (2006).
Predictors of the Leisure and Recreation Participation of Children With Physical
Disabilities: A Structural Equation Modeling Analysis. Children's Health Care, 35(3), 209-
234. doi: 10.1207/s15326888chc3503_2
King, G., Law, M., Hurley, P., Petrenchik, T., & Schwellnus, H. (2010). A Developmental
Comparison of the Out-of-School Recreation and Leisure Activity Participation of Boys
49

and Girls with and without Physical Disabilities. International Journal of Disability,
Development and Education, 57(1), 77-107.
Office des personnes handicapes du Qubec. (2011). Statistique. Retrieved 20 fvrier 2013,
2013, from http://www.ophq.gouv.qc.ca/documentation-et-
publications/publications/statistiques.html
Richardson, G. E. (2002). The metatheory of resilience and resiliency. Journal of Clinical
Psychology, 58(3), 307-321. doi: 10.1002/jclp.10020
Rogers, M. L., & Hogan, D. P. (2003). Family Life with Children with Disabilities: The Key
Role of Rehabilitation. Journal of Marriage and Family, 65(4), 818-833. doi:
10.2307/3599893
Solish, A., Perry, A., & Minnes, P. (2010). Participation of Children with and without
Disabilities in Social, Recreational and Leisure Activities. Journal of Applied Research in
Intellectual Disabilities, 23(3), 226-236.
Walsh, F. (2006). Strengthening Family Resilience (2 ed.). New York: The Guilford Press.
Yin, R. K. (2014). Case study research: Design and methods (5 ed.). Thousand Oaks: SAGE
Publications.



Socioecological Correlates of Daily Unstructured Outside Play in a Sample of Texas Youth
Michael B. Edwards (North Carolina State University), Mat Duerden (Brigham Young
University), Katherine Campbell (Texas A&M University), Robin Lizzo (University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign)

Introduction
Researchers and policy makers from a variety of sectors have suggested the importance of
youth spending time outside each day (Larson, Green, & Cordell, 2011). Outside play, especially
unstructured play, appears to encourage exploration and creativity and has been linked to
positive emotional, mental, and social development among children and adolescents (Clements,
2004). Additionally, researchers have identified several positive health benefits youth acquire
through playing outside, including increased physical activity (Sallis, Prochaska, & Taylor,
2000), reduced attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) related symptoms (Wells &
Evans, 2003), and improved mental health (Taylor & Kuo, 2009).
Despite some limited contrary results collected through parental surveys (see Larson et al.,
2011), evidence suggests youth are spending less time outside in unstructured play than previous
generations (Clements, 2004). Researchers and policy makers in the U.S. have recognized and
responded to the perceived need to get youth outside (e.g., No Child Left Inside Act of 2009, The
Outdoor Foundations Outdoor Nation initiative, the National Wildlife Federations Be Out
There campaign). The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) issued an official
recommendation that children should have at least 60 minutes of daily unstructured play time
outdoors (Ginsburg, 2007). Childrens changing play and decreased engagement in the outdoors
has also more recently become a concern in Canada (Staempfli, 2009). For example, the David
Suzuki Foundation (2013) found that 70% of Canadian youth spent an hour or less per day
outdoors. However, there remains a lack of empirical studies focused on the facilitators and
constraints to outside play. Much of the existing research has focused on youths psychological
motivations and parental socialization of outside play (Clements, 2004). While this research has
50

helped us understand some of the interpersonal facilitators of outside play, the issue appears
more complex. There is a need to examine constraints to outdoor play from a socioecological
perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) in order to understand how youths social and physical
environments are associated with time engaged in unstructured outdoor play.
Few empirical examinations of socioecological factors exist related to youth outdoor play.
Some of the relevant work in this area has primarily focused on childrens physical activity
rather than more general outdoor play (e.g., Cleland et al., 2008). However, some of this research
suggests that access to parks and natural spaces, perceptions of neighborhoods, and availability
of friends to play with are key socioecological elements associated with increased outdoor play
time (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006).
A key limitation of the existing research on youth time outside is that it often relies on
daily recall surveys to document time use (Edwards, Duerden, Lizzo, Campbell, & Kamper, In
press). Daily recall methods have been rightly criticized for potential biases and lack of validity
(Diffey, 2011), yet remain the predominant means of collecting information about youth time
outside. Additionally, some of this daily recall data (e.g., Larson et al., 2011) comes from
parents, rather than youth. Conversely, the use of time diaries has a long history in leisure
research (Robinson & Godbey, 1999). While not employed in previous studies of youth outdoor
time, the use of time diaries has been recommended as a more valid approach of collecting self-
reported time use data than daily recall, particularly for youth (Witkow, 2009).
In summary, while substantial time and attention are being directed towards reconnecting
youth with nature, significant gaps still exist in the literature. For example, questions remain
regarding the constraints and facilitators of daily unstructured outdoor time among youth. Part of
this gap may be attributable to an overreliance on time recall data collection approaches as
opposed to potentially more robust strategies such as time diaries. Therefore, the purpose of this
study was to examine factors associated with daily unstructured outdoor play time among a
sample of 7
th
graders using a 7-day time diary method.

Methods
Forty 7
th
grade students (male = 67.5%) in three Texas middle schools completed paper
and pencil time diaries over seven days. Schools were sampled using a stratified random process
to ensure that schools represented three different community types (i.e., urban, suburban, and
rural). Previous research has suggested adolescents attitudes towards outdoor play shift in 7
th

grade (when students usually turn 13 years old) (Pellegrini, 1992). Participants were asked to
document all activities for seven consecutive days, including information about duration of
activity, location, and the presence of others. Time diaries were adapted from the Child
Development Supplement to the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (Hofferth & Sandberg, 1999).
In order to not conflict with school instructional time, students were only asked to document out-
of-school time activities. Participants also provided demographic information and neighborhood
perceptions through an online survey. Data were entered verbatim into a computer spreadsheet.
Duration in each activity was calculated in minutes based on the entered start and end times.
Respondents were given instructions to indicate whether the activity took place inside or outside,
in addition to a specific location. Following a standard methodology of content analysis, two
independent researchers reviewed entries for each of these activities and assigned tentative codes
and definitions. Based on previous studies, codes were further organized into broader categories
of activity types, structure of activities (unstructured vs. structured), and locations. Primary data
analyses included two multi-level regression models in SAS version 9.3 with days (n = 271)
51

nested within individuals (n = 40) serving as the unit of analysis. Model 1 predicted daily
minutes of unstructured outdoor play (UOP) based on day type (weekend = 1), park visit (visited
park during the day = 1), perception of neighborhood quality (5 items, 1-5 scale), time spent with
friends (spent time with friends during day = 1), daily minutes spent on homework, organized
activities, household chores, using technology, and demographic variables. Model 2 used a
generalized linear model with logit link function to predict the likelihood of meeting the AAPs
recommendation of 60 daily minutes of UOP from the same independent variables.

Results
Participants in this study reported a mean of 52.06 daily minutes of UOP (SD = 101.18).
Participants averaged 101.62 minutes of UOP (SD = 152.25) on the weekends and 33.09 (SD =
63.8) on weekdays. Boys averaged 61.07 daily minutes of UOP (SD = 114.63), while girls
averaged 31.58 daily minutes (SD = 61.25). Model 1 suggested that, in order of importance,
weekend (97.69, SE = 13.14), visiting a park (35.40, SE = 14.89), and spending time with friends
(26.35, SE = 12.04) were significant positive correlates of daily minutes of UOP. Time spent on
household chores (-0.32, SE = .08), using technology (-0.14, SE = .037), doing homework (-
0.24, SE = .10), and participating in organized activities (-.31, SE = .14) significantly reduced
daily time spent in UOP. No person-level factors (e.g., gender, race, and neighborhood) were
significantly associated with UOP. While, on average, boys engaged in twice as much daily UOP
than girls, the gender difference was not significant after controlling for environmental and social
factors. No participants met the AAP daily recommendation for all seven days. One participant
met the recommendations for six days. 28 participants (70%) met recommendations on two or
fewer days, with 9 participants (22.5%) failing to meet recommended levels on any day. Boys
were no more likely than girls to meet daily recommendations (
2
= 1.56, p = .246). Participants
met the daily recommendation on 21% of weekdays and 43% of weekend days. Model 1
explained 24% of variation in daily UOP. Model 2 suggested that weekend (1.87, SE = 0.39, OR
= 6.49) and park visit (1.33, SE = 0.44, OR = 3.79) were positively associated with meeting
AAPs recommended daily amount of UOP. Conversely, daily minutes doing household chores
(-0.014, SE = .004, OR = .986) and using technology (-.003, SE = .001, OR = .997) were
negatively associated with meeting the daily requirement. Model 2 explained 21.5% of variance
in likelihood of meeting AAP recommendations.

Discussion
The results of this study suggested that youth averaged less than the recommended daily
levels of outside play, particularly during weekdays. Visitation to a park or natural space was the
most important positive socioecological correlate other than weekend. The availability of friends
was also associated with more minutes of outside play. Results suggested that time spent on
other activities reduced outside play time. Similar to previous studies, we found the expected
negative relationship between discretionary time using technology and time playing outside.
There was also a negative association between time in organized activities, including sports, and
UOP. Results also indicated that required time for homework and household chores also reduced
outside play time. In fact, time spent on household chores was the most important negative
correlate to both daily outside play and likelihood of meeting daily recommendations. These
results are important because, while gender was not significant in regression models, girls
engaged in significantly more time doing household chores than boys. Previous research
suggests that girls often have more expectations placed upon them for participating in domestic
52

labor than boys (Manke, Seery, Crouter, & McHale, 1994). However, it should be noted that
Canadian boys and girls may share in household chores more equitably than U.S. youth (CFLRI,
2007), except in low SES families (Humbert et al., 2006). Thus, these differential requirements
may be a significant barrier to U.S. and low SES Canadian girls outside play. While some
factors (e.g., availability of friends, time spent on homework, and participation in organized
activities) significantly reduced daily outside play time, these factors did not prevent youth from
meeting minimum suggested recommendations for time playing outside.
This study was limited by it small demographic and geographic sample. Data were
collected in three locations in Texas during spring weather conditions. A similar study conducted
across larger geographic space, more variable weather conditions, and with multiple age groups
could result in valuable information about the role of these effects on outside play time.
However, the collection of data directly from youth and the use of time diaries instead of recall
surveys is a strength. For multiple reasons, increasing daily unstructured outside play is an
important public policy objective. Despite its limitations, this study suggests some
socioecological factors that may play a critical part in encouraging or constraining youths
outside play time. Specifically, increasing access to parks and natural areas should remain a
priority to provide spaces for outside play time. Additionally, parents should ensure time is
available for outside play by setting limits on childrens technology use and reducing required
time for household chores, particularly for girls.

References
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and
design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute. (2007). Use of time after school. Retrieved
February 14, 2014 from http://www.cflri.ca/media/node/377/files/pam2005_sec4.pdf
Cleland, V., Crawford, D., Baur, L. A., Hume, C., Timperio, A., & Salmon, J. (2008). A
prospective examination of children's time spent outdoors, objectively measured physical
activity and overweight. International Journal of Obesity, 32(11), 1685-1693.
Clements, R. (2004). An investigation of the status of outdoor play. Contemporary Issues in
Early Childhood, 5(1), 68-80.
David Suzuki Foundation (2013). Youth engagement with nature and the outdoors: A summary
of survey findings. Retrieved February 14, 2014 from http://www.davidsuzuki.org/
Diffey, B. L. (2011). An overview analysis of the time people spend outdoors. British Journal of
Dermatology, 164(4), 848-854.
Edwards, M. B., Duerden, M. D., Lizzo, R. D., Campbell, K. S., & Kamper, L. M. (In press).
Youth time outside: A comparison of time use methodologies. Journal of Leisure
Research.
Hofferth, S., & Sandberg, J. (1999). Changes in American children's time, 1981-1997. Ann
Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Institute for Social Research.
Humbert, M. L., Chad, K. E., Spink, K. S., Muhajarine, N., Anderson, K. D., Bruner, M. W., &
Gryba, C. R. (2006). Factors that influence physical activity participation among high-and
low-SES youth. Qualitative Health Research, 16(4), 467-483.
Larson, L. R., Green, G. T., & Cordell, H. K. (2011). Children's time outdoors: Results and
implications of the National Kids Survey. Journal of Park & Recreation Administration,
29(2), 1-20.
53

Manke, B., Seery, B. L., Crouter, A. C., & McHale, S. M. (1994). The three corners of domestic
labor: Mothers', fathers', and children's weekday and weekend housework. Journal of
Marriage & Family, 56(3), 657-668.
Pellegrini, A. D. (1992). Preference for outdoor play during early adolescence. Journal of
Adolescence, 15(3). 241-254.
Robinson, J. P., & Godbey, G. (1999). Time for life. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania
State University Press.
Sallis, J. F., Prochaska, J. J., & Taylor, W. C. (2000). A review of the correlates of physical
activity of children and adolescents. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 32(5),
963-975.
Staempfli, M. B. (2009). Reintroducing adventure into childrens outdoor play environments.
Environment & Behavior, 41(2), 268-280.
Taylor, A. F., & Kuo, F. E. (2009). Children with attention deficits concentrate better after a
walk in the park. Journal of Attention Disorders, 12(5), 402-409.
Veitch, J., Bagley, S., Ball, K., & Salmon, J. (2006). Where do children usually play? A
qualitative study of parents' perceptions of influences on children's active free-play. Health
& Place, 12(4), 383-393.
Wells, N. M., & Evans, G. W. (2003). Nearby nature. Environment and Behavior, 35(3), 311-
330.
Witkow, M. R. (2009). Academic achievement and adolescents' daily time use in the social and
academic domains. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 19(1), 151-172.



Conceptualising Leisure Literacy: International Perspectives
Samuel Elkington (University of Bedfordshire)

The intention of this paper is to open up a debate on the concept of leisure literacy which
has emerged as a central feature in an international teaching and learning project examining the
anatomy and pedagogy of leisure-based degree programmes in the UK, Canada and the US.
Generally speaking, as a subject matter to be researched, leisure pedagogy recurrently escapes
the purview of mainstream leisure studies; an interesting trend at a time when universities,
internationally, are engaged in the long-term positioning of leisure as a field of study whither
leisure in the context of recreation, sport, and/or tourism. Changing leisure practices, coupled
with shifting patterns of student engagement within contemporary higher education (HE), are
necessitating significant changes in approaches to and conceptualisations of teaching and
learning for fulfilling and sustainable leisure. This is, in turn, necessitating discussion of the
central challenges at the heart of academic, professional/practitioner and policy debates around
the shifting, intermeshing, modalities of education, leisure, sport, tourism and recreation in
modern society. There is clear need for leisure to be interpreted pragmatically rather than
definitively to convey any use-value in the world today. But this is a world of multiple
interpretations and contestable knowledge claims. What does it mean then to learn for leisure in
an uncertain world? Here are the makings of a logical conundrum!
I have argued elsewhere (Elkington, 2013; Elkington & Watkins, 2014) that the
challenges facing leisure scholars in this changing landscape are, in fact, inherently pedagogic
and that focus must move beyond intellectual and institutional concerns surrounding the leisure
54

studies field, on to more pragmatic issues of curricula and pedagogic development that enhances
peoples (read: students) awareness of leisure in their own lives. To achieve this leisure must be
advanced as more than a teaching object (subject matter to be taught), as has traditionally been
the case, but as an orientation, bringing with it a social and moral structure comprising beliefs,
attitudes, values and dispositions towards leisure, brought to life by means of fresh approaches to
teaching and learning that are necessarily trans-paradigmatic; moving beyond the false
boundaries of traditional socio-cultural, psychological and social psychological dimensions of
leisure to encourage critical awareness of and meaningful engagement with leisure as a basis for
sustainable futures.
University courses must today engage with the life-world challenges of students and the
pedagogical challenges that arise from learning for leisure in an uncertain world. The educational
task is in principle no longer epistemological, of knowledge or knowing per se, it is not even one
of action, of effective interventions; it is ontological. Ontologically speaking, the task becomes
one of a) understanding how people live their lives and examining what a fulfilling and
sustainable leisure lifestyle might resemble and b) enabling students to prosper amid uncertainty
in situations in which there are no stable descriptions, no concepts to be grasped with any
assuredness and no value system that holds sway over any other. An education for modern
leisure must be responsible for providing a solid initiation and preparation for how to cope with
ever expanding spaces of freedom and is, therefore, central in moving towards sustainable
practices.
By way of an overview, the teaching and learning project takes as its primary focus the
concept of learning for leisure and the challenges and uncertainties associated with educating
students in a globalised society. Whilst different learning situations require different curricula
and pedagogic strategies, HE has a particularly important role to play in educational
development for sustainable leisure, wherein we want to bring about positive change in learners
understanding of foundation phenomena such as physical activity, sport, travel, hospitality,
management, sustainability, and of course, leisure. Through a series of teaching visits, the project
has developed, first-hand, and in collaboration with international colleagues, an anthology of
pedagogic approaches for teaching and learning for leisure, bringing together the foundational
pedagogic principles, synergies and practice innovations of leading undergraduate and
postgraduate programmes from the UK, US and Canada taking in leisure, (therapeutic)
recreation, sport, and tourism that actively champion a trans-paradigmatic approach to teaching
and learning. In this time the project has built a working knowledge of how growing integration
of these sub-disciplines with mainstream leisure programmes is being reconciled
pedagogically, revealing wide-ranging pedagogic approaches that share a common concern for
creating ways for students to cultivate and enhance an appreciation, sensibility and
understanding of leisure in their own lives; of the opportunities afforded by free time activity in a
wide variety of situations and contexts, and their capacity and will to seek out and contribute to
fulfilling and sustainable leisure lifestyles for themselves and others their Leisure Literacy.
The term leisure literacy is used here in preference to education, mastery, or
competence, as literacy can be seen to connote the holistic and interactive nature of this very
human attribute. The notion of leisure literacy speaks to a broader conception of education for
leisure that requires learning about peoples relationships to the world and the role leisure plays
therein, not only relating to how leisure is used as a source of self-realisation and human
flourishing, but how to engage in leisure in socially responsible and sustainable ways that
enhance, as well as maintain, well-being, and how to acquire and apply knowledge about the
55

ideals and social relations of leisure. In this sense, to be leisure literate is essential to a complete
experience of human life, referring to the capacities and desires of an individual (as human
being) to realise a wider range of aspects of their potential, through leisure, and thus enhance
their quality of life.
As a starting point it is proposed that the concept of leisure literacy should not only be
about being able to do in skill and/or physical competency terms. Leisure literacy is a far
broader term and includes aspects concerned with being able to perceive intelligently and
respond appropriately. The philosophical basis for the notion of leisure literacy is rooted in
Brightbill and Mobilys (1977) seminal textbook Educating for Leisure-centred Living. Nearly
four decades ago they outlined a number of key defining statements in their leisure philosophy
that remain as relevant today as they did at the time of writing. Brightbill and Mobilys
philosophy is one of questions and ideas, centring around the following statements: (1) The
human race is capable of improving the quality and meaning of life; (2) Education, imagination,
compassion constitute the main thrust of lasting progress; (3) The place of education is
everywhere; (4) Humans, generally, can be relied upon to follow the light freely, if they see it;
(5) Freedom, combined with education and leisure, provides the means for humans to reach their
highest level; (6) Education cannot be narrow, static, or terminal; (7) Education is not the
exclusive responsibility of any one institution or discipline; (8) Education and sound health as its
stepping stone are primarily, although not exclusively, the responsibilities of enlightened,
democratic government; (9) Literacy in the use of personally satisfying and beneficial leisure is
of unwavering importance.
This final statement, the cultivation of literacy in the use of leisure draws on a concept
that has, in fact, been widely used with reference to a good many areas of study and aspects of
contemporary culture. There are established literature and resources substantiating music
literacy, computer literacy, nutrition literacy, media literacy, maths literacy, arts literacy, health
literacy, and physical literacy. Of these, physical literacy is perhaps the most developed, with an
intellectual heritage spanning three decades (see Whitehead, 2001, 2005 & 2010).
Philosophically, it also aligns closely with the idea of leisure literacy; namely, an embodied
dimension is integral to an understanding of both concepts. However, despite its ostensible
plausibility as a valuable concept for grasping the sophistication of modern leisure, the notion of
Leisure Literacy has remained under-theorised and under-utilised in the domain of contemporary
leisure education. It could be argued that we are growing increasingly literate educationally, but
not necessarily literate as far as the wise use of leisure is concerned. People who are well
educated also have access to information they are well-informed, and connected, through the
various mass media of our time. Sophistication, however, can be a hindrance, when it arrives too
soon or appears before maturity; especially if some part of the growing-up process has been
circumvented or accelerated as is the case with so much of contemporary leisure. To be leisure
literate, then, implies a learned ability to read a changing environment and make value-
judgements based on meaningful and equitable relations to a range of leisure pursuits. Moreover,
there was consensus among tutors and students alike that sustained, even lifelong, engagement in
leisure is not a matter of knowledge or knowing, nor is it simply about the experience of doing
something freely chosen and satisfying rather, it stems from a continued commitment of self to
a personal project it is a matter of will, of human agency. Without a will to leisure, nothing is
possible the person cannot carry herself forwards, cannot successfully come into new situations
in and through her leisure. A will to leisure, thus, carries with it both orientation and disposition
56

it is a matter of a persons hold on the world, and as such is prone to fading and dissolution,
subject as it is to the competing rhythms of modern life.
As an aspect of human potential integral to a fully realised human existence and
influencing much of life as habitually experienced, the achievement and exercise of leisure
literacy plays a very significant part in the development of self-fulfilment and self-actualisation,
as well as crucial social competencies. There is undoubtedly huge potential for achieving quality
of life via the development and deployment of leisure literacy through considered, pedagogical,
interventions to describe more holistic forms of engagement that encompass physical, cognitive
and social capacities embedded in perception, experience, memory, anticipation and decision
making in leisure throughout the life course.
The ideas of will and literacy in leisure bear on the individual as a person though it
indicates much more too, as to matters of responsibility and other virtues (such as accountability,
courage, and compassion) that we must eventually come on to. Presently, evidence from this
admittedly narrow-in-focus international project (its focus is on university Leisure programmes
in the global West) suggests we have arrived at a matter of profound importance if a persons
will to leisure is the foundation of what it is to be at leisure, and if it can fade and dissolve, and
if this is itself contingent on an individuals leisure literacy, then we have to ask: 1) How can we
further conceptualise and operationalise the notion of Leisure Literacy as a framework to
inform effective curricula development? 2) What might such interventions look like? 3) What are
the responsibilities of tutors as individuals and of universities as institutions towards the
nurturing of this will to leisure? Are we, and our institutions, appropriately/adequately leisure
literate? 4) What might we do as individuals and/or as institutions - to develop and to nurture
students will to leisure? 5) How, in turn, can that will be activated and turned to positive use
more broadly for individual and society?
If we are seriously concerned with enhancing and harnessing individuals leisure literacy a
suitable vocabulary and suitable line of inquiry is needed. Relatedly, this paper will provide
crucial insight into the kinds of learning that might be effective in terms of enhancement of
students awareness of leisure and their development of leisure knowledge, skills, attitudes and
values. Pedagogically speaking, this calls for the suspension of the traditional paradigms of
thought relating to learning for leisure, in favour of leisure pedagogy that is truly situated in the
context of modern leisure. Such pedagogy will necessarily be transdisciplinary and sensitive to
epistemological openness, offering an alternative language with which to capture modern leisure.
From there, knowledge and skills are not to be the central defining categories of learning for
leisure, rather focus shifts to the cultivation of certain human qualities: thoughtfulness, empathy,
receptiveness, resilience, even criticality a task, philosophically at least, leisure has always
been cut out for. Indeed, how can these matters be avoided when learning for leisure in our
society today?

References
Brightbill, C. K., & Mobey, T. A. (1977). Educating for leisure-centred living, (2
nd
Ed.). New
York: John Wiley.
Elkington, S. (2013). Ways of seeing degrees of leisure: From practice to pedagogy. Leisure
Studies, 32(4), 447-461.
Elkington, S., & Watkins, M. (2014). Models of teaching leisure education. Contemporary
Perspectives in Leisure: Meanings, Motives and Lifelong Learning, (pp. 207-). London:
Routledge.
57

Whitehead, M. E. (2001). The concept of physical literacy. European Journal of Physical
Education, 6(2), 127-138.
Whitehead, M. E. (2005). Physical literacy: A developing concept. British Journal Teaching of
Physical Education.
Whitehead, M. E. (Ed.). (2010). Physical literacy: Throughout the lifecourse. London:
Routledge.



Modeling nature experiences: The Big Four and Structural Equation Modeling
Lara Fenton (Dalhousie University)

Introduction
Since journalist Richard Louv (2005) introduced the concept of Nature Deficit Disorder
(NDD) (the possible reality that children and adults are exhibiting the negative effects of
spending too little time in nature), statements about nature-based benefits have infused popular
culture, media, and policy. Ideas about NDD have also influenced researchers who continue to
theoretically and empirically identify countless benefits of nature-based recreation in the
psychosocial realm (e.g., Baur & Tynon, 2010; Kuo & Sullivan, 2001). This study falls within
the realm of nature-based study but narrows the focus by concentrating on psychologically deep
experiences (PDEs) in natural environments. Roger Mannell identifies PDEs as psychological
experiences that people experience and label as special, out-of-the-ordinary, or meaningful
(Mannell, 1996, p.405) and typically involve altered perceptions of time, self, and surroundings.

Literature Review
Research indicates that nature-based recreation often involves experiencing what the
authors call the Big Four: Communitas (connections to other people through sharing, harmony,
and a sense of belonging, Turner, 1982), Fascination (fascination with the landscape or setting,
Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; McDonald, Wearing, & Ponting, 2009), Flow (a deep concentration
based on the intersection of challenge, skill, and competency, Csikszentmihalyi, 1990), and
Spiritual experiences (a connection to the universe or spiritual other through an experience that is
holy, divine, or sacred, Hood, Morris, & Watson, 1993). Previous nature based recreation
research has evaluated each of the Big Four individually and much of this work is qualitative
(e.g., Fredrickson & Anderson, 1999; Hartig, Evans, Jamner, Davis, & Garling, 2003; Jones,
Hollenhurst, Perna, & Selin, 2000; Sharpe, 2005). This study is a part of a larger project, the
purpose of which is twofold: First, to develop and implement a comprehensive PDE scale that
measures all the components of the Big Four. Second, to use Structural Equation Modeling
(SEM) to evaluate if there is a relationship among the Communitas, Fascination, Flow, and
Spiritual experiences that people have during nature-based recreation. The purpose of SEM is a
simultaneous confirmation of structure (i.e., confirmatory factor analysis) and regression: in
other words, can the statistically confirmed causal relationships among constructs be used to
explain theory and practice?

Method
A comprehensive PDE scale was developed based on a literature review of pre-existing
scales used to measure the Big Four. Then, twelve interviewees recounted their extraordinary
58

nature experiences and offered feedback on the readability and potential gaps in the scale.
Finally, five expert reviewers assessed the construct and content validity of the proposed scale
(Dunn, 1999). A link to the Psychologically Deep Experiences in Nature survey was emailed
out via listservs of environmental organizations and groups in Alberta and Western Canada. For
this study, a total of 431 surveys were analyzed. Individuals were asked to recall a memorable
nature experience they had had in the last year and fill out the comprehensive PDE survey with
this experience in mind. PDE items were measured on a six-point unipolar scale (ranging from
1=not applicable to 6=to a very great extent). For this analysis, three items measured each of the
Big Four. For example, previous research has relied on the presence of a challenge/skill
balance as a gauge of Flow (Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). In the case of this
study, three challenge/skill items measured Flow. Other non-PDE variables included: Who
with as a dichotomous variable (i.e., either alone or with others) and Scenery, measured on a
five-point unipolar scale (ranging from 1=an undisturbed natural area with no evidence of
humans to 5=an area where roads, buildings, and powerlines clearly dominate the landscape).
Within the implied model, the hypothesized relationships between the measurement model and
the PDE factors were informed by the results of a previous analysis that used confirmatory factor
analysis to verify that the indicators of the Big Four were adequately influenced by the factors.
The interview process informed the path analysis among the factors. For example, the results of
the interviews revealed that: (a) being with others influences the experience of Communitas, (b)
more natural or remote landscapes or scenery influences the experience of Fascination, (c)
Fascination is a potential precursor to Spiritual experiences, (d) Communitas is important for
Spiritual experiences, and (e) Communitas is important for Flow (See Figure 1 for the
hypothesized relationships).

Figure 1.
T values for the original SEM

Results
A covariance matrix using pairwise deletion was created in SPSS. The matrix was then
imported into LISREL VIII and Maximum Likelihood Estimation was used for analysis. One
indicator for each factor was weighted with one to run the analysis (Hayduk, 1983). The SEM
59

indicated a reasonable fitting model (
2
=542.80, df = 57). Overall fit statistics included a GFI of
0.84 and RMSEA of 0.14 (See Table 1). However, as is clear from the T values in Figure 1, only
two relationships in the hypothesized model are significant: Who with influences the
experience of Communitas, and Spiritual influences Communitas. The goal of model
respecification is to improve the fit indices, increase the parsimony of the model by deleting
nonsignificant pathways, or add pathways based on empirical evidence. Kelloway (1998)
cautions that post-hoc modifications must be theoretically based and replicated. Therefore, one
modification was proposed that was theoretically sound. This modification was based on the
large amount of shared variance between two of the three variables that measure Communitas:
Sharing and Harmony. This modification meant deleting Sharing from the original model.
The fit statistics for the model modification improve when compared to the original (
2
=196.92,
df = 46) (See Table 1). Additionally, the difference between GFI and AGFI decreases between
the original and modified sharing-deleted model, indicating that unnecessary parameters have
been eliminated. Finally, Schreiber (2006) outlines that the ECVI statistic is appropriate for non-
nested model comparison. In this case, we can see that the modification that eliminates Sharing
is a better model with the lowest ECVI of 0.61. However, while overall fit is better for the
modified sharing-deleted model, the intricacies of the model are more problematic as the T
values for Spiritual on Communitas are no longer significant for the modified Sharing
model. Both the original and the Sharing deleted model have negative R
2
values.

Table 1
Fit Statistics for the Original model and the Sharing deleted model
Original Sharing

2
542.80 196.92
df 57 46
GFI 0.84 0.93
AGFI 0.74 0.88
RMSEA 0.14 0.087
NFI 0.79 0.93
PNFI 0.58 0.65
ECVI 1.42 0.61

Discussion
Results indicate that being with other people influences whether individuals experience
Communitas, although future modeling should take into account the large amount of shared
variance between Sharing and Harmony, two of the three items that measure Communitas.
The strongest relationship among PDEs appears to be between Spiritual experiences and
Communitas: where an intense but magical connection to other people is influenced by the
Spiritual experience. Perhaps one of my interviewees, Nathan, explained this best when he stated
that his Spiritual experience allowed him to reflect on my overall interactions with the people in
Hunza a community in Pakistan where an intense connection to other people remained with him
even when he was alone (personal communication, March 2011). For example, the driver who
took him to Eagle Point, the place of his profound spiritual experience, left him alone to do a
short hike as if knowing Nathan needed this alone time: Even without interacting with him,
even in his absence I was actually interacting with him because he thought okay, you need your
space, stay there (personal communication, March 2011).
60

Theoretical and Practical Implications
Future analyses should consider maintaining a broader Who with category with more
than two options. The original intent behind using a dichotomous Who with variable in this
study was to capture being alone versus with other people during a PDE as an influential aspect
of Communitas. However, the dichotomous variable may be causing problems within the model
as the negative R
2
values in the original model and the sharing-deleted model would suggest.
Practical implications includes suggestions for outdoor and adventure leaders, as well as staff
with Parks Canada. For instance, Parks Canadas mandate is to facilitate memorable
experiences [italics added] in a way that ensures the protection of the ecological integrity of
national parks (Parks, 2008). Slowing the pace of trips or hikes and pausing to allow
relationships to develop is a key aspect of facilitating Communitas and influencing Spiritual
experiences, the benefits of which include increase social capital and spiritual wellness.

References
Baur, J. W. R., & Tynon, J. F. (2010). Small-scale rrban nature parks: Why should we care?
Leisure Sciences, 32(2), 195-200. doi: 10.1080/01490400903547245
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1990). Flow: The psychology of optimal experience. New York: Harper &
Row.
Csikszentmihalyi, M., & Csikszentmihalyi, I. (1988). Optimal experience: Psychological studies
of flow in consciousness. New York: Cambridge Press.
Fredrickson, L. M., & Anderson, D. H. (1999). A qualitative exploration of the wilderness
experience as a source of spiritual inspiration. Journal of Environmental Psychology,
19(1), 21-39.
Hartig, T., Evans, G. W., Jamner, L. D., Davis, D. S., & Garling, T. (2003). Tracking restoration
in natural and urban field settings. Restorative Environments, 23(2), 109-123.
Hayduk, L. (1983). Structural equation modeling with LISREL. Baltimore: The John Hopkins
University Press.
Hood, R. W., Morris, R. J., & Watson, P. J. (1993). Further factor analysis of Hood's mysticism
scale. Psychological Reports, 73, 1176-1178.
Jones, C., Hollenhurst, S., Perna, F., & Selin, S. (2000). Validation of the flow theory in an on-
site whitewater kayaking setting. Journal of Leisure Research, 32(2), 247-261.
Kaplan, R., & Kaplan, S. (1989). The experience of nature: A psychological perspective.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kelloway, K. E. (1998). Using LISREL for structural equation modeling: A researchers guide.
London: SAGE publications.
Kuo, F. E., & Sullivan, W. C. (2001). Aggression and violence in the inner city. Environment
and Behavior, 33(4), 543-571. doi: 10.1177/00139160121973124
Louv, R. (2005). Last child in the woods: Saving our children from nature deficit disorder:
Algonquin books of Chapel Hill.
Mannell, R. (1996). Approaches in the social and behavioral sciences to the systematic study of
hard-to-define human values and experiences. In D. D. B.L. Driver, T. Baltic, G. Elsner, &
G. Peterson (Ed.), Nature and the human spirit (pp. 405-415). State College, PA: Venture
Publishing, Inc.
McDonald, M., Wearing, S., & Ponting, J. (2009). The nature of peak experience in wilderness.
Humanistic Psychologist, 37(4), 370-385. doi: 10.1080/08873260701828912
61

Messick, S. (1989). Validity. In L. R. Linn (Ed.), Educational measurement (pp. 13-43). New
York: Macmillan Publishing Company.
Schreiber, J. B., Nora, A., Stage, F. K., Barlow, E. A., & King, J. (2006). Reporting structural
equation modeling and confirmatory factor analysis results: A review. Journal of
Educational Research, 99(6), 323-337.
Sharpe, E. K. (2005). Delivering communitas: Wilderness adventure and the making of
community. Journal of Leisure Research, 37(3), 255-280.
Turner, V. (1982). From ritual to theatre: The human seriousness of play. New York:
Performing Arts Journal Publications.



Leisure to Learning: Video Games and Children with Autism
Erinn H. Finke, Benjamin D. Hickerson (Penn State University)

Video game play has rapidly emerged as one of the most common forms of leisure in the
21
st
century. As of 2013, 58% of Americans play video games with the average age of game
players being 30 years old. Further, 51% of homes in the United States own a dedicated game
console, and many individuals choose to play games on smartphones, tablets, and arcade
machines (Entertainment Software Association (ESA), 2013). Advances in technology have
afforded more complex and realistic games, as well as games that can be played on-the-go,
which has attracted a larger audience of players. It has been reported that 36% of gamers play
games on their smartphones and 25% play on other wireless devices (ESA, 2013).
Children under the age of 18 years old are often identified as the core consumers of video
games. A recent survey found that 91% of youth between the ages of 2 and 17 play video games
(NPD Group, 2011). On average, 8-18 year olds play video games 73 minutes per day (Rideout,
Foehr, & Roberts, 2010). Children are motivated to play these games by the belief that games
can be fun and reduce stress, a desire for social interaction with others, and a need to fill time
and avoid boredom (Ferguson & Olson, 2013). Przybylski, Rigby, and Ryan (2010) also found
that video game players are motivated by the intrinsic nature of games and the likelihood that
gameplay can satisfy basic psychological needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness.
An emerging area of research involves how skills learned during preferred leisure
activities, like video gaming, can be translated to improved academic and social outcomes. The
themes include the engaging or motivating nature of video games, good pedagogical principles
embedded in commercial video games, ways video games can be used to assess acquisition of
new knowledge and skills, and widespread use of video games and supplementary video game
media (e.g., forums, fan fiction). It has been argued that video games should be used for learning
in formal classrooms, after school programs, and the home to promote continuity and
generalization across contexts (Steinkuehler & Squire, 2013). The literature investigating video
games as a learning medium is gaining traction but has largely focused on applications to
individuals without disabilities. Extending this research and the applications of this research to
students with special education needs has been considered, but has not been pursued to date.
One such population is children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Over the
last few years behavioral observations of video game engagement by children with ASD (e.g.,
Mazurek & Engelhardt, 2013a) and potential negative outcomes associated with video game play
(e.g., Mazurek & Engelhardt, 2013b) have emerged. While negative outcomes associated with
video game engagement should not be overlooked, it is probable that individuals with ASD are
62

deriving positive benefits from video games as well. These positive benefits may be similar to
those reported in the video games and learning literature for children without disabilities, but
may also differ as a result of the differences in learning associated with an ASD diagnosis.
Therefore the purpose of this conceptual paper is to review and advance research on learning
benefits derived from video game engagement by children with ASD, and the potential for
translation to improved learning and social opportunities for these individuals.

Children with Autism Spectrum Disorder
According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual Fifth Edition (DSM-V) diagnosis of
ASD requires impairment in two primary areas of development including persistent deficits in
social communication and interaction as well as restricted and repetitive patterns of behavior
(APA, 2013). Other characteristics commonly observed in individuals with ASD, but not
required for a formal diagnosis include poor eye gaze, deficits in joint attention, acquisition of a
Theory of Mind, imagination, imitation, the development of play and abstract thinking and
reasoning.
Studies over the past decade have indicated an increase in ASD with current estimates that
1 in every 88 children has an ASD diagnosis (Biao, 2012). Although the reasons for this increase
are still not well understood, many variables have been hypothesized including changes in the
diagnostic criteria, increased public awareness, accessibility of services, and law and policy
reform. Children with ASD experience difficulties with many cognitive and perceptual tasks, and
experience social impairments; yet, like neurotypical children, enjoy playing video games (e.g.,
Mazurek & Engelhardt, 2013a). Little else is understood regarding why children with ASD find
video games attractive, how they choose games, or whether the video games preferred by
children with ASD are embedded with good pedagogical principles. Our current work is focused
on answering these questions, which will result in a better understanding of how video games
may be used educationally with children with ASD.

Features of the Video Game Environment that Support Learning
Contemporary learning theory suggests people learn through experiences, not through
abstract explanations. Specifically, it has been asserted that people learn from structured
experiences with specific goals that offer immediate feedback, provide opportunities to apply
learning from previous experiences in new and tested ways, and provide mentoring from more
competent individuals (Gee, 2008). Video games provide all of these opportunities during leisure
time use, but these principles can also be applied in formal learning environments through
apprenticeship and situated learning (Steinkuehler & Squire, 2013). Apprenticeship features
include joint participation in an activity with a mutually valued goal, scaffolding of progress in
the activity, instruction sequenced such that learning from similar problems leads to discovering
solutions for more complex problems, situated feedback provided based on problem-solving
attempts, mentoring to focus on salient aspects of the context, and providing the apprentice with
more control in the environment (Gee, 2003).
It is not understood, however, if existing learning theory can be applied to individuals with
ASD. Characteristics inherent to ASD affect how individuals participate in the educational
process and how they prefer to learn (Iovannone, Dunlap, Huber, & Kincaid, 2003). For
example, most individuals with ASD have difficulty with communication. This may impact the
childs ability to interact with a teacher or mentor to express understanding, confusion, or
acquisition of new knowledge and skills. Children with ASD may also be more reliant on visual
63

input for acquisition of knowledge rather than auditory input. This may mean that children with
ASD will find it difficult to learn in an environment where the primary learning strategies
include listening to lectures, responding to questions verbally, or participating in discussions.
Instead, individuals with ASD tend to possess enhanced visual processing (McGrath et al., 2012)
and therefore may acquire new information more readily through the visual modality. Other
characteristics associated with an ASD diagnosis that may affect learning include difficulties
with attention, imitation, social interaction, organization and planning. It has been asserted by
some researchers in the field of ASD that children with ASD, like children who are neurotypical,
can and do learn new skills through the mechanism of scaffolding and mentorship. However,
whether or not these learning theories hold for children with ASD when applied to learning
within the context of video games, and the translation to actual educational and social outcomes
as a result of engagement with video games remains to be investigated.

Relationships Between Educational Outcomes, Video Games, and Children with Autism
There are many demands children encounter while playing video games that closely mirror
the challenges and demands of the educational curriculum. Playing video games requires
temporal and visual processing, abstract thinking, and problem solving. Demands for abstract
thinking (e.g., metacognitive and metalinguistic demands), such as thinking about consequences
of actions, integrating knowledge and information from several sources, and making connections
to background knowledge and experience are also inherent in both video game play and the
academic curriculum (Steinkuehler & Squire, 2013). Thinking about using video games in
promoting learning and educational outcomes does not mean replacing more traditional forms of
instruction and assessment, rather adding to them by creating additional avenues for engaging
with content and demonstrating knowledge acquisition.
It is known that neurotypical players create and perfect mental models of games as they
play through a process of trial and error where failure is accepted as necessary for learning to
occur (Boyan & Sherry, 2011). This is very different from the traditional methods for assessing
learning in the American school system (i.e., standardized tests). It is not known if children with
ASD also build these mental models of games when playing preferred video games or if learning
via a process of trial and error occurs in the same way as with their neurotypical peers. What is
apparent, however is that children with ASD spend time engaging with video games (e.g., Shane
& Albert, 2008) and this engagement has been attributed to increased attention and motivation
(Moore & Calvert, 2000) as well as social and fine-motor skill development (Winter-Messiers,
2007).
Finally, research indicates people who play video games frequently enter a state of flow
while playing video games. This flow state contributes to their experience of a sense of
accomplishment as they learn about the game and use that knowledge to overcome future
obstacles. This sense of accomplishment and mastery may be a critical aspect of the appeal of
video games for children with ASD. Children with ASD face many obstacles in learning and
acquiring new skills. Entering a flow state, and experiencing success, satisfaction and
competence during engagement with video games may significantly contribute to the appeal of
this activity. There are other potential explanations for the dramatic appeal of video games for
children with ASD including the use of video games as a social bridge and as a coping
mechanism for sensory overload or anxiety. These hypotheses need research evidence to either
confirm or discredit them as explanations for the appeal of video games to children with ASD.

64

Conclusion
The arguments in this conceptual piece are primarily based on the inherent learning
opportunities presented in the context of video game play. Recent research has demonstrated that
learning transpires during video game play and that this learning may be translated to and
integrated with learning in an academic context. Inclusion of children with ASD in general
education is increasing. Approximately 88.4% of children with ASD spend at least some part of
their school day in the general education classroom. It is important to understand the similarities
and differences in how children who are neurotypical and children with ASD engage with and
learn from video game play. This knowledge could be used to better understand how video
games that are played frequently for leisure can be absorbed into educational settings for children
with ASD to increase their learning, academic, and social outcomes.

References
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders
(5th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.
Boyan, A. & Sherry, J. L. (2011). The challenge in creating games for education: Aligning
mental models with game models. Child Development Perspectives, 5, 82-87.
Baio, J. (2012). Prevalence of autism spectrum disorders- autism and developmental disabilities
monitoring network, 14 sites, United States, 2008. MMWR Surveillance Summaries,
61(SS03), 1-18.
Electronic Software Association (2013). Industry facts. Retrieved from:
http://www.theesa.com/facts/index.asp
Ferguson, C. J. & Olson, C. K. (2013). Friends, fun, frustration and fantasy: Child motivations
for video game play. Motivation and Emotion, 37, 154-164.
Gee, J. P. (2003). What video games have to teach us about learning and literacy. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Gee, J. P. (2008). Video games, learning, and content. In C. T. Miller (Ed.), Games: Purpose
and potential in education. New York: Springer Publishing.
Iovannone, R., Dunlap, G. Huber, H., & Kincaid, D. (2003). Effective educational practices for
students with autism spectrum disorders. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental
Disabilities, 18, 150-165.
Mazurek, M. O., & Engelhardt, C. R. (2013a). Video game use in boys with autism spectrum
disorder, ADHD, or typical development. Pediatrics, 132, 260-266.
Mazurek, M. O. & Engelhardt, C. R. (2013b). Video game use and problem behaviors in boys
with autism spectrum disorders. Research in Autism Spectrum Disorders, 7, 316-324.
McGrath, J., Johnson, K., Ecker, C., OHanlon, E., Gill, M., Gallagher, L., & Garavan, H.
(2012). Atypical visuospatial processing in autism: Insights from functional connectivity
analysis. Autism Research, 5, 314-330.
Moore, M., & Calvert, S. (2000). Brief report: Vocabulary acquisition for children with autism:
Teacher or Computer Instruction. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorder, 30(4).
359-362.
NPD Group. (2011). Kids & gaming Facts, fads and trends. Retrieved from:
http://www.npd.com/lps/Kids_Gaming_2011/
Przybylski, A. K., Rigby, C. S., & Ryan, R. M. (2010). A motivation model of video game
engagement. Review of General Psychology, 14(2), 154-166.
65

Rideout, V. J., Foehr, U. G., & Roberts, D. F. (2010) Generation M2: Media in the lives of 8-18
year-olds. Menlo Park, CA: Kaiser Family Foundation.
Rogers, S. J. (1999). An examination of the imitation deficit in autism. In J. Nadel & G.
Butterworth (Eds.), Imitation in infancy. Cambridge studies in cognitive perceptual
development, (pp. 254-283). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Shane, H. C., & Albert, P. D. (2008). Electronic screen media for persons with autism spectrum
disorders: Results of a survey. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 38, 1499
1508.
Steinkuehler, C., & Squire, K. (2013). Videogames and learning. In K. Sawyer (Ed.), Cambridge
handbook of the learning sciences (2
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ed). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Winter-Messiers, M. A. (2007). From tarantulas to toilet brushes: Understanding the special
interest areas of children and youth with Asperger Syndrome. Remedial and Special
Education, 28(3), 140152.



The Role of Recreation and Leisure Professionals in Changing the Culture of Long-term
Care
Darla Fortune, Sherry Dupuis (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
It has been argued that quality of life should be paramount for individuals living in long-
term care (LTC) homes (Dupuis, Whyte, & Carson, 2012a; Kane, 2001). However, longstanding
concerns about quality have prompted calls for changing the culture of care to reflect more
person-centred, resident-driven and relational models. As a result, greater attention is being
directed toward culture change and many LTC homes are becoming increasingly involved in
processes aimed at guiding changes that will enhance quality of life.
Culture change describes an organic, ongoing and evolving process that entails critically re-
examining language, values, assumptions, attitudes, practices, approaches, and policies
embedded within an organization (Rahmann & Schnelle, 2008). Culture change in LTC focuses
on shifting from a medical/institutional model of care, which is guided by rigid hierarchical
structures and provider as expert approaches, toward a more inclusive relational/community
approach to living characterized by collaborative decision-making, close relationships, and
empowering, life-affirming processes (Fagan, 2003; Hill, Kolanowski, Milone-Nuzzo, &
Yevchuk, 2011). It is commonly acknowledged that for culture change in LTC homes to occur,
organizational practices, physical environments, relationships at all levels, and workforce models
must be transformed (Pioneer Network, 2013). Values guiding such a transformation include
choice and self-determination; dignity and respect; the nurturance of mind, body and spirit;
personhood; close interdependent relationships, collaborative decision-making; purposeful
living; and enabling, normalizing environments (Dupuis, Carson, & Whyte, 2013; Fagan, 2003).
Leisure is often considered one of the strongest contributors to quality of life for
individuals living in LTC homes (Dupuis et al., 2012a). Because of the qualities inherent to
meaningful leisure experiences freedom, choice, fun, purpose, and an expression of our
humanity (Brown, 2009; Sylvester, 1987) recreation and leisure professionals have an
important and unique role to play in the culture change movement. The experience of leisure,
particularly rich leisure experiences that are filled with both personal meaning and spontaneity,
66

has much to contribute to changing the culture of care and enhancing quality of life for
individuals living, working, and spending time in LTC homes (Dupuis et al., 2012a, 2013;
Pioneer Network, 2013). However, little is known about how recreation and leisure professionals
perceive culture change and their role in the process. We aimed to fill this gap by gaining a better
understanding of the role of recreation and leisure in the culture change process. We were
interested in: determining how recreation and leisure professionals perceived their role in the
culture change movement; identifying the ways recreation and leisure programs and practices
were being aligned with culture change values; and exploring how recreation and leisure
professionals can be better supported as they work towards culture change in their respective
LTC settings.

The Study
This study is a component of a larger, multi-year research project being carried out by the
Partnerships in Dementia Care (PiDC) Alliance. The PiDC Alliance is a collaborative research
network that is working to facilitate culture change aimed at improving the dementia care
experience for residents, families and staff within Canadian LTC and community care settings.
Data for this study were collected through active telephone interviews conducted with 15
recreation and leisure professionals working in LTC homes across Canada engaged in culture
change initiatives. Potential homes were identified through the work of the PiDC Alliance and a
culture change research project recently conducted by the Alzheimer Society of Canada.
Recreation professionals working in identified homes were asked questions about their
involvement in the culture change process, the role of recreation and leisure in the change
process, the impact of the changes within their home since the culture change process began, and
factors that have both supported and limited their ability to make change. Each interview was
approximately an hour in length, digitally recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Data were
thematically analyzed guided by a constant comparative approach by which data were compared
with data to find similarities, differences, and relationships between themes (Charmaz, 2006).

Findings
When participants spoke about their involvement in culture change they explained that
they believed their formal education did not adequately prepare them for understanding their role
in the broader culture change process. Julie reflected on her education and shared, I think my
education was very clinical and I think there needs to be some practical working knowledge
within the education system of what culture change is and where were going. Some
participants even acknowledged how certain aspects of their education were actually antithetical
to culture change values because it led them to believe that they were experts who knew what
was best for residents leisure needs: I remember coming out of university and it being like,
Yep, everyone is going to want to do everything I say and every program I put in front of them
Thats the attitude that is taught in school. (Karen)
Despite the perceived misalignment between education and values guiding culture change,
it was apparent that recreation and leisure professionals are reaching beyond what they have been
taught in order to help advance culture change within their settings by reimagining how new
programs and practices can promote meaningful engagement and encourage resident-directed
leisure experiences. Kori, for example, described how residents help design the calendar and
they really help to design their day. Advocating for a shift in the way recreation and leisure
programs are traditionally offered in LTC, Kori further explained, We need to move away from
67

program planning and think about authentic leisure and meaningful experiences. Karen spoke
about a similar shift taking place in her LTC home: Were moving away from prescribed
programming with prescribed outcomes. She also described how resident choice is the
fundamental consideration when introducing new leisure practices within the home: Recreation
team members now load up a cart with fifteen different things and give the residents an option of
what they want to do.
It became clear throughout the interviews that recreation and leisure professionals are in a
unique position of being able to create community within the home as well as help maintain
continued connections or establish new connections with the community outside of the home.
Julie captured this inclination when she declared, Im not just leading a department; Im
helping to create, maintain, and drive community. Some participants highlighted how particular
leisure programs work to strengthen relationships between residents and staff and help create
community inside the home. As Margo enthusiastically conveyed, innovative program ideas can
also be enjoyable for staff and entice them to participate alongside residents. Describing a
program that brings exotic animals into the home, she recounted:
We say to staff, Youre more than welcome to participate and enjoy yourself too. How
many people have seen a baby kangaroo at their work, right? So when they come in and
join and sit next to residents, relationships are built and theyre communicating with each
other rather than sitting in the back of the room and watching.
Leisure programs that forge links between LTC and others in the community were also identified
as being integral to more widespread culture change. Diane reflected on programs specifically
designed to build relationships between residents and local students and suggested such
programs can be transformative:
We developed quite a few programs where teachers were actually designing lessons
around the relationships being built. The narrative was one and we also had an iPod
project. Such programs seek to transform culture because they change the perception of
people in the community of what a nursing home is like.
When discussing the support needed to revolutionize their practices and programs, in
addition to major shifts needed in therapeutic recreation curriculum development, participants
stressed the importance of visionary leadership that places residents at the heart of all decisions
being made. Diane, for example, shared how the CEO of her LTC home regularly communicates
that anything is possible when ideas being introduced are resident-centered:
The question I often hear our CEO asking is Dont talk to me about money, just tell me is
it the right thing to do? You know, is it for the resident and if the answer to that is yes,
then well figure it out.
Margo similarly spoke about how she receives unwavering support from upper management
when new ideas come from residents. She conveyed, When I present a new idea and I tell them
this came from the residents and it meets our values our mission, they say ok, go for it. They
always tell me to try it.

Discussion and Implications
Though models guiding culture change may differ, relationships are considered to be at the
heart of most culture change initiatives (Baker, 2007; Misiorski & Rader, 2010). Culture change
in LTC is closely tied to the belief that residents, family, and staff will thrive when institutions
can be transformed into communities of bounded, interdependent relationships (Hill et al., 2011).
However, initiatives in both Canada (e.g., Smale & Dupuis, 2004) and the United States (e.g.,
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Deutschman, 2005) have identified the culture within LTC as a factor that regularly detracts
from quality care, quality of life, and the development of strong relationships. Findings from this
study suggest that recreation and leisure professionals play an important role in creating spaces
for shared and meaningful leisure experiences that help nurture relationships and build
community within the home, and connect individuals residing in LTC in meaningful ways with
others in the community. These experiences not only promote quality of life, but can also work
to challenge assumptions and alter attitudes about individuals living in LTC. Further, leisure
professionals are better able to guide culture change when their programs and practices are
driven by resident choice and active involvement in decision-making (Dupuis et al., 2012b).
The study also illuminates ways that recreation and leisure professionals are best supported
in their culture change efforts. Specifically, it shows that the necessity of supportive, insightful
leadership for encouraging new ways of thinking and helping to translate ideas into practice.
Insights gained from this research also point to the urgent need for critical reflection on the way
universities and colleges design their curricula when preparing recreation and leisure graduates
to work in LTC settings committed to culture change. If we more fully appreciate the unique
contribution that recreation and leisure professionals make to the culture change process, we can
envision curriculum changes that more closely align with culture change values. Graduates will
be better poised to spearhead the culture change process within their work settings if they value
working in collaboration with residents, families, and staff rather than believing they are experts
who possess privileged knowledge.

References
Baker, B. (2007). Old age in a new age: The promise of transformative nursing homes.
Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press.
Brown, S. (2009). Play: How it shapes the brain, opens the imagination, and invigorates the
soul. New York: Penguin.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. London: Sage Publications.
Deutschman, M. T. (2005). An enthnographic study of nursing home culture to define
organization realities of culture change. Journal of Health and Human Services
Administration, 28(1/2), 246-282.
Dupuis, S. L., Whyte, C., & Carson, J. (2012a). Leisure in long-term care settings. In H. Gibson
& J. Singleton (Eds.), Leisure and aging (pp. 217-237). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Dupuis, S. L., Gillies, J., Carson, J., Whyte, C., Genoe, R., Loiselle, L., & Sadler, L. (2012b).
Moving beyond patient and client approaches: Mobilising authentic partnerships in
dementia care. Dementia: The International Journal of Social Research and Practice,
11(4), 428-450.
Dupuis, S. L., Carson, J., & Whyte, C. (2013, May). Aligning TR practice in LTC homes with
culture change values. All-Day Intensive at the Canadian Therapeutic Recreation
Associations (CTRA) 17th Annual Conference, Montreal, QC.
Fagan, R.M. (2003). Pioneer Network: Changing the culture of aging in America. Journal of
Social Work in Long-Term Care, 2(1/2), 125-140.
Hill, N. L., Kolanowski, A. M., Milone-Nuzzo, P., & Yevchuk, A. (2011). Culture change
models and resident health outcomes in longterm care. Journal of Nursing Scholarship,
43(1), 30-40.
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Kane, R. A. (2001). Long-term care and a good quality of life: Bringing them closer together.
The Gerontologist, 41, 293-304.
Misiorski, S., & Rader, J. (2010). Selecting and prioritizing changes. In Getting started:
Pioneering approaches to culture change in long-term care (pp. xx-yy). Rochester, NY:
Pioneer Network.
Pioneer Network. (2013). About us. Retrieved November 15, 2013 from
http://www.pioneernetwork. net/AboutUs/About/
Rahmann, A. N., & Schnelle, J. F. (2008). The nursing home culture-change movement: Recent
past, present and future directions for research. The Gerontologist, 48(2), 142-148.
Smale, B. J. A., & Dupuis, S. L. (2004, March). In their own voices: A portrait of dementia
caregivers in Ontario. Final report prepared for the Ministry of Health and Long-Term
Care and the Ontario Seniors Secretariat as part of Initiative #6 of the Ontario Alzheimer
Strategy. Waterloo, ON: Murray Alzheimer Research and Education Program.
Sylvester, C. (1987). Therapeutic recreation and the end of leisure. In C. Sylvester, J. L.
Hemingway, R. Howe-Murphy, K. Mobily & P. A. Shank (Eds.), Philosophy of
therapeutic recreation: Ideas and issues, Volume 1 (pp. 76-89). Alexandria, Virginia:
National Recreation and Park Association.



Inclusion Through Community Arts: Transitions in Identity, Belonging, and Citizenship
for Formerly Incarcerated Women
Darla Fortune (University of Waterloo), Felice Yuen (Concordia University)

Exclusion has long been identified as a major social issue in Canada (Donnelly & Coakley,
2002). People who are chronically excluded often come to believe they are devalued members of
society and are at risk of having their health and well-being compromised (Ponic & Frisby,
2010). Risks to health and well-being are multifaceted since individuals who are excluded are
more susceptible to unemployment, poverty, and disproportionate contact with the criminal
justice system (Galabuzi, 2004).
The deep exclusion experienced by people who come into contact with the criminal justice
system and subsequently spend time in prison is arguably unparalleled. Links between
incarceration and exclusion are formed in part by ongoing social control and marginality.
Women who spend time in prison are found to be particularly vulnerable to experiences of
exclusion (Allspach, 2010). Exclusion persists for women who are released from prison since
they often re-enter community with increased feelings of powerlessness and are at risk of being
socially isolated from others in the community (Maidment, 2006; Pollack, 2008).
The health-enhancing aspect of inclusion has been receiving greater attention in recent
years. Community-based health promoters working to address health concerns often focus their
efforts on facilitating inclusion (Ponic & Frisby, 2010). Connections between leisure and
inclusion have also been made by various leisure scholars. Trussell and Mair (2010), for
example, found leisure could be a vehicle for contributing to inclusion by helping people link in
to social life. Similarly, Pedlar, Arai, and Yuen (2007) determined that leisure supports inclusion
by helping to foster supportive relationships and a shared understanding of difference.
A number of studies have shown that leisure - the arts in particular, have a positive impact
for people who are incarcerated. For example, Nugent and Loucks (2011) found that women who
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participated in an arts program inside a womens prison noticed improvements in their self-
esteem and confidence. Much of the focus on art in prison has been on its use as a rehabilitation
tool and little consideration has been given to how community art programs may be useful for
aiding in the inclusion of those re-entering community after incarceration. Furthermore, little
attention has been given to the specific inclusionary potential of community arts programs within
the field of leisure studies.
The purpose of this study was to understand how women re-entering community after
incarceration with a heightened risk of being excluded may find inclusion by participating in a
community arts program. We were interested in determining what specific aspects of the
womens experience in a community arts program contribute to their inclusion. Additionally, we
sought to understand the ways in which participation in community arts may augment the
positive changes women are trying to make in their post-prison lives.

The Study
This study is based on the experiences of participants of a six month program called
Donner Une Deuxime Chance (Give a Second Chance), created in collaboration with la Socit
Elizabeth Fry du Quebec (SEFQ) and Engrenage Noir / LEVIER. Participants of the program
were women who had been previously incarcerated. The purpose of the program was to provide
a safe environment for the development of personal empowerment and sense of worth, to create
opportunities for self-expression and socialization, and to promote the discovery and use of new
and old talents. Three evenings a week, participants used recycled material to reflect upon their
experiences in the criminal justice system in relation to poverty and social exclusion. The
program was based on democratic values. For example, weekly round table discussions with
participants generated discussion and led to consensus on future projects and guest artists. The
program concluded with a public exhibit to highlight the reintegration efforts of women who
have been in conflict with the law and to remind the community that they also contribute to their
reintegration by giving them a second chance.
Data were collected through nine semi-structured interviews that were conducted towards
the end of the program. Any participant who was present during the second last month of the
program was invited to participate. Research participants were asked about their motivations to
participate, their art, and the impact their experience in the program had on their re-entry into the
community. The interviews were between ten to thirty minutes in length, digitally recorded, and
transcribed verbatim. Data were thematically analyzed guided by a constant comparative
approach by which data were compared with data to find similarities, differences, and
relationships between themes (Charmaz, 2006).

Findings
Based on our analysis of the data, the following three themes were identified:

Exploring New Identities
When women who participated in this study spoke about their participation in the
community arts program they highlighted ways the program provided opportunities for them to
establish new identities of which they could feel proud. Adopting an identity as an emerging
artist provided some women with an increased sense of self-worth:
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I think the best way of saying it is before I thought I was important and now I am. Before
I would walk into a bar and think I was a movie star hey look at me. And now its like,
Im an artist and I help people and I make a difference (Jacqueline).
Engaging in an art program also helped women re-connect to previously held identities that were
left behind when they went to prison. Chantel, for example, spoke about how the art program
rekindled the interest and passion in art she had when she was a teacher: Well I was a teacher. I
taught theatre and art in my teachings so its a passion of mineits always interested me.

Finding a Place to Belong
The participatory and non-hierarchical structure of the program contributed to the creation
of a space where women could find a sense of belonging. Some women expressed that they
looked forward to coming to the program specifically because it offered them a feeling of
belonging: Im anxious for Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday to come because I feel like its
something I belong to (Paulette). For some women the chance to create a piece of art helped
them to find their place within the program and as Simone described, this sense of belonging
could often transcend what was happening in other part of their lives: No matter what my
situation or whats going on, Im still able to make my place here and express myself through my
art.
Participation in the art program also set the stage for social belonging that can come from a
sense of connection with others. Women described how the program enabled them to connect
with guest artists and relate over shared interests. As Lucie explained, I often talk to the guest
artists which I really enjoy. Good thing they're there. Once Ive talked to them, my ideas get
running and I feel better. Jacqueline spoke about how connecting with others who share a
common interest in art can help create opportunities to engage socially with others in the
community:
Also, working in the artistic milieu allows me to build connections with people and make
important contacts. So when I brought my daughter to see the nutcracker, I was able to get
the autograph on one of the ballerinas slippers because I knew them previously through
the [program].

Engaging in Acts of Citizenship
The art program also opened up possibilities for expressions of citizenship as women
explored ways to infuse social and political messages into their works of art. As Gabrielle
described, the program also provided a way for women to become further educated around social
issues and use their artwork to push for change:
There are those who discover they have sociopolitical passions and discover causes they
never stopped to think about. By researching issues to create art, they learn about this and
that injustice or bring to light injustice they themselves lived through and go deeper.
Expressions of citizenship were also evident as women spoke about the ways the program
enabled them to make contributions either through their art or by helping others in the program.
Danielle spoke about how the pleasure she derives from the program stems from being able to
help others and make a contribution: I get great pleasure out of what I can do for others to and I
would like people to consider me as someone who can contribute.



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Discussion
Social inclusion is a complex concept that not only involves a persons engagement with
education, employment, and social participation, but also concerns issues such as identity and
belonging (Stickley, 2010). The findings suggest that participation in community arts may offset
stigmatized identities and counter exclusion by providing opportunities that lead to the
exploration of new identities and foster a personal sense of belonging.
Belonging has been identified as a fundamental human need which enhances general well-
being and happiness (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). The extent to which women have their needs
for belonging met when they re-enter community after incarceration will surely not only impact
their health and well-being, but also shape their experiences in community. Spending time in a
program where they felt a sense of belonging and an increased sense of self-worth augmented
womens expressions of citizenship. These combined effects set the stage for inclusion.

Implications
A desire to be productive and give something back to society is believed to help formerly
incarcerated individuals transform their identities from offenders to law-abiding citizens (Uggen,
Manza, & Behrens, 2004). However, dominant notions of citizenship often emphasise economic
independence through paid employment (Smith, Lister, Middleton, & Cox, 2005).Women,
already at a disadvantage in terms of being included through paid employment, are at an even
greater disadvantage if they spent time in prison. This study provides insight into the myriad of
ways formerly incarcerated women can be constructively active in their community when
opportunities and resources are available. The study also shows that participation in community
arts can lead to a more comprehensive view of citizenship that extends beyond economic
independence. Participation in community arts enabled women to more clearly see their value as
citizens which enhanced their prospects for inclusion.
Insights gained from this research are intended to draw our attention to the ways that
leisure programs and experiences can help replace stigmatized identities with socially positive
identities and facilitate a sense of belonging. While we have focused on the impact for women
re-entering community after incarceration, these findings also have implications for all
individuals who are most susceptible to being excluded on the basis of stigma and social
isolation. As this study suggests, leisure scholars and professionals are well positioned to
envision the ways leisure programs and policies can be designed more intentionally to facilitate
expressions of citizenship and contribute to inclusion.
References
Allspach, A. (2011). Landscapes of (neo)-liberal control: The transcarceral spaces of federally
sentenced women in Canada. Gender, Place and Culture, 17(6), 705-723.
Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal
attachments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 117(3), 497-529.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. London: Sage Publications.
Donnelly, P., & Coakley, J. (2002). The role of recreation in promoting social inclusion.
Toronto, ON: The Laidlaw Foundation.
Galabuzi, G. E. (2004). Social exclusion. In D. Raphael (Ed.), Social determinants of health:
Canadian perspectives (pp. 233-251). Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars Press.
Maidment, M. R. (2006). Doing time on the outside: Deconstructing the benevolent community.
Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press.
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Nugent, B., & Loucks, N. (2011). The arts and prisoners: Experiences of creative rehabilitation.
The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 50(4), 356-370.
Parr, H. (2006). Mental health, the arts, and belonging. Transactions of the Institute of British
Geographers, 31(2), 150-166.
Pedlar, A., Arai, S., & Yuen, F. (2007). Media representations of federally sentenced women and
leisure opportunities: Ramifications for social inclusion. Leisure/Loisir, 3(1), 255-276.
Pollack, S. (2008). Locked in, locked out: Imprisoning women in the shrinking and punitive
welfare state. Retrieved April 2008 from
http://www.flintbox.com/technology.asp?page=3420
Ponic, P., & Frisby, W. (2010). Unpacking assumptions about inclusion in community-based
health promotion: Perspectives of women living in poverty. Qualitative Health Research,
20(11), 1519-1531.
Smith, N., Lister, R., Middleton, S., & Cox, L. (2005). Young people as real citizens: Towards
an inclusionary understanding of citizenship. Journal of Youth Studies, 8(4), 425-443.
Stickley, T. (2010). The arts, identity and belonging: A longitudinal study. Arts & Health, 2(1),
23 32.
Trussell, D. E., & Mair, H. (2010). Seeking judgment free spaces: Poverty, leisure, and social
inclusion. Journal of Leisure Research, 42(4), 513-533.
Uggen, C., Manza, J., & Behrens, A. (2004). Less than the average citizen: Stigma, role
transition and the civic reintegration of convicted felons. In S. Maruna & R. Immarigeon,
(Eds.), After crime and punishment: Pathways to offender reintegration (pp. 258-290).
Cullompton, Devon, UK: Willan.



Learning from Participatory Knowledge Sharing Connecting Recreation and Mental
Health
Karen Gallant, Susan Hutchinson, Barb Hamilton-Hinch, Lara Fenton, Catherine White
(Dalhousie University)

Introduction
There has been recent interest, provincially and nationally, in the connections between
recreation participation and mental health outcomes. Considerable evidence demonstrates the
potential mental well-being benefits associated with participation in community recreation
activities or environments (including physical activity, leisure, arts, social and outdoor
environments), including for persons at risk for or living with poor mental health (Hutchinson,
2011; Hutchinson, Gallant, & Hamilton-Hinch, 2012; Iwasaki, Coyle, & Shank, 2010). Yet,
much of this evidence has not been systematically translated into policies and practices that will
support people at risk for or living with poor mental health to experience a sense of belonging
and inclusion in their communities through recreation and leisure. Our challenge and opportunity
was to share this evidence in ways that make sense for people who could benefit from it (e.g.,
individuals and families, service providers, policy and decision makers). The purpose of this
presentation is to reflect on lessons we have learned from trying to support knowledge
mobilization in Nova Scotia related to recreation for mental health.


74


Background
To create supports and supportive environments for community participation by persons
living with mental health challenges, we believe it is essential to build skills and knowledge of
recreation staff and volunteers and to break down the divide that often exists between recreation
and mental health service providers. To do this requires undertaking knowledge mobilization and
capacity building activities. Knowledge mobilization (KMb) is the systematic movement of
knowledge into active use (Hawkins, 2011). In health-related contexts, it involves efforts to
bridge the gap between research, policy, and practice in order to improve health and well-being
outcomes (Graham et al., 2006). Knowledge mobilization occurs by increasing connectivity
or the multidirectional pathways for knowledge discovery, exchange, and uptake (Hawkins, p.
2). This means that KMb is not just a matter of producing more knowledge but, more
importantly, improving both the desire and capacity for its use (Hawkins, p. 2). Because KMb
involves specific efforts to build relationships between knowledge producers and users, KMb
tools include knowledge synthesis, exchange, dialogue, collaboration and relationship building
(brokering) across diverse groups. Given the knowledge-to-practice gaps lamented by both
practitioners and researchers, our goal was to make leisure research evidence more influential in
recreation policy and practice. We believed doing so would impact both organizational and
system improvement and efforts to promote the mental well-being of individuals and families.
Beyond recognizing scientific research as a form of knowledge, it was also important to
recognize (and build on) other ways of knowing, including cultural and experiential knowledge,
as well as the knowledge of practitioners and people living with mental illness and their families
(Mental Health Commission of Canada, 2012).

Methods
Given our desire to both undertake and learn from a number of activities designed to
promote knowledge sharing related to recreation for mental health, we considered this a form of
case study (Yin, 2009). Our efforts to learn from knowledge sharing activities were guided by
the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Sciences ([CFIR] (Damschroder et al., 2009;
see Figure 1).

Figure 1. The Consolidated Framework for Intervention Research (CFIR) model

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(Damschroder, Aron, Keith, Kirsh, Alexander, & Lowery, 2009; reproduced with permission)
The CFIR includes constructs within five domains influencing implementation of
knowledge into use: the intervention, inner and outer setting, the individuals involved, and the
process by which implementation is accomplished. Interventions are considered to have core
components and an adaptable periphery. In our case, there were multiple interventions
(knowledge sharing activities), described below which provided evidence of the types of
knowledge sharing activities identified (by the research team and participants) as most
beneficial. The outer setting includes the broader political or social context while the inner
setting includes features of organizations through which implementation processes proceed.
Below is a brief description of KMb activities undertaken, followed by reflections on these
activities through the lens of the CFIR.

Knowledge Sharing Activities
A provincial capacity building grant brought together a project team made up of
researchers and practitioners from both mental health and community recreation. This team
provided context for all decisions made as the project progressed. A scoping review was
initiated to synthesize research evidence, with practitioners providing guidance about how this
data could be presented in order for this evidence to be useful to them. To better understand the
inner and outer contexts, we initially gathered input using a conversation board at a tradeshow
held at an annual provincial recreation conference. In response to the question what resources
do you and your community need to connect recreation and mental health?, delegates (n = 30)
indicated wanting access to resources related to: training and educating, supporting people in
recreation programs/environments, recreation programming, and partnerships and collaboration.
These resource requests guided subsequent planning for knowledge sharing activities. A key
activity was a recreation and mental health symposium held in May 2013, designed to promote
knowledge sharing related to community-based active living and mental health promotion.
Efforts were made to ensure cross sector representation, even within the recreation sector, as well
as representation from mental health and community services. In addition to having practitioners
share their inspiring programs the most powerful aspects of the symposium were: inclusion of
self-advocates living with mental illness, both as delegates and as performers sharing their lived
experiences, and facilitated conversations among symposium delegates. The result was increased
awareness of each others roles and identification of shared areas of interest and concern.

Results and Discussion
The results and discussion constitute our reflections on this project to date, as well as
comparison of our project processes with those of the CFIR model. Key to both the CFIR model
and the processes used in our project was the recognition that those affected by the project
(practitioners, policy makers, persons living with mental illness) need to be actively engaged in
order to achieve a good fit. In the CFIR modeland our projecta fit was achieved through
multiple processes of engaging together. Perhaps more by luck than intention, many of the
activities we undertook were valued because they acknowledged (and built on) practitioner
experience and knowledge in defining best practices. The CFIR model draws attention to the
people involved in creating change, suggesting that the process of change at an organizational or
community level is inherently tied to individual behaviour change. This was a key message in
discussions at the symposium. We learned that intentional processes of listening and responding
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to the experiences and needs of people living with mental illness, service providers, and decision
makers are essential in order that involved individuals and project components are responsive.
Inclusion of the outer setting as an element of the CFIR model highlights the social and
political environment and its inherent influence on the intervention. In our case this was evident
in the recent release of a provincial mental health and addictions strategy, Together We Can
(NS Department of Health and Wellness, 2012), which excluded discussion of the benefits of
recreation for mental health. The project was thus well timed to explore and highlight the
connection between recreation and mental health in Nova Scotia. A further shift in the project
occurred to respond to the inner context: While our project had initially been focused exclusively
on the potential of recreation for mental health of adults, there was strong interest from people
representing children, youth and older adults to adopt a lifespan approach. In response, we
expanded the scope of the project, both in an effort to be inclusive and responsive as well as to
learn from the considerable experience derived from promoting mental health through recreation
within these more diverse age groupings. In a practical sense, this broad support led to strong
efforts by professionals, community groups, and individuals to both engage with the project
activities and to adopt evidence-informed policy and practice changes.
Throughout our processes, we placed high value on the involvement of persons living with
poor mental health. Although recruiting first voice participants to share their experiences through
performance or presentation was not difficult and very positively received by others involved in
the project, it was challenging to facilitate active participation of self-advocates in our
discussion-based activities. It was suggested that the very challenges that people living with poor
mental health must negotiate in order to participate in recreation activities are perhaps also
keeping them from participating in our project: perceptions of stigma, social risk, transportation,
issues associated with the large group setting, lack of a partner with whom to participate, and
related constraints. We are currently making plans for lower-risk opportunities to be involved,
such as through one-on-one interviews with our research team. In addition, a provincial grant has
recently been obtained to support further knowledge sharing and capacity building; plans for
networking events and assets/needs mapping are underway.

References
Damschroder, L. J., Aron, D. C., Keith, R. E., Kirsh, S. R., Alexander, J. A., & Lowery, J. C.
(2009). Fostering implementation of health services research findings into practice: A
consolidated framework for advancing implementation science. Implementatation
Sciences, 4(50), 1-16.
Damschroder, L. J., Aron, D. C., Keith, R. E., Kirsh, S. R., Alexander, J. A., & Lowery, J. C.
(2009). Additional file 1: CFIR figure and explanatory text. Fostering implementation of
health services research findings into practice: A consolidated framework for advancing
implementation science. Implementatation Sciences, 4(50). Retrieved November 30, 2013
from http://www.biomedcentral.com/content/supplementary/1748-5908-4-50-S1.pdf
Graham, I. D., Logan, J., Harrison, M. B., Straus, S. E., Tetroe, J., Caswell, W., et al. (2006).
Lost in knowledge translation: Time for a map? The Journal of Continuing Education in
the Health Professions, 26, 13-24.
Hawkins, L. (2011). Defining our terms: Community engagement and knowledge mobilization.
Guelph, ON: Institute for Community Engaged Scholarship, University of Guelph.
Hutchinson, S. L. (2011a). Physical activity, recreation, leisure, and sport: Essential pieces of
the mental health and well-being puzzle. Prepared for Recreation Nova Scotia and Nova
77

Scotia Department of Health and Wellness (Physical Activity, Sport and Recreation
Responsibility Centre), Halifax, NS.
Hutchinson, S. L. (2011b). Mental health: Challenges, implications and opportunities for
community recreation. Commissioned paper prepared for National Recreation Summit,
Lake Louise, AB. (October, 2011).
Hutchinson, S. L., Gallant, K., & Hamilton-Hinch, B. (2012). Summary of background literature.
Prepared on behalf of the Recreation and Mental Health Symposium Planning Team,
Halifax, NS.
Iwasaki, Y., Coyle, C., & Shank, J. (2010). Leisure as a context for active living, recovery,
health and quality of life for persons with mental illness in a global context. Health
Promotion International, 25(4), 483-495.
Mental Health Commission of Canada. (2012). Innovation to implementation: A practical guide
to knowledge translation in health care. Calgary, AB: Knowledge Exchange Centre of the
Mental Health Commission of Canada.
Nova Scotia Department of Health and Wellness. (2012). Together we can: The plan to improve
mental health and addictions care for Nova Scotians. Retrieved December 2, 2013 from
http://novascotia.ca/dhw/mental-health/reports/Mental-Health-and-Addictions-Strategy-
Together-We-Can.pdf
Yin, R. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods (4
th
ed.). San Francisco, CA: Sage.



Conjoint Analysis of Chinese University Students Preferences for Leisure Activities
Mingjie Gao (University of Waterloo), Bihu Wu (Peking University), Alastair Morrison
(International Tourism Studies Association), Mark E. Havitz (University of Waterloo)

The Ministry of Education of the Peoples Republic of China, documents that there are
over 34 million students in higher education. It is important to understand university students
behaviour of leisure activity selections and preferences for the purpose of offering products and
services. However, research on Chinese university students leisure activities is sparse (Xu,
Chen, & Yang, 2008). The purpose of this study was to investigate Chinese university students
potential decisions in the selection of leisure activities. Objectives were to explore factors that
Chinese university students perceive to be important in the selection of leisure activities, and to
profile what kinds of leisure activities Chinese university students prefer.

Literature
Consumer preference research in the leisure literature can be largely categorised into two
groups: papers comparing leisure activity preferences among different groups, by focusing on
similarities and differences between groups based on socioeconomic characteristics such as race,
class and gender (Floyd & Shinew, 1999; Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004); and papers focusing on
complex and interdependent process of decision making for leisure activity selection and holiday
choice (Dellaert et al., 1997; Haider & Ewing, 1990). Many leisure studies have used cross-
cultural. For example, Liu, Yeh, Chick, and Zinn (2008) explored the meaning of leisure from a
Chinese perspective, while Walker and Wang (2009) explained the meaning of leisure in the
eyes of Chinese Canadians. Walker et al. (2007) compared the culture and leisure constraints
between Chinese and Canadian university students. Another group of studies concerned leisure
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motivation (Walker & Wang, 2008), satisfaction (Walker, Halpenny, Spiers, & Deng, 2011), and
recreation participation among Chinese immigrants, especially adolescents (Yu & Berryman,
1996).
Method
Consumers reactions to multi-attribute product alternatives are difficult to measure with
interval or ratio scales, however conjoint analysis can better predict overall consumer preference
by aggregating the utility scores of each product attribute. Conjoint analysis is a multivariate
technique which determines the relative importance of a products multi-dimensional attributes
and measures consumers degree of preferences for each level of each attribute (Green & Wind,
1975). The relative importance of each attribute is calculated as the utility range using an
ordinary least squares (OLS) regression. This study employed survey methods. Prior to
administering the questionnaire, a preliminary study (N=63) was conducted wherein university
students were interviewed to determine attributes that they considered most valuable. As a result,
the questionnaire was reduced to focus on six primary attributes for the main study: expense,
time cost, participants, activity type, products/services, and distance from facility to home. A
full-profile approach and orthogonal array were used to measure the preferences of attributes in
selecting leisure activities. Through the orthogonal design, the size of a set of full-profile stimuli
(333344=1296) was reduced to a manageable level (25 profiles), retaining its predictive
ability which only concerned the main effect of attributes. The questionnaire consisted of 25
cards; each representing an imaginary situation for selecting leisure activities (see Figure 1).
Respondents scored all 25 hypothetical leisure activities from one to nine in accordance with the
question How much would you like to participate in this activity?

Fig.1. A sample of leisure activities product combination

Questionnaires were completed in the public areas of six universities in Beijing. A total of 400
surveys were distributed, and 333 valid surveys were accepted. The sample was evenly dispersed
between males (45%) and females (55%). The average age of respondents was 23.6 years with a
distribution from 17 to 36. The sample included 53.1% Masters candidates, 33.0%
undergraduate students and 13.8% doctoral candidates.

Findings and Conclusions
The first objective was to explore attributes that university students perceive important in
the selection of leisure activities. The Pearsons correlation coefficient of 0.968 (p < 0.01)
showed that the conjoint model performed very well in this research (Table 1). Congruent with
previous studies (e.g., Vohs, Mead, & Goode, 2006) the most important attribute in leisure
activity selection was expense. Students were price-sensitive given their economic status. By
79

contrast, time cost had the lowest importance and indicated that students are flexible with how
they use their time. One possible reason is that students have flexibility to balance their study
and leisure lives. University classes can be taken either in the day time or evenings and students
can arrange efficient study times, thus there are few restrictions on time that inhibit their leisure
activities participation. As well, senior students may take advantage of advanced learning skills
and better study capacities which benefit their time management. The second research objective
was to profile Chinese university students preferred leisure activities. The utility value of each
level of an attribute analysed by the model reflects respondents preferences for leisure activities.
In relation to the part-worth of expense, the lower prices, the higher were part-worth. University
students in Beijing preferred leisure activities with little time cost, especially those lasting less
than two hours. Although, students are relatively time flexible, they prefer leisure activities with
short time consumption. Chinese students attached high priority to self-education and career
development while placing less emphasis on entertainment and physical activities. Many studies
have discussed the positive meaning of physical activities. Yan and Cardinal (2013) noted that
physical activity provided participants with a break from their academic work, allowed them
alone time, and taught them a process for accomplishing other things in their lives. More
importantly, physical activities afford coping to improve mental health (Isasaki, 2001). It seems
that physical activities have not been given enough attention among Chinese university students.
Students enjoy small group activities. In Chinese culture, with a highly collectivist ideology,
accompany and belongingness are important for Chinese people. Chinese people have a strong
desire for acceptance, and also an anxiety about being excluded (Ap, 2004). Students paid more
attention to the atmosphere of leisure places but cared little about service quality. Xiong and
Song (2011) also suggested that atmosphere especially decorations are main factors which attract
Chinese students. Chinese students preferred leisure activities in the areas surrounding their
dormitories. Leisure activities carried out in dormitories are convenient and usually low cost.
Table 1 Relative importance and part-worth conjoint analysis attributes
Attributes Attributes Levels Part-worth Utility Importance (%)
Expense (monetary
cost)
(1-1)RMB 0-100 0.964 23.4
(1-2)RMB 100-500 0.024
(1-3)RMB > 500 0.988
Activity Type (4-1)Entertaining 0.060 18.0
(4-2)Body-building 0.110
(4-3)Educational/developmental 0.170
Distance (6-1)< 1km from the dorm 0.019 16.4
(6-2)1-5km from the dorm 0.079
(6-3)> 5km from the dorm 0.222
(6-4)In the dorm & at home
0.319
Products/Services (5-1)Good atmosphere 0.240 15.1
(5-2)High service quality 0.135
(5-3)Good equipment 0.050
(5-4)Strong promotion 0.056
Participants (3-1)1-5 persons 0.266 13.7
(3-2)> 5 persons 0.216
(3-3)Alone 0.482
Time Cost (2-1)> 5h 0.258 13.5
(2-2)2-5h 0.076
(2-3)< 2h 0.183
Constant

4.190
100
80


This research gives an example of Chinese university students preference of leisure
activities in Beijing, which provide a Chinese perspective from mainland China. Many studies
conducted cross-culture comparison of leisure activities reported that there are significant
differences between different cultural contexts. Floyd and Shinew identified race as a factor that
distinct leisure preference. Empirical studies had been conducted among African Americans and
White (Floyd & Shinew, 1999) and African Americans and Causasians (Shinew, Floyd, & Parry,
2004). Barnett (2013) reported that race have an impact on activity preference with a sample of
college students. Engel-Yeger (2012) also reports a family religiosity impact on daily activity
preferences of children. This study is aimed to indicate Chinese university students preference
that for how, where and with whom the leisure activity is done, which is a contribution to
knowledge. The research also showed that students regard products and services as less
important in selecting leisure activities. This may suggest that leisure activity managers are
putting too much effort on facility and product updating. However, students generally seek new
things and follow the latest fashions. These ideas seem contradictory. Conjoint analysis had
proven to be an appropriate method for leisure research in predicting consumers choice among
multi-attribute alternatives. Future research should explore why students stated preferences do
not match with their known tendencies. Further application of conjoint analysis in leisure
research is highly desirable.

References
Dellaert, B., Borgers, A., & Timmermans, H. (1997). Conjoint models of tourist portfolio choice:
Theory and illustration. Leisure Sciences, 19, 3158.
Engel-Yeger. B. (2012). Leisure activities preference of Israeli Jewish children from secular
versus Orthodox families. Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy, 19, 341-349.
Floyd, M. F., & Shinew, K. J. (1999). Convergence and divergence in leisure style among whites
and African Americans: Toward an interracial contact hypothesis. Journal of Leisure
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Haider, W., & Ewing, G. (1990). A model of tourist choices of hypothetical Caribbean
destinations. Leisure Sciences, 12, 3347.
Isasaki, Y. (2001). Contributions of leisure to coping with daily hassles in university students
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Liu, H., Yeh, Ch., Chick, G. E., & Zinn, H. C. (2008). An exploration of meanings of leisure: A
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Shinew, K. J., Floyd, M. F., & Parry, D. (2004). Understanding the relationship between race and
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81

Walker, G. J., Jackson, E. L., & Deng, J. (2007). Culture and leisure constraints: A comparison
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leisure.



Helping and Hindering: Leisures Role in COPD
M. Rebecca Genoe (University of Regina), Chantelle Zimmer (University of Alberta)

Introduction
Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD) is a chronic, progressive illness
characterized by shortness of breath, coughing, and sputum production. Increased severity leads
to further reductions in airflow and premature death. COPD is the fourth most common cause of
mortality worldwide (Gershon, Warner, Cascagnette, Victor, & To, 2011) and as our population
ages, more Canadians will be diagnosed (Blackler, Mooney, & Jones, 2004). Indeed, Canadians
are more likely to be diagnosed with COPD than cancer or congestive heart failure. However,
the link between COPD and smoking perpetuates the belief that those living with the disease are
at fault, and very little funding is made available to better understand the illness (Gershon et al.,
2011). As such, there is a paucity of research exploring the experience of COPD. Following
Gershon et al.s call for more awareness, we aimed to understand the lived experience of COPD.
The purpose of this presentation is to explore how persons living with COPD experience leisure
and leisures role in coping with the diagnosis and its symptoms.
COPD impacts quality of life (Blackler et al., 2004), particularly as disease progression can
limit activity levels (Braman, 2006). Acute exacerbations are common and increase the effects
of the disease (Edmonds, Karlson, Khan, & Addington-Hall, 2001). Symptoms include
breathlessness or dyspnoea, pain, fatigue, difficulty sleeping, and thirst (Elkington, White,
Addington-Hall, Higgs, & Edmonds, 2005). Mental well-being is also affected, and anxiety,
depression, tension, irritability, frustration, and anger are common (Gore, Brophy, & Greenstone,
2000). While patients control their emotions to avoid breathlessness, feelings of anxiety signal
the beginning of a period of dyspnoea. Moreover, breathlessness can result from physical or
emotional activity, leading to further emotional distress (Bailey, 2001).
Persons living with COPD adapt to the changes resulting from breathlessness (Wilson et
al., 2008), and try to be optimistic about their lives, but how they cope with the stress of this
debilitating chronic illness is yet to be fully understood. In general, persons living with chronic
illness experience leisure constraints that may limit enjoyment (Kleiber, Hutchinson, & Nimrod,
2011). However, since leisure has been shown to be vital for aging well (Dupuis, 2008), it may
buffer some of the losses experienced due to COPD. Leisure can reduce stress and anxiety
82

(Hutchinson et al., 2008), and contribute to physical and mental well-being (Dupuis, 2008).
Indeed, Hutchinson, Yarnel, Stafford-Son, and Kerstetter (2003) report that leisure contributes to
coping with chronic illness both as a buffer for immediate issues and for long-term adjustment.
How this plays out within the context of COPD is unclear.

Method
Following interpretive phenomenology (van Manen, 1997), we set out to understand the
lived experience of COPD. Participants were recruited through two chronic disease
rehabilitation programs (one focused specifically on COPD) and were interviewed three times
using the long interview (McCracken, 1988). Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed
verbatim.
Data were analyzed using detailed line-by-line analysis, consistent with interpretive
phenomenology (van Manen, 1997). Transcripts were read multiple times and themes relating to
the experience of COPD and leisure were noted in the margins. Recurring themes were noted,
and then comparisons were made within and between interviews to identify commonalities and
differences and those that best described the participants lived experiences were identified. We
met regularly to discuss emerging themes, and differences and similarities between and across
participant interviews. After data were analyzed, member checking occurred through a focus
group and individual interviews, where findings were presented to participants who then offered
suggestions and feedback (van Manen, 1997). Participants agreed that our interpretation
reflected their lived experience.
Six men and two women participated in the study, ranging in age from 58 to 75. Six
participants were retired and all lived in the community. One participant used oxygen
continuously, and two used oxygen for activities requiring physical exertion, such as washing the
dishes or going for a walk. The remaining participants were not reliant on oxygen, but used
medication, such as inhalers, to help manage their COPD.

Findings
Although participants experienced many limitations as a result of COPD, particularly in
terms of physical capacity, most found ways to live well with the illness. However, the
experience of leisure varied among participants, as those with fewer symptoms were able to
engage in more active leisure pursuits, while those in later stages turned to less physically
demanding leisure. Participants grieved lost activities, while acknowledging that passive
activities were useful for coping with and recovering from breathlessness. Below, we describe
how participants experience of COPD was both influenced by, and influenced, their
participation in leisure. Themes included losing my breath, shifting meanings of leisure, altering
leisure, and coping through leisure.
Losing my breath. All participants experienced feelings of breathlessness. Acute episodes
often occurred while engaging in physical exertion, including leisure, and could leave
participants gasping for air. Eileen was forced to recognize her diagnosis when hiking: We
wanted to climb up this mountainto see a waterfalland I just couldnt do itmy heart was
racingwe had to turn back. Thus, the feeling of losing ones breath had an impact on leisure
participation, forcing participants to decide which activities to drop and which to alter. With
increasing severity, breathlessness happened more frequently and had a greater impact on ones
daily activities. Some leisure pursuits, such as attending sporting events or going to a movie
became inaccessible due to the physical exertion required to navigate the space.
83

Shifting meanings of leisure. The experience of losing my breath led to changes in the
meanings ascribed to leisure for some participants. Those with fewer symptoms did not perceive
a relationship between COPD and leisure and its meanings remained relatively stable. For
example, when asked how leisure helps her to cope with COPD, Nora stated: I dont isolate it
that way. I just think of it as part of my life, and later stated: I can still do almost everything
that I want to do that I did previouslyI dont make amental choice that it is really helping
me. Despite this disconnect, physically active leisure increased in importance because it
provided an opportunity to maintain and build capacity: And then after I went to the COPD
[exercise] class, what a differenceNight and day!...I felt great about myself! I could breathe a
little better (Phil). Social support from other participants was a key motivator: thats
another thing with the COPD programs is the social aspect of itI findthat the social aspect of
this is very more important to me than beforebecause we do have a lot of fun (Paul).
With further advancement of COPD, meanings of leisure shifted more fully. Those on
oxygen focused on engaging as an escape. Patrick spoke about his daily experience: Rather
than enjoying the first part of my dayI am challenged and I overcome it by just gritting my
teeth and getting going. Later, he described how he used leisure to cope with these challenges:
I divert my mind to enjoyable subjects, such as the newspaper. Rather than viewing leisure as
distinct from COPD or as beneficial for maintaining capacity, it was perceived as a diversion.
Altering leisure. While meanings of leisure shifted, participants also modified leisure
activities and participated in different leisure activities in order to negotiate challenges they
faced. In modifying leisure activities, participants made small changes so that the pursuits
retained their nature and meaning, and ongoing participation was possible. Some modifications
were relatively minor, such as taking a break part way through a long walk, while others were
more significant. Paul modified walking by remaining indoors at a local mall rather than risking
the elements out of doors: Im tempted to try and walk around this parkBut Ima little leery
because I dont know how far Id get before Id poop outin the mall theres places to sit if I get
tired. When modification was no longer effective, leisure pursuits were dropped in favour of
those less likely to lead to breathlessness. Martin stated: Ive become far more sedentary.
Ispend a lot of time sitting down.
Coping through leisure. Although leisure contributed to breathlessness, it was also used to
cope with it. Restful leisure served as an opportunity to recover from breathlessness. Paul spoke
about feeling breathless while doing housework: when Im doing the dishesI get part way
through that and Ive got to sit downand so I usually end up sitting down and playing cards at
the computer. Leisure also helped participants to cope with change associated with COPD,
such as loss of work or other meaningful activities. Bryan, a social worker forced to retire early,
learned to draw on his leisure by visiting with friends and travelling to maintain meaning in his
life.

Discussion and Conclusion
For these participants, leisure was both a cause of and means of recovering from
breathlessness. While in early stages there was very little connection between leisure and
COPD, in moderate stages, active leisure could result in dyspnoea, but was also vital for
avoiding or recovering from it. In later stages, although leisure was increasingly constrained
(Kleiber et al., 2011), it was a welcome distraction from the illness.
The findings support and contribute to a growing understanding of leisure within the
context of chronic illness. Recent research has revealed a connection between leisure
84

engagement and self-management among persons living with chronic illness (Hutchinson &
Nimrod, 2012; Janke, Son, & Payne, 2009; Janke, Jones, Payne, & Son, 2012). Similar to
Hutchinson and Nimrods (2012) research, leisure contributed to meaningfulness and
maintenance of health. Furthermore, Janke et al.s (2012) exploration of leisure within the
context of arthritis identified leisure related self-management strategies, which are supported by
these findings. Like persons living with arthritis, the participants of this study engaged in leisure
that contributed to health, restructured their leisure to maintain participation, and focused on
meaningful pursuits. However, also similar to people living with arthritis, with increased
severity, there was less time and reduced capacity to engage in leisure activities (Katz & Morris,
2007).
The findings have implications for service delivery and policy. Health care professionals
can encourage participation in meaningful leisure in order to help persons living with COPD to
cope with breathlessness. In particular, therapeutic recreation specialists can plan and implement
programs that encourage physical activity to maintain independence, sustain engagement in
meaningful activity, and help persons living with COPD to adapt their leisure activities for
ongoing participation. Health care policy makers may consider the impact of leisure on living
with COPD in order to meet the needs of those living with it as our population ages and
incidence increases.

References
Bailey, P. H. (2001). Death stories: Acute exacerbations of chronic obstructive pulmonary
disease. Qualitative Health Research, 11, 322-338.
Blackler, L., Mooney, C., & Jones, C. (2004). Palliative care in the management of chronic
obstructive pulmonary disease. British Journal of Nursing, 25, 1084-1106.
Braman, S. (2006). Asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease in later life.
Generations, 30(3), 33-38.
Dupuis, S. L. (2008). Leisure and ageing well. World Leisure Journal, 50(2), 91-107.
Edmonds, P., Karlsen, S., Khan, S., & Addington-Hall, J. (2001). A comparison of the palliative
care needs of patients dying with chronic respiratory disease and lung cancer. Palliative
Medicine, 15, 287-295.
Elkington, J., White, P., Addington-Hall, J., Higgs, R., & Edmonds, P. (2005). The health care
needs of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease patients in the last year of life. Palliative
Medicine, 19, 485-491.
Gershon, A. S., Warner, L., Cascagnette, P., Victor, J. C., & To, T. (2011). Lifetime risk of
developing chronic obstructive pulmonary disease: A longitudinal population study.
Lancet, 378, 991-996.
Gore, J., Brophy, C., & Greenstone, M. (2000). How well do we care for patients with end stage
chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD): A comparison of palliative care and
quality of life in COPD and lung cancer. Thorax, 55, 1000-1006.
Hutchinson, S., Loy, D., Kleiber, D., & Datillo, J. (2003). Leisure as a coping resource:
Variations in coping with traumatic injury and illness. Leisure Sciences, 25, 143-161.
Hutchinson, S. L., & Nimrod, G. (2012). Leisure as a resource for successful aging by older
adults with chronic health conditions. International Journal on Aging and Human
Development, 74(1), 41-65. doi: 10.2190/AG.74.1.c
85

Hutchinson, S., Yarnal, C., Stafford-Son, J., & Kerstetter, D. (2008). Beyond fun and friendship:
The Red Hat Society as a coping resource for older women. Ageing and Society, 28(7),
979-999.
Janke, M. C., Jones, J. J., Payne, L. L., & Son, J. S. (2012). Living with arthritis: Using self
management of valued activities to promote health. Qualitative Health Research, 22, 360-
372. doi: 10.1177/104972311421179
Janke, M. C., Son, J. S., & Payne, L. L. (2009). Self-regulation and adaptation of leisure
activities among adults with arthritis. Activities, Adaptation, and Aging, 33(2), 65-80.
Katz, P., & Morris, A. (2007). Time use patterns among women with rheumatoid arthritis:
Association with functional limitations and psychological status. Rheumatology, 46, 490-
495. doi: 10.1093/rheumatology/kel299
Kleiber, D., Hutchinson, S. L., & Nimrod, G. (2011). Reconstructing leisure in adapting to
chronic illness in later life: Emotional and behavioural strategies. International Journal of
Disability and Human Development, 10(2), 131-137. doi: 10.1515/IJHD.2011.021
McCracken, G. (1988). The long interview. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Inc.
van Manen, M. (1997). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action sensitive
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nd
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Wilson, D. M., Ross, C., Goodridge, D., Davis, P., Landreville, A., & Roebuck, K. (2008). The
care needs of community-dwelling seniors suffering from advanced chronic obstructive
pulmonary disease. Canadian Journal on Aging, 27(4), 347-357.



War Heritage Landscapes: Sites of Remembrance as Tourist Destinations
Wanda George, Mallika Das (Mount Saint Vincent University), Brian Osborne (Queens
University at Kingston)

As we begin the 100th anniversary of the First World War (WWI) in 2014-2018, several
national and regional governments and organizations world-wide are setting up special
commemorative events and projects based upon the heritage of those nations who took part
(Jansen-Verbeke & George, 2012). The heritage of WWI, in terms of battlefields, various
buildings, monuments, sites and commemorations, performs an important role in helping many
communities of the world to remember the tragedy of war and lessons learned from the past.
Preservation is key to this remembrance if we are to maintain it for future generations.
Tourism to WWI battlefields is not new in the world of leisure; it began as soon as the
guns went silent. Motivations for this niche of tourism are varied and complex. Throughout the
duration of the upcoming Centenary, increased tourism activity to war heritage landscapes and
commemoration activities is expected, both domestically and internationally, and planners
everywhere are preparing to take advantage of this expected activity. For example, battlefield
tours (pilgrimages) to many war memorial landscapes are being organized and promoted,
targeted at war veterans, historians, museums, educators, youth, people with personal or past
family connections with WWI, and special interest groups, for example see
http://liberationtours.ca and http://www.spiritofremembrance.com. Figure 1 illustrates
promotion of one such tour scheduled for April and July 2014.


86




Figure 1 Battlefield Tour Brochure
Visiting
The Battle of the Somme - 1916; The Battle of Arras - 1917;
The Ypres Salient 1915 1917

Our tour pays tribute to their sacrifice and bravery and takes you to the key battlegrounds
of war including Ypres and Vimy Ridge. The former where outstanding Canadian
courage is remembered as men of the Expeditionary Force faced the first gas attack of the
war while the latter has the superb and moving Canadian National Vimy Memorial with
its inscription.
To the valour of their Countrymen in the Great War And in memory of their sixty
thousand dead this monument is raised by the people of Canada
Come with Spirit of Remembrance to France and Belgium and walk over land that
through courage and sacrifice has become a part of Canada.
Source: http://www.spiritofremembrance.com/page/canadians-in-france-and-belgium-ww1

Battlefield Tourism
Several academics have written about battlefield or war tourism (Lloyd, 1998; Seaton,
2000; Illes, 2006; Cooper, 2006; Stone, 2006, 2012, 2013; Smith, 1998; Ryan, 2007; Baldwin &
Sharply, 2009; Dunkley et al. 2011; Hyde & Harman, 2011; Verbeke & George, 2012, Winter
2013). Stone (2012) frames battlefield or war tourism as a form of thanatourism or dark
tourism. According to Stone (2006), thanatourism or dark tourism is the act of travel to sites
associated with death, suffering and the seemingly macabre. He quotes Smith (2006),the
memorabilia of warfare and allied products probably constitutes the largest single category of
tourist attractions (Stone, 2012, 3). Stone (2012, 4) defines battlefield tourism as, Tourism to
state sponsored landscapes of bloodshed and violence [which] offer a contemporary tourist
experience imbued with notions of secular pilgrimage, spiritual connections, and political
ideologies in the world. He further points out that, Battlefield tourism is fraught with
contradictions. As such, it offers landscapes, which have witnessed carnage and homicide, yet
offer the contemporary tourist an emancipatory visitor experience. In so doing, battlefield
tourism can mediate complex narratives of peace and tolerance as well as tales of foreboding in a
world that seems to spin ever faster (2012:20). War and atrocity sites have long been considered
within the broader context of heritage tourism (Lennon & Foley, 2000).
Visits to battlefields perform an important role in helping many communities of the world
to remember the tragedy of war. Battlefield tourism can help transmit the meaning of past tragic
events to the next generation. Lessons for the present and future can be learned from events of
the past. However, commercial tourism to battlefield sites, particularly those related to recent
past conflicts (20
th
and 21
st
century), remains a highly contentious issue. This paper provides
some preliminary findings of a recent international study that examined tourism (among other
issues) to WWI sites and the perceptions of those who had visited a WWI war site as compared
to the perceptions of those who had never visited a WWI war site.

The Study
87

With the onset of the Centennial of WWI (2014-18), four researchers from the World
Heritage Tourism Research Network (WHTRN) conducted a global online survey in 2012 to
explore the opinions and perspectives of 21st century society regarding WWI heritage and
tourism. The survey was conducted in four languages: English, French, German and Dutch.
Respondents came from over 60 countries. However, Belgium (N=615), Switzerland (N=258),
USA (N=257), France (N=244), Canada (N=194), Britain (N=184), Germany (N=132),
Netherlands (N=109), Australia (N=105), India (N=50), South Africa (N=39), Poland (N=34),
and New Zealand (N=34) accounted for 90% of the total responses (2255/2490). All other
countries had less than 30 respondents. Hence, the analysis discussed in this paper is based on
responses from the above-mentioned countries only. One of the categories of questions
concerned the development and marketing of war heritage landscapes as tourism attractions.
Accordingly, the researchers asked respondents to answer two sets of questions about: (1)
whether they felt tourism to WWI heritage sites is instrumental in preserving these sites, and
whether tourism helps to sustain the values of WWI heritage, and (2) whether tourism to WWI
heritage sites helps support: a) remembrance of the sacrifices of those who fought in the war; b)
consciousness about the human suffering it caused; c) interest in military strategies; d) promotion
of international solidarity, and e) promotion of peace movements. All questions were scored on
a 5-point Likert scale (1=strongly agree to 5=strongly disagree). Since the full data from the
survey is currently being analyzed, this paper provides limited information i.e. only information
about findings related to the above tourism questions within the context of how responses might
differ between visitors and non-visitors to WWI sites. A tentative hypothesis (given the lack of a
study of this scope on the topic) was that the country of residence of respondents would
influence their responses to the questions about WWI heritage sites as tourism attractions.

Findings
Initially, we examined how many respondents had visited a WWI heritage site (in their
own country, in another country, both, not at all). Cross tabulations indicated that there were
significant differences between respondents based on their country of residence on this variable
(Chi-square: 837.14; df: 36; p<.001). Interestingly, the countries with the most respondents (top
5) who had visited a WWI site in both their own country and another country, were: Belgium
(66.7%), UK (64%), New Zealand (63.3%), Australia (47.5%), and France (46.9%). Even more
interesting was the finding that respondents residing in close proximity to the battlegrounds of
WWI (i.e., Belgium and France) had not visited a WWI heritage site in their own country; only
39.4% of the French respondents and 27% of those from Belgium said they had visited a WWI
site in their own country.
We next examined whether visits to WWI heritage sites varied by gender or age. Cross
tabulations indicated that there were significant differences based on age (Chi-square: 15.06;
df=4; p<.05) but not on gender. Older respondents (40-49, 50-59, and 60+) were more likely to
have visited both a WWI site in their own country and in another country. However, it should be
pointed out that a number of younger respondents had visited a WWI site; the lowest response
rate for visits in this age group was 13.5%, indicating there is considerable interest among the
younger generation in remembering WWI.
Finally, we examined whether respondents who had visited a WWI heritage site (in their
own country or in another country) differed in their responses to the tourism-related questions
using independent sample t-tests. As we had hypothesized, those who had visited a site in their
own country, or a site in another country, were more likely to have positive perceptions (i.e.,
88

more likely to agree/strongly agree to the statements) about the role of tourism in preserving and
sustaining the heritage of WWI. They were also more likely to agree/strongly agree that tourism
to WWI sites does help in remembering the sacrifices of millions and the human suffering WWI
caused, and in creating interest in military strategies. However, regardless of the location of the
WWI they had visited (in their own country or in another country), respondents were skeptical
about the ability of tourism to promote international solidarity or peace movements.
To summarize, respondents, generally, were in favor of tourism to WWI heritage sites;
those who had visited a WWI site were even more positive about the perceived impact of tourism
in preserving these sites, and in remembering and honoring those who served and suffered during
WWI. This study indicates a general agreement that tourism to WWI heritage sites should be
promoted, and while it may serve a larger purpose in terms of remembrance of the war, this is
not so in terms of promoting international solidarity or peace. Moreover, while tourism may be
supported generally, others have different views about visitation to battlefield sites as illustrated
in the following two quotes (Anonymous, 2012). Thus, further analysis of the data is needed.
Tourism is unavoidable. Tourism in order to visit battlegrounds and cemeteries can be
insane, almost like picking on dead bodiestouristic approach must be very cautious and
not be a primary aim of reflection and actions. The remembrance and the sacrifices of our
forebears should not be devaluated to a commercial and touristic commodity.
War is suffering and there is no pleasure in remembering or celebrating it. This is also not
a commodity to be sold in market under the brand of tourism.

References
Baldwin, F., & Sharpley, R. (2009). Battleeld tourism: Bringing organised violence back to life.
In R. Sharpley, & P. Stone (Eds.), The darker side of travel: The theory and practice of
dark tourism (pp. 186 -207). Bristol: Channel View.
Cooper, M. (2006). The Pacific War battlefields: Tourist attractions or war memorials?
International Journal of Tourism Research, 8(3), 213-222.
Dunkley, R., Morgan, N., & Westwood, S. (2011). Visiting the trenches: Exploring meanings
and motivations in battlefield tourism. Tourism Management, 32, 860-868.
Hyde, K., & Harman, S. (2011). Motives for a secular pilgrimage to the Gallipoli battlefields.
Tourism Management, 32, 1343-1351.
Iles, J. (2001). Death, leisure and landscape: British tourism to the western front. In
Deterritorialisations Revisioning Landscape and Politics Conference (pp.234-243).
Conference paper. Edinburgh: Black Dog.
Lennon, J., & Foley, M. (2000). Dark tourism. London: Cassell.
Lloyd, D. W. (1998). Battleeld tourism: Pilgrimage and the commemoration of the Great War
in Britain, Australia and Canada. Oxford: Berg.
Ryan, C. (2007). Battlefield tourism: History, place and interpretation. Oxford: Elsevier.
Seaton, A. V. (2000). Another weekend away looking for dead bodies. Tourism Recreation
Research, 25(3), 63-77.
Smith, V. L. (1998). War and tourism: An American ethnography. Annals of Tourism Research,
25(1), 202-227.
Stone, P. (2006). A dark tourism spectrum: Towards a typology of death and macabre related
tourism sites, attractions and exhibitions. Tourism, 54(2), 145-160.
Stone, P. (2012). Licensed death: Consuming landscapes of war through thanatourism.
Presentation given at Wageningen University, The Netherlands, November 2012.
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Stone, P. (2013). Dark tourism scholarship: A critical review. International Journal of Culture,
Tourism and Hospitality Research, 7(3), 307-318.
Verbeke, M., & George, E. W. (2012). Reflections on the Great War centenary. In R. Butler and
W. Suntikul (Eds.), Tourism and War. UK: Routledge.
Winter. C. (2011). Battlefield visitor motivations: Explorations in the Great War town of Ieper,
Belgium. International Journal of Tourism Research, 13(2), 164-176.



Facilitating Collaborative Interdisciplinary Research: Exploring Process and Implications
for Leisure Scholars
Grace Goc Karp, Julie Son (University of Idaho), Susan Houge Mackenzie (California
Polytechnic State University), Anne Kern, Helen Brown (University of Idaho)

Introduction
Diverse partnerships across departments, disciplines, and public and private agencies are
increasingly common in academia. Leisure researchers and practitioners have a long history of
working across such boundaries, perhaps due to the importance of a close research-praxis
alignment, the necessity to garner legitimacy as fringe disciplines, or the interdisciplinary
nature of the departments and disciplines themselves. It is likely a combination of these reasons
and more. Although working across disciplines is common in leisure studies, it appears the need
for this work has only grown stronger in response to the needs of external agencies and internal
institutional pressures. Many higher education institutions across North America face declining
resources, budget cuts, decreasing endowments or funds, and dynamic student enrollments.
These pressures are changing traditional academic structures and functions at every level. Many
institutions are creating interdisciplinary research (IDR) and teaching teams to maximize
organizational resources and to develop more practical research that can effectively address
transdisciplinary real world issues such as obesity (Ramaley, 2001). This trend is evidenced by
requirements for large scale funding from organizations such as the U.S. National Institutes of
Health or the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, which call for proposals demonstrating
cross-disciplinary collaborations. Private industries similarly stress the importance of
collaboration for graduates entering the workplace (Kezar, 2005).

What is Interdisciplinary Research (IDR) and Why is it Important?
The U.S. National Academy of Sciences (2005) defines IDR as a mode of research by
teams or individuals that integrates information, data, techniques, tools, perspectives, concepts,
and/or theories from two or more disciplines or bodies of specialized knowledge to advance
fundamental understanding or to solve problems whose solutions are beyond the scope of a
single discipline (p. 26). Kanbur (2002) further defines interdisciplinary as research that
attempts a deep integration of two or more disciplinary approaches from the beginning and
throughout an entire research exercise (p. 483). He compares this to multidisciplinary research
in which individual discipline-based researchers (or teams) do their best, within their
disciplinary confines, to examine an issue and subsequently collaborate to develop together an
overall analytical synthesis and conclusions (p. 483). In IDR, collaboration is a recursive
process where faculty from different disciplines and departments work together to realize shared
goals by sharing knowledge and building consensus (Marinez-Moyano, 2006). Growth in
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collaborative skills requires intentional introspection on behavior and communication as this can
increase success of teams and improve performance in current and future projects.
One example of this increased focus on IDR is apparent in research on active living.
Leisure researchers have joined with fields such as public health and kinesiology to address
increased rates of obesity and physical inactivity from the standpoint that these issues require
integrated cross-disciplinary knowledge (Bedimo-Rung, Mowen, & Cohen, 2005; Librett,
Henderson, Godbey, & Morrow, 2007). Such projects highlight the potential of IDR but at the
same time broader methods and more collaborative transdisciplinary research is needed
(Henderson & Bialeschki, 2005). Moreover, collaborative IDR processes are often challenging to
navigate and involve issues related to professionalism, communication, boundaries, and differing
values (Jablin & Sias, 2001). For example, negative humor, debating expertise, poor
communication, boredom, and power struggles have been identified as negative aspects of
interdisciplinary team dynamics (Thompson, 2009). Given current trends towards IDR, and the
potential for leisure researchers to contribute to these projects, this case study examined the
collaborative process throughout an IDR project involving leisure, health, physical education,
and education faculty. The major research questions addressed by the current study were: (1)
What were the synergies, opportunities and/ or obstacles identified by faculty throughout the
development, implementation and evaluation of this IDR program? (2) What are the implications
of these findings for leisure researchers working in IDR?

Methods
The larger project used outdoor recreation as a means to (a) improve stewardship for the
self (e.g., personal health), the community, and the environment and (b) increase interest in
science education amongst youth on a Northwestern U.S. Indian Reservation. Participants (N=5)
included faculty from Science Education, Exercise Science and Health, Physical Activity
Pedagogy, and Recreation. A Participatory Action Research (PAR) framework was used because
faculty wanted to critically examine and learn from group collaboration processes as the IDR
unfolded. Reason and Bradbury (2001, p.1) describe PAR as a participatory, democratic process
that seeks to bring together action and reflection, theory and practice, in participation with
others, in the pursuit of practical solutions to issues of pressing concern to people in their
communities. Thus, PAR focuses on learning by planning, doing, observing and reflecting. In
this study, faculty planned, implemented, observed and reflected upon the collaborative process.
Faculty were interviewed individually before the planning phase regarding past IDR
experiences, goals, and expectations for interdisciplinary collaboration. A collective summary of
these perceptions was provided to the group prior to planning. During the planning phase faculty
responded to an email asking faculty to examine their planning in relation to levels of
collaboration and IDR synthesis and barriers experienced during the planning phase. During the
implementation phase, faculty responded to another email asking them to reflect on the
collaborative process and changes they could make in their collaborative efforts during this
phase. Summaries of collective perceptions were provided to the group at the end of the planning
and during the implementation phases. A final interview was conducted with each faculty
member to ascertain summative perceptions of the collaborative IDR process. All interviews and
email responses were transcribed and analyzed inductively (Patton, 1990), which relies on the
constant comparative method (Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Common themes relating to synergies,
constraints, understanding of collaborative processes and interdisciplinary knowledge were
identified. Triangulation within and across different data types was employed to cross-check
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responses, allowing for (dis)confirmation and interpretation of evidence. Collective analyses
before and during planning and implementation phases were shared with participants to provide
member checks, and to inform subsequent actions and thoughts during the collaborative process.

Results
Participants reported mutual faculty respect for others expertise and amongst participants
as observed in professional interactions during the IDR project. Participants pre-planning
concerns emanated from previous experiences in collaborative activities, such as differences in
clarity of shared mission and goals, leadership, agreed project boundaries, tasks, and IDR
products. During the IDR, participants identified constraints such as time, communication,
physical location of researchers, varying seniority levels, and lack of clearly defined roles in the
IDR that impacted both the collaborative process and the IDR.
I feel that my initial planning actions with regard to this project met the definition of
collaboration. However, since the planning phases of the project, I am not sure if
collaboration has completely occurred in the spirit I do think we will create a program
that will change students and create new value in that way and I do think that I will be
bringing something to the table that will then be used by the team to facilitate other areas
of the project.
During the IDR, power and authority issues identified by participants were informally
addressed by identifying sections of the research in which each participant would take the lead.
No participant perceived turf or hidden agenda issues, although some trust issues were
discussed. For example, one participant was not sure if tasks would get completed. Another
participant indicated that more time should have been spent on building trust: I have learned
that an interdisciplinary project cannot just happen because of the expertise of the
individuals, effort must be spent in building the team and trust. When participants were asked
to describe how the collaboration developed along a continuum ranging from coordinating or
cooperating processes to a true collaborative or integrative process, they reported needing more
time and more collaborative opportunities to work in a truly integrative fashion. However all
participants reported that using introspective collaborative processes and PAR during IDR was
critical to the success of the IDR and future IDR. These processes in turn positively affected
actions and behaviors identifying effects both retrospectively (PAR had a positive effect on the
IDR) and prospectively (PAR would have a positive effect moving forward in the IDR).
Participants indicated that the processes crystallized the meaning of collaboration, required
intentionality, and led to reflection that was helpful to the project.

Discussion
We agree that the challenge and opportunity of leisure studies rest with its continuing
move towards interdisciplinarity (Mair, 2006, p. 201). An ideal goal of IDR is to develop a
shared conceptual framework and interdisciplinary knowledge in the process of addressing
complex real world problems. Little research exists regarding how people achieve this goal in
higher education, let alone how they collaborate within their discipline. Most academics have
been taught to value individual work. Few experience or are rewarded by organizational cultures
that support collaborative work (Marinez-Moyano, 2006). Interdisciplinary collaboration is
complex and time-consuming but it has the potential to address our most pressing societal issues
(Thompson, 2009). The findings of this study suggest IDR requires competence, confidence,
commitment, respect, trust and nurturing. This study provides a first attempt at critical reflection
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and analysis of leisure-related IDR projects but there is still much work to be done. Further
research is needed that explicitly considers issues of power, authority, valuing differences, and
shared decision making in collaborative IDR processes, as well as how to cultivate and sustain
collaborative cultures and partnerships over time (Latucca, 2007). IDR projects will find greater
success if leisure scholars work alongside their research partners to understand and address the
issues and barriers affecting collaborative IDR. One limitation of the current study was we did
not include tribal partners in the IDR process. We will provide a discussion on ways to enhance
integration of partners in IDR projects. Future research might also examine how interdisciplinary
knowledge can be facilitated within organizations and research teams, including: (a) What IDR
questions we should be asking, (b) What collaborative and communication skills are essential for
a successful IDR project, (c) How we train for IDR in the current and next generation of
researchers, and (d) How we integrate community partners into IDR projects.

References
Aboelela, S. W., Larson, E., Bakken, S., Carrasquillo, O., Formicola, A., Glied, S. A., Haas, J.,
& Gebbie, K. M. (2007). Defining interdisciplinary research: Conclusions from a critical
review of the literature. Health Services Research, 42(1), 329346.
Bedimo-Rung, A. L., Mowen, A. J., & Cohen, D. A. (2005). The significance of parks to
physical activity and public health: A conceptual model. American Journal of Preventive
Medicine, 28 (2S2). doi: 10.1016
Brydon-Miller, M., Greenwood, D., & Maguire, P. (2003). Why action research? Action
Research, 1(1): 928: 9. doi: 10.1177/14767503030011002
Gardner, D. (2005). Ten lessons in collaboration. OJIN: The Online Journal of Issues in
Nursing, 10(1), Manuscript 1. Retrieved November 11, 2013 from
http://www.nursingworld.org/ojin/topic26/tpc26_1.htm
Henderson, K. A., & Bialeschki, M. D. (2005). Leisure and active lifestyles: Research
reflections. Leisure Sciences, 27, 355-365. DOI: 10.1080/01490400500225559
Jablin, F. M., & Sias, P. M. (2001). Communication competence. In F. M. Jablin & L. L.
Putnam (Eds.), The new handbook of organizational communication: Advances in theory,
research and methods (pp. 819-862). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Kates, R. W. (2005). Facilitating interdisciplinary research. Washington, DC: The National
Academies Press.
Kezar, A. (2005). Redesigning for collaborations within higher education institutions: An
exploration into the developmental process. Research in Higher Education, 46(7), 831-
860.
Kanbur, R. (2002) Economics, social science and development. World Development, 30(3), 477-
486.
Latucca, L. (2001). Creating interdisciplinary: Interdisciplinary research and teaching among
college and university faculty. Vanderbilt University Press.
Librett, J., Henderson, K., Godbey, G., & Morrow, J. R. Jr. (2007). An introduction to parks,
recreation, and public health: Collaborative frameworks for promoting physical
activity. Journal of Physical Activity & Health, 4(1), S1-S13.
Mair, H. (2006). The potential of interdisciplinarity for leisure research. Leisure Sciences, 28(2),
197-202.
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Marinez-Moyano, I. J. (2006) Exploring the dynamics of collaboration in interorganizational
settings, Ch. 4, p. 83, in Schuman (Ed.), Creating a culture of collaboration. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Newell, W. H. (1990). Interdisciplinary curriculum development. Issues in Integrative Studies,
8, 69-70.
Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Ramaley, J. (2001). Why do we engage in engagement? Metropolitan Universities, 12(3), 13-19.
Reason, P., & Bradbury, H. (Eds.) (2001). Handbook of action research. London: Sage.
Rubin, H. J. & Rubin, I. S. (1995). Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data. London:
Sage.
Thompson, J. L. (2009). Building collective communication competence in interdisciplinary
research teams. Journal of Applied Communication Research, 37(3), 278-297.



Hosting Friends and Relatives as Leisure for Immigrants
Tom Griffin (University of Waterloo)
Introduction
Personal relationships are a major force of global travel, with more than one quarter of all
international trips motivated by the desire to visit friends and relatives (UNWTO, 2011).
Visiting friends and relatives (VFR) tourism is a significant contributor to touristic activity, but
also provides opportunities for distant friends and relatives to renew their bonds and perform
important social roles and obligations. The importance of VFR to communities as destinations
has received some, yet limited attention (Backer, 2011; Griffin, 2012). However, the experience
of hosting has received even less attention in the visitor-centric and marketing oriented academic
literature, both in consideration of hosts role in tourism activity to and within their communities,
and as a form of leisure for the resident.
VFR and immigration are closely linked, as newcomers to a community presumably have
networks that fall beyond the boundaries of their new home region. As immigration continues to
rise, advances in communication technology enable distant relationships to be maintained with
greater ease than ever before, meaning the desire for co-present interaction is unlikely to wane.
Additionally, the act of hosting for a newcomer holds interest as a form of leisure, as it facilitates
interaction with important people from the past, while concurrently experiencing the new place
of residence. The implications for immigrants construction of meaning associated with the
people, places and experiences encountered as a host are therefore heightened because of the
context of the relationships with the guest. This narrative study, therefore, considers hosting as a
form of leisure for immigrants, with particular interest in the sense of integration, and the
relationships with visiting friends and relatives. There are implications for the field of tourism
and leisure studies in terms of methodology and an understanding of an under-researched
phenomenon, and practical implications for communities with immigrant populations.
Interviews with immigrants in the Toronto, Ontario area help construct a fuller understanding of
these experiences and the roles they play in the participants lives. Toronto is an interesting and
appropriate community to study as almost half of residents were born outside of Canada and 7 in
10 overseas leisure visitors in 2010 were reported to have a personal relationship with a resident
of the city (Griffin, 2013a).
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Literature Review
Various authors have considered the role of leisure in forming, maintaining, and evolving
identity and assimilation among immigrants. Broadly speaking, the literature supports the notion
of the potential for leisure to positively affect the development of social capital and integration
(e.g. Doherty & Taylor, 2007; Stodolska, 1998). For example, Stack and Iwasaki (2009)
interviewed 11 Afghani refugees in Winnipeg, Manitoba, and found several key themes.
Participants reported that their usual network of extended family had been disrupted, which had
been their primary source of leisure experiences. The difficulty of overcoming the ruptured
family ties, and their unfamiliarity with the local culture were barriers to interaction with other
community members. Leisure settings provided participants with opportunities to learn and
improve skills such as English, increase awareness of the local culture, and helped establish a
forum where they could share their own culture, leading to the development of personal
connections. Different cultures position leisure within their social lives in varying ways. Tirone
and Shaw (1997) questioned post-positivist approaches to the study of immigrants and leisure
because of the danger of missing aspects of the complex social contexts which can be affected.
The immigration and integration process is as multi-layered and divergent as the individuals who
experience it, and its impacts are complex. Integration relies on several factors including those
personal to the individuals character, experience and abilities, and the cultural and social values
of the individuals family and home community, as well as the capabilities, opportunities, and
general acceptance provided by the host culture in accepting new arrivals.
Hosting is an experience that bridges old and new worlds through leisurely activities
(Havitz, 2007). For the immigrant host, the opportunity to reconnect with visiting friends or
family provides fresh cultural input and connection with their home culture, as well as
motivation to interact with their new community through attending festivals, attractions, and
neighbourhoods. Interaction with place is important, as physical environments provide settings
to personal interaction, as festivals and locations become part of individual and group identity
and culture (Crouch, 2000). Increasing the variety and number of individuals who participate in
the construction of place meaning can enrich the overall cultural development and image of a
destination; as Gieryn (2000) notes; Places are doubly constructed: most are built or in some
way physically carved out [but t]hey are also interpreted, narrated, perceived, felt, understood,
and imagined (p. 465).
On an individual level hosting enables rich and meaningful interaction for immigrants.
Co-presence, or simply being with others, affords access to the eyes [which] enables the
establishment of intimacy and trust (Urry, 2002, p. 259), allowing for self-reflection in
interpreting the reaction of others. The effort of travel demonstrates commitment, corroborating
the value of the relationship for those involved. Sharing and interpreting what may be new
experiences and values with someone with whom a culture and personal history is shared may
help construct positive understandings for the immigrant of their new home. For immigrants the
sense of home needs re-establishing and hosting friends and family in the new residence may
help foster this feeling (Larsen, 2008).
Methodology
Epistemological considerations are important, particularly for experiences as distinct and
personal as immigration and hosting (Griffin, 2013b). Narrative inquiry is adopted which
considers story telling as a way of constructing and sharing knowledge. Narratives often have an
identifiable structure, and selectively reveal what is of interest and value to the storyteller, and
function as a way to articulate our selves within the context of the storytelling (Glover, 2003).
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The researcher, as audience, co-constructs the narrative surrounding the experience of interest.
In re-presenting an entire story the value of separate utterances tied together in a story through
context is augmented through their accumulation (Polkinghorne, 1995). The contribution of
narrative analysis, therefore, is the creation of a new sense of meaning and significance with
respect to the research topic (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000, p. 42) through sharing a story rather
than themes.
In this study nine participants were interviewed: all are immigrants in the Toronto region,
from the UK, India, China, Iran, Latvia, and Mauritius, having settled between three and ten
years prior. Participants were asked broadly about their settlement and hosting experiences.
Interaction between researcher and participant was video recorded, and then used in a second
round of interviews where participants view an edited video of their own story as well as those of
two or three others. This stage elicits further construction of knowledge of the experience of
hosting by stimulating reflection. The use of video helps maintain the voice of participants in a
much more tangible and natural way than written text, and as a medium can be more engaging
and communicative for a broader audience (Heath, Hindmarsh, & Luff, 2010).
Results and Discussion
Participants narratives describe various ways that hosting plays a significant role in their
lives, creating and realising attachment to people and places; the meeting of in-laws, the hosting
of important family gatherings, the inspiration to experience new locations, remembering former
identities, and the evolving nature of hosting from initial leisure focussed trips to maintaining
family connections are all prevalent and articulately explained. A few excerpts from Pracheers
narrative illustrate some of the points mentioned:
[My wife and I are] from different religions... So, when we got married it was quite a
scene The families were not happy. Didnt want us to get married. So, when [my
mother] was coming [to Toronto] for the first time, I really wanted them to get on and just
everything should be okay. And luckily, everything went fine Its very important for
me to show [my mother] where I work its kind of a pride to show. I not only showed her
[my current place of work], I showed her the first place I worked in Toronto which was a
call center, but its not that because I got a job in this line I just want to give her how I
started and how I came here That was really good because it was just- for me I was kind
of living at it again, so, very exciting for me and for her, also, I could see that she really
liked it too[We also went to] a temple. Its known for architecture So, Ive never been
there and I know she will be interested in seeing this place The temple is beautiful. It
was made of marble and it was really nice. The architecture was amazing She loved it.
Its amazing but she called up my sisters and says this is very beautiful.
During his mothers visit, Pracheer participated in leisure activities that would otherwise not
have taken place, linking his relationships with people (his mother and wife), places (Toronto
and India), and temporal periods (present and past). Co-presence facilitated the reduction of
possible tensions around his familys reaction to his marriage, and sightseeing entailed showing
his mother his own history in Toronto that helped him coalesce his identity and attachment to the
city. The expectation of leisure linked Pracheers past and present in his visit to the temple,
expanding his own connection with Toronto, reminding him of his roots, sharing a memorable
experience in co-presence with his mother, and feeling validated by her response. This in turn
helped evolve constructions of Toronto as a destination for those present, as well as for other
family members who received reports of their experiences. Pracheers hosting experience,
therefore, transcends many complex aspects of his immigration experience.
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Concluding Thoughts
In summary the hosting experiences of immigrants can be a significant influence on their
settlement experience, and are enveloped in contextual cues from their past, their relationships,
and their present. The further exploration of these experiences using narrative inquiry have
constructed further understandings with implications for other research both methodologically
and content based, and potentially for practitioners in integration services and destination
development and marketing. For communities with immigrant populations, of which Canada has
many, this discussion is therefore relevant on a number of levels.

References
Backer, E. (2011). VFR travel: It is underestimated. Tourism Management, 33(1), 74-79.
Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F. M. (2000). Experience and story in qualitative research. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Crouch, D. (2000). Places around us: Embodied lay geographies in leisure and tourism. Leisure
Studies, 19(2), 63-76.
Doherty, A., & Taylor, T. (2007). Sport and physical recreation in the settlement of immigrant
youth. Leisure/loisir, 31(1), 27-55.
Gieryn, T. F. (2000). A space for place in sociology. Annual Review of Sociology, 26, 463-496.
Glover, T. D. (2003). Taking the narrative turn: The value of stories in leisure research. Loisir Et
Socit, 26(1), 145-167.
Griffin, T. (2012). Research Note: A content analysis of articles on visiting friends and relatives
tourism, 1990-2010. Journal of Hospitality Marketing & Management,
doi:10.1080/19368623.2012.708960.
Griffin, T. (2013a). The experience of immigrant hosts and implications for destinations.
In Proceedings of the Travel and Tourism Research Association Canada Chapter annual
conference, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada (refereed proceedings).
Griffin, T. (2013b). A paradigmatic discussion for the study of immigrant hosts. Current Issues
in Tourism, doi:10.1080/13683500.2012.755157
Havitz, M. E. (2007). A host, a guest, and our lifetime relationship: Another hour with grandma
Havitz. Leisure Sciences, 29(2), 131-141.
Heath, C., Hindmarsh, J., & Luff, P. (2010). Video in qualitative research: Analysing social
interaction in everyday life. London: Sage.
Larsen, J. (2008). De-exoticizing leisure travel. Leisure Studies, 27(1), 21-34.
Polkinghorne, D. E. (1995). Narrative configuration in qualitative analysis. International Journal
of Qualitative Studies in Education, 8(1), 5-23.
Stack, J. A. C., & Iwasaki, Y. (2009). The role of leisure pursuits in adaptation processes among
Afghan refugees who have immigrated to Winnipeg, Canada. Leisure Studies, 28(3), 239-
259.
Stodolska, M. (1998). Assimilation and leisure constraints: Dynamics of constraints on leisure in
immigrant populations. Journal of Leisure Research, 30(4), 551.
Tirone, S. C., & Shaw, S. M. (1997). At the center of their lives: Indo Canadian women, their
families and leisure. Journal of Leisure Research, 29(2), 225-244.
UNWTO. (2011). UNWTO tourism highlights. Madrid, Spain: UNWTO.
Urry, J. (2002). Mobility and proximity. Sociology, 36(2), 255-274.

97

Albertas Out-of-School Nature Play Opportunities: Prevalence, Challenges and Solutions
Elizabeth Halpenny, Nancy Spencer Cavalier, Bethan Kingsley, MaryAnn Rintoul, Therese
Salenieks (University of Alberta)

Introduction and Background
This presentation reports on Phase 1 of a study that documents the frequency of after-
school or out-of-school program participants opportunities to engage in play and especially play
in outdoor and nature-based contexts. Free and unstructured play, especially in nature-based
environments has been shown to be an important facilitator of childrens cognitive and emotional
development (Anning et al.; 2006; Han, 2009), promoter of health physical activity (Bowler et
al., 2010; Cleland et al., 2008; Hinkley et al., 2008), mental health and restoration (Roe &
Aspinall, 2011; Wells & Evans, 2003) and overall health and wellness (Kuo, 2010; McCurdy et
al., 2010). Louv (2006) and others suggests that children and youth are spending less time
outdoors than in previous generations. A lack of historic base line confounds attempts to evaluate
this and reports of time spent outdoors by children and youth are mixed (Larson et al., 2011;
Marino et al. 2012; Tandon et al., 2012). Many contend that time indoors is still too common
(Hefferth & Sandberg, 2001) and often characterized by passive non-interactive activities that
produce few developmental or health related benefits (Adams, 2012; Barkham, 2013).
Additionally time in both environments is said to be increasingly structured or scheduled
(Ginsburg, 2007), and as a result, children fail to experience the well documented benefits of
play. No studies could be located that document childrens access to outdoor environments
during out-of-school or afterschool programs. This presentation addresses this gap in knowledge
by reporting on Alberta afterschool programs provision of time that children and youth engage
in outdoor and nature based structured and unstructured activities, the prevalence of setting
outdoor play as a priority by these programs, and the factors that shape the amount of time spent
outdoors by children enrolled in these programs.

Methodology
An online survey was distributed to members of the Alberta Recreation and Parks
Association. Distribution through the ARPA network was deemed to be one of the best methods
of survey distribution as many of these programs are members of the ARPA. This resulted in a
convenience sample and is thus not likely a representative sample of after school programs in
Alberta. The survey solicited several layers of information including (i) practitioners definition
of play with examples (un prompted), (ii) reports of structured activities and unstructured play
offered by programs in outdoor contexts (any area outside buildings that is accessible for use),
and natural environments (green spaces with display minimal human modifications, e.g., a storm
water pond, a forest, a town park), and (iii) descriptions of opportunities for youth and children
to interact with nature indoors. Unstructured play was defined for survey participants as play that
is intrinsically motivated, freely chosen, personally directed, and culturally influenced. We
further clarified that children choose and have control over their play (the equipment they use
and how they use it, who they play with, the space they play in, and the reasons they play) and
provided examples such as Free time in a sport program and Youth creating a shelter from
fallen tree limbs in a ravine. We provided this definition to survey respondents after they had
given their own definition of play. Each time we asked for the number of minutes per day that
children engaged in unstructured vs. structured activities, we provided examples to illustrate
(e.g., unstructured=building snow forts, and structured=lesson on ice fishing). Three rounds of
98

email messages were sent out over a six week period and a draw to win a $500 gift card was used
to encourage agencies to complete the survey. Observations from quantitative survey were
utilized to stimulated discussion amongst participants at a workshop attended by recreation and
park managers and practitioners (n=26) held at the 2013 Alberta Parks and Recreation
Association annual conference. Thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) was used to identify
patterns in respondents definition of play and the types of activities they identified as
unstructured and structured. Basic descriptive statistics using SPSS 21.0 were calculated from
the numeric data.

Findings/Discussion
The first round of data collection yielded 94 usable questionnaire responses. The largest
number of responses came from small towns (36%) followed by midtown neighbourhoods
located in large cities (23%), and suburbs (17%). The majority of responding programs were
located in mixed income neighbourhoods (42%), followed by middle income (32%) and low
income (13%). The individuals who completed the survey on behalf of their agencies were
mainly Directors (63%) in comparison with Teacher/Program leaders (26%) and Assistant
Directors (11%). Respondents reported a fairly high length of time in the field and current
position, averaging 10 years in the field and 8 years in their current position. Children (12 yrs.)
and youth (13 yrs.) enrolled in the responding programs attended their afterschool programs an
average of 108 minutes/day. The final sample included a range of programs in terms of length
(e.g., year round programs, special six week special offerings, once/week meetings, and seven
days/week programs) and activities offered (e.g., arts, sports, recreation, adventure camps).

Table: 1 n Offered by program n Minutes/day

Yes No
Summer/
Winter
Summer Winter
Play 94 77 (82%) 17 (18%) na na na
Activities in outdoor settings 74 69 (73%) 5 (5%) na na na
Outdoor structured activities 61 54 7 58/63 62 33
Outdoor unstructured play 68 64 4 58/67 73 33
Activities in nature-based
settings
77 54 (57%) 23 (25%)
Structured nature based
activities
41 35 6 39/43 42 23
Unstructured nature-based
play
44 43 1 39/43 114 31
Note: Indoor structured and unstructured play was not measured; the high levels of missing cases
reported for the outdoor and nature-based setting statistics are due in part to programs that do not
offer outdoor activities (n=5) and a high attrition rate that occurred after the initial question that
solicited respondents definitions of play (n=25).

99

Eighty-two percent of programs offered some form of play to their participants, 73%
offered outdoor activities, more of this was unstructured than structured, and 57% offered
activities in natural environments, where again unstructured play was more prevalent than
structured play (see Table 1). In other words, 18% of programs that responded to the survey
offered no play opportunities, instead focusing on skills practice and structured activities such as
swimming lessons. The higher rates of unstructured activities were somewhat surprising as
studies suggest that children are over programmed and over structured (Ginsburg, 2007; Turpin,
2008). The nuances of how respondents defined unstructured play explain, in part, this higher
rate. The semi-structured interviews with practitioners in Phase 3 of this project may help
explain the quality of these unstructured outdoor experiences.
Program participants spent more time outdoors in the summer time. This finding parallels
studies that document higher rates of outdoor activities when temperatures are more amenable
(Cleland et al., 2008; Ergler et al., 2013). Additionally child care facilities in Alberta are required
to keep children indoors when the ambient or wind chill temperatures fall between -20 degrees
Celsius. The impact of mud season (spring) on opportunities to get children outdoors, which
several program administrators stated was a bigger challenge than winter conditions, was not
assessed by the survey.
When asked about their satisfaction with the time spent in outdoor and natural spaces, as
well as the size and features of these outdoor and natural spaces, respondents were somewhat
satisfied with the spaces. The challenge that programs face is moving these spaces from okay
to great spaces where children and youth can have positive, meaningful and transformative
experiences. The primary outdoor activities areas were reported as mainly containing some
natural elements (55%), and many natural elements (24%). Only 6% reported using a fully
naturalized space. Other studies corroborate this observation as it is the quality of the outdoor
space (e.g., presence of water, opportunities to manipulate natural and human made objects,
accessibility) that enhances beneficial outcomes and length of stay in outdoor spaces (Aarts et
al., 2010; Ellaway et al., 2007)
Chief concerns with outdoor areas included insects, traffic, trash and crime; however none
of these were very important concerns to the reporting agencies. The top constraint to
providing outdoor play was equipment availability, and access to/amount of nature was the chief
constraint to providing nature-play. Transport and clothing challenges were constraints
commonly experienced in facilitating outdoor activities. To deal with hazards and constraints,
programs reported a range of activities including: engaging in annual hazard assessment and
daily hazard scans and reviews prior to releasing their charges outside; litter pick up routines that
included program participants; engagement of participants in wildlife preparedness programs
(e.g., Bear Aware education in rural areas); keeping extra clothing on hand for underdressed
children; and keeping garbage cans clean to reduce wasp populations.
One solution to facilitating access to nature in the Alberta context, particularity in winter
months is the idea of bringing nature indoors. Programs were asked about the degree to which
they encourage childrens interaction with nature indoors and in what ways. Forty percent
reported they had many windows at childrens eye-level with views of nature, while 40% stated
they had some, and 21% provided no windows with such views. When asked if they could open
these same windows to expose participants to the smells and sounds of nature, 56% responded
they could open their windows, while 42% had no windows, or could not open their windows.
Most common approaches to facilitating childrens access to nature indoors included seasonal
activities, followed by incorporating natural elements into creative work, stories and lectures on
100

nature and observing live plants and flowers. Cultivation of life plants and care of live animals
was not solicited, and should be in subsequent data collection efforts (Laadsoharju et al., 2012).

Conclusion
The study may not provide a valid representation of nature play opportunities afforded by
Alberta afterschool programs due to a number of reasons: (1) the use of a convenience sample of
afterschool programs; (2) a high number of program directors completed the survey and they
tend to be more removed from the actual delivery of childrens programming; and (3) a high
rate of attrition, common in online surveys, resulted in higher rates of missing data for variables
measured at the end of the survey (e.g., minutes engaged in structured and unstructured play).
Nevertheless this pilot study serves a starting point in attempts to document childrens and
youths access to outdoor and nature-based play, a topic that appears to have received little
attention from researchers.
Winter in Alberta does pose some challenges to getting children and youth outdoors. In
addition to exploring ways of bringing nature indoors, we discussed with ARPA workshop
participants in Phase 2 of the study, how to facilitate access to nature and outdoor spaces in the
winter. Forest kindergartens developed in Europe (Anning, 2006; Leyden, 2009; OBrien &
Murray, 2007) may provide some inspiration for policy and program change. Workshop
participants also mentioned increased use greenhouses and conservatories managed by partner
organizations such as public schools and stronger land use zoning and development policies that
ensure that nature is nearby, especially in new subdivisions. These and other solutions will assist
Albertas after school programs address the constraints and issues noted earlier in this abstract.
To achieve childrens access to play in natural environments in Our New Leisure Society,
parents, policy makers, agency managers and program practitioners must all learn to negotiate
cultural phenomena such as stranger danger rhetoric and societal structures such as ill-
informed urban design that divorces children from natural environments.

References
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Telegraph, 13 July 2012. Downloaded 28 November 2013 from
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watching-TV-as-playing-outside-survey.html.
Anning, A., & Edwards, A. (2006). Promoting children's learning from birth to five. McGraw-
Hill International.
Aarts, M. J., Wendel-Vos, W., van Oers, H. A., van de Goor, I. A., & Schuit, A. J. (2010).
Environmental determinants of outdoor play in children: A large-scale cross-sectional
study. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 39(3), 212-219.
Barkham, P. (2013). No freedom to play or explore outside for children. The Guardian, Saturday
13 July 2013. Downloaded 28 November 2013 from
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Bowler, D. E., Buyung-Ali, L. M., Knight, T. M., & Pullin, A. S. (2010). A systematic review of
evidence for the added benefits to health of exposure to natural environments. BMC Public
Health, 10(1), 456.
Cleland, V., Crawford, D., Baur, L. A., Hume, C., Timperio, A., & Salmon, J. (2008). A
prospective examination of children's time spent outdoors, objectively measured physical
activity and overweight. International Journal of Obesity, 32(11), 1685-1693.
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Ellaway, A., Kirk, A., Macintyre, S., & Mutrie, N. (2007). Nowhere to play? The relationship
between the location of outdoor play areas and deprivation in Glasgow. Health &
Place, 13(2), 557-561.
Ergler, C. R., Kearns, R. A., & Witten, K. (2013). Seasonal and locational variations in children's
play: implications for wellbeing. Social Science & Medicine (1982), 91, 178-185.
Ginsburg, K. R. (2007). The importance of play in promoting healthy child development and
maintaining strong parent-child bonds. Pediatrics, 119(1), 182-191.
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and health of students at a junior high school in Taiwan. Environment and Behavior, 41(5),
658-692.
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1997. Advances in Life Course Research, 6, 193-229.
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components of a healthy human habitat. National Recreation and Park Association, 45pp.
Laaksoharju, T., Rappe, E., & Kaivola, T. (2012). Garden affordances for social learning, play,
and for building naturechild relationship. Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 11(2), 195-
203.
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implications of the National Kids Survey. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration,
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Times, A24.
Marino, A. J., Fletcher, E. N., Whitaker, R. C., & Anderson, S. E. (2012). Amount and
environmental predictors of outdoor playtime at home and school: A cross-sectional
analysis of a national sample of preschool-aged children attending Head Start. Health &
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McCurdy, L. E., Winterbottom, K. E., Mehta, S. S., & Roberts, J. R. (2010). Using nature and
outdoor activity to improve children's health. Current Problems in Pediatric and
Adolescent Health Care, 40(5), 102-117.
Roe, J., & Aspinall, P. (2011). The emotional affordances of forest settings: An investigation in
boys with extreme behavioural problems. Landscape Research, 36(5), 535-552.
OBrien, L., & Murray, R. (2007). Forest School and its impacts on young children: Case studies
in Britain. Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 6(4), 249-265.
Tandon, P. S., Zhou, C., & Christakis, D. A. (2012). The frequency of outdoor play for preschool
age children cared for at home-based child care settings. Academic Pediatrics, 12(6), 475-
480.
Turpin, K. M. (2008). Are children overstructured: Involvement in adult-organized activities and
childrens outcomes. (Doctoral dissertation, The Ohio State University).
Wells, N. M., & Evans, G. W. (2003). Nearby nature: A buffer of life stress among rural
children. Environment and Behavior, 35(3), 311-330.






102

Factors Affecting the Use of Mobile Digital Technology at Festivals: Observations From
Three Canadian Festivals
Elizabeth Halpenny (University of Alberta), Christine van Winkle (University of Manitoba),
Kelly MacKay (Ryerson University), Therese Salenieks, Taryn Barry (University of Alberta),
Danielle Barbe (Ryerson University)

Introduction/Background
Mobile digital devices are increasingly part of our everyday lives. While much research
has examined use of mobile devices in work environments, study is needed to better understand
use in free-choice environments (Straub, 2009). This abstract describes findings from
preliminary investigations of how festival patrons use mobile digital technology at festivals. The
study also examined non use.
Significant research efforts have been undertaken to study the utility of mobile information
and communication technology (ICT) devices and apps, however much less work has examined
how ICT use is shaped by personal and contextual factors. Factors identified in work place
studies, that shape ICT users quality of experience and therefore their use of mobile ICT
include: users internal state; design of system and device; context where interaction occurs;
social context; the task at hand; usability; usefulness; affect; enjoyment; network access; and
meaningfulness of activity (Hassenzahl & Tractinsky, 2006; Korhenen et al. 2010; Park et al.
2011; Shin et al. 2011). Factors that shape ICT use in free-choice, leisure environments may be
different.
Efforts to develop theories to explain technology acceptance and use have advanced
considerably in the last decade. One of these, applied largely in organizational contexts is the
Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) (Venkatesh et al., 2003). This
theory identifies four variables (performance expectancy, effort expectancy, social influence, and
facilitating conditions) that have successfully explained a large portion of individuals
behavioural intentions towards and use of ICT. UTAUT was developed and tested predominantly
in business environments; Venkatesh et al., (2012) suggest its application to explain consumer
use necessitates the addition of at least three more variables (hedonoic motivation; price/cost;
and habit). Venkatesh et al., 2012 tested this new UTAUT2 model in one consumer setting and
successfully explained consumer behavioural intention and use.
Data presented here are derived from the first phase of a larger three year study of mobile
ICT use at festivals in Canada. Three questions guided initial explorations in year one: (1) how
do festival attendees use/not use mobile devices at festivals, (2) why do festival attendees use/not
use mobile devices, and (3) what aspects of the festival context impact festival patrons mobile
device use/non-use. This abstract focuses on the last question. We also briefly explore the utility
of Venkatesh et al.s (2012) consumer variables added to the UTAUT model.

Methodology
A mixed methods approach was used for this preliminary investigation of mobile ICT use
by festival patrons. Data were collected by distinct research teams in Toronto (33
rd
Toronto
Pride Week), Manitoba (49
th
Manitoba Sunflower Festival in Altona) and Edmonton (33
rd

Edmonton International Fringe Theatre Festival). Festivals ranged in mobile ICT service
provision, Edmontons Fringe was an example of a high ICT festival while Altonas Sunflower
Festival represented a low tech festival. Festival technology level was determined through an
inventory of festival web sites and interviews with festival administrators. During data collection
inter-rater reliability was facilitated by online meetings, shared survey and observation protocols,
103

and mock observation exercises. Research assistants conducted naturalistic observations of
festival patrons at a range festival events, locations, and times that were selected to represent the
scope of the festival and activities. These included unique events (e.g., parade, busker
performance) and key festival venues (e.g., hospitality tent, information centre). At each
observation site two RAs stood back to back and observed patrons within their viewscape for a
10 minute time period at three designated time periods (e.g., morning, afternoon, evening);
observations were recorded on paper or digital forms and then entered into SPSS 20.0 which was
used to tabulate the frequency of mobile device usage behaviours. To enrich understanding of
these observations RAs made notes about ICT usage as they walked through the Festival venue.
Also at designated time periods, RAs randomly intercepted festival patrons and conducted
short semi-structured interviews that were recorded and later transcribed and analyzed using
Nvivo 10.0. Additional follow-up interviews were conducted with patrons who agreed to be
contacted after the festival. Interview questions examined patrons previous experience with the
festival, engagement with festival via ICT prior to attending, during, and after the festival, type
of mobile device used at festival, utility of device while at festival, importance of having/not
having device at festival, and similar questions. The total number of observations, on-site
interviews, and follow up interviews are summarized in Table 1. Analysis of interviews was
conducted using two approaches: First, the interviews were examined for references on the role
of context; common and distinctive uses related to festival context were identified. Second
Venkatesh et als. (2012) UTAUT2 variables were used to frame a re-examination of the
interview data; only evidence related to the three consumer variables are reported here.

Table 1: Sources of data from each festival
Pride Festival Fringe Festival Sunflower Festival
Observations N = 1404 (4 locations
x 6 times*)
N = 460 (6 locations x
3 times)
N = 116 (8 locations x
2 times)
On site interviews N = 30 N = 24 N = 28
Follow up interviews N = 8 N = 8 N = 8
*Note: At Pride Festival observation activities varied amongst the 4 locations: Site 1 had 9 views; site 2 had 8
views; site 3 had 7 views and site 4 had 1 view. Locations of the three festivals included parades, box office and info
centres, craft fairs, outdoor stages, busker stations, food venues, kids areas, games/maze areas.

Findings/Discussion
Naturalistic observation and to a lesser extent the on-site interviews revealed that context
does appear to have some affect on mobile ICT use. Table 2 documents the types of use patrons
were observed engaging in at representative festival locations and times.

Table 2: Frequency of mobile device usage behaviours
Pride Week Fringe Fest Sunflower Fest
Usage behaviour Frequency % Frequency % Frequency %
Holding 602 42.9 167 51.1 na na
Typing 350 24.9 104 31.8 41 42.3
Reading/viewing 201 14.3 94 28.7 34 35.1
Talking 121 8.6 30 9.2 5 5.2
Photo/video 120 8.5 34 10.4 36 37.1
Other 10 0.7 31 9.5 0 0
Total 1404 460 116

104

Many festival patrons were observed simply holding their phones; the next most frequent
interaction with mobile ICT was typing. Typing, reading and talking were most common when
individuals waited in line. In performative contexts, such as a busker station, photo taking was a
common activity. Typing, reading, and talking were less common. This was likely driven by
social norms and the perceived inappropriateness of ignoring the performer by attending to the
device. Performers were often observed outing a texting patron, admonishing them to pay
attention or leave. Photo taking was also common in the kid zones where parents snapped photos
of their children. During interviews patrons reported using their devices less often to talk due to
the noisy atmosphere of the festival space; texting was more efficient and more common.
Festival activities that were highly immersive such as hands-on games and eating appeared to
restrict the use of ICT devices. Perhaps if festivals developed an app that was interactive with the
setting and activities, such as rating best food booth at a culinary festival or write the ending of a
play at an improvisation festival, mobile devices would be used more in these contexts.
Some attendees reported choosing not to bring or use their devices, to maintain a leisured
experience and escape home and work responsibilities. A few participants felt constant
connectivity was essential for work; this was enabled by nearby cell towers and some WiFi
supplied by commercial venders, but not by the festival organizers. Most patrons used their
devices to connect with family and friends to plan a rendezvous at the event, or to ensure that
loved ones were safe. Women frequently noted they carried their devices for personal safety.
Some evidence of the UTAUT2 consumer variables suggested by Venkatesh et al. (2012)
was observed. Only one patron mentioned enjoyment of device use when he reported capturing
images of lovely boys at the Pride parade. Hedonistic motivations and outcomes may be more
commonly associated with novel ICT usage such as a new game app. These motivations and
outcomes were not associated with the new Fringe Festival app that 5 of the 25 Fringe Festival
interviewees reported using at the event; however utility rather than pleasure was its intended
outcome. Most of the usage identified by patrons was utilitarian in nature (e.g., find my friends).
The habit of simply always carrying ones cell/smart phone and responding to message chimes
appeared to be a common response; however, this use doesnt appear to differentiate consumer
(leisure) from work setting usage as Venkatesh suggests. Finally, the price point of the device
each patron used was rarely mentioned; a few respondents noted they had not upgraded to a
smart phone, in part due to cost. A couple of respondents noted that they wished WiFi was
available so that they didnt have to access their data plans to gain internet access. This concern
does appear to make sense as a non-organization/work variable, as consumers pay for these
services rather than their employer.

Conclusion
This first stage of data collection has provided us with an informative baseline from which
we will develop more intensive study of festival patron mobile ICT use in years two and three of
our project. Through this initial exploration we have observed that context does shape ICT use,
thus the festivals chosen for future data collection efforts will need to reflect this knowledge.
Additionally it appears that Venkatesh et als. (2012) UTAUT2 consumer variables may be
useful to include in future survey instruments; however the utility and measurement of the
hedonistic motivation variable needs greater attention. Finally, this research confirms the fading
boundaries between work and leisure spaces. Festivals, which are often characterized as places
for leisure, are also now also places of work, as mobile ICT enables attendees to engage in work
communications and projects why immersed, at least bodily, in the festival context. This is an
example of the Our New Leisure Society.
105

References

Hassenzahl, M., & Tractinsky, N. (2006). User experience-a research agenda. Behaviour &
Information Technology, 25(2), 91-97.
Korhonen, H., Arrasvuori, J., & Vnnen-Vainio-Mattila, K. (2010, December). Analysing user
experience of personal mobile products through contextual factors. In Proceedings of the
9th International Conference on Mobile and Ubiquitous Multimedia (p. 11). ACM.
Park, J., Han, S. H., Kim, H. K., Cho, Y., & Park, W. (2011). Developing elements of user
experience for mobile phones and services: survey, interview, and observation approaches.
Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service Industries.
Shin, Y. M., Lee, S. C., Shin, B., & Lee, H. G. (2010). Examining influencing factors of post-
adoption usage of mobile internet: focus on the user perception of supplier-side attributes.
Information Systems Frontiers, 12(5), 595-606.
Straub, E. T. (2009). Understanding technology adoption: Theory and future directions for
informal learning. Review of Educational Research, 79, 625-649
Venkatesh, V., Thong, J., & Xu, X. (2012). Consumer acceptance and use of information
technology: Extending the unified theory of acceptance and use of technology. MIS
Quarterly, 36(1), 157-178.
Venkatesh, V., Morris, M. G., Davis, G. B., & Davis, F. D. (2003). User acceptance of
information technology: Toward a unified view. MIS Quarterly, 425-478.



Surviving Racism: Women of African Ancestry Living in Nova Scotia
Barb Hamilton-Hinch (Dalhousie University)

Introduction
Racism significantly affects the health and well-being of African Canadians (Bernard,
2004). The purpose of this presentation is to explore preliminary findings of race and gender on
the health and well-being of African Canadian women living in Nova Scotia. Defining race,
ethnicity and racism continues to generate debate. Race has been defined as both a biological
(Dei, 1996; Omni &Winant 2000) and social construct (Dei, 1996; Omni &Winant 2000).
Gotanda (1991) indicates that the non-recognition of race supports a system that denies racial
subordination and the psychological repression of an individuals recognition of that
subordination, subsequently allowing racism to flourish.
This presentation will explore how the unequal and prejudicial treatment of Black women,
based on socially constructed notions of race and gender, affects the health and well-being and
physical activity of African Canadian women. For the purpose of this presentation, health and
well-being will include the emotional, mental and physical states of women based on their lived
experiences. I will closely examine the social determinants of health, as current health public
agencies that are responsible for health do not allow for the specificity of examining the impact
of racism on the health and well-being of Black women. I used a secondary analysis (Hyman,
1972) of the original in-depth interviews from the Racism Violence and Health (RVH) project
(James, Este, Thomas Bernard, Benjamin, Lloyd, & Turner, 2010). The new knowledge from
this research will be used to inform and enhance understanding of the key determinants of health,
leisure and recreation and/or policy for the African Nova Scotian community.
106

Background
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO]
(UNESCO 1978) declaration on race and racial prejudice indicates: racism includes racist
ideologies, prejudiced attitudes, discriminatory behavior, practices resulting in racial inequality,
the moral and scientific justification of discriminatory relations between groups, and of course
discriminatory legislation or practices (p. 62-63). The Racism Violence and Health (RVH)
Project focused on the experience of violence (including the violence of racism). It explored how
the experiences of racism affect the health and well-being of individuals, families, and
communities in the African Canadian diaspora (Halifax, Toronto, and Calgary) (James et al.,
2010).
The original study used mixed methods to collect the data in all three cities: in-depth
community profiles were completed for Halifax, Toronto and Calgary, 900 face-to-face
questionnaires were administered, 9 community forums were held, 120 service providers and
Black community members completed in-depth qualitative interviews and 3 micro-ethnographies
were completed. The data compiled from the Halifax study included: 300 face-to-face
questionnaires, 3 community forums (over three years) where over 400 members of the Black
community talked about their experience and the impact of racism, 40 service providers and
Black community members completed in-depth qualitative interviews and one micro-
ethnography was completed.
Through this presentation I will present the results of a secondary analysis of the original
qualitative interview transcripts of key informants and community leaders who are women of
African ancestry living in Nova Scotia; exploring the intersection of race, class and gender on
their health and well-being through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT) (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2001) and Black Feminist Thought (BFT) (Collins, 2000).
African Canadian Nova Scotians have a very unique history. Research indicates there were
four large migrations of people of African ancestry to Nova Scotia as early as the 16
th
century;
the Black Loyalist, Refugees, Maroons and Domestic Workers (Calliste, 1991; Grant, 1990).
These new settlers had to endure many broken promises and hardships such as the cold, difficult
land to farm, and limited resources (food, shelter, and clothing) yet they persevered and their
presence is evident in the forty-eight African Nova Scotian communities they developed.
Despite their strength and resiliency they experienced and continue to experience racism,
segregation, discrimination in many facets of their lives.
The World Health Organization (WHO, 2001) reports that health-related disparities and
inequality in the health and health care of ethnic and racially diverse groups is directly connected
to social inequalities such as racism and discrimination. WHO (2001) list five health sector
determinants that directly impact the health and well-being of marginalized and vulnerable
populations: access to health services, cultural sensitivity, quality of services, timelines and
discrimination in the health system. These determinants will be examined in more detail in this
presentation. WHO (2001), concludes that there is an increased need for research that more
closely examines the impact and linkages between health outcomes (physical, emotional,
spiritual), racism, mental health and women.

Methods
For the purpose of this presentation, the researcher conducted a secondary analysis of
twenty-one of the forty in-depth qualitative key informant and community member interviews
that took place in Nova Scotia. The term key informants and community members is used
107

interchangeably as some participants may have been identified as key informants and others as
community members who play a pivotal role but may not identify themselves as community
leaders. Twenty-one of the key informants and community members identified as women of
African Canadian ancestry and were living in Nova Scotia at the time of the original research.
The interviews were taped and transcribed. The raw data from the original study that focus
specifically on the African Nova Scotian community has not been published for use in other
research. This research will focus on how race, class and gender affect the health and well-being
of African Canadian women living in Nova Scotia. ONeil (2000) states the use of secondary
data indicates the researcher is looking at the data from another perspective and they may
provide answers to research questions that may have been overlooked or not directly asked (p.
31). In this study, I innovatively draw on CRT (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001) and BFT (Collins,
1990) to develop a critical analysis of intersectionality (race, class and gender). These two
approaches will provide a lens to further examine the intersection of race, class and gender,
which was not directly examined in the original study.

Results
In this study I present evidence from my analysis to argue that when individuals social needs
are met their health and well-being usually improves. Research based on the Canadian Social
Determinants of Health (CSDoH) (Raphael, 2009) and the WHO (2001) indicates that health
disparities can be reduced if basic needs are met. These ideas find support in Raphaels (2009)
work that outlines the impact of the social determinants of health. Some preliminary themes
identified include the tenacious spirit of the women to survive, their use of silence as a tool, their
ability to nurture and the recognition of racism as a disease.

Discussion
With the pressures of family and community generally being placed on women, many do not
take the time necessary to see to their own health needs through regular exercise, proper sleep and
nutrition (Bialeschki & Henderson, 1986). These behaviours and lifestyle factors can significantly
affect the health status of some women of African ancestry. Collins (2000) and hooks, (1988) argue
that African American women often face undue pressure to keep it together for the sake of their
communities and families. This pressure can cause depression and distress if Black women are not
able to project the image of the Strong Black Woman (Strong Black Women Research Team,
2005).
In addition to the social cultural pressures, environmental factors may negatively influence
racialized individuals health outcomes. Cole and Foster (2001) state that many communities where
people of colour live are often near landfills, hazardous waste facilities and incinerators which have
a direct impact on their health and well-being. Other factors may also influence access to health for
racialized individuals. McGibbons and Etowa (2009) identified under-representation of people of
African ancestry in the health care profession, systemic racism in health and social policy, systemic
racism at various entry points in health services and programs and the lack of cultural competency
in staff. Each of these factors may further impact the health care (physical, emotional and spiritual)
experience. It is argued that racialized individuals are more willing and comfortable using facilities
in which they see themselves represented in the staff (McGibbon & Etowa, 2009). Many African
Canadians have reported growing up with daily exposure to racism in education, recreation and
leisure, health their work environment and in their interactions with the police or other agencies.

108

Concluding Thoughts and Implications
By exploring the intersection of race, class and gender on the health and well-being of
African Canadian women this study will add to the knowledge about the extent to which disparities
in health might be caused by race, class, and gender. Such knowledge could arguably be used to
improve the cultural competency of health, recreation and leisure practitioners by incorporating it in
the curriculum of health profession programs. It will also aid in members of marginalized
communities feeling more included in society by having their stories validated and heard. Lillie-
Banton and LaVeist, feel there is a need to continue to emphasize the importance of the effects of
race and ethnicity as a defining component of ones social environment (p. 90) in order to
reduce disparities in health.
Other implications that may be generated from this research is women of African ancestry
living in Nova Scotia will learn something with respect to the views of other women of African
ancestry and how race, class and gender can have implications on their health and well-being.
The research will provide further understanding and explore current theories and practices
focused on women of African ancestry in health professions. It will contribute to the
enhancement of health promotion policies and interventions that focus on racism and meet the
needs of people of African ancestry (Davis-Murdoch, 2005; Enang, 1999; James et al., 2010;
McGibbons & Etowa, 2010). Additionally, the research might indirectly benefit others in the
larger African Nova Scotian community and communities similar by raising awareness of racism
on individuals of African ancestry in the community, municipality, province and country. The
research is intended to inform and influence health policy for racialized individuals.

References
Bernard, W. T. Letter dated March 10, 2004 to the General Research Community.
Bialeschki, M. D., & Henderson, K. (1986). Leisure in the common world of women. Leisure
Studies, 5, 299-308.
Calliste, A. (1991). Canadas immigration policy and domestics from the Caribbean: The second
domestic scheme. Socialist Studies, 136-168.
Cole, L., & Foster, S. (2001). From the ground up: Environmental racism and the rise of the
environmental justice movement. New York: University Press.
Collins Hill, P. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness and the politics of
empowerment (2
nd
ed.). New York: Routledge.
Davis-Murdoch, S. (2005). A cultural competence guide for primary health care professionals
in Nova Scotia. Unpublished Paper. Retrieved from
http://www.healthteamnovascotia.ca/cultural_competence/Cultural_Competence_guide_fo
r_Primary_Health_Care_Professionals.pdf
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2001). Critical race theory: An introduction. New York: New York
University Press.
Dei, G. (1996). Anti-racism education theory and practice. Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood
Publishing.
Grant, J. N. (1980). Black Nova Scotians. Halifax, Nova Scotia: The Nova Scotia Museum.
Gotanda, N. (1991). A critique of our constitution is color-blind. Stanford Law Review, 44, 1-
68.
hooks, b. (1988). Aint I a woman: Black women and feminism. Boston: South End Press.
Hyman, H. (1972). Secondary analysis of sample surveys: Principles, procedures and
potentialities. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc.
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James, C., Este, D., Thomas Bernard, W., Benjamin, A. Lloyd, B., & Turner, T. (2010). Race &
well-being the lives, hopes and activism of African Canadians. Halifax: Fernwood
Publishing.
Lillie-Blanton, M., & Laveist, T. (1996). Race/ethnicity, the social environment and health. Soc.
Sci. Med., 43(1), 83-91.
McGibbon, E. & Etowa, J. (2009). Anti-racial health care practice. Ontario: Canadian Scholars
Press Inc.
Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2000). Racial formation. In P. Essed & D. Goldberg (Eds.), Race
critical theories, (pp. 123-145). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
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living: A secondary data analysis of the 1992 statistics Canada general social survey.
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2013 from http://www.haac.ca/downloads/sbwplain.pdf
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-November 1978).
Paper presented at the General Conference of the United, Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization twentieth session, in Paris, FR. Paper retrieved from
http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpURL_ID=13161&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTI
ON=201.html
World Health Organization. (2001). WHOs contribution to the World Conference Against
Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance: Health and freedom
from discrimination. Health & Human Rights Publication Series (2). Retrieved from
http://www.who.int/hhr/activities/q_and_a/en/Health_and_Freedom_from_Discrimination_
English_699KB.pdf



Recreation Specialization Among Rock Climbers: Testing Assumptions of the Construct
Howie Harshaw (University of Alberta)

This study investigated whether general environmental attitudes, attitudes about
environmentally friendly behaviours related to outdoor recreation activities, and attitudes about
the management of rock climbing varied between rock climbers with different degrees of
recreation specialization. The study took place in Squamish (BC), an international destination for
rock climbers, that has an established climbing community, and supports rock climbers with
differing degrees of recreation specialization and climbing styles.
Recreation is a socially significant endeavour that is an intrinsic part of many different
aspects of peoples lives. For many people, the pursuit of an outdoor recreation activity provides
the impetus to interact with natural areas, and forms the basis for much of the general publics
impressions of the natural areas as a whole. Understanding this interface is important in
addressing growing public concerns with, and expectations of, outdoor recreation management.
Recreationists differ in their values, the activities that they pursue, the settings that they
110

prefer, the experiences they desire, and their motivations for participating (Choi, Loomis, &
Ditton, 1994). Recreationists, even those that pursue the same activity, are not homogeneous
(Salz, Loomis, & Finn, 2001; Rollins & Robinson, 2002); however, the variation among
preferences, attitudes, and behaviors can be explained by the recreation specialization construct
(Bryan, 1977; McFarlane, Boxall, & Watson, 1998). Recreation specialization describes a
persons commitment to an outdoor recreation activity along a continuum from general interest
and low involvement to specialized interest and high involvement (Bryan, 2000, p. 18).
Recreation specialists have different motives for participating in activities than generalists do:
specialists tend to focus on the quality of the recreation experience and place more importance
on non-activity specific elements such as the recreation setting, whereas generalists tend to be
focused on activity success. As specialization increases, commitment to the activity increases
such that it becomes a persons life focus, and may become a central, dominant force that
becomes a standard of reference (Scott & Shafer, 2001). Recreation specialization provides a
basis for the differentiation of recreationists holding various goals, preferences, and behaviors by
examining the affective, behavioral, and cognitive dimensions of individual recreationists in an
effort to distinguish among types of recreationists. The use of recreation specialization to frame
recreation participation provides a coherent and comprehensive approach that addresses the issue
of people who engage in multiple activities, which can violate statistical assumptions regarding
independent samples (Jackson, 1986).
The utility of the specialization construct lies in its ability to predict attitudes (McFarlane,
1994). As a recreationists degree of specialization increases, so too does their degree of
knowledge about various aspects of the activity; the differences in knowledge among
recreationists with differing levels of specialization may lead to differences in attitudes,
preferences and behaviour (Scott & Shafer, 2001). Recreation specialization assumes that as
specialization increases, attitudes shift from consumption to preservation, and the setting in
which the activity occurs becomes more important (Bryan, 1977). Thus, degrees of recreation
specialization are related to attitudes about, and preferences for, management practices (Jackson,
1987; Manning, 1999; Bryan, 2000; Salz et al., 2001). Although there has been modest support
for the proposition that recreation preferences are associated with environmental attitudes and
activity choice (e.g. Dunlap & Heffernan, 1975; Van Liere & Noe, 1981; Theodori, Luloff, &
Willits, 1998; Jackson, 1986), past research has focused on the influence of environmental
attitudes on recreation behaviour, and been unidimensional in the treatment of recreation
participation (i.e. focusing on frequency of participation). The approach employed here differs,
as environmental attitude is a dependent variable, and recreation participation, as the independent
variable, is framed in terms of the multidimensional recreation specialization construct. Thus:
Does the degree of a rock climbers specialization influence their attitudes about the environment
and management actions that seek to mitigate the impacts of rock climbing on the environment?
H
1
Rock climbing specialists will be more biocentric in their worldviews than climbing
generalists. It is recognized that peoples environmental worldview may differ from their
environmental attitudes about specific situations.
H
2
Rock climbing specialists will be more aware of Leave No Trace (LNT) practices than
climbing generalists.
H
3
As the degree of recreation specialization increases, the more accepting people are to
management strategies that restrict their behaviour in order to protect the environmental
setting.

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Methods
Data was collected through an intercept survey at 11 rock climbing staging areas in the
summer of 2012. All three specialization dimensions were examined using an adapted sixteen-
item index developed by Needham, Sprouse, and Grimm (2009). Confirmatory factor analysis
was used to test whether the three specialization dimensions were present; Cronbachs Alpha
was employed to test the reliability of each specialization dimension; and K-means cluster
analysis was used to differentiate levels of recreation specialization (Oh & Ditton, 2006).
ANOVA was used to test whether general environmental attitudes, attitudes about
environmentally friendly behaviours related to outdoor recreation activities, and attitudes about
the management of rock climbing varied between rock climbers with different degrees of
recreation specialization. The structure and coherence of respondents ecological worldviews and
their attitudes toward the environment were examined using the New Ecological Paradigm
(NEP) scale (Dunlap, van Liere, Mertig, & Jones, 2000). The dimensionality of the scale was
tested using Cronbachs Alpha. Principal Components Analysis was used to further examine the
internal consistency of the scale. Reliability analysis was also conducted for each of the five
dimensions of the NEP Scale to examine whether the facets could be meaningful alone or are
better interpreted as a single measure (McFarlane, Stumpf-Allen, & Watson, 2006). Attitudes
about environmentally-friendly behaviours related to outdoor recreation activities were examined
using six Likert-scale questions based on LNT principles (Leave No Trace Centre for Outdoor
Ethics, 2011). Attitudes about specific management actions that may constrain rock climbing
activities in order to protect the environment were examined using five Likert-scale questions
that asked about specific policy or management actions that could affect rock climbing activities.

Results
A total of 385 completed questionnaires were received between June 6 and September 19,
2012 (299 surveys were returned on-site; 86 surveys were completed on-line). Respondents age
ranged from 18 - 79 years (M = 30.99 0.92; SD = 8.999); 65% of the sample were male.
Cluster analysis identified four levels of recreation specialization among respondents: Casual
Climbers (n = 80; 21.7%), Intermediate Climbers (n = 69; 18.8%), Focused Climbers (n = 160;
43.5%), and Veteran Climbers (n = 59; 16.0%).
(H
1
) Rock climbing specialists will be more biocentric in their worldviews than climbing
generalists. PCA identified five factors that explained 54.9% of variance in responses ( =
0.736) suggesting the unidimensionality of the NEP scale. Cronbach's Alpha for the five facets
were not as strong individually as for all items together, which provides further evidence that the
application of the NEP Scale in aggregate. NEP Scale scores (n = 276; M = 2.03 .06; SD =
0.494) ranged from 1 (biocentric) to 4.07 (anthropocentric). There were no significant
differences between specialization groups (F(3, 268) = 0.311, p = 0.817).
(H
2
) Rock climbing specialists will be more aware of LNT practices than climbing
generalists. Of the six questions posed to respondents, only one had significant differences
between specialization groups (Levene = 2.853, p = 0.037; Welsh = 3.097, p = 0.029): Camping
and other recreation activities should be restricted to areas where vegetation is absent or already
compacted (n = 370; M = 3.26 0.11; SD = 1.066). Veteran Climbers (n = 59; M = 3.02 0.31)
were significantly less agreeable than Casual Climbers (n = 79; M = 3.50 0.22).
(H
3
) As the degree of recreation specialization increases, the more accepting people are to
management strategies that restrict their behaviour in order to protect the environmental setting.
Of the five questions posed to respondents, only one had significant differences between
112

specialization groups (F(3, 351) = 6.719, p = 0.000): The development of new routes and the
placement of bolts should be left up to individual climbers (n = 363; M = 3.22 0.11; SD =
1.110). Veteran Climbers (n = 58; M = 3.74 0.30) significantly more agreeable than Casual
Climbers (n = 74; M = 2.95) and Focused Climbers (n = 156; M = 3.12 0.17).

Discussion/Conclusion
There was not sufficient variation between the four levels of recreation specialization
found among rock climbers in Squamish to support any of the three hypotheses. Thus, it may be
concluded that general environmental attitudes, attitudes about environmentally friendly
behaviours related to outdoor recreation activities, and attitudes about the management of rock
climbing do not vary between rock climbers with different degrees of recreation specialization.
The rock climbers who responded to the survey were supportive of biocentric attitudes, but were
not generally aware of LNT principles or practices. However, respondents appear to be
supportive of the management of rock climbing, and indicated support for voluntary regulations,
such as raptor closures, as an effective method of managing potential climbing impacts. While
rock climbing is an activity that supports immersion in the outdoors, people who have learned to
rock climb in indoor climbing gyms may not be aware of the prevailing environmental etiquette
among outdoor rock climbers. Although outdoor recreationists such as rock climbers may have
generally pro-environmental beliefs, they may have difficulty putting these principles into
practice without proper instruction or mentorship. Managers of rock climbing areas pursuing
strategies to protect ecological integrity but that may restrict climbing opportunities should
communicate the reasons or desired outcomes of the actions so that rock climbers are able to
appreciate the implications of the strategies. Managers would likely find support among
members of the climbing community for strategies that protect the environment or reduce
environmental impacts; however, they should try to engage with climbers of all recreation
specialization levels. Recognizing the criticism that application of the recreation specialization
construct has been inconsistent in its conceptualization and measurement (Choi et al., 1994;
Scott & Shafer, 2001; McFarlane, 2001), this study employed measures that had been tested and
used previously with anglers. However, the inclusion of measures specific to rock climbing may
have provided a clearer delineation of specialization levels. In order to better understand whether
the environmental attitudes of rock climbers is influenced by the activity or that
environmentally-minded people are attracted to rock climbing, future research might investigate
the role of social structure in communicating and reinforcing environmentally friendly
behaviour.

References
Bryan, H. (2000). Recreation specialization revisited. Journal of Leisure Research, 32, 18-21.
Bryan, H. (1977). Leisure value systems and recreational specialization: The case of trout
fishermen. Journal of Leisure Research, 9, 174-187.
Choi, S., Loomis, D. K., & Ditton, R. B. (1994). Effect of social group, activity, and
specialization on recreation substitution decisions. Leisure Sciences, 16, 143-159.
Dunlap, R. E., van Liere, K., Mertig, A., & Jones, R. E. (2000). Measuring endorsement of the
New Ecological Paradigm: A revised NEP scale. Journal of Social Issues, 56, 425-442.
Dunlap, R. E.., & Heffernan, R. B. (1975). Outdoor recreation and environmental concern: An
empirical examination. Rural Sociology, 40(1), 18-30.

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Jackson, E. L. (1987). Outdoor recreation participation and views on resource development and
preservation. Leisure Sciences, 9(4), 235-250.
Jackson, E. L. (1986). Outdoor recreation participation and attitudes to the environment. Leisure
Studies, 5, 1-23.
Leave No Trace Centre for Outdoor Ethics. (2011). Master educator handbook. Boulder, CO:
Leave No Trace Inc.
Manning, R. E. (1999). Studies in outdoor recreation: Search and research for satisfaction (2nd
ed.). Corvallis OR: Oregon State University Press.
McFarlane, B.L. (2001). Comments on recreational specialization: A critical look at the
construct. Journal of Leisure Research, 33(3), 348-350.
McFarlane, B. L. (1994). Specialization and motivations of birdwatchers. Wildlife Society
Bulletin, 22, 361370.
McFarlane, B. L., Stumpf-Allen, R. C. G., & Watson, D. O. (2006). Public perceptions of natural
disturbance in Canada's national parks: The case of the mountain pine beetle
(Dendroctonus ponderosae Hopkins). Biological Conservation, 130(3), 340-348.
McFarlane, B.L., Boxall, P.C., & Watson, D.O. (1998). Past experience and behavioral choice
among wilderness users. Journal of Leisure Research, 30(2), 195-213.
Needham, M. D., Sprouse, L. J., & Grimm, K. E. (2009). Testing a self-classification measure of
recreation specialization among anglers. Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 14(6), 448-455.
Oh, C., & Ditton, R. (2006). Using recreation specialization to understand multi-attribute
management preferences. Leisure Sciences, 28(4), 369-384.
Rollins, R., & Robinson, D. W. (2002). Social science, conservation, and protected areas. In P.
Dearden & R. Rollins (Eds.), Parks and protected areas in Canada: Planning and
management (2nd ed., pp. 117-147). Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Salz, R. J., Loomis, D. K., & Finn, K. L. (2001). Development and validation of a specialization
index and testing of specialization theory. Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 6(4), 239-258.
Scott, D., & Shafer, C. S. (2001). Recreational specialization: A critical look at the construct.
Journal of Leisure Research, 33, 319-345.
Theodori, G. L., Luloff, A. E., & Willits, F. K. (1998). The association of outdoor recreation and
environmental concern: Reexamining the Dunlap-Heffernan Thesis. Rural Sociology,
63(1), 94- 108.
Van Liere, K. D., & Noe, F. P. (1981). Outdoor recreation and environmental attitudes: Further
examination of the Dunlap-Heffernan Thesis. Rural Sociology, 46(3), 505-513.



The Politics of Leisure in the Transition to Motherhood
Shannon Hebblethwaite (Concordia University), Dawn Trussell (Brock University), Stephanie
Paterson (Concordia University), Trica M.K. Xing (Brock University), Kevin Marple (Concordia
University)

Objective
The objective of this paper is to explore the nexus of public policy and leisure for women
as they experience the transition to motherhood, in order to illuminate the ways in which women
use leisure to achieve well-being and the role of public policy therein. We have constructed a
critical discussion of the role of leisure in mothers well-being during the transition to
114

motherhood, encompassing literature that covers a broad range of disciplines, including leisure
studies, family relations, political science, policy studies, womens studies, sociology, and
psychology. We conclude this discussion by putting forth the potential of policy mapping as a
methodology to further understand social policy, leisure, and well-being for new mothers.

Rationale
One of the key drivers of modern policy analysis and subsequent interventions is the
concept of the good life (Manuel, 2006). What the good life entails is historically, culturally,
and spatially contingent, but pivots around the often contentious concept of well-being. Within
this context, we suggest that Canadian social policy is premised on a narrow construction of
well-being, in which well-being is an economic construct facilitated largely by the market. Thus,
the market becomes the key site of well-being and identity production for reproductive citizens
(Turner, 2001).
We argue, however, that such an approach neglects and delegitimizes another important
sphere of well-being and identity formation. Leisure has been widely shown to have a positive
impact on well-being in multiple spheres, including physical, cognitive, emotional, social, and
spiritual domains. Long considered to encapsulate a state of freedom, autonomy, individual
choice, self-expression, and satisfaction, leisure impacts individuals, families and communities,
and can result in increased well-being, family cohesiveness, social support, and community
engagement (Hebblethwaite & Norris, 2011; Iwasaki, McTavish, & McKay, 2005; Palmer,
Freeman, & Zabriskie, 2007). Moreover, leisure is recognized as a site of resistance by
challenging power relations that oppress individuals or groups based on categorical definitions
like race, class and gender (Shaw, 2006). Leisure has the potential to facilitate the transition of
social systems and policies to enhance equity and inclusion of citizens who are marginalized and
vulnerable (Mair, Arai, & Reid, 2010). Hence, women's access to and use of leisure to manage
their transition to motherhood, during a major life transition that can be marked with social
isolation, depression and/or stress as they care for their new infant are important questions for
both policymakers and academics.

Significance of Public Policy
Federal, provincial, and municipal governments attend to the role of recreation in
individual and community development, and in contributing to well-being and social functioning
(e.g., Canadian Sport Policy 2012; National Recreation Summit 2011). Leisure policy, however,
has not escaped recent shifts in the Canadian social policy landscape and the politics of leisure
has become an increasing concern. During the last two decades, the Canadian welfare state has
been increasingly identified as a social investment state (SIS), where states focus on human
capital investments, especially for children, as protection from future risk, such as labour market
fluctuations. This new social architecture has in many ways eclipsed the social security state
that had emerged during the post-war period (Saint Martin, 2006). This transformation has been
met with two important shifts. First, there is an increasing emphasis on children, as revealed by
the National Childrens Agenda and the National Child Benefits System (see, for example,
Dobrowolsky, & Jenson 2004). With respect to leisure, recent policies such as tax credits for
sport and cultural activities are targeted exclusively to children. Second, the previous two-tiered
system of citizenship entitlements has been replaced by a system of rights and entitlements that
are increasingly tied to labour market attachment and participation (Paterson, Levasseur, &
Teplova, 2004). The nonrefundable tax credits for childrens leisure activities require taxable
115

income, thereby formally linking access to leisure to paid employment.

Implications of Public Policy in the Transition to Motherhood
These shifts have significant implications for women. Not only are women rendered
discursively invisible, folded into the gender-neutral categories of parent or worker, but also,
in neglecting and obscuring the sexual division of labour, the SIS reproduces important
assumptions about gender and the allocation of caring labour. It thus becomes the responsibility
of women to reconcile the tensions produced by parenthood and paid employment. Indeed, state-
level concerns with leisure have manifested themselves in discussions of population health and
social cohesion, both of which have tended to neglect the gendered dimensions of leisure.
Moreover, guided by the National Recreation Statement (Interprovincial Sport &
Recreation Council, 1987), municipalities carry the primary responsibility for implementing
provincial policies and services, often resulting in unequal access for marginalized groups,
including women, the unemployed, and persons with disabilities (Havitz, Morden & Samdahl,
2004; Frisby, Reid & Ponic, 2007). In addition, leisure policy is often neglected in broader
discussions of family policy. Thus, womens use of leisure to facilitate well-being is obscured.
We suggest this is an important oversight from the perspective of social policy, especially
in light of research suggesting contradictory experiences for women. For example, womens
experience of leisure is influenced by their gendered perceptions of their entitlement to leisure,
particularly once they become mothers and gender is a significant constraint to womens leisure
in relation to economic constraints, an unequal provision of leisure services for women, and the
decreased amount of time they have available to participate in leisure compared to men (Frisby
et al., 2007). Moreover, the ideology of intensive mothering embodies motherhood as child-
centred, emotionally absorbing, self-sacrificing, and labour intensive with mothers as active
managers of their childrens time and activities (Trussell & Shaw, 2012). As such, the experience
of leisure becomes contradictory for mothers and assumes a more purposive role (Shaw &
Dawson, 2001) with a heightened emphasis for the fathers and children, rather than the well-
being of mothers.

The Politics of Leisure
At the same time, however, research suggests that womens lives can be made more visible
through leisure and give women a sense of control over their choices (Shaw, 2001). Although
constraints have a substantial impact on mothers leisure, leisure is an important site of identity
formation and resistance. While resistance can occur in all settings and circumstances, leisure
provides enhanced opportunities for resistant acts because of greater opportunities for self-
expression and self-determination (Shaw, 2006). Recently, the experience of traditional gender
and pronatalist ideologies has shown that resistance enables women to have a more optimistic
situation and enhance their well-being (Parry, 2005). Thus, leisure can be a key site through
which to negotiate the tensions produced by social policy, particularly as both reproductive and
worker citizens.
Leisure plays an important role in constituting political subjects. Not only does leisure
enhance social capital and cohesion, but it also opens space for both the reproduction of and
resistance to hegemonic discourses and practices. The politics of leisure is thus implicated in
citizenship regimes and includes opportunities for leisure, fostered or constrained by various
public policies, as well as the relationship between leisure and political subjectivity.

116

Conclusion & Implications for Leisure Research
This brief discussion brings into relief two assumptions exposed by feminist policy
scholars: womens relationship with the state changes when they become mothers (Jenson,
1986); and, womens well-being is directly, and often negatively, affected by public policy
(Neysmith, Bezanson, & OConnell, 2005). Policies and programs, or lack thereof, aimed at
facilitating leisure will have significant implications for mothers well-being. Policy acts on and
through individuals, determining incentive structures that govern individual choice and
behaviour and impelling particular subject positions, shaping what is thought and spoken, and
reproducing or resisting power relations by acknowledging the authority and legitimacy of some
groups or individuals over others (Bacchi, 1999).
Much of the policy literature exploring the transition to motherhood focuses on
experiences with paid employment, and mostly in American context. Although the demands of
motherhood and employment are important focal points in the transition process, the transition to
motherhood is much more complex, implicating shifting identities and relationships between
women and their families, the state, their employers, and their communities (Miller, 2007).
Importantly, first time mothers will likely experience the consequences of social policy more
acutely, since motherhood impels and complicates political subjectivity (Johnson, 2009).
Furthermore, motherhood has been shown to affect labour market participation and outcomes
(Vosko, 2000) and public participation (Ingram, Schneider, & deLeon, 2007). How these shifts
are experienced and negotiated among first time mothers are important points of inquiry.
This discussion underscores the importance of the relationship between the state, market,
and family spheres for womens well-being and identity, demonstrating womens vulnerability to
the practical consequences of social policy (Kay, 2000). It is crucial to situate these effects in the
context of womens lives and attend to those factors that affect female well-being, including,
marital status, social support, income, age, race, ability, and sexual orientation.
Thus, the multidisciplinary review of literature makes visible the role of leisure in policy
studies and highlights the importance of studying policy implications in leisure studies. Engaging
in policy mapping at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels could bridge this gap. Public
policy is often defined simply as what governments do (Dye 1972). Although much more
complex than that, policies can be conceptualized as state interventions (or non-interventions, as
the case may be) that shape our everyday lives. Policy issues are often discussed as if discrete
phenomena, occurring and impacting individuals as separate and separable events.
Conceptualizing issues this way, however, obscures their multidimensional character, as well as
the ways in which they interact with the lived environment. Public policies, while often designed
to address single issues, do not act in isolation. Indeed, they interact with pre-existing policies
and corresponding socio-political contexts in complex and sometimes unforeseen ways. Thus,
the task of the analyst is to expose those interventions that are not readily apparent.
Policy mapping is one tool with which to do this. Policy mapping situates the target of
public policy at the centre of analysis, by tracing all of the policies acting on a given issue or
target population. Some of these interventions are more obvious than others. Within the context
of motherhood, policies such as maternity and parental leave systems and the National Child
Benefit System will have obvious effects on womens lives. However, we must also consider
policies surrounding social assistance, affordable housing, municipal recreation, etc., that are not
specific to mothers but will acutely affect them nonetheless. The process of policy mapping
enables researchers to make explicit the weight of policy interventions, thereby offering a tool
with which to expose potential contradictions, tensions, and inconsistencies that complicate
117

womens lives. Moreover, the emerging policy framework enables researchers to see more
clearly how particular policy problems and target populations are constructed and to what effect.
Although this strategy is commonly used in political science, it presents innovative strategies for
leisure scholarship and provides an opportunity to rethink familiar terrain in different ways.

References
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Leisure as Moderator for Spiritual Well-being? Responding to Bouwer
Paul Heintzman (University of Ottawa)

A number of years ago, in a discussion of leisure research, Shaw (2000) raised the
question, if our research is relevant, why is nobody listening? She referred to a study
conducted by Samdahl and Kelly (1999) that involved a citation analysis of two journals: the
Journal of Leisure Research and Leisure Sciences. Based on the distribution of studies cited in
these leisure journals and the degree to which papers in these journals were cited by publications
beyond the leisure studies field, Samdahl and Kelly concluded that leisure research is
intellectually isolated from related and important research in other disciplines. Furthermore,
when leisure research is referenced in non-leisure journals and when leisure researchers cite non-
leisure research, such references are often more than ten years old (Samdahl & Kelly, 1999).
Within this context, it is noteworthy when leisure research on leisure and spirituality is not only
cited but thoroughly discussed within a book on the psychology of religion. Recently Johan
Bouwer (2013) published a chapter titled Leisure as Moderator for Spiritual Well-Being? in
the book Constructs of Meaning and Religious Transformation: Current Issues in the Psychology
of Religion. The purpose of this paper is to respond to the issues and conclusions raised by
Bouwer as he attempted to determine whether leisure is a moderator for spiritual well-being
based on his review of leisure research on leisure and spirituality. This paper will first provide a
brief summary of Bouwers chapter and then respond to a number of his observations and
conclusions.
Summary of Bouwers Chapter
The goal of Bouwers (2013) chapter was to theoretically examine whether leisure may be
viewed as a moderator for spiritual well-being. In other words, does leisure contribute to spiritual
well-being? First, he discusses the conceptualization of leisure and spiritual well-being, second,
he reviews research on leisure and spirituality conducted by two leisure scholars, third he
119

evaluates this research in light of his conceptualization of leisure and spiritual well-being in
order to determine if leisure is a moderator for spiritual well-being and finally he provides
recommendations for future research on this topic. Bouwer concludes that these leisure scholars
research is more in line with psychological well-being than spiritual well-being. He also
concludes that these leisure scholars have used socio-psychological definitions of leisure when it
would have been more appropriate to use the classical understanding of skhol (leisure) rather
than anapausis (recreation). He recommends that future research on this topic needs to include
(1) a more precise analysis of spirituality that includes the distinction between the psyche and the
spirit; (2) a more rigorous analysis of leisure that involves the operationalization of skhol, (3) a
more meticulous analysis of well-being in regards to spirituality, and (4) more quantitative
research on this topic. Bouwer concludes his chapter with the following sentences:
No valid conclusions can be drawn about the proposed relationship between leisure and
spiritual well-being, because the foundations underlying the domains of the spiritual and
psychological, the specific nature of leisure as skhol, and the nature of well-being in
relation [to] health, happiness and life satisfaction and SWB need a more rigorous analysis
than was the case among the researchers discussed in this paper. The final conclusion is
that the existent evidence for supporting the statement that leisure is a moderator for
spiritual well-being is (conceptually) too weak to make a valid case for it. (p. 292)

Responses to Bouwers Chapter
1. The leisure researchers that Bouwer (2013) interacts with in his chapter are Heintzman
(2002, 2009, 2010a, 2010b; Heintzman & Mannell, 1999) and Schmidt (2007, Schmidt & Little,
2007; Little & Schmidt, 2006). Given that Bouwer focuses specifically on leisure and spiritual
well-being and not more generally on leisure and spirituality, it is natural that he interacts with
Heintzmans work that has focused on the concept of spiritual well-being to explore leisure and
spirituality. However, given Bouwers focus on spiritual well-being and his recommendation for
more rigorous analysis of well-being in regards to spirituality, it is surprising that he devotes so
much attention to Schmidts work. While Schmidts excellent research on leisure as spiritual
experience is ground-breaking and foundational work on the topic of leisure and spirituality, his
work is focused on spiritual experience and not spiritual well-being. In fact, in his key study
Schmidt (2007) never mentions the term spiritual well-being other than when he references
Heintzmans (2000, 2002; Heintzman & Mannell, 2003) and Raghebs (1993) research. There
are several other leisure-related studies that use the concept of spiritual well-being that are not
referenced by Bouwer. The concept of spiritual well-being has been used in studies of park
visitors (Lemieux et al., 2012), wilderness canoeists (Heintzman, 2007, 2008), yoga (Pham,
2013), bird watchers (Gu, 2011) and college students leisure preferences (Doi, 2004).
2. Bouwers (2013, pages 284-286) review of Heintzmans work is based on Heintzmans
speculative (2002) and review (2009, 2010a, 2010b) articles rather than on Heintzmans original
empirical research studies (1999, 2000, 2007, 2008, 2011; Heintzman & Mannell, 1999, 2001,
2003). While one Heintzman and Mannell (1999) empirical study is listed in Bouwers reference
list it cannot be found in the chapter itself, and therefore Bouwers discussion is based entirely
on the speculative and review papers. In particular, much of Bouwers discussion is based on
Heintzmans (2002) speculative conceptual paper which was written prior to much of his
empirical research. This lengthy discussion of Heintzmans 2002 paper reflects Samdahl and
Kellys (1999) observation that when leisure research is referenced in non-leisure journals such
references are often more than ten years old.
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3. Although perhaps a minor point, when Bouwer (2013) summarizes Heintzmans
conceptual (2002) and review (2009) papers he sometimes presents other scholars ideas and
findings as Heintzmans. For example, on two occasions he provides a definition of spiritual
health found in Heintzman (2002, 2009) and fails to mention that this definition is originally
from Hawks (1994). He also attributes Raghebs (1993) findings about leisure constraints and
spiritual wellness as well as findings about the relaxational component of leisure satisfaction to
Heintzman (2009).
4. Brouwer (2013) claims that Heintzman takes spiritual well-being, spiritual health and
spiritual wellness to be synonyms. This complicated the validity of his research findings. While
it is true that Heintzman (2002) used the terms spiritual well-being, spiritual health and spiritual
wellness interchangeably in his early speculative conceptual model of leisure and spiritual well-
being that Bouwer focused on in his review, not only is this model now somewhat dated, but his
empirical studies (1999, 2000, 2007, 2008; Heintzman & Mannell, 1999, 2001, 2003), most of
which Bouwer did not reference, were focused on spiritual well-being. In his quantitative studies
Heintzman (1999; Heintzman & Mannell, 1999, 2001, 2003) used two spiritual well-being
scales: one very similar to the Spiritual Well-Being Scale (Ellison, 1983; Ellison & Smith, 1991)
that has been used in hundreds of studies to measure both the transcendent and the meaning/
purpose in life dimensions of spiritual well-being; and the spiritual well-being subscale of the
Mental, Physical and Spiritual (MPS) Well-Being Scale (Vella-Brodrick & Allen, 1995; Vella-
Brodrick & White, 1997). Furthermore Heintzmans qualitative studies (2000, 2007, 2008, 2011)
have all used the concept of spiritual well-being and asked participants how they understand
spiritual well-being before exploring the relationship between leisure and spiritual well-being in
their lives.
5. Bouwer claims that It couldbe possible that Heintzmans and Schmidts findings
were in reality not brought into relationship with spiritual well-being, but with psychological
well-being (p. 290). While this claim may possibly be true especially in Heintzmans (2000,
2007, 2008, 2011) qualitative studies and also in Schmidts studies, all of which were qualitative,
the use of spiritual well-being scales as described in the previous point makes this claim less
likely for Heintzmans (1999, Heintzman & Mannell, 1999, 2001, 2003) quantitative studies.
6. Bouwer (2013) noted that Heintzmans presupposition was that leisure has a positive
impact on spiritual wellness/well-being (p. 292). However in his conceptual model Heintzman
(2002) explained that leisure had the potential to repress as well as enhance spiritual well-being
and through his empirical research (1999, 2000, Heintzman & Mannell, 1999, 2001, 2003) he
confirmed this notion that leisure could have both positive and negative impacts.
7. Bouwer (2013) claims that it would have been more appropriate for Heintzman and
Schmidt to conceptualize and operationalize leisure as skhol. However in qualitative research,
which Schmidt used and which Heintzman (2000, 2007, 2008, 2011) used in a number of his
studies, instead of the researchers bringing a specific concept of leisure to the study, participants
self-defined leisure. In Heintzmans qualitative studies, few if any of the participants defined
leisure according to the classical understanding of leisure as skhol. In regards to quantitative
studies, little work exists on operationalizing this understanding of leisure, and its usefulness is
questionable given that few people in contemporary society identify leisure with this concept.
Nevetheless it may be possible to reconcile some of the research on leisure and spiritual well-
being with classical leisure. Heintzmans (1999, Heintzman & Mannell, 1999) quantitative
finding that stimulus-avoidance motivations (e.g., to relax mentally, to rest, to relieve stress and
tension, to be in a calm atmosphere) are significantly correlated with spiritual well-being may
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reflect the classical understanding of leisure, especially Piepers (1963) version of it, and
Heintzmans (2000) qualitative findings that an attitude of openness and receptivity in leisure is
associated with spiritual well-being may also reflect this classical understanding.

Conclusion
Although the above observations may be seen as critical of Bouwers (2013) chapter, he
has made a valuable contribution to the discussion of leisure as a moderator for spiritual well-
being. His conclusion that existent evidence for supporting the statement that leisure is a
moderator for spiritual well-being is (conceptually) too weak to make a valid case for it (p. 292)
is for the most part true. Despite dramatic increase in the social scientific study of the
relationship between leisure and spirituality in the last 15 years, few of these studies are
quantitative, and fewer still use the concept of spiritual well-being or spiritual well-being scales
used frequently in other disciplines. Most studies to date are qualitative, with small sample sizes
that allow for participants to self-define spirituality so there is little conceptual clarity regarding
the spiritual outcomes that are mentioned in these studies. Bouwers recommendation for more
quantitative research on this topic is worthy advice. Also, as he suggests, it is important not to
confuse spiritual outcomes and well-being with psychological outcomes and well-being. All
three of his recommendations noted earlier in this paper regarding more rigorous analysis of
spirituality, leisure and well-being when the leisure and spiritual well-being relationship is
studied are worthy of attention. His reflections of the work of leisure scholars on this topic need
to be heeded in order to advance scholarship in this area. Bouwers chapter is an example of
how writings outside of the leisure studies literature may be helpful in providing insight and
challenge to leisure scholars in order to develop a more complete description of the phenomena
that they study.

References
Bouwer, J. (2013). Leisure as moderator for spiritual well-being? In H. Westerink (Ed.)
Constructs of meaning and religious transformation: Current issues in the psychology of
religion (Vol. 4), pp. 275-274. Gttingen, Germany: V& R Unipress.
Doi, A. S. (2004). Spiritual well-being and leisure preferences in college students. Unpublished
Masters Thesis. Springfield College, Springfield, MA.
Heintzman, P. (1999). Leisure and spiritual well-being: A social scientific exploration.
Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Waterloo, Waterloo, ON.
Heintzman, P. (2000). Leisure and spiritual well-being relationships: A qualitative study. Society
and Leisure, 23(1), 41-69.
Heintzman, P. (2007). Mens wilderness experience and spirituality: A qualitative study. In R.
Burns & K. Robinson (Comps.), Proceedings of the 2006 Northeastern Recreation
Research Symposium (pp. 216-225) (Gen. Tech. Rep. NRS-P-14). Newton Square, PA:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Services, Northern Research Station.
Heintzman, P. (2008). Mens wilderness experience and spirituality: Further explorations. In C.
LeBlanc & C. Vogt (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2007 Northeastern Recreation Research
Symposium (pp. 55-59) (Gen. Tech. Rep. NRS-P-23). Newton Square, PA: U.S.
Department of Agriculture, Forest Services, Northern Research Station.
Heintzman, P. (2011). Youth leisure and spirituality: A qualitative study of senior high school
students. In K. Andereck & M. Stodolska (Comps.) Leisure Research Symposium.
Ashburn, VA: National Recreation and Park Association (4 pages).
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Heintzman, P., & Mannell, R. (1999). Leisure style and spiritual well-being. In W. Stewart & D.
Samdahl (Eds.). Abstracts from the 1999 Symposium on Leisure Research (p. 68). National
Congress for Recreation and Parks, Nashville, TN, October 20-24, 1999.
Heintzman, P., & Mannell, R. (2001). Leisure-spiritual health processes: A social scientific
study. In M. Havitz & M. Floyd (Eds.), Abstracts from the 2001 Symposium on Leisure
Research (p. 85). National Congress for Recreation and Parks, Denver, CO, October 3-6.
Ashburn, VA: National Recreation and Park Association.
Heintzman, P., & Mannell, R. (2003). Spiritual functions of leisure and spiritual well-being:
Coping with time pressure. Leisure Sciences, 25, 207-230.
Lemieux, C. J., Eagles, P. F. J., Slocombe, D. S., Doherty, S. ., Elliot, S. J., & Mock, S. E.
(2012). Human health and well-being motivations and benefits associated with protected
area experiences: An opportunity for transforming policy and management in Canada.
Parks, 18(1), 871-885.
Little, D. E., & Schmidt, C. (2006). Self, wonder and God! The spiritual dimensions of travel
experiences. Tourism, 54(2), 107-116.
Pham, K. H. (2013). Outcomes of a recreation therapy yoga meditation intervention on prison
inmates' spiritual well-being. Unpublished Masters Thesis, San Jose State U., CA.
Ragheb, M. G. (1993). Leisure and perceived wellness: A field investigation. Leisure Sciences,
15, 13-24.
Samdahl, D. M., & Kelly, J. J. (1999). Speaking only to ourselves? Citation analysis of Journal
of Leisure Research and Leisure Sciences. Journal of Leisure Research, 31(2), 171-180.
Schmidt, C. (2006). The lived experience of the spiritual potential of leisure. Annals of Leisure
Research, 9(3), 173-193.
Schmidt, C., & Little, D. E. (2007). Qualitative insights into leisure as a spiritual experience.
Journal of Leisure Research, 39(2), 222-247.



Juxtaposing Genealogy and the Serious Leisure Taxonomy A Persisting Problem
Gregory Higginbotham, Shalini Singh (Brock University)

Introduction
The tracing of genealogies, according to Erben (1991), has been a prevalent feature of
many different historical periods. In its contemporary guise, genealogy is understood to be
flourishing in such a way that there seem to be no obvious signs of stagnation. Attributable in
large part to its commercial success in televised entertainment, as well as its established presence
on the Internet, the tracing of genealogies has gradually come to the fore as a late modern leisure
phenomenon (Timothy & Guelke, 2008). Moreover, this burgeoning interest in historical
lineages has been taken up primarily, but not exclusively, by individuals who descend from a
distant generation of immigrants. Such descendants, though separated by tens or hundreds of
years from these immigrant generations, express curiosity in genealogy by pursuing an
endeavour that draws them closer to their familial roots and origins.
While the serious leisure perspective (SLP) is now an acknowledged thread in the fabric
of the leisure studies field, only a small number of researchers (e.g., Fulton, 2009; Horne, 2002;
Stebbins, 2005) have examined genealogy within the context of this framework. This inattention
to genealogy is quite understandable given the extensive range of engagements abound in the
123

leisure studies literature. Competing classifications of genealogy (viz., as serious or project-
based leisure) currently persist, and concurrently, there is scant empirical evidence in the
literature to support a more comprehensive understanding of genealogy as project-based leisure.
Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine leisure engagements of genealogy and their
congruence with theories and concepts from the SLP. For the sake of clarity, it is important to
state that this study does not commence with the assumption that genealogy is serious leisure,
nor does it set out to gather evidence which would confirm a classification of genealogy as
serious leisure (see Gallant, Arai & Smale, 2013). Rather, the insights gained through this study
could facilitate a clearer delineation of genealogy within the scope of the SLP.

Serious Leisure Perspective (SLP)
Stebbins coined serious leisure in 1982 as a term for the systematic pursuit of an amateur,
hobbyist or volunteer core activity that people find so substantial, interesting, and fulfilling that,
in the typical case, they launch themselves on a career centered on acquiring and expressing a
combination of its special skills, knowledge, and experience (Stebbins, 2007, p. 5). The basic
framework of serious leisure is a systematic categorization of three forms of leisure: serious,
casual, and project-based. Casual leisure is acknowledged for its short duration, immediate
pleasures and intrinsic rewards, and lack of specialized training. Project-based leisure is a recent
addition to the SLP, and it refers to an infrequently occasional and reasonably complicated
creative undertaking. Although the framework takes its name from the first of these forms of
leisure, serious leisure is not to be recognized as the most important of the three (Stebbins,
2007).

Serious Leisure and Genealogy
As briefly mentioned in the introduction to this study, there are competing classifications
for genealogy within the SLP. By way of his non-systematic observations of leisure in everyday
life, Stebbins (2005) classifies genealogy as a liberal arts pursuit of project-based leisure.
Enthusiasts of liberal arts pursuits are fascinated with the acquisition of knowledge for its own
sake. Upon acquisition of this knowledge, its practical applications are conjectured to be a
secondary consideration (Stebbins, 2007). The case for genealogy as project-based leisure, as
observed by Stebbins (2005), may not be the only possible way to conceive of this endeavour.
Fulton (2009), in the absence of rationalizing her choice, classifies genealogy as serious leisure.
Together, Stebbins (2005) and Fulton (2009) seem to agree that genealogy is a hobbyist, or
hobbyist-like (Stebbins, 2005, p. 5) activity.

Method
The reported qualitative study is situated within the interpretive research framework of
narrative inquiry. In the opinion of Glover (2003), narrative inquiry has been mostly overlooked
in the leisure studies field. Nevertheless, it is a method that allows leisure scholars to understand
the way individuals articulate their own lived experience over time with leisure (Glover, 2003,
p. 151) by encouraging such individuals to tell stories. Thus, stories, as well as the broader
narrative which underpins these stories, provide a glimpse into the meaning of leisure
experiences for those individuals who live them.
Expressions of interest for participation in this study were invited from local public
libraries and the Niagara Peninsula Branch of the Ontario Genealogical Society (OGS). These
expressions of interest were subject to both criterion sampling and maximum variation sampling
124

techniques. Four amateur genealogists in total comprised the sample for this study, and three life
story interviews were carried out with each participant. The stories told by participants during
their interviews were analyzed by way of both a thematic analysis and a structural analysis (see
Riessman, 2008).

Analysis of Findings
In analyzing the narratives of four amateur genealogists, three themes emerged that were
subsequently organized under the following headings: (a) Considerations of Time, (b) Notions of
Skill, Knowledge, and Experience, and (c) Genealogy and the Liberal Arts. Insights accruing to
each of the three identified themes are summarized herein.

Considerations of Time
The amateur genealogists in this study disclose that leisure engagements of genealogy can
be influenced by situational contingencies, including changes in family, work, and lifecycle.
Such contingencies have caused them, at different points in their lives, to either momentarily
defer or provisionally curtail their involvements. These experiences of deferred and curtailed
involvement may impress that the amateur genealogists are engaged in project-based leisure.
Their leisure engagements exhibit clear signs of what Stebbins (2005) portrays as infrequent
occurrences that are widely spaced in time, experienced with relative haste, and carried out when
convenient for the individual. This lack of a systematic routine for engaging in genealogy would
also appear to separate it from serious leisure activities which, generally speaking, consume time
on a regular basis (Stebbins, 2007, p. 69). Even so, the principle of time can be a deceptively
simplistic agent when it comes to classifying leisure engagements of genealogy. Given the
temporal boundaries forged by Stebbins (2007), it would appear that genealogy defies a perfect
fit.
On account of the short-term and long-term distinctions that separate project-based leisure
and serious leisure respectively, there is no apparent logic in the SLP to determine what
constitutes leisure of a short- or long-term nature. Unlike the one-shot undertakings that are
characteristic to project-based leisure, these amateur genealogists do not have a known and
definite period (Stebbins, 2007, p. 70) for the completion of their leisure engagements. Thus,
while leisure engagements of genealogy may not be enduring in a rigidly systematic sense
(Gallant et al., 2013), it is still possible that they can be continued over the long-term.

Notions of Skill, Knowledge, and Experience
The skills and knowledge needed to engage in project-based leisure are, in the opinion of
Stebbins (2005), routine, minimal, and insubstantial. To date, what appears to be absent in his
discussions of project-based leisure is the notion that, although only requiring the application of
conventional skill and knowledge, individuals may still acquire special skills, knowledge, and
experience in the course of their leisure projects. Though an inventory has not been compiled, it
is understood that these amateur genealogists have acquired a variety of different skills,
extensive knowledge, and a number of valuable experiences. For example, genealogy is shown to
contribute in meaningful ways to the personal fulfillment of the amateur genealogist. This
fulfillment is predominantly derived from, but not limited to, experiences of learning,
appreciating, sharing, connecting, and self-understanding. The special or specialized nature of
these experiences is notgiven the theoretical parameters of the SLPfully comprehensible.

125

Genealogy and the Liberal Arts
Learning is an experience that has revealed itself to be concomitant with the tracing of
genealogies. This learning is highly personal, not just in the sense that amateur genealogists
control the process, but also in the sense of the knowledge pursued. The knowledge pursued
throughout the course of engaging in genealogy encompasses not only that which is requisite for
facilitating this leisure engagement; but, additionally, it reflects the character of knowledge
attained in liberal arts pursuits. This is neither a specialized knowledge nor a knowledge acquired
as the means for involvement. Instead, it is a broad, profound, and untechnical knowledge
acquired for its own sake (Stebbins, 2007, p. 8). As such, acquisitions of this knowledge are
approached by the amateur genealogists in an active rather than a passive manner. That is, they
take the initiative and responsibility to define their own pursuits of knowledge.

Conclusions
Summarily, no generalizations can be deduced towards aiding a classification of
genealogy. This study presents evidence of genealogy that is congruent with Stebbins (2005)
understanding of genealogy as a liberal arts pursuit of project-based leisure. However, many of
the qualities of serious leisure also revealed themselves in genealogy; but then again, serious
leisurecan be found in practically any activity (Shen & Yarnal, 2010, p. 165). Though not
serious leisure, project-based leisure is enough like it (Stebbins, 2005, p. 3) that complications
arise when making clear distinctions between the two. These complications may be a result of
the way in which the SLP classifies forms of leisure based on activity[and not] experience
(Gallant et al., 2013, p. 94, italics in original). The experiential nature of leisure is generally
situated at the forefront of our conceptualizations; but until theories of the SLP are furthered
beyond this reliance on a taxonomic scheme of activity-based definitions (Gallant et al., 2013),
genealogy may continue to remain in a state of classificatory uncertainty.

References
Erben, M. (1991). Genealogy and sociology: A preliminary set of statements and speculations.
Sociology, 25(2), 275-292.
Fulton, C. (2009). Quid pro quo: Information sharing in leisure activities. Library Trends, 57(4), 753-768.
Gallant, K., Arai, S., & Smale, B. (2013). Celebrating, challenging and re-envisioning serious
leisure. Leisure/Loisir, 37(2), 91-109.
Glover, T. D. (2003). Taking the narrative turn: The value of stories in leisure research. Loisir et
Socit, 26(1), 145-167.
Horne, A. J. (2002). The pursuit of popular genealogy (Unpublished masters thesis). University
of Calgary, Alberta, Canada.
Riessman, C. K. (2008). Narrative methods for the human sciences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Shen, X. S., & Yarnal, C. (2010). Blowing open the serious leisure-casual leisure dichotomy:
Whats in there? Leisure Sciences: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 32(2), 162-179.
Stebbins, R. A. (2005). Project-based leisure: Theoretical neglect of a common use of free time.
Leisure Studies, 24(1), 1-11.
Stebbins, R. A. (2007). Serious leisure: A perspective for our time. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction Publishers.
Timothy, D. J., & Guelke J. K. (2008). Geography and genealogy: Locating personal pasts.
Aldershot, UK: Ashgate.
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126

The Production of Place: A Study of the Origin and Evolution of the Canadian Death Race
Tom Hinch, Nick Holt, Stacy-Lynn Sant (University of Alberta)

Introduction
Beyond mega events like the 2010 Vancouver Olympics, smaller scale sport events are
regularly positioned as tourist attractions in towns and cities throughout Canada. In hosting these
events, communities are engaging in processes of place making. The purpose of this study is to
provide insight into the way that space and place were consciously and unconsciously
incorporated into the development of the Canadian Death Race (CDR), a 125 km ultra-marathon
held annually in Grande Cache, Alberta.

Basis in the Literature
Place meaning is the conceptual focus of the study and is considered to be the meaning that
we attach to space (Tuan, 1974). It has long been an important part of our individual and
collective identities. However, over the past few decades the processes of globalization have
challenged our traditional understandings of place (Dredge & Jenkins, 2003). Beyond the need to
brand places as competitive players in a global market place (Kolter et al., 1993), researchers
such as Friedmann (2010) have argued that place making is an important way to promote
positive place meaning at a local level in order to foster healthy identities and sustainable
communities. These place considerations are especially relevant in resource-based communities.
The extent that event stakeholders have compatible or conflicting understandings of place is
likely to have implications on sustainability and quality of life in the community.
Tourists are often seen as privileged outsiders who consume the places that they visit.
Through their consumption of places, tourists accumulate cultural capital, which they are willing
to pay for in the tourism market place. In response to this demand, the local tourism industry
actively engages in place building. In Canada, the resulting tourism revenues are substantial;
contributing more to the Canadas GDP than agriculture, forestry and fisheries combined (HLT,
2012). Tourism is also seen as a powerful instrument for regional development. Increasingly,
sport is being positioned as a key attraction in these tourism development strategies (Weed &
Bull, 2009). One of the reasons for this emphasis is that sport tourism revenues are growing
while other tourism sectors have suffered declines (Canadian Sport Tourism Alliance, n.d.). For
example, sport tourism expenditures in Canada reached $3.6 billion in 2010 - an 8.8% increase
from 2008 while Canadas tourism industry as a whole experienced a 0.7% decrease.
Place attachment is defined as the bonding that occurs between individuals and their
meaningful environments (Scannell & Gifford, 2010). It is an important manifestation of place
meaning as these attachments are increasingly being challenged in the face of globalization,
increased mobility, environmental issues, and the changing nature of community - all of which
are significant concerns in resource-based towns and cities. The concept of place attachment
involves the interaction of multiple components inclusive of types of attachment, the place itself,
the actors connected to that place, their social relationships and the temporal context of their
attachments (Low & Altman, 1992). These interactions are in turn all influenced by an
individuals ongoing and evolving personal and social relationships with that place (Smaldone,
et al., 2005, p. 91). The development and evolution of sport tourism events are one of the ways
that place attachment is influenced. This study seeks to identify the explicit and implicit ways in
which the CDR was an attempt to influence place attachment by positioning it as a place maker
in Grande Cache, Alberta.
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Methodology
This presentation is based on a larger, on-going study. A qualitative case study
methodology (Yin, 2003) is being used based on a constructivist/interpretivist perspective
(Creswell, 2009). Specifically, we adopted what Stake (2000) calls an intrinsic case study, which
is undertaken when researchers want a better understanding of a case to illustrate a particular set
of issues. In this instance, we studied the CDR to illustrate issues relating to place meaning and
attachment. The major conceptual responsibilities of researchers presenting a case study are to
set the boundaries of the case, conceptualize the study, select the research questions to
emphasize, seek patterns of data to develop the issues, triangulate key observations for
interpretation, consider alternative explanations, and develop assertions about the case (Creswell,
1997; Stake, 2000).
Boundaries of the case are defined in terms of the community and the event. Grande Cache
is a town of just under 4,000 residents nestled against the Rocky Mountains located 440
kilometers to the west of Edmonton. Key employment sectors include: oil and gas exploration
and development, coal production, thermal-electricity generation, forestry, and a federal
correctional institution. The local economy has been closely tied to the world markets for natural
resources and has therefore experienced cyclical booms and recessions. Tourism is seen as a
promising development option given the towns proximity to the mountains and its surrounding
wilderness environments. Currently, the CDR (http://www.canadiandeathrace.com/) is the major
tourist event in the area. Inaugurated in 2000 with less than 200 runners taking part (Ngiam,
2003), the CDR has grown steadily now attracting over 300 runners in the ultra-marathon, 1300
in the relay team competition, 250 volunteers and approximately 2000 support crew members. It
doubles the population of Grande Cache on the August long weekend. The race features a course
of five stages totaling 125 km, three mountain summits (with a 5181.6 meters (m) elevation
change). A festival called the Deathfest is run in conjunction with the race.
In the winter of 2014 semi-structured interviews were conducted with the two primary
organizers of the CDR, two municipal politicians, two town administrators, and four members of
the business community. These interviews focused on the evolution of the CDR with an
emphasis on the space/place dimensions of Grande Cache. Key questions included: How did the
CDR originate and how has it evolved since that time? and From your perspective, how has
the CDR impacted the way that Grande Cache is viewed by residents and visitors? Archival
records are currently under review.

Findings
The concept of the CDR was developed by two local residents who had extensive
international ultra-marathon running experience. One of these individuals recalled that at the
time the race was conceptualized, The town wasnt doing well, the mine had closed downand
we thought lets put our knowledge together so we came up with this race (Respondent
[R.] #7). They and a third organizer, who joined them a few years later, are widely recognized
for their vision and unbelievable passion in getting the CDR off the ground and continuing to
develop it (R. #4). Throughout the development of the race, a range of place building activities
have transpired. For example, the race was designed to draw on the natural resources in the
region particularly the mountainous terrain. A course was set with five legs that facilitated a
relay competition and provided exit/refresher points conveniently located in or close to town. In
setting the course, the organizers wanted to make sure that some of the views were absolutely
spectacular (R. #7) with one example being a little dog leg on top of Mount Hamel that provides
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an extraordinary vista. Even the relative remoteness and basic tourist amenities of Grande Cache
were positioned as an asset. One respondent suggested that the race is a bit out there, its a bit
wacky and I think that makes the fact that Grande Cache [doesnt have] the normal amenities
that people expect from a mountain resort town OK cause its like were off on a little bit of
an adventure, were off the beaten path (R. # #6).
In response to the question about place identity and image, two key place related issues
emerged. The first related to the CDR name (i.e., the use of the term death it the title of the
race) and use of a skull logo. When the idea for the race was broached with the Municipal
Council in 1999, the Mayor did not want to have a major event associated with death
especially as the community was experiencing severe economic challenges at the time. This lack
of support quickly changed as the name and logo proved very successful at drawing peoples
attention (R. #6) and garnering widespread substantial media coverage (R. #2). Respondents
frequently described the CDR as putting Grande Cache on the map (Rs. #1, 3, 5, 8). The name
and logo resonated well with ultra-marathon runners who were attracted by the challenge that it
implied.
The second major place based issue was the relationship between the CDR and the
Deathfest. The Deathfest is a music festival that also includes a small fairground and other
attractions, and is an ancillary event designed to engage visitors who are not actually running in
the race (i.e. support crews or relay runners who have finished their section) as well as locals and
other visitors. It evolved from a business/volunteer lead event (Festival of Adventure) (R. #10)
hosted in the business district to a municipally managed and funded event (Deathfest) located at
the Recreation Centre and Central Park. Elements of this transition included the spatial migration
away from the business district, the contracting of big name acts like Great Big Sea in the late
2010s, a shift toward municipal employee staffing and substantial taxpayer expenditures.
Recently, the Town of Grande Cache has significantly reduced its net expenditure on the
Deathfest and plans a balanced budget for this event in 2014 (R. #1, 3, 11). The resolution of
this issue will promote a sense of community ownership of the festival and reinforce the view
that the CDR is a part of Grande Cache now (R. #3). In terms of place image one respondent
suggested that the CDR will foster Being known for an international race, being known for a
place of recreation, having the ability to showcase our mountain versus being known [as a] a
dirty coal-mining town (R. #9).

Conclusion
These differing perspectives of place are consistent with the individual articulations of
place observed by Tuan (1974) and the intensification of these differences through the processes
of globalization (Dredge & Jenkins, 2003; Scannell & Gifford, 2010). They underscore the
challenge of consciously establishing a place brand (e.g. putting GC on the map)(Kolter et al.,
1993) through sporting events or other similar strategies. Communities hosting events like the
CDR should be conscious of the broad range of place making implications that they can have.
Event names, spatial locations within the community, the balance of public/private involvement
can all influence the events impact on the place attachment of local stakeholders. While this
study has focused on the production of place meaning through the development and evolution of
the CDR, it is evident that the consumption of this event merits additional study. Future phases
of this research will examine the way that key groups consume place inclusive of the runners,
event volunteers, other visitors, and local residents.

129

Acknowledgement
The authors are grateful for the financial support received from the Social Science and
Humanities Research Council for this study.

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traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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tourism to cities and nations. New York: Free Press.
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Low (Eds.), Place attachment (pp. 1-12). New York: Plenum Press.
Ngiam, H. S. (2003). A matter of attachment: Death runners and their racing environments.
Thesis completed as part of the requirements for a Master of Arts in Recreation. University
of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.
Russell, L. (2010). Cheating death: The case of the Canadian Death Race in Grande Cache.
Unpublished Major Research Essay, Cape Breton University, Nova Scotia, Canada.
Scannell, L., & Gifford, R. (2010). Defining place attachment: A tripartite organizing
framework. Journal of Environmental Psychology 30, 1-10.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2009.09.006
Shaw, G., & Williams, A. M. (2004). Tourism and tourism spaces. London: Sage Publications.
Smaldone, D., Harris, C., Sanyal, N., & Lind, D. (2005). Place attachment and management of
critical park issues in Grand Teton National Park. Journal of Park and Recreation
Administration, 23(1), 90-114.
Stake, R. E. (2000). Case studies. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of
qualitative research (2nd ed., pp. 435-454). London: Sage.
Tuan, Y. (1974). Topophilia: A study of environmental perception, attitudes, and values.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Weed, M. E., & Bull, C. (2009). Sports tourism: Participants, policy and providers (2nd ed.).
Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann.
Yin, R. (2003). Case study research: Design and methods (3
rd
ed.). London: Sage Publications.





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Extending the Language of Place Research: Conceptualizing Place Allegiance
Ryan Howard, Garrett Hutson, Tim OConnell (Brock University)

Introduction
What words capture the long-term importance of Yosemite to John Muirs life, the value
that the Boundary Waters Canoe Area had to Sigurd Olsons wilderness explorations, or the
devotion a cottager has with her familys dock and lake? Strong emotional connections with
places guide the lives and actions of recreationists, both historically and in the present. Within
the academic literature, these emotional connections have often been addressed through the
concept of sense of place (Farnum, Hall, & Kruger, 2005), and more specifically, empirical
investigations into the construct of place attachment (Williams, Patterson, Roggenbuck, &
Watson, 1992; Williams & Vaske, 2003). These two perspectives have predominantly captured
the discourse of place through their associated methodologies, use of language, and focus of
study. The purpose of this conceptual paper is to theoretically outline the term place allegiance
and to begin to offer some ways forward to research the topic to help expand place research. In
addition, data from a small pilot study will be presented. This paper begins to problematize,
renew, and offer suggestions to further the current language used in place-based research within
the recreation and leisure fields.
This paper stems from Brehm, Eisenhauer, and Stedmans (2013) assertion that it is not
sufficient to simply demonstrate that individuals or groups have strong emotional connections
with a particular geographical locale. Rather, it is imperative to understand the implications of
attachments and meanings related to them. (p. 522). In addition to the focus of renewing the
language of place, this paper will present a theoretical extension that proposes an addition to the
constructs of sense of place and place attachment. This extension, proposed as place
allegiance, will attempt to explore not only the emotional and symbolic attachments that
individuals form with places of recreation, but also the ways that those specific attachments may
provide a foundation for long-term relationships to a particular setting. The applicability of place
allegiance will also be discussed through mixed methods data that was collected as part of a pilot
study that lays the groundwork for conceptualizing and testing the construct.

Background
According to Low and Altman (1992) place research has the theoretical and research
mechanisms to identify the nature and strength of the relationships that people have with places
they care for. While important to explore, place research has often struggled to move beyond
descriptive narratives of personal significance and the measurement of the strengths of
attachment. Within recreation and leisure research, sense of place and place attachment have
been two of the primary tools used to measure and describe place relationships; and it is clear
from this body of knowledge that people ascribe important meanings to settings for a multitude
of reasons, which often become stronger with a history of use and experience. In an effort to
refine these languages within place-based research, this paper proposes renewing approaches to
the study of place by looking at an alternative conceptualization of person-place relationships.
This paper will focus on discussing place allegiance as a concept that has the potential to move
the discourse of place toward a more unified approach to doing place-based research.
The Psychological Continuum Model (PCM) as defined by Funk and James (2001)
describes the process in which recreation, leisure and sport participants are suggested to move
through varying psychological connections with leisure pursuits. This paper extends the four
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levels of the PCM (awareness, attraction, attachment, and allegiance) as the theoretical
framework to describe positive place relationships. Within this paper, the term allegiance is
utilized to explain the psychological state in which an individuals connection with a place of
recreation may impact their attitudes and behaviours. Classically, place relationships have been
primarily explained through the well-defined construct of place attachment and its sub-constructs
of place identity, place dependence (Williams & Vaske, 2003) and social-relational place
attachment (Kyle, Graefe, & Manning, 2005) to capture multiple dimensions of place
relationships. Place allegiance seeks to extend the place attachment discourse to capture aspects
of allegiance with a focus on long-term devotion as described by the PCM (Beaton & Funk,
2008; Funk & James, 2001). The pilot study described in the next section proposes that place
allegiance may be a more useful approach to describe devout relationships outdoor recreationists
build with outdoor places. Within this paper, place allegiance is described through four domains:
symbolic value, durability, functional knowledge, and an action disposition. Each of these
domains extends the discourse of place relationships from the psychological connection of
attachment to the beginnings of what may be long-term commitment or allegiance. Initial
findings from a pilot study on place allegiance follow.

Pilot Study and Measurement
The place allegiance pilot study applied an exploratory and concurrent mixed methods
research approach (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2010) to explore place allegiance. As a part of a
larger study, the data collected begins to build the construct of place allegiance. This study's
sampling technique consisted of quantitative surveys and qualitative journal entries. Fourth year
undergraduate students (n=20) participating in a nine-day field course as part of their
undergraduate degree in Recreation and Leisure Studies, with an emphasis in Outdoor
Recreation, were the study participants. This sample population was used to test the measures of
place allegiance within a place-based context and does not necessarily represent recreationists in
general. Quantitative surveys were used to assess the four domains of place allegiance and the
three constructs of place attachment (place identity, dependence, and social-relational). Journals
were used to collect guided qualitative reflective data. Both the surveys and journals were
administered daily throughout the 9-day field course which consisted of six days of wilderness
backpacking and three days of front country rock climbing and camping. Quantitative data were
analyzed using the software package SPSS 21. For each scale, means were calculated and
graphed to show the daily changes. In addition, paired samples t-tests were conducted for pre and
post data points. Qualitative journal entries were inductively analyzed through thematic coding
and comparison.
Quantitative results indicate that place attachment and place allegiance both described the
place relationships of participants during the 9-day field course. Both place allegiance and place
attachment significantly increased from day 1 to day 9. The exploratory place allegiance measure
followed similar daily mean increases to the psychometrically verified place attachment measure.
In addition, domains of place allegiance saw a decrease when students transitioned from
backcountry to the front country portion of the field course. Durability, functional knowledge
and action disposition increased at a consistent rate throughout the backcountry portion of the
field course but significantly decreased during the transition to the front country. Symbolic value
consistently increased throughout the 9 days with no significant change during the front country
portion. Overall, the place allegiance instrument illuminated that recreationists place
relationships can be framed and measured within a different language type and on different
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domains that are typically assessed through a place attachment measure. While these initial
quantitative results should be carefully interpreted, they support an alternative perspective on
place with greater emphasis on durability, functional knowledge, and action disposition.
Qualitative results were collected based on the four domains of place allegiance. Each of
these domains was described within student journal entries. Students believed that the domain of
durability was influential to their place relationship because it consisted of reflection on and the
creation of memories. One student wrote, "When I visit all these places I feel nostalgic for the
memories that I have developed." An action disposition was best described as the willingness to
stand up and fight for a place in an effort to preserve it. One student wrote, "We must advocate
for the importance of preserving areas such as this [Frontenac Provincial Park]." Similarly,
functional knowledge was influential to students because they believed that recreationists were
better able to know outdoor places because their future as outdoor professionals was intimately
tied to their knowledge of places. This is a particularly interesting idea, which may show promise
in future work or as an interviewing style, which focuses on how individuals report their
thoughts on future person-place relations based on functional knowledge attached to the present.
Finally, the symbolic value was important for students during the backcountry portion of their
field course. Having an experience in "wilderness" was identified as important to the creation of
place connections as compared to front-country places. Comparing, contrasting, and valuing
front-country versus wilderness values further highlights what may be a driving factor that may
build long-term allegiance to a particular setting. Based on the initial findings of the place
allegiance pilot study, the domains of place allegiance have been revised to include (loyalty &
devotion, durability & persistence, functional knowledge, influence on actions and behaviours,
symbolic value, and resistance). These six domains are currently being tested within both a
student and outdoor recreationist sample. This new survey along with tests of validity will also
be presented to further the discussion of the potential value of exploring place allegiance.

Discussion
Results from this exploratory commentary and pilot study offer a starting point to bring
place allegiance into the discourse that addresses the long-term significance of person-place
relationships. A discussion of place that includes place allegiance may aid programmers and
researchers within many aspects of the recreation and leisure fields to better understand the ways
healthy person-place relationships are built, shaped, and maintained in leisure contexts.
Within the context of the pilot study presented here, a practical implication for designers of
outdoor educational experiences is that they may benefit from further studies on place allegiance
because of its potential to highlight specific aspects of outdoor education that may play a role in
promoting life-long commitments to outdoor places. While research studies with a focus on
environmental commitment have shown that there is a possible carry-over effect between
location specific place attachment and attachment to the natural environment as a whole (see
Halpenny, 2010), as well as showing that place identity and sensitivity may stimulate responsible
day-to-day environmental behaviors (see Sia, Hungerford, & Tomera, 1985/1986; Vaske &
Kobrin, 2001), there remains a need to illuminate those specific aspects of attachment that may
lead to allegiance and long-term commitment. Given place allegiances theoretical focus on both
the symbolic values that underscore the foundations of sense of place and place attachment and
the domains of durability and action disposition that may drive devotion it seems plausible to
suggest that place allegiance deserves further testing and exploration.

133

References
Beaton, A. A., & Funk, D. C. (2008). An evaluation of theoretical frameworks for studying
physically active leisure. Leisure Sciences, 30, 53-70.
Brehm, J. M., Eisenhauer, B. W., & Stedman, R. C. (2013). Environmental concern: Examining
the role of place meaning and place attachment. Society and Natural Resources, 26(5),
522-538.
Creswell, J. W., & Plano Clark, V. L. (2010). Designing and conducting mixed methods
research. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications.
Farnum, J., Hall, T., & Kruger, L. E. (2005). Sense of place in natural resource recreation and
tourism: An evaluation and assessment of research findings. Recreation and Tourism
Initiative: Forest Service, United States Department of Agriculture.
Funk, D. C., & James, J. (2001). The psychological continuum model: A conceptual framework
for understanding an individual's psychological connection to sport. Sport Management
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attachment. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30, 409-421.
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generalizability of a psychometric approach. Forest Science, 49(6), 830-840.



Exploring the Mutual Gaze of Women in Ghana
Genevieve Huneault, Mercedes Beaudoin-Lobb (Vancouver Island University)
Introduction
The social and cultural impacts of visitors that occur in developing countries are inevitably
due to the influx of tourism on a global scale. Host and guest interactions has become an area of
study that identifies emergent areas of tourism research to be able to explore how those
interactions impact the traditions of an area, and how it contributes to perspectives on behaviour,
attitudes and customs. The purpose of the study is to explore the mutual gaze between the local
women of Busua, Ghana who work in tourism and female tourists. The mutual gaze focuses on
the host-guest relationship and how they view each other (Moaz, 2006). Busua as a tourism
destination is geographically divided into two main zones; the main road where locals and
tourists eat, shop, and congregate, and the secondary beach side strip where tourists experience
the tropical beach environment. The main road is also where women predominantly work,
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whereas the second strip is the beach, where men generally manage tourists and the hospitality
side of business.
Literature Review
Studies related to mutual gaze provide deep insight and understanding of how the tourist
and hosts perceive one another. By evolving from past theories such as the tourist gaze (Urry,
1992) and the local gaze, the mutual gaze incorporates both the perspectives of the tourist and
the host (Moaz, 2006; Chan, 2006; Moufakkir, 2011). Moaz suggests that the gaze is not just a
visual perspective, rather a more in-depth mental perception; focusing heavily on how the
perceptions of the hosts and tourists are based on attitudes, behaviors, and internal and external
variables. Foundational structures of the gaze have been compared to the western world views of
third world countries, and how many theories were developed through a hierarchal point of view.
For example many hosts feel that tourists from western societies have more power and
therefore are perceived to have a higher social hierarchy in comparison to themselves (Moaz,
2006). The nature of the gaze implies that it is an individual objective viewpoint; however, Urry
(1992) indicates that external variables such as texts, media etc. influence the experiences,
attitudes and feelings a tourist will have while visiting a destination. This also relates to the
hosts attitudes and behaviors as well, although there are few studies conducted on the hosts
attitudes and perspectives of the tourists. The limited amount of research conducted suggests that
hosts will alter their cultural identities to fit the tourists perceived gaze (Urry, 1992). This
concept is defined as authentic culture, meaning that locals will change or retract to traditional
cultural ways to appease the tourists.
In a study by Ferguson (2011) he describes that there is increased attention to womens
employment opportunities and contribution in the tourism industry. Womens development and
empowerment in tourism are based on theoretical frameworks of feminism, gender equality and
issues of postcolonial studies (Ibid). More specifically the author suggests that women occupy
the lower levels of the occupational structures in the tourism labour market. The study concluded
that this was due to lower levels of skill sets and their low social status in many poor countries
(Ferguson, 2011). However, Mensah (1998) showed increased levels of empowerment by
facilitating women to gain higher educations and skills for the job market, which in return
reflected on their control over rate of return on sales.
Gaps in the literature that have been identified are: limited knowledge of the hosts attitudes
of tourists and the behaviours associated with those attitudes; research conducted in Ghana
specifically focusing on tourism and the mutual gaze; and the association of gendered travel and
the mutual gaze perceptions of the hosts and tourists.
Methods
Using a qualitative case study method, data was collected through methods of covert
participant observation and semi-structured interviews. The choice to utilize semi-structured
interviews was informed by the primary studies reviewed on the host gaze and mutual gaze
(Chan, 2006; Maoz, 2006; Moufakkir, 2011) identifying interviews as a core methodology. In
order to interview the appropriate respondents, a purposive sampling method was utilized. A
total of eight participants were interviewed; four local women and four international female
tourists. The participants were asked a series of interview questions related to their role, how
they view the other and general knowledge of the tourism destination. Female tourists that were
interviewed were primarily in their 20s to early 30s, with mostly post-secondary education and
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predominantly from Europe. All of the local Ghanaian women interviewed were shop owners
whose ages ranged from early 20s to mid 40s.
Results and Discussion
Data were analysed qualitatively through a multi stage process of coding for emergent
themes and sub-themes. Analysis was conducted collaboratively to reduce researcher bias and
improve reliability. This process resulted in the development of three primary themes
behaviours, attitudes, and cultural customs.

Behavior
Female tourists often expressed that it was easier to meet local males compared to local
females. This was linked to the gender segregation along the two geographic locations of the
townshipI think it is easier to befriend men as opposed to Women (Female Tourist). The
female tourists perceptions where that local males where friendly and engaged with them more
frequently, rather than the local women in Busua; as the level of interaction was often service
orientedSince we are a large group and we are always talking to each other, we dont interact
with local women so much, except a local woman made breakfast for us (sic) (Female Tourist).
Local women perceived the female tourists to be engaging in hedonistic behavior with the local
males along the beach and main streets during the day and nighttime hours: I see the women
running around with little boys, they want romance with them (sic) (Local Woman). While both
groups of women expressed that their interactions with one another were service related and very
brief, the local women felt this was more so a negative occurrence.

Attitude
The perspectives of the female tourists indicated that they often do not consider how their
attitudes and behaviors affect the local womens perspectives. When asked how do you think
local women view you, as a female tourist? the participants seemed taken aback by the
question, and followed by I have never really thought about that before. This is a significant
result for the study as it indicates that many female tourists enter an area without considering
cultural differences and customs; however, they have a potentially naive perception that they are
universally welcomed or liked. Perceived attitudes from the local women were generally
positive, with participant stating that they noticed the increased presence of female tourists in the
area and felt empowered by this. One women stated that they gave her the drive to one day be
able to travel with the freedom, time and money, as the other women do: It is encouraging and
inspiring to see so many women travel abroad, I want to have the time to see other parts of the
world and not have to worry about money or the wellbeing of my family (Local Woman).

Cultural Customs
Local women distinguish many differences between themselves and the female tourists;
many are based around dress and communication. While the local women expressed high value
for their reputation and self-respect, they feel that many female tourists do not carry the same
valuesI see the girls in their bikinis on the beach, and then they come into the streets, it is not
acceptable (Local Woman). Female tourists identified that women in the community had
different responsibilities compared to men and that the local women cared about their
professional status: They care about their reputation; teachers dont want to be seen in bars on
the beach. They are very proud women and open, friendly and nice (Female Tourist). Local
women often found it confusing to engage in communication with female tourists and at times
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perceived that female tourist did not want to converse with the local women: Some are friendly,
some are not. When they come to Africa we share our story, when they come here and dont want
to make friends, it is not sociable (Local Woman).
Figure 1. Illustrates the differing amounts of focus for each of the themes by local woman versus
female tourists:

Figure 1. Weight of focus of emergent themes by both groups
Dicussion
Utilizing the mutual gaze as a concept to explore social impacts for sustainable tourism
development, and opportunities for cultural sensitivity are viable. Moazs (2006) research on
psychological perceptions of host-guest relations support the findings of this study by illustrating
the differences of behavior and attitude perceptions of both female tourists and local women.
Despite the small geographic scale of Busua, it was identified that there were two distinct zones;
one dominated by male proprietors with a more relaxed cultural context (beach), whereas the
second zone was dominated by female proprietors with a more conservative cultural context
(main commercial road). Fergusons (2011) theories of womens empowerment are clearly
paralleled with the findings among the local women, as the women were observed to occupy the
lower levels of the occupational structures in the tourism labour market. This ultimately effected
how the female tourists and local women interacted. Discussions on future capacity building and
increased awareness among hosts and guests in Busua would aid in the development for a better
understanding of cultural awareness and sensitivity among the town. In addition, these
discussions would lead to mediation strategies for future conflict between hosts and guests due to
the perception of tourist space and local space. Further research could help expand the
understanding of the mutual gaze by exploring the gaze between male workers and tourists
within in the primary tourism zone.
References
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prescription. Journal of Black Studies, 29(2), 277-295. doi:10.1177/002193479802900208
Chan, Y. (2006). Coming of age of the Chinese tourists: The emergence of non-Western tourism
and host-guest interactions in Vietnams border tourism. Tourist Studies, 6, (3), 187-213.
137

Ferguson, L. (2011). Promoting gender equality and empowering women? Tourism and the
third millennium development goal. Current Issues in Tourism, 14(3), 235-249.
doi:10.1080/13683500.2011.555522
Heeney, E. ( 2012). Connection and understanding: The basis of a positive mutual gaze between
residents of a small island developing state and a community of multi-national ocean
cruisers. Nanaimo: Vancouver Island University.
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http://historicalsocietyofghana.org/sites/default/files/insight/Historical_Insight_Women.pdf
Hofstede, G. (1991). Cultures and organizations: Software of the mind. London: McGraw Hill.
Karch, C. A., & Dann, G. H. S. (1981). Close encounters of the third world. Human Relations,
34(4), 249-268. doi:10.1177/001872678103400401
Maoz, D. (2006). The mutual gaze. Annals of Tourism Research, 33(1), 221-239.
doi:10.1016/j.annals.2005.10.010
Moufakkir, O. (2011). The role of cultural distance in mediating the host gaze. Tourist Studies,
11(1), 73-89.
Teye, V., Sirakaya, E., & F. Snmez, S. (2002). Residents' attitudes toward tourism
development. Annals of Tourism Research, 29(3), 668-688. doi:10.1016/S0160-
7383(01)00074-3
Urry, J. (1992). The tourist gaze revisited. American Behavioral Scientist, 36(2), 172-186.
Wilson, E. C. (2004). A 'journey of her own? The impact of constraints on women's solo travel.
Griffith University. Department of Tourism, Leisure, Hotel and Sport Management.
Wilson, E., & Little, D. (2008). The solo female travel experience: Exploring the 'geography of
women's fear'. Current Issues in Tourism, 11(2), 167-186. doi:10.2167/cit342.0



Everyday Places of Leisure: An Examination of a Farmers Market as a Third Place
Amanda J. Johnson (University of Manitoba)

Social commentator and author of The Great Good Place, Ray Oldenburg (1999) argued
that neighbourhood gathering places provide opportunities for urban residents to connect with
the people of their community and exchange ideas, beliefs, and values. Previous research has
shown that leisure, recreation, and parks are a fundamental component of informal organization,
community development, social activity, and cultural norms of diverse groups within the urban
community. For many urban residents, particularly those with limited or no private space (e.g.,
no backyard, apartment dwellers), leisure and recreation occur in third places. Such places
represent important public gathering spaces in which urban residents can informally connect with
family, friends, or community members.
Oldenburgs conceptualization of the third place examines the benefits that arise from the
patronization of places outside of the workplace and the home. Simply, he argued that
participation in third places provides individuals with feelings of connectedness and community.
Accordingly, third places are characterized in terms of sociability and interaction. Third places,
in this sense, provide opportunities for members of the greater community to create and sustain
relationships and experiences unavailable in the realms of work and/or home. Third places are
meaningful because they offer spaces for interaction as well as the collective creation of
memories, experiences, and emotions. As Lloyd and Auld (2003) noted, without a space
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conducive to social life, community relations cannot prosper and grow (p. 345). Therefore,
people may engage in third places to enjoy the company of other members of the community.
Social scholars, and leisure scholars, in particular are beginning to explore social interactions and
community engagement within third places (Glover & Parry, 2008; Mair, 2009; Oldenburg,
1999; Rosenbaum et al., 2007). These examinations acknowledge the importance of shared
leisure activities and spaces in community development. However, the role of third places as
sites of collective leisure in urban communities has not been thoroughly examined. The purpose
of this research is to examine an urban farmers market as a third place and potential site for
leisure and community development.
Third places contain a mixture of public and private notions. They are commercial,
privately owned spaces, however, they are treated as public places by their most loyal and
consistent patrons. In this way, commercial culture has greatly shaped the public life of modern
cities. From this perspective, a traditional urban farmers market is an excellent example of the
mixture of the public and private aspects of an urban space that has the potential to be a third
place. Farmers markets are, generally, publicly provided amenities where private interests and
consumption practices are prevalent. Furthermore, while often primary motives for attending a
farmers market are to purchase vegetables, meats, crafts, and baked-goods, secondary
incentives, such as to purchase local or organic goods or mingle with friends and acquaintances,
are also common.

Method
This research focused on the experiences of community members who regularly attend a
local urban farmers market. We examined regular farmers market patrons because these
individuals experienced the farmers market space as a third place. The participants in this study
attended the market for a combination of shopping and social purposes. Methods of data
collection included participant-driven, photo-elicitation and in-depth interviews with twenty
members of the farmers market community. Photo-elicitation is based on the notion that photo
interviews yield different and often richer data than that obtained from verbal interviewing
alone (Dempsey & Tucker, 1994, p. 61). Participant photos were used during the in-depth
interview process to gain a better understanding and perspective of the farmers market as a third
place. Questions were based on the photos presented by each individual participant. Thus an in-
depth discussion of experiences and understandings resulted from the photo-elicitation/interview
process. During the interview process, participants presented a wide variety and number of
photos. The length of interviews varied between one hour and three hours.

Findings
Three major themes that support the market as a third place emerged from the data,
including: 1) the market as a locals place, 2) the market as supporting social interactions, and
3) connection to the market as a place. The farmers market represents a public gathering space
in which residents can informally connect with family, friends, or community members. The
emergent themes suggest that members of the farmers market community share a collective
connection to the market as a third place.

The Market as a Locals Place
Participants emphasized the local nature of the farmers market. This was recognized as an
important reason for being involved in the market community. Participants stressed they enjoyed
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seeing and interacting with the same group of individuals every week. As Darlene pointed out,
theres a sense of community because you see the same people week after week.

The Market as Supporting Social Interactions
Personal interactions between members are what distinguished the farmers market
community as a third place. All participants spoke about the relationships they formed with other
members of the community. In addition, the participants believed these social interactions were
unique to the farmers market. Interactions with other members of the community were viewed
as important for social cohesion and connectedness within the farmers market space. As Ellie
suggested, its okay to, well, if someone smells the fruit or whatever, you can say is it good?
or what do you think?, how do you pick a nice melon? You know people talk to each other.
And thats thats an important part of the experience as well.

Connection to the Market as a Place
Individually, every participant spoke about their unique connection to the market as a
place. Participants viewed the farmers market as a public space and recognized that the public
nature of the space reinforced the accessible nature of the farmers market. Seamus indicated that
the market is a familiar spot and a place where he feels comfortable. Seamus said, theres a bit
of an, almost like family atmosphere to it, where youre familiar with who is there

Discussion and Conclusion
The findings presented here indicate that third places bring community together. According
to Hiss (1990), places have an impact on our sense of self, our sense of safety, the kind of work
we get done, the ways we interact with other people, even our ability to function as citizens in a
democracy. In short, the places where we spend time affect the people we are and can become
(p. xi). Third places, therefore, represent public gathering spaces in which residents can
informally connect with family, friends, or community members. Accordingly, the third place is
a generic designation for a great variety of public places that host the regular, voluntary,
informal, and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and
work (Oldenburg, 1999, p. 16). Third places provide a space to connect with people in the
community as well as a place to exchange ideas, experiences, and stories. Findings from this
research suggest that everyday places, such as third places, are increasingly important for leisure
and community, in general.
Although leisure scholars tend to regard acts of consumption and places of consumption
with a great deal of trepidation and skepticism (e.g., Arai & Pedlar, 2003; Hemingway, 1996;
Stormann, 2000), findings from this research suggest commercial culture can create shared
leisure spaces and shape public life in modern communities. Indeed, as Cook (2006) noted,
leisure pursuits can never be divorced completely from economic pursuits. The social meanings
of leisure, recreation and entertainment in no way exist apart from the economic system and
social arrangements from which they have arisen, but must be understood as derived in some
way from them (p. 309). Indeed, the social relevance of leisure is often exhibited in third places
and privates spaces; results from this research indicate the market space contributes to
community through inclusion, heterogeneity, and sociability. Third places similar to a farmers
market, therefore, have the potential to strengthen community ties and promote sense of
community, despite primarily being places of consumption.
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Like the farmers market examined here, third places are sites of social centrality where
people interact and engage in community. As a third place, the market space encompasses a
complex combination of utilities and supports a variety of behaviours and acts of consumption.
Participants in this study acknowledged the relationships formed within the space, including
social and cultural rituals associated with leisure, consumption, and social interaction. The
extended networks of community evident in the farmers market space, therefore, not only
contribute to community development but also create and maintain a market community based
on social interaction and connection to the market space and local community. Indeed, the
relationships and rituals formed in the market emphasize the importance of places as imperative
in the formation of the social self and community (Mort, 1998).
This research contends the farmers market and the ideas encompassed in the space are
important in the formation of community. Indeed, the farmers market and similar everyday
spaces should not be considered passive backdrops to human relations (Mort, 1998, p. 891).
Instead these spaces are characterized by local community with close emotional ties,
connectedness between people, caring, spontaneity, immediacy, participation and collaboration
(Mackay, 1997, p. 7). As Lefebvre (1991) suggested, space has the potential to recreate and
reproduce social relations. In this sense, people create places, but places also create people
(Thrift, 1997). As an everyday place, the farmers market examined here creates and builds
community by providing a place for social interaction, joint consumption, and leisure. The
relevance of this research, therefore, is a comprehensive understanding of the implications of
third places in the creation and enactment of community.

References
Arai, S., & Pedlar, A. (2003). Moving beyond individualism in leisure theory: A critical analysis
of concepts of community and social engagement. Leisure Studies, 22(3), 185-202. doi:
10.1080/026143603200075489
Cook, D. T. (2006). Problematizing consumption, community, and leisure: Some thoughts on
moving beyond essentialist thinking. Leisure/loisir, 30(2), 455-466.
Dempsey, J. V., & Tucker, S. A. (1994). Using photo-interviewing as a tool for research and
evaluation. Educational Technology, 34(4), 55-62.
Glover, T. D., & Parry, D. C. (2008). A third place in the everyday lives of people living with
cancer: Functions of Gilda's Club of Greater Toronto. Health and Place, 15, 97-106.
doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2008.02.007
Hemingway, J. L. (1996). Emancipating leisure: The recovery of freedom in leisure. Journal of
Leisure Research, 28, 27-34.
Hiss, T. (1990). The experience of place. New York: Knopf.
Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. London: Basil Blackwell.
Lloyd, K. M., & Auld, C. J. (2003). Leisure, public space and quality of life in the urban
environment. Urban Policy and Research, 21(4), 339-356.
doi: 10.1080/0811114032000147395
Mackay, H. (1997). Consuming communication technologies at home. In H. Mackay (Ed.),
Consumption and everyday life (pp. 259-297). London: Sage Publications Inc.
Mair, H. (2009). Club life: Third place and shared leisure in rural Canada. Leisure Sciences, 31,
450-465. doi: 10.1080/01490400903199740
Mort, F. (1998). Cityscapes: Consumption, masculinities and the mapping of London since 1950.
Urban Studies, 35, 889-907. doi: 10.1080/0042098984600
141

Oldenburg, R. (1999). Great good place: Cafes, coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hair salons and
other hangouts at the heart of community. New York: Marlow & Company.
Rosenbaum, M. S. (2008). Return on community for consumers and service establishments.
Journal of Service Research, 11(2), 179-196. doi: 10.1177/1094670506289530
Stormann, W. F. (2000). The death of the Olmstedian vision of public space. Journal of Leisure
Research, 32, 166-170.
Thrift, N. (1997).Us and them: Re-imagining places, re-imagining identities. In H. Mackay
(Ed.), Consumption and everyday life (pp. 159-212). London: Sage Publications Inc.



Second Home Ownership, Leisure and the Maintenance of Ethnic Culture: A Study of
Greeks of the Diaspora
George Karlis (University of Ottawa), Pinelopi Makrodimitris (Everest College)

Introduction
The area of second home ownership and leisure has been scantly researched. Despite the
increase in second home ownerships, little research exists (Paris, 2010). Existing research largely
focuses on understanding the transition between main and second homes and the impact this has
on the leisure of second home owners in rural settings. Research by Pitkanen, Adamiak, and
Halseth (2013) examines leisure activities and rural community change as a result of second
home ownership in rural settings. In this study, it was found that no specific group of leisure
activities was typical amongst second home owners of rural residents suggesting that the leisure
patterns of urban and rural dwellers may be similar. Subsequent research by Bourdonnec (2010)
describes how the leisure transition from main to second home is influenced by technology. In
her research, Francoise Bourdonnec (2010) postulates that second home owners use technology
to shape space and behavior to reinforce this link to an imagined past which includes work and
leisure. Further studies such as Halls (2005) and Urrys (2007) have examined the business and
leisure relationship of second home ownerships. Whereas, further research by Wilkinson and
Murray (1990), identified how second homes are used for leisure purposes. In this research,
Collingwood Ontario is identified as a tourism, leisure and recreation community with historical
roots of second home ownerships enticed by its plentiful alpine ski facilities.
Research such as the aforementioned describes second home ownership and leisure mostly
from the perspective of individuals who own second homes in the country of their residence.
With Canada becoming more multicultural than ever (Karlis, 2011) the likelihood has enhanced
for more travel than ever to second homes in ethnic homelands for leisure purposes. Indeed,
travelling abroad for leisure opportunities made possible through second home ownership will
continue to increase in the future as immigration to Canada continues to increase. The current
government in Canada is committed to allowing roughly 300,000 immigrants to enter Canada for
the next few years. This will not only continue to enhance the multicultural dynamic of Canada
but will probably also increase the number of Canadians of ethnic descent travelling to their
ethnic homelands for the purchase and use of second homes.
For many North Americans, summer is a me to escape to the cottage on weekends, long
weekends, and vacations. Although cottage ownership has become popular, for a select group of
Canadians and Americans of ethnic descent it is more appealing to own a second home in their
land of ethnic origin than to own a second home in their country of primary residence. History,
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common ties, language, and leisure lifestyle may be reasons why individuals of ethnic descent
choose to purchase summer homes in their ethnic homelands. Greece, a land with a rich history,
beautiful beaches, and plenty of sunshine, is a society that markets its leisure resources and
services to bring Greeks back from the Diaspora to purchase second homes. Although leisure
resources and services are used by developers as a selling tool, the experience of leisure tends to
require more than just access and availability of physical resources it also requires meaningful
leisure opportunities. Second home ownership in the ethnic homeland coupled with the leisure
opportunities that result from this second home ownership may lead to the maintenance of ethnic
culture. The question that needs to be asked is: How important is ownership of a second home,
and the leisure opportunities that result from this ownership, for the maintenance of ethnic
culture? The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between second home
ownership, leisure, and the maintenance of ethnic culture for Greeks of the Diaspora.

Methodology
A qualitative study consisting of a series of a total of 8 face-to-face interviews with
Canadian and Americans of Greek descent who own second homes in Astros, Greece was
conducted in the Summer and Fall of 2013. The results were transcribed and analyzed using the
phenomenological approach. The phenomenological approach was selected for this study as it
was deemed to be best for describing the lived situation of respondents while identifying general
themes amongst respondents (Finlay, 2009).

Results
The results of this study indicated the following:
1. For most respondents leisure was the driving force to not only purchasing a second home
in their ethnic homeland, but to also using the second home on a regular (mostly yearly
basis).
2. Leisure as a result of second home ownership aids in maintaining a collective tie with
the ethnic homeland.
3. Leisure as a result of second home ownership helps reinforce ethnic cultural identity
not only while visiting the ethnic homeland but also when returning to mainstream
culture.
4. The opportunity to experience ethnic cultural leisure activities in the ethnic homeland
was instrumental in building friendships with other Greeks of the Diaspora.
5. Ethnic cultural leisure was strongly endorsed as an important reason for travel and second
home ownership was identified as primary reason for travelling to the ethnic homeland.
Service Delivery Implications
The fact that second home ownership is in a country other than Canada indicates that any
leisure service implications that do exist are those by service providers in the ethnic homeland.
In the case of the current study, the community of Astros, Greece is cognizant of the second
home ownership market of Greeks from the Diaspora and place efforts in providing leisure and
recreation opportunities that take into consideration the needs of this population. Leisure and
recreation service providers of Astros, Greece provide an open dialogue for communication
with residents, including second-home owners, and take this open dialogue into account in
planning and implementing seasonal leisure and recreation activities. Indeed, the leisure and
recreation programs put forth each Summer target ethno cultural specific recreation needs for
Greeks living in Greece as well as those living abroad.
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Discussion and Conclusions
The results of this study indicate that leisure can be a driving force in the purchase of
second homes outside of ones land of primary residence. Second home ownership was found to
be a means used by immigrants and their descendants to become more closely connected with
their ethnic roots and traditions. Second home ownership, it was deemed, is largely driven by
and sustained by leisure specifically the opportunity to experience ethnic cultural leisure
pursuits in the ethnic homeland. Similarly to the findings of Wilkinson, and Murray (1990),
second home ownership was found in this study to be important for building friendships with
others of similar ethnic culture. Leisure can thus be said to be not only the driving force in the
purchase of second homes for this selected group of immigrants and descendants, but also the
motivational force for travel and return to the ethnic homeland on a regular basis. Further
research is needed however to better understand the relationship between second home
ownership in ones native and leisure.

References
Bourdonnec, F. (2010). Identity, mostalgia and leisure: Technology use in second homes.
Unpublished Masters Thesis, Portland State University.
Finlay, L. (2009). Debating phenomenological research methods. Phenomenology and Practice,
3(1), 6-25.
Hall, C. M. (2005). Tourism: Rethinking the social science of mobility. Edinburgh: Pearson.
Karlis, G. (2011). Leisure and recreation in Canadian society: An introduction. Toronto:
Thompson Educational Publishers.
Paris, C. (2010). Affluence, mobility and second home ownerships. Oxford: Routledge.
Pitkanen, K., Adamiak, C., & Halseth, G. (2013). Leisure activities and rural community change:
Valuation and use of rural space among permanent residents and second home owners.
Sociologia Ruralis. doi:10.1111/soru.12023.
Urry, J. (2007). Mobilities. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Wilkinson, P. F., & Murray, A. L. (1990). Centre and periphery: The impacts of leisure and
tourism in a small town. Proceedings: 6
th
Canadian Congress on Leisure Research,
University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario.



Symbolic Exacerbation of Leisure Constraints Following a Natural Disaster
Shintaro Kono (University of Alberta)

Leisure constraints are conceptualized as factors that limit the formation of leisure
preferences and/or inhibit or prohibit participation and enjoyment in leisure (Jackson, 2000,
p. 62), and are now recognized as a distinct subtopic within leisure studies (Jackson, 2005b).
However, Jackson (2005a) observed that little attention has been paid to the question of whether
there are particular circumstances or points in peoples lives when leisure constraints are
especially acute (p. 115). A stream of research on changes in leisure constraints over life events,
such as menopause among mid-aged women (Parry & Shaw, 1999), bereavement and
widowhood (Patterson & Carpenter, 1994), immigration (Stodolska, 1998), and terrorism
(Livengood & Stodolska, 2004), remains limited in that these events: (a) were still related to life
course and relatively predictable, (b) were individual or family level, or (c) occurred within the
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U.S. context. Assuming that leisure, and leisure constraints, is socially and culturally
constructed, it is important to examine how life transitional events, particularly unpredictable and
societal level ones, can impact changes in leisure constraints in non-U.S. contexts. Major natural
disasters are such societal level life events that can cause drastic changes in leisure constraints
among survivors, leaving intense stressors (e.g., bereavement, displacement, economic loss,
injuries) and psychiatric symptoms (e.g., depression, post-traumatic stress disorder) (Norris et
al., 2002). The Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami (GEJE), which occurred on March
11th, 2011, was one such recent major natural disaster. According to the Cabinet Office of Japan
(2012), 15,868 people were killed and 2,847 were still missing. Thus, the purpose of this study is
to examine how survivors constraints varied in relation to experiencing the GEJE.

Method
Given Jacksons (2005a) critique of the predominant use of surveys in conjunction with the
exploratory nature of this study, inductive qualitative method was employed. As a guiding
methodology, symbolic interactionism (Blumer, 1969) was utilized, particularly following the
processes of exploration and inspection. For exploration, I conducted one-month public
observations as a disaster volunteer in Ishinomaki and Minamisanriku, Miyagi, in June of 2012.
Working for a volunteer organization, I engaged in various volunteer activities, such as cleaning
up disaster debris and reconstructing gardens for older survivors. Observations of survivors and
volunteers remarks and behaviors related to the disaster and its influences on survivors leisure
experiences were written down in a research journal every day. Local magazine and newspaper
articles were also reviewed. For inspection, I recruited 16 survivors and five volunteers for semi-
structured interviews. Of the survivors, nine had already returned to their renovated homes
whereas seven still lived in a temporary housing complex. Except for three interviews with
volunteers, all interviews were conducted over the telephone after I had left the disaster-stricken
area. All interviews were conducted in Japanese, and took, on average, 50 minutes. A key
question for this study was: How did the GEJE affect your free time activities or tanoshimi (i.e.,
fun or hobby)? The term tanoshimi was used to explore stories on ordinary leisure experiences
that I observed to have significant meanings in the study areas. All the interviews were audio-
recorded and transcribed immediately. Three-fold coding processes, namely open, axial, and
selective, were employed (Strauss & Corbin, 1998), using three types of leisure constraints
structural, interpersonal, and intrapersonal (Crawford & Godbey, 1987)as analytical
frameworks. The coding and analysis processes were conducted in Japanese. For trustworthiness,
two-fold data source triangulation (Patton, 1990) was conducted, meaning that first, the
interview data were supported by the observation and/or document data, and second, the
survivors interview data were supported by the volunteers interview data. Finally, main-/sub-
themes and supporting quotes were translated into English, and an analyst triangulation with a
former advisor was conducted.

Results
The narratives indicated that whereas leisure was not something conceivable during and
immediately after the GEJE, as time passed, survivors participated, or attempted to participate, in
leisure-like activities, where they experienced exacerbated leisure constraints. The three types of
leisure constraints, structural, interpersonal, and intrapersonal, were all exacerbated.


145

The GEJE-Exacerbated Structural Constraints
The first impact of the GEJE on survivors structural leisure constraints was made by
destruction of homes and leisure-related equipment. Single-dwelling homes in the rural study
areas were major venues for leisure, and virtually all the survivor interviewees homes were
severely damaged. Therefore, the destruction of homes had a symbolic meaning among survivors
including Takako: Its the home where I grew up. I have memories in my mind, but I lost the
scenes where such memories were created and attached. I feel like I lost everything. It also
brought tangible structural constraints as Yukari, a housing resident living with her two children
and husband, commented: There are others rooms right next to yours, so you cant bring
people to your place and have fun. ... When my husband was sick and sleeping, I couldnt even
watch TV next to him. The tsunami swept away literally everything including leisure
equipment. Sachiko, a Japanese flower arrangement master, stopped the activity after she had to
dump all vases covered by tsunami sludge: [Vases] were all gone. I have a flower
arrangement master certificate. Oh, I mean I had it because it was thrown away already. The
GEJE also destroyed many companies and even whole industries (e.g., fisheries), causing
unemployment and economic instability. For example, Tomio, who lost his revenue as a land
owner, found driving provide a greater sense of autonomy after the disaster, but tr[ied] not to
drive so much because gas [was] quite expensive. Kento, a leader of garden reconstruction
project, stated: Although it got warmer and some survivors started [gardening again], I found
many other survivors who couldnt start it. This was because they felt they lacked energy or they
couldnt spend money on it. This also reveals another type of structural constraints
exacerbation, lack of energy and decline in health conditions. Takashi, a serious marathon
runner, had to suspend his career because of physically demanding home reconstruction process:
What was difficult for me was physically demanding works at an early stage, such as dumping
sludge and cleaning furniture. It was the most difficult time. Lastly, survivors, including Yukari,
experienced lack of free time: We have to build a new home or find a job. There is a lot of
paperwork to do. Because I am being pressed for time, I cant really [chat with friends].

The GEJE-Exacerbated Interpersonal Constraints
Survivors interpersonal leisure constraints were exacerbated by the GEJE at both
individual and societal levels. At the individual level, many survivors perceived lack of
companionship because of disaster-caused displacement and bereavement. Mariko, who resumed
her hobby, swimming, illustrated the situation of her swimming club: Maybe, it is difficult to
administrate [the club] because club members are not coming back. There arent so many people
who reside near the club now. People might not have a car. Tomio explained the loss of his best
friends and its impact on his leisure:
I had five or six good friends before the tsunami. We held a year-end party every year
together. But, three or four of them were killed by the tsunami. I have another
friend whose four family members were all killed. So, it is very difficult to contact him.
There are also some friends who are in temporary housing complexes now.
Tomios story also indicates the perceived difficulty in reaching out to other survivors because of
different disaster experiences and post-disaster living conditions. Takashi echoed this point:
[Talking with other survivors] is kind of impossible. They might have lost significant others.
People have different stories. I havent really talked with other survivors, even neighbors. At
the societal level, the disaster caused disruptions to whole communities. Local communities lost
a critical mass because of displacement and bereavement. Takashi realized that his neighborhood
146

had only half of 78 households that resided there before the disaster. Moreover, the degree of
community disruption was related to local tradition. In Minamisanriku, local people still had a
sense of buraku, or birthplace-based clan, and did not interact with people from outsides of their
own buraku. However, residents in housing complexes were randomly selected from various
burakus for the sake of fairness, which resulted in a weak sense of community among residents.
Satoko expressed her concern: This housing complex has people from various burakus, so we
dont really know each other. I wonder how I can get along with those from other burakus and
how this community can become better. This decreased sense of community led to interpersonal
conflicts and an oppressive atmosphere where minority groups, such as young or middle-aged
people with children including Yukari, felt there is something you shouldnt do including
gathering with other survivors in her age group not to gain unfavorable attention.

The GEJE-Exacerbated Intrapersonal Constraints
Finally, the GEJE exacerbated intrapersonal leisure constraints among survivors. During
the field study, I observed the prevalence of a paucity of motivation or desire for leisure-like
activities. When asked if she started anything after the disaster Hanako, who witnessed her
husbands death in the tsunami, responded: Nothing. I dont want to do anything. Before the
disaster, I enjoyed traveling, going to hot springs, and walking around. But, I dont want to go
and do these activities any more. Similarly, when I suggested Sachiko buy new vases and
resume flower arranging, she stated: I have less desire for things than before. Even though I
know I dont have it, I still think its okay. I have almost no desire for things. A volunteer,
Shyoko, suggested a possible explanation for this phenomenon: [Survivors] thought they
shouldnt enjoy because something this terrible happened and so many people were killed.
They thought they shouldnt do gardening and have fun conversations.

Discussion and Conclusion
This study revealed that the GEJE exacerbated structural, interpersonal, and intrapersonal
leisure constraints (Crawford & Godbey, 1987), among Japanese survivors. Guided by symbolic
interactionism (Blumer, 1969), this study also indicates that the GEJE-caused exacerbation of
leisure constraints was symbolically and culturally constructed. For example, in the rural study
areas, where Japanese traditional emphasis on family name, or ie, was strong, the destruction of
homes had a culturally significant meaning. In addition, the perceived difficulty in reaching out
to other survivors can be explained by culturally unique enryo (i.e., voluntary refrainment with
reserve) and sasshi (i.e., empathetic guesswork) interaction style (Miike, 2002). Moreover, the
prevalence of a lack of motivation for leisure can be explained by internalization of mourning
atmosphere. It should be also noted that these constraints exacerbations may have been
negatively appraised in highly stressful post-disaster contexts, where psychiatric symptoms are
prevalent (Norris et al., 2002). Thus, practitioners on disaster fields should not underestimate the
symbolic meanings of leisure constraints exacerbation. One may suspect that allowing survivors
to successfully negotiate with exacerbated constraints may, in turn, help survivors symbolically
negotiate with their disaster experiences and achieve better well-being. Future research on this
subject is warranted.

References
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of California Press.
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(higashi nihon diashinsai) ni tsuite [About the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011].
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foundation. International Communication Studies, 11(1), 1-22.
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2001. Psychiatry, 65(3), 207-239.
Parry, D. C., & Shaw, S. M. (1999). The role of leisure in womens experiences of menopause
and midlife. Leisure Sciences, 21, 197-212.
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immigrant populations. Journal of Leisure Research, 30(4), 521-551.
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for developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.



Place Attachment Within Memorable Indoor Rock Climbing Experiences
Cory Kulczycki (University of Regina), Tom Hinch, Elizabeth Halpenny (University of Alberta)

Introduction
The trend of relocating outdoor activities into indoor facilities (Kural, 2010) which mimic
the original space is increasing (Rabinowitz, Frauman, & Williams, 2010). Rock climbing which
is usually perceived as an outdoor based activity is a prime example of this evolution in
sportscapes (van Bottenburg & Salome, 2010). Indoor climbing spaces were often located in
health centres and repurposed warehouses, however, the number of purposely built facilities is
rising (Attarian, 1999). As a version of rock climbing which takes place in built commercial
facilities, indoor climbing is attaining great participant interest (The Industry Outdoor
Foundation, 2011). Indoor facilities provide a building and walls which remain constant but
holds, and features that are moveable and allow for change. This contrasts with the fixed natural
148

routes contained in the public outdoor climbing sites. Previous academic research has reported
on climber physiology (de Geus, ODriscoll, & Meeusen, 2006), injuries (Schoffl & Kuepper,
2006), and the operation of climbing walls (Hyder, 1999; Steffen & Stiehl, 1995). The study
presented here addresses a substantial gap in academic literature in terms of place meaning and
place attachment associated with indoor recreation and leisure facilities.
Place attachment is the term applied to the affective, cognitive and functional bond people
have with a place (Jorgensen & Stedman, 2001). It has direct implications for resource managers
(e.g., facility or park managers) (Kyle, Graefe, & Manning, 2004) designing and operating rock
climbing resources by providing insight into user behaviours and informed management
decisions. Authors suggest place attachment contains a multitude of complex dimensions
including, place affect (Low & Altman, 1992), place dependence and place identity (Williams &
Vaske, 2003), and social bonding (Kyle, Graefe, & Manning, 2005). Scannell and Gifford (2010,
p. 1) have synthesized this literature in a three-dimensional, person-process-place organizing
framework of place attachment to inform place research. The person dimension recognizes the
individual and cultural or group meanings associated with places through experiences,
accomplishments, history and religion. Process, the second dimension, considers the persons
relationship with place, specifically, affect (i.e., emotion), cognition (i.e., knowledge, meanings),
and behaviours. Finally, the place dimension identifies the physical and social characteristics
which define the place. These three dimensions provide an organizational heuristic through
which this study of rock climbers bonds with climbing places were considered within the
multidimensionality of place attachment.

Methods
Data were collected as part of a larger study which explored place meaning and rock
climbing experiences. Consistent with the theme of CCLR 2014, an interpretive study assisted
the researchers to understand the meanings, experiences, and behaviours of the climbers from
their personal perspectives (Williams, 2000). In-depth, semi-structured interviews were
conducted with 21 individuals from western Canada who self-identified as rock climbers. An
interview guide (Patton, 2002) focused interview questions and associated probing questions
(Barbour & Schostak, 2005). Participants were asked to share their most memorable indoor rock
climbing experience including facility descriptions and choice factors in the form of descriptive
narratives. These narratives or stories act,
to both consolidate and recover experiences from memory, and . . . provides listeners with
a deeper understanding of the intricate lives of story tellers and truly empowers researchers
with a heightened sense of awareness for details in these stories. (Tung & Ritchie, 2011, p.
1373)

The sample size of 21 participants was appropriate for qualitative studies where 15 10
participants are common (Kvale, 2007). It also reflects the point of data saturation (Patton,
2002). Ten participants were male with an age range of 18 to 36 years. Eleven participants were
female between 21 to 33 years of age. Participants were contacted through posters displayed at
indoor climbing facilities and rock climbing focused retailers, and snowball sampling (e.g.,
community contacts). All interviews lasted between 45 minutes and 1.5 hours and were digitally
recorded and transcribed verbatim. Ethics approval was obtained from the ethics board within the
researchers institution. Transcripts were subjected to thematic coding through Scannell and
Giffords (2010) heuristic framework for place attachment.
149

Results
Scannell and Giffords (2010) themes of person, process, and place provided insights into
the climbers attachment to their indoor climbing places.

Person (Individual)
The interviewees climbing narratives highlighted occurrences of realizations, milestones
and accomplishments. Their progress as climbers was a notable self-realization and was linked to
their climbing and place identities. Participant 10s self-realizations included actually fulfilling
my goals and getting to that point where . . . Ive climbed harder than Ive ever done before and
actually progressing. Milestones noted by the interviewees included being a national champion
many times (Participant 19), accomplishing difficult routes, and participating on a climbing
team and in competitions.

Person (Cultural/Group)
Shared meanings, culture and symbolic meanings influenced participants bonds with the
climbing facility. For example, Participant 11 noted the importance of the local gym community
including other climbers and staff who are always trying to make their gym better and . . .
theyre always just trying to make it a better environment to climb and theyre all climbers
themselves and theyre all stoked about it . . .. Many participants desired a strong community
especially when they felt that it was absent. High profile climbers who contributed to the history
of the local climbing scene added to place meaning. Participant 1 noted, some of the best
climbers like Sean McColl climbs there.

Process (Affect)
The narratives exemplified various emotions held by interviewees in terms of their
climbing place. Participant 11 remarked,
I find it [the gym] very comfortable. I wouldnt say it was my home, but its the place
where I can go and feel safe and relaxed and regardless of . . . whatever happened in that
day . . . I can go there and just, everything else just goes away.
This comment and others alluded to the restorative affects attainable through indoor climbing.
Other positive ties were found in the form of familiarity, happiness, enjoyment, and pride. For
example, Participant 9 stated, I like the smell Ive grown to be really fond of the smell of the
Butter Dome and of just that big space. Negatively, the climbing gym was a source of
disappointment, frustration, anxiety, and fear. For example Participant 18 stated, I sort of feel
like Vancouver continues to let me down because it was so fun [in Edmonton].

Process (Cognition)
The interviewees detailed knowledge about the climbing facilities was displayed through
place meanings, memories, and preferences. For Participant 6 the meaning of the climbing gym
was associated with a specific climber type and an evaluative marker of climbing gyms,
I was kind of like Okay, this is quite different then . . . but I can actually see the Grotto
as a place where . . . really kind of gnarly climbers hang out . . .. . . . [S]o I guess it just
made me look at them . . . I just sort of have a more awareness of what a gym could look
like.


150

Process (Behaviour)
Interviewees commented on the proximity of the climbing facility in relation to their home,
work, or school. Participant 11 stated, I go there . . . because its about 10 minutes away from
where I work . . . as opposed to the other gyms that are a lot further. When the proximity and
atmosphere are acceptable the interviewees acknowledged that they became pretty loyal to
those gyms (Participant 1) otherwise they sought a more appropriate place. Interviewees
expressed interest and concern regarding management of the facility. The general consensus was
that employees and policies influenced behaviours within the facilities.

Place (Physical)
Narratives contained descriptions of facility features (e.g., lounging space, climbing holds,
wall formations) and functionality (e.g., style of routes). For example, Participant 9 exemplified
pride, ownership and disappointment of physical features,
Weve got . . . very high walls here, at one point, when it was first built, it . . . had the
highest walls in Western Canada, but . . . other gyms have since stolen that . . . claim, taken
that claim but nevertheless the walls are high, so that strikes you . . ..

Place (Social)
The climbing facility was a place of positive, negative and ambivalent social interactions.
Positively, the interviewees mentioned the supportive nature (e.g., encouragement, mentorship)
provided by gym climbers and their immediate social group. For example Participant 7
commented,
So . . . even if Im having a bad day I cant have a bad day because everyone is going . . .
to do something to cheer me up . . . and that . . . always has a positive effect on my
climbing. As people here generally care about, the other people here.
The positive social interactions helped create a pleasant atmosphere and association with place.
At times social interactions were missed when absent. Negative social interactions occurred
through climber behaviours (e.g., arrogance, rowdiness) and issues of crowding. Participant 9
avoided crowding issues going to the gym pretty early in the mornings with friends . . . so its . .
. not as busy.

Discussion
The narratives provided insight into the changing landscape of leisure and sport activities.
Indoor climbing gyms provide activity space wherein the participants practiced their rock
climbing away from the typical outdoor space. Interestingly, the climbers developed a bond with
the indoor climbing places. Theoretically, the heuristic of place attachment provided insight into
indoor climbing and the climbers bonds with indoor places. Bonds contained individual, culture
and group meanings (personal) while being associated to physical and social place
characteristics. Affect, cognition, and behavioural (process) influencers were prevalent in the
narratives. This study confirms previous research which suggests place attachment can be a
positive, negative or ambivalent association. While Scannell and Giffords (2010) model
highlights the positive affect associated with place attachment, some interviewees acknowledged
that the bonds are based on less positive elements. It is apparent that place attachment can aid
management and administration of leisure programs and services to understand the needs and
bonds of climbers. For example a positive social atmosphere with frequently changing and
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challenging routes assists the formation of positive place bonds. Facility staff can engineer
such experiences.

References
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physiological responses during indoor rock climbing on routes with the same difficulty.
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The Medium is the Message: Documenting One Day on Earth
Brett Lashua (Leeds Metropolitan University)

Introduction
This paper takes seriously McLuhans (1964) legacy that the medium is the message
through intersections of leisure and global participatory filmmaking. It explores an extraordinary
documentary, One Day on Earth (2012a), as a case study through which to engage with relations
of people and place from the immensity of the global to the intimately tiny (Massey, 2005, p.
9). One Day on Earth (ODOE) was a collaborative documentary project; contributions were
made by tens of thousands of volunteers from all over the world, filming on the same day 10
October 2010. Participatory media has become a defining feature of leisure in the digital age
(Miah, 2011); however, debates have raged about how such participatory practices reproduce or
challenge the dominant socio-political order (Jenkins & Thorburn, 2004). The purpose of this
paper is to provide a case study of the documentary film through which to discuss ODOEs
crowdsourcing collaboration as a form of (global) mass observation study, and to theorise
ODOEs afterglobalist politics as a potential way to transform the world.
ODOEs global day of filming aimed to capture and archive a world that is greatly
interconnected, enormous, perilous, and wonderful (ODOE, 2012b, para. 1). In its production
notes, Director Kyle Ruddick stated he chose the date 10.10.10 because it is:
a blank slate holiday, as it is memorable and allowed participants to make it their own
celebration. Nearly everyone looks for something special to do on a day like 10/10/10, but
that special thing is different for everyone. This sense of participatory ownership made it a
great day to inspire people. (ODOE, 2012b, para. 5)
Organizers have been developing ODOE since 2008, and in addition to the footage filmed on
10.10.10 later days of global filming took place on 11 November 2011 (11.11.11) and 12
December 2012 (12.12.12) as part of a planned trilogy of film projects. Footage featuring from
10.10.10 was released as the feature-length film One Day on Earth (2012a), produced in
collaboration with the United Nations and over 60 global charities; it premiered in over 160
countries on Earth Day 2012 (22 April) including a screening at United Nations headquarters in
New York City. ODOEs organisers have described the film as the worlds new media time
capsule (ODOE, 2012b, para 2). As a new media time capsule that documented one day, this
paper first turns toward ODOEs use of crowdsourcing and participatory media as a new kind of
mass observation study. It then defines and outlines case study research before finally offering
links to globalisation and afterglobalist theorizations.

The Medium is the Message: Crowdsourcing and Global New Media Collaboration
One extraordinary aspect of ODOE was its voluntary, crowdsourcing approach to
documentary filmmaking. The first ODOE film was assembled from over 3,000 hours of video
shot on 10.10.10 by over 19,000 volunteer contributors. The digital video files created by
participants were uploaded via a link to the projects homepage (www.onedayonearth.org) then
compiled and edited by a team led by the films director (Ruddick). This approach to
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documentary filmmaking utilizing volunteer contributors can be seen as part of social media
trends collectively referred to as crowdsourcing (Brabham, 2010; Howe, 2009; Seltzer &
Mahmoudi, 2012). According to Howe (2009, p. 134) crowdsourcing is rooted in a
fundamentally egalitarian principle: every individual possesses some knowledge or talent that
some other individual will find valuable. In the broadest terms, crowdsourcing involves making a
connection between the two. In an era of user-generated media and online file sharing,
crowdsourcing enables large numbers of people to connect and participate in support of shared
interests or causes. Miah (2011) referred to such public and participatory activities as citizen
media and championed its democratic politics. Similarly, Allen (2013) referred to the
democratic potential of citizen witnessing through mass, participatory journalism. As ODOE
powerfully illustrates, crowdsourcing approaches are capable of drawing in a vast quantity of
user-generated material (although making some sense of these materials requires a coordinated
effort to pull it together coherently). A New York Times reviewer celebrated One Day On Earths
crowdsourcing approach:
The crowd-sourced global diary, a new kind of documentary in which thousands of videos
shot around the world at the same time are assembled into a concise chronicle of a day in
the life of the planet, is an astonishing technological and organizational achievement.
(Gold, 2012, para. 1)
While the global crowdsourcing approach of the film project was unique, the idea of
documenting one days activity is not new, particularly in the social sciences. The idea of
documenting one day has precedent, for instance, in the Mass Observation studies (1937-1951)
day survey involving thousands of volunteer observers and diarists in the United Kingdom.
Mass Observation was committed to documenting the experiences of ordinary working class
people, in what its organisers dubbed a science of ourselves (Mass Observation, 1987).
Described as a kind of social movement as well as social research, Mass Observations
mission was to liberate facts about what people did and said in order to add to the social
consciousness of the time (Summerfield, 1985, p. 440). As both social research and social
movement, Mass Observation aimed to:
document the day from subjective accounts on the one hand, and observations on the other.
The first came from a group of volunteers who were prepared to write down everything
they did on 12 May [1937], a method referred to as the day survey. (Summerfield, 1985,
p. 440)
Levels of participation by observers and volunteer writers varied, but were estimated at around
2000 people (Mass Observation, n.d). The central idea that amateur volunteers can (and are
best placed to) produce insightful and valuable research echoes through the crowdsourcing
mass observation participatory approach inherent in ODOE, another kind of day survey, this
time captured on video by tens of thousands of volunteers, during 10.10.10.

Methods: A Case Study of One Day on Earth
My approach to ODOE is best characterised as case study research (Stake, 2005; Yin,
2009). A case study can be understood as both the topic of inquiry and the inquiry itself. Case
study is often defined as: (1) being an in-depth exploration of a real-life context, and (2)
attempting to address questions of how or why a social context operates (Yin, 2009). For
Stake, case study concentrates on experiential knowledge of the case and close attention to the
influence of its social, political and other contexts (2005, p. 444). My case study of ODOE
followed Yins (2011) 3-step case study method involving binding the case, selecting the type of
154

design, and using case analysis to build theory. Binding is crucial in case study research, and
involves selecting a small and clearly bounded sample or unit of analysis, e.g., a biography,
family, neighbourhood, event, film, or one day. In terms of case design, for Thomas (2011, p. 3),
a case study is a thing in itself whereas for others a case study approach is a method that has
overlapped and blurred with other approaches such as ethnographic fieldwork, participant
observation or life history research (Gomm, Hammersley, & Foster, 2000; Yin, 2011). ODOEs
case design includes crowdsourcing, mass observation, and documentary film analysis. Finally,
whether method or object, as ODOE illustrates, case study analysis elevates a view of life in its
complexity (Thomas, 2011, p. ix). In this regard Stake (2005) argued that the central pivot of a
case study must be issues as these form its conceptual core structure. This means that case study
researchers are concerned with understanding i.e., theorizing controversies or problems that
contextualize and frame the case. In ODOE, these issues pertain to citizen collaboration and the
politics of globalization.

Discussion: ODOE, Globalization, and Afterglobalization
As a case study of global online interactions and crowdsourcing intensity, ODOE rehearses
familiar debates (i.e., the central problematic) of globalization in the tensions between cultural
homogenization and cultural heterogenization (Appadurai, 1990). Such debates cleave between
hyperglobalists and antiglobalists, with the former holding that globalization processes lead to a
more diverse and cosmopolitan world, whereas the latter perceive globalization as a process that
erases distinct local cultural practices to the advantage of dominant global flows of capital and
information. Yet a third useful way of considering ODOE is via afterglobalization (Harvey,
Horne, & Safai, 2009). Harvey et al. (2009, p. 384) define afterglobalization as a large
spectrum of global social movements that support new forms of globalization based on values of
democracy, justice, environmental protection, and human rights rather than purely economic
concerns. The ODOE community may be considered a global social movement: a network of
informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in
a political or cultural conflict, on the basis of a shared collective identity (Diani, 2000, p. 165).
Instead of embracing global neoliberalism or rejecting it outright, afterglobalists are interested in
reforming or transforming the processes of globalization. Afterglobalists aim to
focus more on harnessing the forces of globalization either for institutional reforms within
a mixed economy via public policy initiatives, or using globalization as a means of
stimulating social change, fighting for human security, and protecting of the environment,
as well as a wide range of human rights. (Harvey et al, 2009, p. 388)
ODOE resonates with afterglobalist thought, particularly where this converges with its
crowdsourcing and participatory approaches to filmmaking, and social and environment issues.
More nuanced and critical than the concept hyperglobalization, afterglobalization also differs
from anti-globalization in that its hallmark is the principle that alternatives do exist and that
another world is possible. [...] alterglobalization can have reformist and transformist
tendencies: alternative can mean either globalization continues differently in a reformed manner
or that it is replaced (Harvey et al, 2009, p. 387). As such, afterglobalization helps to understand
projects that offer interventions (e.g., using crowdsourced filmmaking to call attention to global
issues and inequities) that aim to transform the world, propose new ways of doing things to alter
global processes. ODOE highlights the capacities of crowdsourcing and online communities to
shift global thinking and celebrate different possible lives that cut across global horizons
(Appadurai, 1990).
155

Conclusion and Implications
ODOE offers an informative case study of leisure and participatory media-making,
especially when underpinned by theories of globalization. Echoing McLuhans (1964) famous
phrase the medium is the message, it is increasingly important to attend to the ways that
digital/online activities are reconfiguring leisure practices and politics through social networks,
social movements and new media-making. The production of a crowdsourced documentary film
offers an exemplary case; the political aspects of such a project are equally exemplary,
particularly given the increasing global reach and participatory scale afforded by online
networks. Politically, crowdsourced new media collaborations can offer revolutionary, equitable
ways to connect and empower people in ways that were unimaginable until recently (Jenkins &
Thorburn, 2004). This paper has framed the politics of One Day on Earth through an
afterglobalist lens, considering the project as a global intervention with social justice aims
(Denzin & Giardina, 2009), but the medium is also the message: ODOEs use of crowdsourcing
offers a powerful illustration of the participatory scale, immediacy and interconnectivity of
global documentary media-making.

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Mapping The Governance of Local Parks and Recreation Services: Dyadic Relationships
and Neo-corporatism
Marc-Andr Lavigne (Universit du Qubec Trois-Rivires)

Problmatique
Le no-corporatisme est un modle politique qui place la relation tat-socit civile dans
un systme hirarchique, o des groupes dintrts spcifiques, reconnus par les gouvernements,
se voient octroyer un monopole de reprsentation de leur secteur par ltat (Enjolras & Waldahl,
2007; Harvey, Thibault, & Rail, 1995). Ce modle politique est souvent observ dans une co-
production de services, o la responsabilit de la prestation de services est partage entre le
gouvernement et les associations locales. Le loisir municipal nest pas tranger ce modle.
Ladministration publique locale partage en effet la responsabilit de la prestation des services
dans ce secteur avec les associations locales dont les membres, regroups par affinits communes
une activit ou un intrt, contribuent par leur expertise technique, leur bnvolat et leurs
ressources au dveloppement de loffre de services. Dans leurs politiques de reconnaissance, les
services municipaux de loisir identifient les organismes-cls de leur communaut qui sont
soutenus, voire parfois financs, pour assurer une prestation de services partage entre
ladministration publique locale et un ensemble dassociation du territoire. Il en rsulte une
collaboration troite entre les professionnels des services municipaux de loisir et les permanents
et bnvoles des associations locales rcratives et sportives (AQLM & LLVC, 2001; Gagnon,
1996; Thibault, 2008).
Cette prsentation dsire explorer la dynamique de cette relation entre la socit civile
implique dans le loisir public regroupe en associations affinitaires et ladministration
publique locale, dont le service municipal de loisir (ou Parks and Recreation Departments) est
souvent le principal acteur institutionnel. Au Qubec seulement, plus de 1,44 milliard de dollars
sont investis par les municipalits dans le secteur rcratif, sportif et culturel (Gouvernement du
Qubec, 2013), sans compter les ressources financires, matrielles et humaines investies par les
157

associations locales rcratives et sportives (Thibault, 2008). Malgr ces sommes considrables,
lanalyse des politiques de loisir est plutt rare et lon en connat peu sur cette dynamique
particulire de prestation partage. Pourtant, la gouvernance en loisir public est un laboratoire
pertinent pour quiconque sintressant une relation de co-production entre le gouvernement
local et son milieu associatif (Pestoff & Brandsen, 2008; Pestoff, Brandsen, & Verschuere,
2012), voluant souvent dans un cadre normatif qui prne la dcentralisation, la dlgation et
lempowerment (Muller, 2004; Osborne & Gaebler, 1992). La rsultante est une situation de
collaboration institutionnalise qui vient mme qu redfinir, parfois par isomorphisme
institutionnel (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983), le rle, les orientations et la position face ltat des
associations locales et de la socit civile en gnral.

Mthodologie et Objectifs de la Prsentation
Cette prsentation se base sur une tude de lvolution de la gouvernance de deux services
municipaux de loisir qubcois, entre 2002 et 2012. Les deux cas contrasts les Villes de
Gatineau (en banlieue dOttawa) et de Qubec ont t entre autres analyss par la dynamique
de collaboration entre ladministration publique locale (centralise ou dcentralise par
secteurs/arrondissements) et les associations du milieu. Ltude avait comme objectif danalyser
les acteurs, les mcanismes de gouvernance et les facteurs qui caractrisent llaboration des
politiques locales de loisir, en sattardant plus particulirement au rle jou par les services
municipaux de loisir comme noyau de cette coalition gouvernante du sous-systme. Les
dimensions de ltude, regroupes sous forme dun modle danalyse de la gouvernance locale
(Lavigne, 2014), touchaient (1) les acteurs (structure de la coalition, coalitions opposes, lites
locales et rgimes urbains, gouvernement supralocal); (2) les mcanismes de gouvernance
comme interfaces dchanges de ressources (qui contrle ces ressources et quelles formes
prennent ces mcanismes); (3) les structures institutionnelles (rgles institutionnelles, structures
constitutionnelles, culture locale); (4) et le positionnement du loisir public comme secteur dans le
rfrentiel global du rle de ltat. Une approche qualitative a t privilgie pour assurer un
processus itratif dans la construction du cadre danalyse. Un total de 24 personnes ont particip
aux entrevues semi-diriges, les rpondants des bnvoles dassociations locales, des cadres et
des professionnels du service de loisir et de la direction gnrale de la Ville ainsi que des lus
ont t slectionns pour leur connaissance de la dynamique du secteur ou pour leur rle
dinfluence dans la formulation des politiques en loisir.

Les Relations Dyadiques Entre les Associations Locales Rcrosportives et le Service
Municipal de Loisir
Ltude a permis dobserver une trs forte cohsion entre le service municipal de loisir et
plus prcisment, ses structures dcentralises (secteur et arrondissement) et les associations
locales de loisir et de sport. Toutefois, il existe en fait bien peu de mcanismes formels
permettant aux associations locales dtre rellement au cur de la dfinition des enjeux et des
dcisions entourant le choix des orientations ou des instruments mettre en uvre. Les intrts
des associations locales passent dabord et avant tout par les relations informelles que leurs
membres dveloppent avec le service de loisir; ce dernier adapte ses stratgies en fonction de la
ralit vcue (ou du moins perue) dans le milieu. Ces relations informelles sont juges plus
efficaces que le lobby auprs des lus municipaux.
dfaut dorganismes ou de mcanismes formels qui mobilisent et reprsentent le secteur,
la formulation des enjeux et orientations de cette gouvernance tend ainsi exclure les
158

associations locales, ou du moins, les interpeler seulement dans des cas spcifiques. La relation
entre le service municipal de loisir et les associations locales et la structure de la coalition
gouvernante est principalement constitue dun ensemble de relations dyadiques (des relations
privilgies entre une association et le service de loisir), et non dun rseau (un ensemble
dinteraction entre les associations et le service de loisir). En dautres mots, la socit civile
engage dans le secteur agit davantage pour ses propres intrts sectoriels quelle ne le fait (ou
pourrait le faire de faon plus cohrente) au nom du loisir, du sport ou du dveloppement social
en gnral. La socit civile en loisir est morcele et spcialise (thtre amateur, soccer, ge
dor). Lorsque les associations locales travaillent de concert, elles le font davantage dans une
perspective de concertation locale, de rpartition dune enveloppe budgtaire ou de promotion ou
de dfense dun projet ponctuel.
Lun des rsultats les plus surprenants, la lumire du cadre utilis, est labsence dun
acteur de la socit civile qui a, ou cherche dvelopper, un capital de lgitimit qui pourrait lui
permettre de se prononcer au nom du loisir public. Le rle des associations locales est ainsi
gnralement effac dans la formulation des politiques des services municipaux de loisir.
Compte tenu de leur expertise spcialise, leur rle demeure nanmoins essentiel dans la mise en
uvre des programmes du secteur.
Cette situation renforce la position du service municipal de loisir comme chef dorchestre
de lensemble des associations locales de son territoire. Cette conception sinscrit en porte--faux
avec le discours dune gouvernance partage, trs prsent en loisir public (du moins, au Qubec).
Sil est rare de voir une relation aussi troite, tous paliers confondus, entre la socit civile et
ladministration publique, il savre difficile de prouver que cette gouvernance soit aussi
participative quon le prtend. Nos observations montrent que ce nest pas parce que
lintervention en loisir public prconise une prise en charge active du milieu par la socit civile
quune gouvernance dans laquelle les pouvoirs et les influences sont partages sy dveloppe
ipso facto.
Ltude a aussi dmontr que la faible prsence des associations locales dans la
formulation des politiques locales de loisir nest pas forcment synonyme dun processus
technocratique. Sur ce point, les deux cas varient considrablement, non pas en raison du rle
jou par la socit civile dans le processus, mais en raison de la place occupe par les lus. La
gouvernance du loisir Qubec est fortement influence par le conseil municipal et plus
particulirement le cabinet du maire tandis qu Gatineau, elle emprunte clairement une
tangente plus technocratique, laissant au service municipal de loisir la responsabilit de formuler
les orientations et enjeux du secteur.
Les rsultats rvlent finalement une conception grandissante et clate du loisir qui se
dgage de la simple prestation de services rcratifs, allant maintenant vers un ensemble de
services et de collaborations axs sur le dveloppement de la communaut et de la qualit de vie.
Ce changement conceptuel qui sinscrit directement dans le thme du congrs marque une
nouvelle tangente dans lvolution des politiques locales de loisir et a indniablement un impact
sur la gouvernance du secteur et la professionnalisation du loisir en milieu municipal. Cette tude
ouvre galement la porte placer lanalyse des politiques publiques au cur des tudes en loisir,
afin dassurer une meilleure comprhension de la dimension politique spcifique notre secteur
et de favoriser llaboration de meilleures politiques. Le loisir peut galement apporter beaucoup
lanalyse des politiques publiques, notre secteur tant fertile pour des tudes portant sur une
meilleure comprhension du rle de ladministration publique avec le tiers secteur et une
gouvernance partage.
159

Rfrences
Association qubcoise du loisir municipal, & Laboratoire en loisir et vie communautaire.
(2001). Le loisir public au Qubec : une vision moderne. Sainte-Foy: Presses de
l'Universit du Qubec.
DiMaggio, P. J., & Powell, W. W. (1983). The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and
collective rationality in organizational fields. American Sociological Review, 48(2), 147-
160.
Enjolras, B., & Waldahl, R. H. (2007). Policy-making in sport: The Norwegian case.
International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 42(2), 201-216.
Gagnon, P. (1996). Le loisir et la municipalit: l'heure des choix. Sainte-Foy: Presses de
l'Universit du Qubec.
Gouvernement du Qubec. (2013). Rapport financier des organismes municipaux. Exercice
financier 2011. Retrieved 18 novembre 2013, from
http://www.mamrot.gouv.qc.ca/pub/finances_indicateurs_fiscalite/information_financiere/
publications_electroniques/2011/rapports_org_muni/C1_Munloc_RF2011_Sommation.pdf
Harvey, J., Thibault, L., & Rail, G. (1995). Neo-corporatism: The political management system
in Canadian amateur sport and fitness. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 19(3), 249-265.
Lavigne, M.-A. (2014). Urban governance and public leisure policies: a comparative analysis
framework. World Leisure Journal, 56(1), 27-41.
Muller, P. (2004). L'tat en action revisit. Ple Sud, 2004/2(21), 31-42.
Osborne, D., & Gaebler, T. (1992). Reinventing government: How the entrepreneurial spirit is
transforming the public sector. Reading: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co.
Pestoff, V. A., & Brandsen, T. (Eds.). (2008). Co-production: The third sector and the delivery
of public services. New York: Routledge.
Pestoff, V. A., Brandsen, T., & Verschuere, B. (2012). New public governance, the third sector
and co-production. New York: Routledge.
Thibault, A. (2008). Public and civic leisure in Quebec. Quebec: Presses de l'Universit du
Qubec.



Comparaison dtudes des Retombes conomiques Dans lvnementiel: Culturel,
Sportif et Religieux
Marc LeBlanc (Universit de Moncton), Franois de Grandpr (Universit du Qubec Trois-
Rivires)

Introduction
Les vnements et les festivals sont de plus en plus populaires dans diffrentes rgions du
monde (Getz, 1993, 1997; Thrane, 2002; Gusoy, Kim, & Uysal, 2004). Ce type d'vnements
est peru comme un outil important dans le dveloppement de l'activit touristique et
conomique des destinations (Goeldner & Ritchie 2000). Paralllement cette croissance, les
diffrents paliers gouvernementaux veulent s'assurer qu'ils grent de manire plus transparente
les fonds publics. Ainsi, il est ncessaire de mesurer les retombes conomiques et sociales des
vnements et des festivals (Wood, 2009).
160

Les organisateurs sont parfois appels valuer, ou faire valuer, les retombes
conomiques de leur propre vnement pour justifier les demandes de financement. Les
ressources humaines et financires de ces organisations sont souvent limites et font en sorte
qu'il y a une prolifration dtudes produisant des estimations parfois douteuses. Elles sont
frquemment inexactes en raison des renseignements recueillis et projets qui ne sont pas
conformes des normes de recherches acceptables (Research Resolutions & Consulting Ltd.,
2007).
Si elle est bien faite, lvaluation des retombes conomiques permet de dterminer si
linjection de fonds est pertinente, de se doter darguments (conomiques) pour convaincre des
entreprises et agences devenir partenaire financier et de dresser un profil des visiteurs (Irwin,
Wang, & Sutton, 1996). Consquemment, des auteurs indiquent qu'il est indispensable d'avoir
des donnes fiables sur lesquelles on peut tablir ces retombes (Crompton, 1995; Getz, 1991; de
Grandpr & Pauquay, 2003). Cependant, il est gnralement difficile, voire mme impossible, de
comparer les diffrents types dvnements.
Dans le cadre de cette communication, nous nous intresserons vrifier sil y a justement
des diffrences entre les diffrentes formes dvnements, ou si, au contraire, tous les
vnements, hormis leurs grosseurs, sont comparables, et ce, indpendamment de leur
thmatique. Ces comparaisons sont possibles notamment en raison de mthodes similaires et
fiables utilises lors dtudes ralises par les auteurs de cette communication dans trois secteurs
de lvnementiel (culturel, sportif et religieux). Il sagit ici dune dmarche plutt exploratoire
et qui na aucune prtention dtre reprsentative de lensemble des vnements de ces secteurs.

Mthodologie
La comparaison des tudes prend racine dans une mthodologie similaire dans la collecte
des donnes et lanalyse, cest--dire un comptage systmatique des personnes prsentes, une
enqute afin de dterminer le lieu de rsidence et une enqute pour connatre les dpenses
effectues durant les vnements. Les vnements choisis dans le domaine culturel sont : la
Congrs mondial acadien dans la Pninsule acadienne du 7 au 23 aot 2009, le Festival acadien
de Caraquet du 31 juillet au 15 aot 2010; dans le domaine sportif : la prsentation de la Coupe
Memorial du hockey junior majeur du Canada Shawinigan du 18 au 27 mai 2012 et la Finale
dt des Jeux du Qubec Shawinigan du 27 juillet au 4 aot 2012; et dans le domaine
religieux : le Festival de L'Assomption au Sanctuaire Notre-Dame-du-Cap de Trois-Rivires du
7 au 15 aot 2013. Lachalandage total (visites quotidiennes
4
) de ces vnements est de 35 000
au Festival de LAssomption, 47 000 au Festival Acadien, 64 000 aux Jeux du Qubec (incluant
les athltes), 72 500 la Coupe Memorial et 220 000 au Congrs mondial acadien.

Rsultats
Les rsultats que nous avons retenus sont ceux o lon retrouve les principales diffrences
selon le type dvnements slectionns. Lors de la communication orale, nous prsenterons des
tableaux avec des donnes dmontrant ces diffrences. Pour linstant, nous indiquerons celles-ci
dans les paragraphes ci-dessous.
En examinant la provenance des spectateurs, on observe que ce sont proportionnellement,
les Jeux du Qubec qui attirent le plus de visiteurs de lextrieur (plus de 40 km) de la rgion. Le
Festival de LAssomption et les deux vnements culturels accueillent autant de visiteurs que de

4
Par exemple, une personne prsente trois jours, compte pour trois.
161

rsidents locaux. Un vnement tel que la Coupe Memorial est surtout frquent par la
population locale. noter que seul le festival de LAssomption attire un nombre important de
visiteurs hors Canada.
Attardons-nous sur la prsence des visiteurs de lextrieur. Les chercheurs sentendent
gnralement sur le fait quil est ncessaire de savoir si le participant ou le spectateur sest
dplac spcifiquement pour assister lvnement. Cest ici que lon remarque lune des
principales diffrences entre les types dvnements. Nos enqutes dmontrent que les
spectateurs des vnements sportifs sont plus nombreux se dplacer spcifiquement pour
lvnement. Lvnement religieux arrive deuxime, mais trs prs des vnements sportifs
alors que les vnements culturels sont loin derrire en troisime position.
Dans le cas de la dure du sjour des vnements tudis, les visiteurs des vnements
culturels passent le plus grand nombre de jours sur les lieux devanant dans lordre les
vnements sportifs et lvnement religieux. Cependant, si lon compare la dure du sjour en
fonction de la dure de lvnement, ce sont les vnements sportifs qui arrivent en tte devant
les vnements culturels et lvnement religieux.
Ces visiteurs
5
ont un profil de dpenses diffrent. Ceux qui assistent des vnements
sportifs de type spectacle ont une moyenne de dpenses quotidienne plus leve que ceux de
lvnement religieux, des vnements culturels et des vnements sportifs de type
participation (nous reviendrons sur cette distinction). Les visiteurs la Coupe Memorial ont
une dpense moyenne quotidienne nettement plus leve que les autres visiteurs des diffrents
vnements tudis. Les visiteurs des vnements culturels dpensent proportionnellement moins
en hbergement que ceux des deux autres types dvnements. La proportion des dpenses en
nourritures est plus leve parmi les visiteurs des vnements culturels et religieux. Cest
toutefois au niveau des dpenses de divertissements o lon remarque la diffrence la plus
importante. Les visiteurs des vnements culturels y consacrent une plus grande proportion de
leurs dpenses. Sans surprise, les visiteurs des vnements culturels et de la Coupe Memorial ont
une proportion de dpenses plus importantes en frais dadmission.

Discussion et Conclusion
Nos expriences relates ici vont dans le sens de la littrature qui dmontre quil est
souhaitable de faire une distinction entre les diffrents types dvnements et ce mme
lintrieur dun domaine dactivits. Par exemple, dans le domaine sportif, nous avons observ,
partir de notre chantillonnage, quil existe des diffrences importantes entre les vnements
spectacles et les vnements participation . Les dirigeants de lAlliance canadienne du
tourisme sportif rencontrs lors dune sance de travail Ottawa, corroborent ce constat.
Kurtzman et Zauhar (2003) font aussi une distinction similaire en parlant de
recreational events et de competitive events . Dautres, comme Bowdin et McPherson
(2006) prennent la peine de distinguer spectator sports . Les vnements culturels et
religieux tudis peuvent tre regroups sous les vnements rcratifs. En ce qui a trait la
Coupe Memorial, il sagit surtout dun spectator sports tandis que les Jeux du Qubec sont
un vnement de participation.
Les rsultats de nos enqutes font tat dune grande diffrence dans la proportion des
visiteurs se dplaant prcisment pour lvnement. Les vnements sportifs ont davantage de
visiteurs centrs que les autres. On peut expliquer cette diffrence dans le fait que les

5
Excluant les locaux.
162

vnements sportifs tudis ne sont pas rcurrents au mme endroit contrairement aux trois
festivals de lenqute. Dans notre cas, particulirement pour les vnements culturels, il y a un
nombre important de visiteurs qui reviennent dans la rgion dune anne lautre, pour
notamment, visiter des parents et amis. Cest en quelque sorte un retour aux sources.
La dure du sjour proportionnellement plus longue dans le cas des vnements sportifs est
tributaire de la dure de la comptition ou du tournoi. Elle peut aussi sexpliquer, en partie, en
raison de lattachement du spectateur envers lathlte qui performe, que ce soit son quipe
sportive favorite ou un proche parent ou ami. Les vnements culturels et religieux sont ponctus
de prestations (spectacles ou autres) des moments prcis sans lendemain. Par consquent, les
visiteurs sont moins tents de demeurer dans la rgion plus longtemps.
La rpartition des dpenses des visiteurs est diffrente dun type dvnement lautre. La
faible proportion destine lhbergement des vnements culturels peut sexpliquer par le
manque de capacit de lhbergement commercial en rgion. Cette lacune est palier, en partie,
par lhbergement chez les parents et amis ainsi que dans des modes alternatifs et moins coteux
tels que le camping et le chalet priv en location. Les diffrences en matire de dpenses de
divertissement peuvent sexpliquer en partie par la nature des vnements. Les visiteurs profitent
srement des vnements culturels pour faire davantage la fte que ceux qui prennent part aux
vnements sportifs ou religieux.
Sur la base de nos tudes, et dun point de vue uniquement conomique, les vnements
sportifs de type spectacle rapportent davantage que ceux de type sportif participation ,
culturels ou religieux. Ces vnements attirent moins de visiteurs de plus de 40 km mais ils sont
plus centrs et dpensent davantage. Ils demeurent sur les lieux plus longtemps en considrant la
dure moyenne des sjours selon la dure de lvnement.
Cette analyse comparative montre quil ne faut pas traiter lvnementiel touristique sans
discernement. Les retombes conomiques attendues vont diverges, et parfois de manire
importante, selon le type dvnement. Ce que cette analyse ne dit pas, mais quil serait aussi
intressant danalyser ultrieurement est la mesure dautres types de retombes, comme limpact
sur la notorit de la rgion et le sentiment de fiert daccueillir des vnements de prestige. Il
serait aussi intressant de mesurer le ratio cots/bnfices de chacun de ces vnements, ce que
la seule valuation des impacts conomiques ne permet pas.

Rfrences
Bowdin, G.A.J., & McPherson, G. (2006). Identifying and analysing existing research
undertaken in the events industry: A literature review for People1st. Leeds: UK Centre for
Events Management.
Crompton, J. L. (1995). Economic impact analysis of sports facilities and events: Eleven sources
of misapplication. Journal of Sports Management, 9(1), 14-35.
de Grandpr, F., & Pauquay, F. (2003), Les impacts conomiques des festivals, Universit rurale
qubcoise (URQ).
Getz, D. (1991). Festivals, special events, and tourism. New York; Van Nostrand.
Getz, D. (1993). Impacts of tourism on residents' leisure: Concepts, and a longitudinal case
study of Spey Valley, Scotland. The Journal of Tourism Studies, 4(2), 33-44.
Getz, D. (1997). Event management and event tourism. New York: Cognizant Communication.
Goeldner, C. R., & Ritchie, B. (2000). Tourism: Principles, practices, philosophies. Hoboken,
NJ: John Wiley & Sons Inc.
163

Gursoy, D., Kim, K., & Uysal, M. (2004). Perceived impacts of festivals and special events by
organizers: an extension and validation. Tourism Management, 25, 171-181.
Irwin, R. L., Wang, P., & Sutton, W. A., (1996). Comparative analysis of diaries and projected
spending to assess patron expenditure behavior at short-term sporting events, Festival
Management & Event Tourism, 4(1/2), 29-37.
Kurtzman, J., & Zauhar, J. (2003). A wave in time The sports tourism phenomena. Journal of
Sport & Tourism, 8(1), 35-47.
Research Resolutions & Consulting Ltd., (2007), Lignes directrices : Procdures denqute pour
lvaluation de limpact conomique du tourisme associ aux manifestations et festivals
accs libre, Initiative fdrale-provinciale-territoriale sur le rapport culture, patrimoine et
tourisme, Ottawa.
Thrane, C. (2002). Jazz festival visitors and their expenditures: Linking spending patterns to
musical interest. Journal of Travel Research, 40, 281-286.
Wood, E. H. (2009). An impact evaluation framework: Local government community festivals,
Event Management, 12(3-4), 171-185.



Theres a Position for Every Body Type: Experiences of Body Image among Female
Tackle Football Players
Toni Liechty, Kate Evans (Clemson University), Fleesha Willfong, Katherine Sveinson (The
University of Regina)

Introduction
Although extensive research has documented the prevalent concern of poor body image
and resulting negative effects (e.g., disordered eating, appearance anxiety), in recent years some
researchers have turned their attention to exploring the factors or characteristics that lead to
positive body image. Research suggests that women with positive body image tend to appreciate
the functionality of their body, define beauty broadly, highlight their bodys assets while
minimizing perceived imperfections, and participate in healthy physical activity (Frisn &
Holqvist, 2010; Wood-Barcalow, Tylka, & Augustus-Horvath, 2010). The specific connection
between body image and physical activity might be explained using Objectification Theory
which posits that in Western societies women and girls are socialized to view their bodies
through the perspective of an outsider, to think of their bodies as sexual and/or aesthetic objects
with the purpose of being pleasing to others (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). According to the
tenets of Objectification Theory, participation in physical activity may be related to body image
for women because it can lead women to appreciate the functionality of their body rather than its
appearance (Wood-Barcalow et al., 2010). Despite the beneficial potential of physical activity,
research has suggested that the relationship between body image and physical activity is
extremely complex, specifically as it relates to the sport or leisure setting. For example, women
who participate in aesthetic sports (e.g., gymnastics, dance) tend to have more negative body
image than those who participate in sports that focus less on the appearance of the participant
(e.g., basketball, hockey) and some exercise interventions have actually be found to cause
increased body image concerns by drawing attention to appearance (Abbott & Barber, 2011;
Simmons & Childers, 2013). Furthermore, body image itself may act as a constraint to
participation in physically active leisure (Liechty, Freeman, & Zabriskie, 2006) and participating
164

in physical activity for the purposes of appearance concern generally lead to reduced adherence
when compared with physical activity chosen for health/wellness purposes (Pritchard &
Tiggmann, 2005). In order to utilize the body image promoting value of physically activity, we
need to better understand the properties of various leisure activities/settings that lead to improved
body image. Therefore, this study will explore the body image experiences of women who play
competitive tackle football.

Methods
We recruited 15 participants from among players on a womens tackle football team that
plays in the Western Womens Canadian Football League. The league utilizes the same rules and
fields as the mens Canadian Football League and players from within this league often play on
the Canadian Womens National Football team. Participants were invited to participate through
email and to increase participation, one researcher attended a practice to explain the study and
answer questions. The sample included a diverse range of women in terms of age (ranged from
20 to 48 with a mean of 31.5), marital status (6 were married), level of education, sexual
orientation (5 self-identified as homosexual), and degree of experience with football or other
team sports. All participants were White except for one who self-identified as First Nations.
Participants completed in-depth, semi-structured interviews, which were digitally recorded and
transcribed verbatim. Participants were asked to describe their experiences playing football
generally as well as its connection to their body image specifically. Throughout the data
collection process, data were analyzed using the constant comparison method (Strauss & Corbin,
1998). Participants were recruited and interviewed until no new codes emerged suggesting that
the data had reached saturation (Henderson, 2006). We analyzed data using initial, focused, and
selective coding (Charmaz, 2006). To ensure trustworthiness, we utilized note-taking, debriefing,
memo writing, reflexive journaling, and member checks (Creswell, 2009). Three over-arching
themes emerged from the data, including: experiences of improved body image, the body-image
friendly atmosphere of the team, and negotiation of situational body image.

Results

Now I See my Body as an Asset
Most participants described improvement in their body image through playing football and
those who did not explained that they had always had a positive body image or had been through
a process of improved body image prior to playing football. Several participants described
improved body image as a result of physical changes such as weight loss or increased physical
fitness. For example, Marie explained that through football she had lost more than 20 pounds and
commented, I learned how good one can feel when theyre physically active, healthy, and
sociableI was never really comfortable in my own body, but Im fairly content with where I
am now. Interestingly, participants stressed that their improved body image was not simply
based on physical changes. Participants explained that their body image had changed due to
shifting perceptions about what constitutes an ideal body. For example, Felicia commented I
think strong women and muscular women, theyre beautiful womenthats how I see beauty
nowthe models on the magazinesthats not what I aspire toit was, but its not now. In
particular, several of the bigger participants described a sense of relief and satisfaction with
having discovered a setting where their size was an asset rather than a frustration. For example,
Robin explained that in the past as a speed skater and distance runner, she had experienced a lot
165

of stress with her weight and when she found football it was neat to just kind of go this is a
sport where I can be this sizeit was actually very refreshing.

It Doesnt Matter if You are Big or SmallTheres a Position for You
Participants explained that positive body image was inherently promoted by the sport and
by the atmosphere within the team. When asked what would constitute an ideal body for a
football player, nearly every participant responded that it varied by position and that players
were put into positions that suited their body type. Brianne commented, In swimming, dancing,
anything, you have to have this specific body type for that, but football, its perfect for absolutely
anybody. Furthermore, participants explained that the culture of the team promoted positive
body image by valuing function rather than appearance. For example, several participants
described feeling valued for their bigger size because they were able to protect teammates (by
blocking for them) on the field. Similarly, several of the older players described appreciation that
they were able to play a position in which their technique and experience was valued.
Interestingly, most of the players highlighted the positive social environment they experienced
on their team by comparing it to the Legends Football League (LFL) (previously called the
Lingerie Football League). Participants felt that the sexual nature of the LFL diminished the
value of womens football by focusing on the entertainment provided for men, while they felt
that their team would play even if there were no fans, just for the love of the game (Natalie).
Brooke remarked, When I first was talking to people about [playing football], everybody was
like, Oh? Lingerie football?...No! No. No. And one lady was like, Well you should take it as a
compliment. And Im like, But, to me, its notfootball is a sport for everybody, you
shouldnt have to be a size 2 to play.

Off the Field I Want to Look Good, Whereas, on the Field you Want to Intimidate
Despite the overwhelmingly positive description of playing football and the positive
connection with body image, some participants did describe remaining body image concerns
especially in the form of negotiating off-the-field body image and the inescapable societal
pressures for women. Some participants felt that their football body was the same ideal that
they had off-the-field or that they had come to terms (Marie) with their off-the-field body
through playing football. However, some players felt more frustration such as Felicia who
commented, I dont really care what I look like in a uniform as long as I can do my job, but I
care what I look like in my clothes and I care what I look likein a bathing suit. Allison
described a similar situation that caused her internal conflict. Through playing football, she had
lost approximately 40 pounds and found herself becoming too small to play her desired position
as a defensive lineman. Despite her desire to succeed in the position, her desire to be attractive
off the field led her to attempt to change positions. The struggle between on-field and off-field
body image was particularly highlighted by Susan who said that she felt strong and valuable
playing football because she was able to play a valuable role on the team despite her age (48) and
because of her size. At the time of the interview, however, she was injured and not active in the
current season. She said that during the previous season she felt good about her larger size off the
field because she was proud to be a football player and to look like a football player, but found
that when she was injured and not playing, she became less comfortable with her football
body.


166

Discussion
Implications for Womens Sport
The findings highlight the potential for participation in physically active leisure to improve
body image by increasing womens appreciation of their bodies assets, broadening the definition
of beauty, and providing opportunities for enjoyable and health-promoting physical activity.
Furthermore, the atmosphere of the tackle football team specifically was found to promote
positive body image and inclusion for women by allowing for a wide variety of ideal body types
and by valuing function rather than appearance. Furthermore, for participants in this study, the
atmosphere of tackle football reduced the constraint of poor body image and allowed participants
to play a sport that in many cases led to positive physical change such as weight loss, muscle
development, and increased physical fitness. These findings provide support for Objectification
Theory as a shift from prioritizing function rather than appearance led to improved body image
for participants (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). These elements also provide valuable insight for
practitioners that can be intentionally programmed for in a variety of sport settings. In addition,
these findings highlighted the complex nature of the relationship between physically active
leisure and body image. Some participants described a conflicting body image on-field and off-
field as well as some level of anxiety about their football body.

Implications for the Conference Theme
The current study contributes to the theme of the conference by suggesting that we look at
sport and at the connection between leisure and health in a new way. The findings suggest that
we should explore the benefits of physically active leisure for body image as opposed to only
physiological outcomes such as weight-loss and that we should consider the connection between
leisure and health as part of a more complex phenomenon. In this study tackle football provided
an ideal setting for promoting positive body image because it did not require a single narrow
physical ideal (in contrast to activities such as volleyball, gymnastics, or dance) and it did not
promote a physical ideal that mirrors feminine societal ideals. Non-traditional sports (e.g., tackle
football, rugby, motor-cross) provide an opportunity for women to participate in activities that do
not promote narrow definitions of ideal body types and focus heavily on appearance. Future
research should continue to explore the unique value of these activities in a variety of settings
and the potential for participation to promote positive body image, improved health and overall
quality of life for women.

References
Abbott, B. D., & Barber, B. L. (2011). Differences in functional and aesthetic body image
between sedentary girls and girls involved in sports and physical activity: Does sport type
make a difference? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12(3), 333-342.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. Thousand Oaks: Sage.
Creswell, J. W. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods
approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding womens
lived experiences of mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173-206.
Frisen, A., & Holmqvist, K. (2010). What characterizes early adolescents with a positive body
image? A qualitative investigation of Swedish girls and boys. Body Image, 7, 205-212.
167

Glaser, B. G., & Holton, J. (2004). Remodeling grounded theory. The Grounded Theory Review:
An International Journal, 4(1), 1-24.
Henderson, K. A. (2006). Dimensions of choice: Qualitative approaches to parks, recreation,
tourism, sport, and leisure research, (2
nd
ed.). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Liechty, T., Freeman, P. A., & Zabriskie, R. B. (2006). Body image and beliefs about
appearance: Constraints on the leisure of college-age and middle-age women. Leisure
Sciences, 28, 311-330.
Prichard, I., & Tiggemann, M. (2005). Objectification in fitness centers: Self-objectification,
body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating in aerobic instructors and aerobic participants.
Sex Roles, 53, 19-28.
Simmons, S., & Childers, K. (2013). Effects of intercollegiate athletics and intramural
participation on self-esteem and physical self-description: A pilot study.
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques for developing
grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Wood-Barcalow, N. L., Tylka, R. L., & Augustus-Horvath, C. L. (2010). But I Like My Body:
Positive body image characteristics and a holistic model for young-adult women. Body
Image, 7, 106-116.



Mainland Chinese and British-Canadian Students Leisure Satisfaction and Subjective
Well-Being
Huimei Liu (Zhejiang University), Gordon Walker (University of Alberta)

Philosophically speaking, the good life has been discussed and interpreted both in
ancient Chinarepresented by Confuciusand in ancient Greecerepresented by Aristotle.
Twenty-five hundred years later, while the terminology has changed from the good life to
subjective well-being (SWB; Diener et al., 2003), answering this question remains a foremost
goal not only of social scientists but policy-makers around the world. It may be especially
important to examine Chinese peoples SWB because of: (a) Chinas large population; (b) the
cost to Chinese peoples mental health (i.e. pressure, anxiety) as a function of Chinas rapid
economic development; and (c) Chinese peoples low levels of SWB (Helliwell, Layard, &
Sachs, 2013).
Research on SWB has been conducted in the West and in China. In terms of the former,
leisure satisfaction was found to correlate as much, if not more, highly with life satisfaction than
any other domain (Andrews & Withey, 1976; Campbell et al., 1976; Headey et al., 1985, 1991;
Balatsky & Biener, 1993). In terms of the latter, research on SWB and leisure satisfaction has
been conducted with Chinese people (Lau, Cummins, & McPherson, 2005; Lu & Hu, 2005).
Lau, Cummins, & McPherson (2005) tested the personal wellbeing index (PWI) from Hong
Kong and Australian respondents and found it demonstrated evidence of utility as a cross-
cultural tool for measuring SWB within Asian Chinese (Hong Kong people) and western
societies. Then Lu & Hu (2005) found that after personality traits and other domain satisfaction
were controlled, leisure satisfaction still had its incremental effects on happiness for Chinese
university students. More recent large public surveys in China (i.e. Wang & Yang, 2013) have
also reported Chinese who have more leisure activities and leisure time have higher life
satisfaction.
168

Methods
A questionnaire was developed that included sections on leisure satisfaction, happiness,
life satisfaction, other socio-demographic information. Participants reported how frequently six
needs were met during their leisure: (a) psychological; (b) educational; (c) social; (d) relaxation;
(e) physiological; and (f) aesthetic (Ragheb & Beard, 1980). Sample question includes My
spare time activities have helped me develop close relationships with others, Also they reported
how satisfied or dissatisfied they were with: (a) their life as a whole, (b) standard of living, (c)
personal health, (d) achieving in life, (e) personal relationships, (f) personal safety, (g)
community connectedness, (h) future security, and (i) spirituality/religion (i.e., the perceived
wellbeing index or PWI; International Wellbeing Group, 2013). Thinking about your own life
and personal circumstances, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole? is one sample
question items. Participants also responded to two statements concerning their level of personal
happiness and two statements concerning their level of family happiness. These statements were
based on the Lyubomirsky and Leppers (1999) work, but modified to reflect the likely greater
emphasis Westerners and Asians would place on each, respectively, as a result of the type of
self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) they held.
Data were collected at an eastern university in China and a university in Canada. As
British/Canadian is the largest ethnic group in Canada (2013 National Household Survey),
students identified themselves as British Canadian was chosen from the Canadian University.
Useable data were obtained from 363 Chinese (male= 49.1%, female= 50.9%), with and 198
Canadian students (male=66.7%, female=33.3%). Chinese students were, on average, 21.3 years
of age (SD = 2.0) whereas Canadian students were, on average, 21.2 years of age (SD = 3.5).

Results
Means, standard deviations, and standardized Cronbach coefficient alphas for the leisure
satisfaction scales are reported in Table 1. Overall, reliability was near or above accepted levels
(Schmitt, 1996). The one exception was with educational leisure satisfaction for Chinese, which
may be because they differentiated between learning about oneself versus learning about ones
environment.

Table 1
Leisure Satisfaction Scale Means, Standard Deviations, Cronbach Coefficient Alphas, By
Culture .
Scale Chinese __ British/Canadian______


M SD Alpha M SD Alpha .
Psychological 3.37 0.71 .71 3.74 0.69 .67
Educational 3.33 0.63 .41 3.54 0.73 .63
Social 3.68

0.67 .76 4.01 0.72 .66
Relaxation 3.92 0.69 .67 4.28 0.63 .54
Physiological 3.59 0.76 .71 3.70 0.90 .89
Aesthetic 3.09 0.74 .75 3.44 0.65 .67
Note. Leisure satisfaction measured on a five-point scale (i.e., 1 = never; 5 = very often).




169

Table 2
Stepwise Regression Analyses Predicting SWB by Type of Leisure Satisfaction, by Culture___.

Regressor and predictor variable(s) Chinese British/Canadian .


Partial R
2
Total R
2
Partial R
2
Total R
2

Personal Happiness

Relaxation Leisure Satisfaction --- --- --- 0.46*** .19 ---
Social Leisure Satisfaction 0.40**** .11 --- 0.10**** .07 ---
Psychological Leisure Satisfaction 0.31*** .03 .15 0.41*** .03 .29
Family Happiness
Psychological Leisure Satisfaction 0.38***** .11 --- 0.39** .10 ---
Social Leisure Satisfaction --- --- --- 0.37** .04 .14
Relaxation Leisure Satisfaction 0.29*** .03 .13 --- --- ---
Life as a Whole
Psychological Leisure Satisfaction 0.43*** .03 --- 0.57**** .15 ---
Social Leisure Satisfaction --- --- --- 0.33* .03 .18
Relaxation Leisure Satisfaction .55**** .12 .15 --- --- ---__
* p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. **** p < .0001.

The two types of happiness and overall and individual life satisfaction domains were each
regressed, using stepwise multiple regression, separately by culture (see Table 2, above). For
parsimonys sake, only overall life satisfaction is reported in this table.

Discussion and Conclusion
This study examined how leisure satisfaction influenced SWB of Chinese and Canadian
university students. Amongst the general findings evident in Table 2 is that: (a) at least one of the
six leisure satisfaction dimensions significantly affected all of the happiness and life satisfaction
measures, both for Chinese and Canadian students; (b) in terms of practical (vs. statistical)
significance, the R
2
s for Chinese students ranged between near medium to near large effect sizes
(Cohen, 1992), while the R
2
s for Canadian students ranged between slightly above the small to
slightly above the large effect size benchmarks; and (c) psychological leisure most frequently
had a significant effect on our SWB measures, for both Chinese and Canadian students .
Amongst the specific findings it is evident that although aesthetic leisure satisfaction (i.e.,
beautiful, well-designed, fresh and clean areas or places) did not have a significant effect on any
types of happiness or life satisfaction for Canadian students, it did significantly impact eight
QOL indicators for Chinese students: satisfaction with standard of living, satisfaction with
health, satisfaction with achieving, satisfaction with relationships, satisfaction with ones safety,
satisfaction with ones community, and satisfaction with ones future. What is also interesting
here is that aesthetic leisure satisfaction was the most important predictor of satisfaction with
ones community and satisfaction with ones future, with these effect sizes both exceeding
Cohens (1992) medium benchmark (i.e., 0.18 and 0.14, respectively, and without this including
the other significant leisure satisfaction dimensions). Moreover, this finding was consistent with
the recognized contribution of aesthetic to Chinese peoples happiness in Chinese context (Pan,
2005; Huang, 2005; Jia, 2011; Wang, 2011).
Examined holistically, the above findings appear congruent with contentions (e.g., Walker
& Wang, 2008) that leisure studies may have overemphasized cultural differences and
170

underemphasized cultural similarities. On the other hand, these findings can also be interpreted
as support for Chicks (1998; 2006) proposition that leisure is universal. According to Berry et
al. (2002), universalism adopts the working assumptions that basic psychological processes are
likely to be common features of human life everywhere, but that their manifestations are likely to
be influenced by culture (p. 326). In contrast, Berry et al. state that relativists assume a general
egalitarian stance (e.g., all people are equal) and explain any differences as being because
cultural contexts that influence peoples development. Berry et al. then add that absolutists place
little if any value on culture. From a universalist perspective, therefore, we would expect there to
be a number of similarities but also a few culturally-influenced differences, in how leisure
satisfaction impacts SWBand this is exactly what was found in regard to, respectively,
psychological leisure satisfaction and aesthetic leisure satisfaction. This research also has
important practical implications that the leisure and recreation services providers should pay
more attention to satisfy both Chinese and Canadians psychologically, compared to other leisure
satisfaction domains. Meanwhile, Chinese government and policy makers should make special
efforts to make the leisure places more clean, more beautiful and have them better designed. To
beautify the environment is particularly crucial for the improvement of Chinese peoples SWB. It
is suggested that future studies should use non-student population or extend to other western and
eastern countries.

References
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Research, 12, 20-33.
Berry, J., Poortinga, Y., Segall, M., & Dasen, P. (2002). Cross-cultural psychology: Research
and applications (2
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Chick, G. (1998). Leisure and culture. Leisure Sciences, 20, 111-133.
Cohen, J. (1992). A power primer. Psychological Bulletin, 112, 155-159.
Cronbach, L., & Gleser, G. (1965). Psychological tests and personnel decisions (2
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ed.).
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Diener, E., Oishi, S., & Lucas, R. E. (2003). Personality, culture, and subjective well-being:
Emotional and cognitive evaluations of life. Annual Review of Psychology, 54, 403-425.
Huang, J. (2005). On the cultural aesthetic meaning of leisure (In Chinese). 2005 Proceeding of
Hangzhou, In International Leisure Development Forum, 10-14.
Jia, Y. X. (2011). About leisure and aesthetic (In Chinese). Journal of Zhengzhou Institute of
Aeronautical Industrial Management (Social sciences edition), 30(6). 163-166
Kleiber, D., Walker, G., & Mannell, R. (2011). A social psychology of leisure (2
nd
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College, PA: Venture.
Lau, A. L. D., Cummins, R. A., & McPherson, W. (2005). An investigation into the cross-
cultural equivalence of the personal wellbeing index. Social Indicators Research, 72, 403-
430.
Lloyd, K., & Auld, C. (2002). The role of leisure in determining quality of life: Issues of content
and measurement. Social Indicators Research, 57, 43-71.
Lu, L., & Hu, C. (2005). Personality, leisure experiences and happiness. Journal of Happiness
Studies, 6, 325-342.
Lyubomirsky, S., & Lepper, H. S. (1999). A measure of subjective happiness: Preliminary
reliability and construct validation. Social Indicators Research, 46, 137-155.
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Pan, L.Y. (2005). Leisure life and aesthetic: T the liberated experience of the self-dependent
being (In Chinese. Journal of Zhejiang University (Humanities and Social Sciences), 35(6),
5-11.
Schmitt, N. (1996). Uses and abuses of coefficient alpha. Psychological Assessment, 8, 350-353.
Shek, D. T. L., Chan, Y. K., & Lee, P. S. N. (2005). Quality of life in the global context: A
Chinese report. Social Indicators Research, 71, 1-10.
Walker, G. J., & Wang, X. (2008). A cross-cultural comparison of Canadian and Mainlandm
Chinese university students leisure motivations. Leisure Sciences, 30, 179-197.
Wang. J. X., & Yang. Y.Y. (2013). Annual Report on Social Mentality of China (2012~2013) (In
Chinese). Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press.
Wang, C. Y. (2011). Experience representation movement and motivation expectation: a case
study on the psychological basis of leisure aesthetics (In Chinese). Journal of Guangxi
Normal University (Philosophy and social sciences edition), 47(6), 87-90.



Critical Reflexively and Rhizomatic Representations of PAR
Kimberly J. Lopez, Susan M. Arai, Sherry L. Dupuis (University of Waterloo)

Participatory action research (PAR) approaches have the potential to bring together,
humanize, and empower individuals through research (Conrad & Campbell, 2008; Shookner,
2002; Stringer, 2007). Reflexivity and collaborative critical reflection are identified as key
components of PAR processes (cf. Kemmis & McTaggart, 1988), yet few documented examples
explore reflexivity in PAR. We aim to share insights gained from a PAR process and suggest an
alternative, rhizomatic perspective for representing an ongoing reflexive PAR process. Deleuze
and Guattaris (1980) metaphor of a rhizomea plant part known to grow in unpredictably from
nodes, giving rise to new shoots, growing against gravity and in all directionscan be likened to
PAR processes and their representations. As an example, we draw on a PAR process with people
living, visiting and working in a long-term care (LTC) home; that is, residents, family members,
and staff. Strong links to leisure exist in the health literature for which PAR is a valuable
methodology for engaging individuals and supporting shifts in practice. This PAR project sought
to transform understandings of resident wellness, and the role of leisure in wellness, in LTC
homes. In our PAR team we engaged diverse stakeholders, conducted regular critical reflection
throughout our journey, and developed deeper appreciation for rhizomatic processes for
deepening collaborative understanding of wellness in the LTC context. Critical reflection in the
team illuminated the importance of our relationships and challenged and transformed our
understandings of complex representations in PAR processes.

Reflexivity and Authenticity as a Foundation for PAR
Baum, MacDougall, and Smith (2006) describe that in PAR, [t]he reflective process is
directly linked to action, influenced by understanding of history, culture, and local context and
embedded in social relationships (p. 854). Our PAR team attempted to create safe space where
resident wellness could be explored and interrogated in contexts where meanings were being
constructed and lived. As a starting point, we drew on Dupuis and colleagues (2012) authentic
partnership approach to guide the development of strong relationships in our team and our
reflective questioning and dialogue. This approach values three principles: (1) a genuine regard
172

for self and others; (2) synergistic relationships; and (3) focus on the process. These three
principles are further supported by five enabling factors (i.e., connect and commit, create a safe
space, value diverse perspectives, establish and maintain open communication, and conduct
regular reflection and dialogue) (Dupuis et al., 2012). At regular PAR team meetings, residents,
family, staff and researchers dialogued around reflective questions embedded in these principles
and enabling factors and elaborated on how we could strengthen our PAR work by embedding
insights gathered through our discussions. Through strong relationships our reflexivity became
second nature and would propel discussions in all directions, uncovering unlikely connections,
tangents, and insights. After our project was completed, we engaged Hackers (2013) suggestion
that reflecting on authenticity is a useful way to culminate PAR practice and Mannings (1997)
five principles related to authenticity (fairness, ontological authenticity, educative authenticity,
catalytic authenticity, tactical authenticity) were the focal point of dialogue that unfolded.
Deepening Our Knowing: Critical Reflexivity in PAR and Representations of Engagement
PAR supports human flourishing, participation, and democracy; knowledge in action; and
reflection and action on practical and local issues (Reason & Bradbury, 2008). When we move
rhizomatically, these unfold organically in the process as both consensus and difference are
negotiated. This methodology works towards social justice through the involvement of
stakeholders closest to the inquiry (Lykes & Coquillon, 2006; Wallerstein, Duran, Minkler, &
Foley, 2005), encouraging community members to engage as co-researchers to work towards
change in their communities. One well known representation of the PAR process depicts it as
cyclical; involving planning a change, acting and observing, reflecting, re-planning, acting and
observing again, reflecting again and so on (Kemmis & McTaggart, 2005, p. 563). This
representation, to some extent, maintains an emphasis on linearity, even though it allows for
revisiting conversations and actions. Kemmis and McTaggart (2005) themselves caution that in
reality the [PAR] process might not be as neat and it is a process that is fluid, open and
responsive (p. 563). We found the process more complex, rhizomatically growing in all
directions, as we engaged in critical reflection.
Critical reflection assists the PAR team to examine both parts and whole of the process
(Kemmis, 1982; Mackenzie, Tan, Hoverman, & Baldwin, 2012). More traditional accounts
indicate that phase(s) of collaborative critical reflection occurring after action and
observation/interpretation seek to understand the how (e,g., How did we do this?), why (e.g.,
Why did we do this? Why did we choose to include certain individuals?), who (e.g., Who does
this serve? Who is missing? Who will use this information?) , and what (e.g., What are the
consequences of our decisions and approaches?). However, we found more complex questions
were needed, such as, how do we negotiate and represent: our path? our data analysis?
differences in care/research language? voice and power? Engaging the team in ongoing critical
reflection as part of our PAR process we were empowered to direct, revise, and re-imagine the
path of the research (i.e., incorporating groups not just individuals, encouraging use of diverse
leisure programs, trying new methods for data collection, reconsidering representation of
process). This led to deepening understandings of the phenomena and to exploring relational
connections each had to our study and other members of the PAR team. This led us to question
how well we were sharing and representing our research process to our community members.
Visual and textual representations of PAR can mislead individuals into thinking PAR
processes value: (1) development over deconstruction, (2) phasic processes (i.e., step-wise with
one phase occurring at a particular time), and (3) neat and simple projects. Despite discourses
that describe PAR as a process that is messy, complex, and time consuming (Kemmis &
173

McTaggart, 2005; Reason & Bradbury, 2008), visual and textual representations of PAR do not
reflect these notions (c.f. Kemmis, 1982; Mackenzie, 2012; Naylor, Wharf-Higgins, Blair, Green,
& OConnor, 2002). This may be a call for the creation of accounts more illustrative (and
transparent) of the rhizomatic process, the constant negotiations we face in collaborative
research, and the associated emotional, temporal, relational, and structural demands. Challenging
the attention we give to our findings and outcomes, we argue paths we venture on to achieve
these insights are equally important (Ristock & Pennell, 1996), methodologically relevant, and
showcase opportunities to rethink our understanding of traditional phasic PAR processes,
conceptualizations of action, and in textual representations of our PAR experiences to convey
rhizomatic PAR processes.
Rethinking Representations of Process: From Phasic to Organic and Rhizomatic
Movement
PAR processes in reality happen simultaneously, out of order, or throughout (e.g., data
analysis or Phases like reflection), and sometimes, the work we invest ourselves in does not fit
neatly into categories often described. Movement from the rigidity of a phasic PAR process
could have only been achieved by experiential learning and ongoing questioning of the taken-
for-granted through reflexivity. Though reflexivity is common practice for PAR researchers, it is
striking how quickly complexity is lost in the need to categorize and delineate throughout the
PAR process. Liberation from phases, by shifting to organic and rhizomatic unfolding of the
PAR process, enabled full emersion in dialogue and reflexive processes necessary to develop our
understandings of wellness and leisure in the context of LTC homes.

Rethinking Representations of Action: From Development to Deconstruction in Dialogue
and Transformation
Transformative research agendas are often lost in the hype of development and striving
towards. PAR literature emphasizes connections between action and reflection and reflexive
knowledge (cf. Kemmis & McTaggart, 2005). Reid and Frisby (2008) describe this as speaking,
or attempting to speak, to validate oneself and ones experiences and understandings in and of
the world (cited in Reason & Bradbury, 2008, p. 101). Ongoing negotiations to include all
stakeholders in representations of our process, called us to reflect on the purpose of doing so and
how, through our action, could we engage individuals in raising the dialogue on resident
wellness. Reflecting on how to represent our PAR process, and shedding constraining PAR
phases and labels, we transformed understandings of resident wellness (inclusive of residents
descriptions) and our PAR process through visualizations of our PAR paths. If goals of PAR
include emancipation and change, then deconstruction and knowledge transformation as action
should be valued as research processes unfold. Understandings created together of how we value
our work as co-researchers plays a role in this process and thus, our reflexive co-creations can
and should be considered a form of action. Through critical and intentional representation of our
process, we transformed the way action was conceptualized embracing co-constructions of
knowledge through reflection as action (i.e., honouring multiplicitous, rhizomatic, non-linear
ways of knowing; resisting tangible outcomes as the only form of action).

Rethinking Representations in Academic Text: From Cleaning Text to Creating Messy
Texts
Our exploration of resident wellness and processes to understand resident wellness were
co-constructions of parts of a whole story (Tracy, 2013). Creating local situated knowledge
174

about the practices of a given group and its culture, negotiations of identity and local culture
can occur (Denzin, 1997, p. 225). In keeping with this, as we moved to representation, we used
the idea of messy text to reflect segmented realities in PAR which move between description,
interpretation, and voice (Denzin, 1997, p. 225) such as arising insights, negotiations, and
assumptions confronted. Use of messy text creates richer representations of PAR that better
reflect our understanding of what it means to do PAR work and showcases rhizomatic paths our
research group took to new understandings. For example, lessening our importance on position
within PAR cycles, our group to self-initiated a reflective process map which illuminated
knowledge translation and branched inquiry into deeper reflection on guiding questions, our data,
our position as knowers, access to knowledge, and representation. Rhizomatic representation and
a messy text approach brought to the fore our transformed relationships and constant
negotiations not bound in time or rationality (Tracy, 2013, p. 265), and the meaningful nature
of this process. Shedding constraints of temporal linearity and rationality liberated our team to
create accessible and meaningful representations of resident wellness.

Summary and Conclusions
We learned insights are best represented and understood by sharing the rhizomatic, messy,
organic, and transparent paths used to navigate through our PAR process. Knowledge becomes
more accessible when translated to audiences of interest through a variety of mediums to assist
others to understand the depth and complexity, stakeholder dialogue, and challenges faced in
striving towards community action in PAR.

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Jossey-Bass.



You Dont Have to be a Rock Star: Womens Health and Safe Leisure/Sport Spaces
H. Mair, M. Muldoon (University of Waterloo), B. Leipert, R. Plunkett, (University of Western
Ontario), L. Scruby (University of Manitoba), K. Wamsley (University of Western Ontario)

Curling, a team sport played on ice, is becoming increasingly recognised as a much loved
Canadian activity. Played by more than 1 million Canadians each year (Canadian Curling
Association, 2011), curling is both a significant pastime for ordinary citizens and, as Canadians
tend to dominate international competitions, a demonstration of national sporting prowess. The
purpose of the presentation is to share the results of a five year, national project using photovoice
to investigate rural womens involvement in organized sport and recreation and to assess
womens perceptions of the influence of these activities on their health and well-being. In
particular, we will argue: (1) curling and curling clubs play a vital role in the lives and the health
of these women and their communities, and (2) the very nature of the clubs themselves
(recreational, collegial, and supportive) facilitates the creation of a foundation upon which these
176

women can work to maintain their health and to keep their communities alive and vibrant. The
findings from this project contribute to scholarly efforts to locate modern forms of leisure within
broader considerations of the ideological construction of leisure and sport spaces.

Literature Review
The project was shaped by a variety of relevant fields of inquiry. Major areas are touched
on briefly below and will be considered in more depth during the presentation.

Curling and Community
Relatively limited but growing research on the sport of curling provides an important
backdrop for this project as it has tended to focus on the social aspects of the sport as well as
notions of community development and social capital. Perhaps surprisingly, social science
researchers have virtually ignored this popular activity and consideration of the social aspects of
curling and curling clubs has been especially lacking. However, there is a fast-growing body of
scholarship. Previous research undertaken across Canada, for example, captures the extent to
which curling clubs are more than sites for organised physical activity. Indeed, they often
become hubs for socialising and community development, particularly in rural areas (Fortune &
Mair, 2011; Leipert et al., 2011; Mair, 2007, 2009; Maxwell, 2002; Pezer, 2003). Research on
the historical development of curling (see for example, Murray, 1982 and Pezer, 2003)
concentrates on the so-called democratic aspects of the game. Curling is frequently played
without formal referees and its rules are based on fair-play norms that reflect Victorian values,
which shaped Canada during its settlement and early immigration. Despite the focus on the
social aspects of the sport, Canadas success at elite-level competitions (from World
Championships to Olympic Games) has garnered the most media attention (see for example, an
editorial in The Globe and Mail, 2010), and it is these competitive aspects of curling that most
non-curlers know best. Yet, as sport development policies continue to be infused with the
assumption that gold medals and international championships will inspire activity, much of the
research on curling has instead looked at the sport from the ground-up (see for instance, Mair,
2007). In this project, our study of women curlers and the role that curling played in their health
(in all its dimensions) continues to supplement our understanding of this other side of sport. As
the presentation will make clear, participants spoke of the need for an opportunity to contribute
to the sport and the club but in an environment, a safe space, where they didnt have to worry
about winning the game.

Rural Womens Leisure and Sport
Research on leisure and sport in rural communities as well as their roles in the lives of rural
women, while also admittedly limited, helps draw attention both to the extent to which rural
communities are relatively under-serviced when it comes to health and well-being and how
womens access to leisure and sport opportunities are constrained by social, economic, cultural,
and ideological factors (see for example, Dempsey, 1990; Hunter & Whitson, 1991; Trussell &
Shaw, 2009; Warner-Smith & Brown, 2002). Most recently, Campbell (2013) identified the role
of women maintaining leisure activities in small communities and made the important argument
that not all communities are alike.



177

Methods
As this was a national study, efforts were made to hear from women living in different
parts of rural Canada. This study relied on a conceptualisation of rural from du Plessis, Beshiri,
and Bollman (2002) who defined rural communities as being outside of the commuting zone of
an urban centre (i.e., with more than 10 000 residents). Participants were recruited from seven
curling clubs, which were identified using contacts through the Canadian Curling Association
(the national organization governing the sport of curling in Canada) as well as by convenience in
that they were near to where the researchers lived or worked. Two rural communities each in
Ontario, Manitoba, and Nova Scotia as well as one in the Northwest Territories were selected
and data were collected between 2010 and 2013. The communities had populations ranging from
just under 800 to just over 4 000 and each community was at least a 40 minute commute (by road
or airplane) to the nearest urban centre. In total, 52 women and girls participated in the study and
their ages ranged from 12 to 75 years. It is important to note that it was not an aim of this study
to provide a representative sample of all women curlers in rural Canada. Indeed, the omission of
clubs from Quebec is a key limitation.
The project utilised photovoice, which is a qualitative, feminist methodology. Photovoice
was developed for and by rural women as a way for them to convey - for themselves - what
mattered to them (Leipert, 2010; Wang, Burris, & Ping, 1996). For our project, participants met
with researchers to learn about the study and to become familiar with photovoice. They took
pictures using disposable cameras, recorded their thoughts in private log books, and took part in
focus groups and one-on-one interviews. We asked the women to take pictures, which conveyed
or captured the role of the curling club in their lives and in their health. The women took photos
and recorded their thoughts in logbooks for two weeks. The log books were then retrieved and
the photos developed. All participants were given copies of their photos and their logbook
entries. Interviews and focus groups were then conducted to generate discussion of the photos
and to gain a sense of the womens views and perspectives. Photo and interview data were
analyzed by the research team in an effort to identify common themes. A 40 page photobook
outlining the highlights of the project (using pictures and quotations from the interviews) was
produced and sent to participants as well as to relevant sport and media contacts. More than 900
photos were taken by participants.
In short, two broad, over-arching themes were identified by the researchers during
numerous conference calls and email exchanges, which allowed us to analyse the data collected
over the five year period. These themes are discussed briefly below. As the project followed an
inductive, iterative design and because it unfolded in a number of phases over five years, efforts
have been made over the course of the project to assess the data at different stages. While results
from the analyses during early phases have been shared in other settings (e.g., Leipert et al.,
2011), it is important to note that this presentation offers the first opportunity to share with an
academic audience our collective assessment of the data from all the sites and to draw this
project to a close. Additionally, as this is a photovoice study, the presentation will include
quotations from participants as well as a variety of photos.

Findings and Discussion

Curling Clubs are Vital Components of Community Life and Womens Health
As our study was designed to assess the role of the clubs in the health and well-being of
participants, the project allowed for the development of deep insights into how the women felt
178

about the role of the clubs in their lives and the opportunities and challenges they felt were
presented by being an active member of their club. In particular, it is clear that these clubs play a
vital, if complicated, role in the lives of the women who shared their views with us. Importantly,
the research does not lead to an overly romantic view of the clubs or the role of curling in the
lives of the women who participated in our study. Indeed, as the presentation will illustrate,
participants spoke highly of the sport and the clubs and yet also described a number of rather
serious challenges. First among these challenges were gendered constraints, which shaped not
only their sense of obligation to the clubs but also influenced the ways they contributed to the
club (e.g., the kinds of jobs they took on as volunteers). Second, women also described feeling
tremendous stress when asked to take on greater responsibilities in their clubs operation. Many
shared a sense of obligation and a deep worry that no one would step in to take on their
responsibilities if they refused and this was underlined by a sense of frustration with working to
sustain the club in the face of limited government or broader community support. As recent
research, identified above, has made clear, when it comes to the provision of leisure
opportunities in their rural communities, women benefit while also bearing a big share of the
burden.

Curling Clubs Can Be Safe Spaces for Women to Play Together and to Build and Maintain
Their Health
As our discussion of this theme will illustrate, as we began to assess the data, it became
clear that there is something about the experience of being part of the club itself; indeed,
something about the very collegial, recreational, and supportive atmosphere fostered in most
clubs, which indicates a strong role in terms of providing an opportunity for women to play
together and to maintain their health and well-being. Participants shared pictures and stories
about the fun, camaraderie, and opportunity for unjudged playfulness they experienced at the
club and they described how it was this atmosphere that left them feeling that the club was worth
working for, even in the face of the stresses and frustrations that also shaped their experiences.
Most women highlighted the non-competitive aspect of curling and expressed a satisfaction with
being able to concentrate on the social aspects of the sport without being overly concerned about
whether they won the game. This finding reinforces research in community sport where the
concern is not so much about competitive play (or winning gold medals) as it is about accessing
benefits such as social capital (see for instance Doherty & Misener, 2008). Interestingly, these
benefits can lead women to accept even the most stressful roles in order to keep the club alive.

Conclusion
This project is the result of our commitment to work in and with members of rural
communities and an attempt to consider the role of sport and leisure places and activities in their
lives and in their health. While social capital has provided an apt framework for understanding
the benefits of sport and leisure activities in communities, we will use this presentation to build
on conversations about the role of leisure and sport as a mechanism for health and well-being.
Arguably, most sport research, especially research that informs policy, concentrates on the
competitive component and much leisure research ignores the particular context of rural life and
rural women in particular. Thus, our presentation will encourage the audience to re-think the
context of leisure and sport, to appreciate the value of photovoice methodology, and to consider
the challenges faced by rural women in Canada.

179

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Stiles, D., Dukeshire, S., & Paulsen, K. (2012). Leisure, rural community identity, and womens
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Trussell, D. E., & Shaw, S. M. (2009). Changing family life in the rural context: Womens
perspectives of family leisure on the farm. Leisure Sciences, 31, 434-449.
Wang, C., Burris, M., & Ping, X. (1996). Chinese village women as visual anthropologists: A
participatory approach to reaching policy makers. Social Science and Medicine, 42, 1391-
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Warner-Smith, P., & Brown, P. (2002). The town dictates what I do: the leisure, health and
well-being of women in a small Australian country town, Leisure Studies, 21(1), 39-56.




180

Considering the Possibilities: Leisure, Education, Music
Roger Mantie (Boston University)

Drawing on seven years of personal research into the recreational music making practices
of adults and drawing on the work of Higgins (2012) on Community Music, I argue in this
conceptual paper for a renewed conversation about the intersections between schooling,
education and leisure, calling on the leisure and recreation communities to embrace both the
interdisciplinary possibilities of closer ties between music education and leisure studies/sciences
and the potential for effecting meaningful changes in practice concerning peoples well-being
through recreational music making. Specifically, I argue that many people who independently
find ways to engage in music recreationally do so in spite, not because, of school music
instruction due to the ways in which school music instruction has been conceptualized since the
1950s: as a subject to be learned rather than as a window into recreational well-being throughout
the lifespan. Intervention in the form of recreational leadership can both assist people in their
desires for musical engagement as well as provide valuable grassroots partnership possibilities
between schools and communities as part of a third wave of New Leisure. In addition to
providing historical background and context, in the full paper I articulate some of
philosophical/normative bases for individual and social well-being in and through music
participation and some practical suggestions for how those with expertise in leisure and
recreation might involve themselves in strategic action in music leadership aimed at enhancing
and promoting recreational music making as part of a leisure lifestyle (Stebbins, 1998).
Although quite obviously central to the leisure studies communities, the word leisure has
become a dirty word in mainstream educational discourses thanks in part to neo-liberal agendas
that have swayed educational policies in many countries (Lakes & Carter, 2011; Ward, 2012). As
a result of this turn in educational policies, learning for earning is not a suspect phrase for
many, but in fact a celebrated one. Unlike in the Progressive Education Era, when both
vocational and avocational education were celebrated (e.g., John Dewey uses the word leisure
no less than 36 times in Democracy and Education), being well-educated today means being
well-trained for employment (e.g., the current push in education for so-called STEM subjects in
the United States). This change in global discourse gives rise to many questions about the aims
and purposes of schooling, education, and leisure, especially for those school subjects that arise
from human practices that are primarily recreational (or leisurely) in nature, such as the arts
and physical education.
Considered historically, the entry of music instruction into American and Canadian schools
was closely connected to musics value as a leisure time activity, and, although sports and
physical activity was clearly central to the early play and recreation movements, one also finds
among the recreationalists in the early decades of the twentieth century an interest in music.
There was, during this time period, a sense of mutual interests. The school music literature from
the 1920s through the 1950s contains countless statements emphasizing the connections
between the school years and activities done outside and beyond the school such as: [Music in
schools can] prepare the next generation for a healthier enjoyment of their adult leisure
activities; training the student for a wise use of his [sic] leisure time; [O]ne of the chief
aims [of school music].. should be to develop the childs capacity to employ his [sic] leisure
properly. References to carry over, where school music learning was to transfer or carry
over into community participation, were prominent in music education discourses prior to the
1960s. Peter Dykema, a major leader in the music education community was also the music
181

consultant for the National Recreation Association. The NRA established a Bureau of
Community Music during WWI (Zanzig, 1932, p. 11), and in 1926 published Community Music:
A Practical Guide (National Recreation Association, 1926). The importance of music as a
right of all people is evident in the 19 Recreational Principles published by the NRA. Number
six, for example, states that everyone should know at least a few songs with good music so that
they may sing when they feel like it; number ten reads: It is of the greatest importance that
every person be exposed to rhythm because without rhythm man [sic] is incomplete (Lies, 1933,
pp. 299-300).
Oddly, affinities between recreationalists and music educationalistsones that should have
been natural and symbiotic, never seemed to materialize. Zanzig, whose ethnography of the
United States, 1929-1931, documented tremendous recreational music activity of the period
observed that There is scarcely a Rotary, Kiwanis, Lions, or other service club among the
thousands in the United States that does not have general singing at each of its meetings (1932,
p. 243). Pictures of recreation centers of the era show multiple examples of not just song
leadership, but rhythm bands, jug bands, ukulele ensembles, and so on (in addition to various arts
and crafts). Surprisingly, however, Zanig also found that in almost all of the 97 cities and towns
visited, the school music teachers knew very little about musical activities going on in the
community (p. 287). Canonical music education history texts (e.g., Birge, 1973; Green &
Vogan, 1991; Keene, 1982; Mark & Gary, 2007) rarely address out-of-school music activity, nor
do they mention the National Recreation Association and their efforts to promote recreational
music making. It is as if activities operating outside of the direct auspices of the schools have
been of little interest to the field of music education. The historical linkage between music and
leisure seem to have vanished from our memory. After the 1950s music in schools wasfor
reasons I explain in the full paperincreasingly rationalized more for its supposed intrinsic, or
aesthetic values rather than for reasons of recreational enjoyment or community participation.
Concomitantly, by the late 1950s those interested in leisure and recreation largely dropped
music and the arts from their agendas (despite the indefatigable work of Max Kaplan) as they
refocused their attention in other directions.
After twenty-five years working in the music education profession, I have yet to encounter
any awareness that the field of leisure or recreation studies exists, nor have I encountered much
of any desire to see school music instruction move in a direction where leisure and recreation are
a desired aim. This lies in contrast with those people (such as school music graduates) who
desire to keep musically active as part of their avocational, non-work lifestyle. In my interviews
with recreational musicians (approximately 100 to date), I have been consistently struck by
how much these individuals desire outlets for participation, by how little their school music
education prepared them for recreational music making, and by how little awareness there is of
participatory options in the community. I have also been struck by their self-professed
motivations for remaining musically active. While hardly homogenous in their responses, there
are continual mentions of how their music participation is conceptualized as part of an overall
desire to maintain a healthy balance in their livesa central tenant of the fields of leisure and
recreation. This can especially be seen in interviews with collegiate a cappella singers I have
conducted at academically rigorous institutions such as Harvard University and Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, where recreational music making is a serious, time-intensive activity
that potentially takes away from students pre-professional activities.
The scholarly field of Community Music (Higgins, 2012), which is predicated,
unsurprisingly, upon community engagement, provides something of a model for how leisure
182

and recreation studies might better take advantage of opportunities for community development
that connect to and take advantage of education and existing school music practices. Community
musics focus on the workshop, facilitation, and face-to-face interaction align particularly well
with traditional goals and offerings in recreation and leisure studies. Currently, I am unaware of
efforts to build upon what might make for strategic action aimed at individual and collective
well-being in and through recreational music making. The lack of such action is often
unexplainable. For example, Wilfrid Laurier Universitys School of Music and its Centre for
Music in the Community are currently engaged in substantial efforts aimed at developing
programs in community music. Yet, none of the actors involved seem aware that they reside next
door to University of Waterloo and its well-established Recreation and Leisure Studies program.
(Similar examples can be found in many universities, especially on larger campuses.) One can
but imagine the possibilities were music programs and recreation programs to coordinate. For
example, by creating cross-listed courses or by creating more flexible degree programs, music
leaders could benefit from recreation and leisure expertise (both practical and theoretical), and
recreation leaders could become better versed in music leadership (practical and theoretical) in
order to diversify areas of concern for researchers, and program diversity for those pursuing
recreational leadership paths. By becoming better acquainted with school music practices,
recreation leaders would be well-positioned to build upon existing strengths and compensate for
weaknesses in their efforts aimed at community engagement; by becoming better acquainted
with leisure studies, music leaders and music educators would be better positioned to create
conditions that meet the leisure and recreation needs of individuals and communities, thus
improving efforts aimed at lifelong participation in music and the arts.
Work, leisure, and education are ethical issues directly connected with who and how we
are in the world. Unfortunately, educational discourses have abandoned Progressive
considerations in favour of neoliberal-inspired positions that see schooling as a form of
vocational preparation connected with international competitiveness. Arguments that imply or
assume that well-being and enjoyment can be derived solely from gainful employment invariably
come from those whose dont realize (or dont care) that not every vocation has the potential for
being enjoyable, or a central life interest; not all employment consists of work that is
intrinsically rewarding. Music is not the only source for well-being and quality of life, of course,
but it is a sourcean important source. Anyone in a position to help others with fostering
participation in music therefore holds the potential to make an important difference in improving
the quality of life in society. For the better part of the last fifty years, this responsibility (in its
public rather than private sense) has been relegated to the schools. The time has come for leisure
professionals and leisure researchers to renew their interest and involvement in recreational
music leadership.

References
Birge, E. B. (1973). History of public school music in the United States. Washington, DC: Music
Educators National Conference.
Green, J. P., & Vogan, N. F. (1991). Music education in Canada: A historical account. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Higgins, L. (2012). Community music: In practice and in theory. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Keene, J. A. (1982). A history of music education in the United States. Hanover, NH: University
Press of New England.
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Lakes, R., & Carter, P. (2011). Neoliberalism and Education: An Introduction. Educational
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University Press.



Hot Gossip: Leisure, Talk and Womens Friendships
Janet McKeown (University of Waterloo)

This paper is about a scandalous six letter word G-O-S-S-I-P. As Epstein (2011)
describes, If ever there was a mixed bag, gossip provides it: it can be mean, ugly, vicious, but
also witty, daring, entirely charming. It can be damning, dampening (of the spirits), dreary, but
also exhilarating, entertaining, highly educational (p. 9). Perhaps it is the mix of these elements
which makes gossip and the act of gossiping so appealing. The purpose of this paper is to
examine the role of gossip in womens friendships as part of their leisure lives. I argue building a
greater understanding of gossip as an aspect of womens talk considered more broadly, provides
useful insights into the ways women use talk to resist and reproduce gendered expectations.
To achieve this end, I critically examine the connections between gossip, womens talk,
leisure, and womens friendships. Utilizing a feminist lens, I value womens unique experiences
and work to rebel against oppressive ideological structures that shape womens lives. My
feminist lens also infuses elements of third wave feminism, including a focus on pop culture,
complexity, and the interplay of these factors with the ways gender is understood and taken up
within womens everyday lives (Thornton Dill & Kohlman, 2012). I use a feminist lens to
examine how women use gossip to learn about their gendered lives and social worlds and resist
and reproduce gendered ideologies.

Gossip and Leisure
In its simplest form, gossip is a way of telling stories. To gossip means to share news about
the personal affairs of others to a specifically chosen audience (Epstein, 2011). Gossip has
always been considered a form of information exchange, however, it was formerly a private
practice based on in-person interactions. Gossiping happened in neighbourhoods, on front
porches and over backyard fences (Epstein, 2011) and was based on the personal affairs of
people within ones social circle. Nowadays, gossip has been integrated into North American
culture on a broader social level and people engage in gossip and consume gossip through a
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number of public channels, including technological channels (e.g., online social networking
spaces, email, texting) and various media channels (e.g., reality television, celebrity blogs,
magazines and news programs), which drum up interest in celebrity gossip. The latter form of
gossip is where I have chosen to focus the bulk of the discussion for this paper.
While both men and women participate in gossip, it is primarily considered to be a form of
womens talk connected to many old adages, most notably, the hens are clucking. These
adages work to condemn gossip as simple and meaningless fluff and reinforce womens talk as
distinct from mens talk (Coates, 1997), which in comparison, is assumed to be based on good
natured, friendly and sociable exchanges of information or news (Bailey, 1971). The distinction
between mens and womens talk works to denigrate womens social activities and justify
gender hegemony (Besnier, 2009, p. 14). Through the practice of gossiping, specific gendered
roles and expectations about women are reinforced. These gendered expectations perpetuate
gossips unwholesome reputation and shape assumptions and understandings of womens talk
more broadly. To unpack the complexity of gossip, it is critical to examine gossip as embedded
in a larger context of social relations and symbolic dynamics (Besnier, 2009, p. 1). In particular,
it is necessary to trouble patriarchal understandings of gossip, which reinforce male domination
and superiority (bell hooks, 2000). To examine these gendered assumptions, I look at the ways
women do friendship (Green, 1998) through gossip.

Women Engaging in Friendship
One way women engage in becoming and being friends is through talk (Green, 1998).
Women build connections and strong interpersonal relationships, the basis for friendship,
through talk (Coates, 1997). Most friendships are built on equality, reciprocity, and support. Yet,
womens friendships tend to be characterized by intimacy, mutual self-disclosure and a focus on
talk (Coates, 1997, p. 245). The topic of womens friendships was explored by Glover and
Parry (2008), who looked at the ways women dealing with infertility engaged in friendships.
They found women used friendships as sources of emotional support, which influenced their
well-being. This contrasts with understandings of mens friendships, which tend to be
characterized by a lack of self-disclosure, and a focus on activity (Coates, 1997, p. 245). Thus,
a key difference between mens and womens friendships is the ways women use talk to
establish and maintain friendship (Coates, 1997). Unfortunately, womens talk is still perceived
as self-indulgent. However, Coates (1997) argued, rather than perceiving womens talk as a
weakness, it should be repositioned as a strength of womens friendships, because through talk
women resist and reproduce gendered expectations. In this way, womens talk is both
experimental and exploratory, wherein women are able to explore different ways of doing
femininity through the use of different discourses (Coates, 1997). I assert gossip, as part of
womens talk, is one way women engage in friendships in their leisure lives.

Using Gossip to Engage in Womens Friendships
Gossip is not just superficial tittle tattle, although it is often dismissed as such. Gossip is
very revealing. Not just in what is shared, but how it is shared. Gossip from celebrity news
sources reinforces understandings of femininity based on what is considered gossip worthy.
For example, most celebrity gossip portrays messages of womanhood being linked to the
importance of womens beauty, women being part of a heterosexual couple, and women having
children (Coltrane & Adams, 2008; Valenti, 2007). Celebrity gossip is predominantly focused on
watching for celebrity womens wedding rings and pregnancy bumps. The constant watch and
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speculation drives North Americas fascination with celebrity relationships and motherhood. In
turn, gossip works to reinforce certain ideologies of womanhood, which impacts the ways
women understand womanhood. These ideologies include the ideology of coupledom, which
promotes the necessity of women being in a heterosexual couple and promotes couplehood as the
normal and ideal relationship status (DePaulo & Morris, 2005). In addition, celebrity gossip also
promotes the ideology of pronatalism, which reinforces the notion that it is necessary for women
to biologically bear and rear children (Valenti, 2007).
In addition to broader social implications, there are also a number of personal implications
that stem from gossiping, particularly about celebrities using information gathered from new
sources. Gossip provides an avenue to learn about oneself. It is educational, in that it provides
individuals with insights into their social worlds. Hutchinson (2013) noted the women who
participated in a book club selected books that were provocative and which challenged their
ways of knowing. In this way, the books acted as levers, wherein the women could explore
aspects of their lives not normally talked about in their day-to-day lives. Similarly to the ways
women use books to discuss certain provocative topics, I contend gossip, like a book, also acts as
a lever to broach provocative topics, providing women with an entry point to begin conversations
and to explore their lives. In addition, I assert gossiping about celebrities more specifically fuels
safety within conversations, because through gossip women are able to talk about certain topics
at a comfortable distance. Given that celebrity gossip is focused on the personal lives of other
people not within their social circles, women can talk about certain topics and learn from
conversations without having to be personally revealing about their own lives.
Engaging with celebrity gossip also helps promote connections between women and to
foster friendships within leisure spaces. In this way, gossip, as an aspect of womens talk, also
serves a cohesion-building purpose and has relational implications (Besnier, 2009). The
connection between leisure contexts and establishing and reaffirming friendships was illustrated
by Glover, Parry, and Shinew (2005), who looked at community gardeners and the ways leisure
contexts were used to build relationships. They found gardeners used leisure contexts as a social
lubricant (enabler) to talk with other gardeners about gardening. Through talk in the leisure
context of a community garden, gardeners became open to establishing and building connections
necessary to produce social capital. This aligns with what Coates (1996) noted as the primary
goal of womens talk within leisure spaces, which is not simply the exchange of information, but
rather how the information that is shared through talk builds and maintains friendships. With this
in mind, gossip also serves a cohesion building purpose within womens friendships.
Gossip continues to be perceived as an inappropriate form of womens talk and as such,
something women should avoid doing. By engaging in gossip together, women are challenging
understandings of what is considered appropriate womanly behaviour. Therefore, engaging in the
act of gossip can be perceived in and of itself, as a form of resistance to societys narrow views
of appropriate womanly behaviour. Which as Green (1998) explained, is not uncommon of
women-only spaces, which afford women the chance to let their hair down and behave
badly, i.e. outside the limits of normal, acceptable, womanly behaviour (p. 181). For
example, women can use these spaces to discuss certain taboo topics for women, such as sex
and consumption of erotic material, without risking judgment (Parry & Penny Light, 2013). In
this way, gossip may provide women with a way to challenge not only what is considered
socially appropriate forms of womens talk, but also socially appropriate forms of womens
leisure. Gossip may provide women with the opportunity to talk in uncensored or less censored,
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and more real ways, which may be considered liberating and a form of resistance to gendered
expectations related to womens talk (Spencer & Paisley, 2013).
However, it is important to caution, womens gossip as a way to do friendship is not
always supportive, safe, and beneficial (Green 1998), particularly if gossip is used to discuss
people within ones social circle. Power is part of gossip. Thus, gossip, as part of womens talk,
can also be used as a tool of oppression, empowering some, while disempowering others
(Besnier, 2009). For example, women may reproduce the male gaze on other women through
gossip, by disciplining narrows ideals of femininity through discussions of womens weight,
sexuality, and appearance. In this way, gossip can be used within womens friendships to reduce
or limit womens power (Green, Hebron, & Woodward, 1990).

Conclusion
This paper has examined the role of gossip as part of womens talk. Most research on the
topic of gossip has been conducted from the fields of anthropology, sociology or linguistics
(Besnier, 2009) and to my knowledge, has received scant attention from the leisure field. Yet, the
leisure literature has devoted attention to the topic of womens talk more broadly, and has
identified womens talk as an important aspect of womens friendships and leisure lives (Green
et al, 1990; Green, 1998). This paper begins a conversation about the ways women use gossip as
part of their talk to engage in friendships. Rather than perceive gossip as a superficial and
meaningless form of womens talk, I contend there is richness to the ways women gossip,
particularly when considered in relation to womens engagement with celebrity gossip. Gossip,
when looked at as a way women talk, promotes greater understandings of how women resist and
reproduce gendered expectations within friendships. It is also a way for women to learn about
their leisure lives and the worlds around them. Yet, more research is needed to deepen
understandings of this important dimension of womens talk.

References
Bailey, F. G. (1971). Gifts and poison. In F. G. Bailey (Ed.), Gifts and poison: The politics of
reputation (pp. 1-25). Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
bell hooks. (2004). Choosing the margin as a space of radical openness. In S. Harding (Ed.), The
feminist standpoint theory reader: Intellectual, & political controversies (pp. 153-161).
New York, NY: Routledge.
Besnier, N. (2009). Gossip and the everyday reproduction of politics. Honolulu, HI: University
of Hawaii Press.
Coates, J. (1997). Womens friendships, womens talk. In R. Wodak (Ed.), Gender and
discourse (pp. 245-262). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Ltd.
Coltrane, S., & Adams, M. (2008). Gender and families (2
nd
ed). Plymouth, UK: Rowan &
Littlefield Publishers.
DePaulo, B. M., & Morris, W. L. (2005). Singles in society and in science. Psychological
Inquiry, 16(2/3), 57-83.
Epstein, J. (2011). Gossip: The untrivial pursuit. New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt
Publishing Company.
Glover, T. D., & Parry, D. C. (2008). Friendships developed subsequent to a stressful life event:
Links with leisure, social capital, and health. Journal of Leisure Research, 40(2), 208-230.
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Glover, T. D., Parry, D. C., & Shinew, K. J. (2005). Building relationships, accessing resources:
Mobilizing social capital in community garden contexts. Journal of Leisure Research,
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M. Shaw, K. A. Henderson, & M. D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender (pp.
203-214). State College, PA: Venture Publishing Inc.
Parry, D. C., & Penny Light, T. (in press). Consuming erotica: Leisure, technology, and
womens sexuality. Journal of Leisure Research.
Spencer, C., & Paisly, K. (2013). Two women, a bottle of wine, and the bachelor:
Duoethnography as a means to explore experiences of femininity in leisure settings.
Journal of Leisure Research, 45(5), 695-716.
Thornton Dill, B., & Kohlman, M. H. (2012). Intersectionality: A transformative paradigm in
feminist theory and social justice. In S. N. Hesse-Biber (Ed.), The handbook of feminist
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Valenti, J. (2007). Full frontal feminism: A young womens guide to why feminism matters.
Emeryville, CA: Seal Press.



Singlehood and Dating: Exploring Diversity in Womens Leisure Lives
Janet McKeown (University of Waterloo)

He pulls up to the entrance of my apartment building and stops the car. I already know Im
not inviting him in. I dont want to seem too forward. Instead, I decide to wait passively, but
intentionally for several minutes. We continue to talk and laugh. Finally, I move my right hand
towards the car door and I slowly pull the handle towards me. Part of me wants to make a break
for it, but another curious part of me insists on staying.
Okay, thanks. I had a nice time! I say, as I glance briefly at him, then at the door. I look
back at him again, take a deep breath, and spontaneously lean in. Our lips find each others,
stumbling at first, but then relaxing into a comfortable and familiar rhythm. I should be lost in
the moment, but instead my stream of consciousness plays distractingly in my head: Oh right,
this is what its like to kiss someone. This is nice. Im kissing someone!! When was the last time I
kissed someone? I hope he doesnt ask to come up. Would it be bad if he did? STOP!
I pull away. I should probably go, I note.
Okay. I had a great time tonight. I will talk to you soon! he replies.
Me too. And yes lets talk soon. I reply, attempting to play it cool. I begin moving out
the door. Goodnight, I declare prematurely, before realizing my seatbelt is still fastened.
Mortified, I feel my cheeks begin to burn and blush as I fumble to undo the seatbelt buckle. I
finally escape, and I give him a sheepish wave, before bolting towards the entrance of my
apartment building.
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This paper focuses on the complexity involved in negotiating singlehood for women.
Freysinger, Shaw, Henderson, and Bialieschki (2013) argue feminist leisure researchers need to
explore womens leisure more broadly, considering the diverse ways women organize their
leisure lives outside and in extension of traditional family boundaries. This paper responds to this
call for research. To begin to unpack the complexity involved in experiences of singlehood for
women, I argue dating: a social practice commonly associated with leisure, is a useful conduit to
achieve this end. Using feminist standpoint theory infused with elements of third wave feminism,
I engage in research from a personal perspective, sharing a personal narrative of my own
experience dating, as a single, adult, white, heterosexual woman. By looking more closely at the
ways gendered ideologies influence notions of femininity in my own life, I hope to begin a
conversation about the ways gendered ideologies constrain and liberate single women, whose
leisure lives exist on the outskirts of traditional family life, but who represent a growing segment
of the population in todays leisure society.

Singlehood, Stigmatization and Gendered Ideologies
Recent research shows singles are representing a growing segment of the population in
North America (Statistics Canada, 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Yet, people who are single
continue face stigmatization for not being in a couple (DePaulo, 2006). DePaulo (2006) coined
the term singlism to represent what she believes is a twenty-first century problem that has not
previously been labeled or considered. In her words, singlism is the stigmatizing of people who
are single whether divorced, widowed, or ever single (p. 2). Such stigmatization, argues
DePaulo, manifests in the everyday lives of singles, which also includes their leisure. The stigma
associated with singlehood, stems from the social privileging of couplehood through the
ideology of coupledom (Cobb, 2011). More specifically the ideology of coupledom centres
couplehood as the normative relationship status, wherein every person should want to be, and
strive to be, in a couple. It also reflects the belief that being part of a couple represents happiness
and fulfillment thereby establishing it as the most important type of personal relationship
(DePaulo & Morris, 2005). Moreover, the stigma singles face is further compounded by
additional gendered ideologies (e.g., pro-family and pronatalism), which emphasize the
importance of women having nurturing family relationships and being able to biologically bear
and raise children respectfully.
Although all women are impacted by these gendered ideologies; the impact of these
ideologies as Freysinger et al. (2013) described, is evident in the not doing of traditional
expectations (p. 548). Thus, women who do not meet these traditional expectations, such as
women who are single, are likely more effected by these ideologies (Freysinger et al., 2013;
Parry, 2005).Subsequently, it is not surprising many singles are eager to move out of singlehood,
and do so primarily, by engaging in different dating practices.

Dating and Leisure
Most broadly, dating is a public practice (Eaton & Rose, 2011) that is based upon the
intention of two people getting to know each other, which might possibly lead to a romantic
and/or sexual partnership with one another (Eshleman & Wilson, 1995). Dating is often
considered a mechanism for socialization, as well as a marker of status and accomplishment,
wherein individuals learn about intimacy, close relationships, and expectations for coupling
(Payne & Barnett, 2006). Hence, dating has an end goal that is heavily weighted towards finding
a partner with whom to couple and is used as a way for singles to negotiate movement along the
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single-couple binary. Yet, dating is also a highly gendered practice. In particular, women daters
must play by a different set of rules and set different goals than males (Eshleman & Wilson,
1995, p. 229). For instance, women are expected to follow more strict guidelines for dating,
including paying greater attention to their physical appearance (Coltrane & Adams, 2008), as
well as being more mindful of their sexual choices (Reid, Elliot, & Webber, 2011). Thus,
through dating, women construct and reconstruct understandings of gender in their leisure lives
and resist and reproduce gendered ideologies.

Theoretical Perspective: Feminist Standpoint
For the purpose of this paper, I use feminist standpoint. Scholars working from this
perspective aim to understand womens oppression, by asking for womens unique perspectives.
Feminist standpoint researchers use womens experiences as the starting point for knowledge
building (Harding, 2004), to create knowledge that represents womens lives authentically
through the illumination of womens experiences, emotions, values, and interpretations as
knowers (Brooks, 2007). Moreover, feminist standpoint theory encourages individuals to stand in
womens shoes and to see the world through womens experiences, to gain a deeper
understanding of the world (Brooks, 2007). My approach to feminist standpoint also infuses
elements of third wave feminism, in particular the use of personal narrative as a way to explore
complexity and difference within womens experiences and how these experiences are shaped by
larger social ideological structures.

Using Personal Narrative
Feminist researchers using personal narrative focus on identifying the issues that present
themselves in their everyday lives. However, they do not aim to present a unified vision of
womens lived experience. By focusing on sharing stories from their own lived experiences,
feminist researchers using personal narrative reflect an intersectional and multiperspectival
version of feminism (Snyder, 2008, p. 175) that is autobiographical, using individual experience
as the starting point for critical analysis. Writing personal narratives allows feminist researchers
to voice their ideas, describe their experiences, engage in critical self-reflection, and practice
feminisms (the personal is political) (Bromley, 2012, p. 176). By sharing personal narratives,
feminist researchers work to illustrate the tensions and complex power relations that exist
between dominant gendered ideologies and the reality of womens leisure lives (Snyder, 2008).
Yet, feminist researchers engaging with personal narrative must be careful not to leave the work
of critiquing dominant ideologies to the reader/audience. Without theoretical analysis, personal
stories can read as confessions rather than examples that challenge dominant ideological
structures (Snyder, 2008). In this paper, I use personal narrative to begin a conversation about the
complexity of singlehood and dating for women and to illustrate how gendered ideologies may
constrain and liberate single womens leisure lives.

Discussion and Conclusion
The rich foundation of feminist leisure research on families and couples (cf. Harrington,
2006), provides insights into the ways familial and couple relationships influence leisure
experiences. Collectively this research also builds understandings about gendered leisure and
illuminates power disparities that exist within families and couples. However, the strong focus of
this research on family and marital relationships illustrates the social importance we place on
coupledom. Given that the experiences of single women negotiating the gendered world of
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dating have been largely ignored in the leisure literature, there is a need to expand the literature
to encompass broader representations and understandings of the ways women organize their
leisure lives, outside and in extension of family life and couplehood. This paper addresses this
gap in the literature, by taking a feminist perspective illuminated by personal narrative to provide
insights into the connections between gender, leisure and dating for single women.
An examination of dating through personal narrative provides insights into the ways
gendered understandings of femininity may be reproduced, but also resisted by single women
within leisure contexts and through leisure practices, such as dating. For example, gendered
understandings of dating are often reproduced by social agents such as friends and family, as
well as the media. The reproduction of these understandings shapes how women engage in
dating and the gendered roles and behaviours women choose to partake in. Through their dating
choices, single women are also able to resist gendered expectations tied to dating, which can be
seen in what they wear, how they act, and what they say. My personal narrative illustrates this
dynamic interplay between reproduction and resistance of gendered ideologies through dating.
Moreover, although the feminist leisure literature has brought attention to the importance
of looking at gendered ideologies on leisure experiences (c.f. Parry, 2005; Shaw, 1992), the
feminist leisure scholarship has yet to consider the ideology of coupledom in shaping womens
dating experiences and single life and the ways women reproduce or resist these gendered
ideologies. Thus, the ideology of coupledom represents new ideological territory within the
leisure field, which is important to consider, given that singlehood represents a growing segment
of the North American population. Subsequently, more research is needed to examine the
relationship between the ideology of couplehood and other ideological influences such as
pronatalism and familism.
Finally, as part of the work of leisure scholars in the new leisure world, I hope this paper
informs practice, offering opportunities for dialogue about the experiences of single women,
which may act as a catalyst towards establishing better community support systems, including
programs and services for this population. In addition, I hope this paper magnetizes other women
to the issues experienced by single women and encourages women to take action, to speak up,
and to have their voices heard around issues that present themselves as most pressing in their
leisure worlds, including those issues that are considered separate and in extension of the family.

References
Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2010). Manifesta: Young women, feminism, and the future.
New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Bromley, V. L. (2012). Feminisms matter: Debates, theories, activism. North York, Ontario:
University of Toronto Press Inc.
Brooks, A. (2007). Feminist standpoint epistemology: Building knowledge and empowerment
through womens lived experience. In S. N. Hesse-Beber & P. L. Leavy (Eds.), Feminist
research practice: A primer, (pp. 1-24). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
DePaulo, B. (2006). Singled out: How singles are stereotyped, stigmatized, and ignored, and still
live happily ever after. New York: St. Martins Press.
DePaulo, B. M., & Morris, W. L. (2005). Singles in society and in science. Psychological
Inquiry, 16(2/3), 57-83.
Eaton, A. A., & Rose, S. (2011). Has dating become more egalitarian? A 35 year review using
sex roles. Sex Roles, 64, 843-862.
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Eshleman, J. R., & Wilson, S. J. (1995). The family: Canadian edition. Massachusetts: Allyn and
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leisure, women, and gender. In V. J. Freysinger, S. M. Shaw, K. A. Henderson, & M. D.
Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender (pp. 541-559). State College, PA: Venture
Publishing Inc.
Harding, S. (2004). Introduction: Standpoint theory as a site of political, philosophic, and
scientific debate. In S. Harding (Ed.), The feminist standpoint theory reader: Intellectual,&
political controversies (pp. 1-15). New York, NY: Routledge.
Harrington, M. (2006). Family leisure. In C. Rojek, S. M. Shaw, & A. J. Veal (Eds.), A
handbook of leisure studies (pp. 417-432). NY: Palgrave.
Parry, D. C. (2005). Womens leisure as resistance to pronatalist ideology. Journal of Leisure
Research, 27, 133-151.
Payne, L. L., & Barnett, L. A. (2006). Leisure and recreation across the life span. In Introduction
to recreation and leisure (pp. 229-250). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Reid, J. A., Elliott, S., & Webber, G. R. (2011). Casual hookups to formal dates: Refining the
boundaries of the sexual double standard. Gender & Society, 25(5), 545-568.
Shaw, S. M. (1992). Dereifying family leisure: An examination of womens and mens everyday
experiences and perceptions of family time. Leisure Sciences: An Interdisciplinary
Journal,14(4), 271-286.
Snyder, R. C. (2008). What is third-wave feminism? A new direction essay. Signs: Journal of
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U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). Households and families: 2010. US Department of Commerce:
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Understanding the Person-Place Relationship Within the Context of Nature-Based Leisure
Jill McSweeney, Jerome Singleton (Dalhousie University)

Background
Individuals have an array of opportunities to participate in leisure that provides a range of
physical, cognitive, social and emotional benefits (Brooks, Wallace, & Williams, 2006). These
opportunities are guided by an individual's interests (e.g., sports) and location preference (e.g.,
indoors). Location preference is dependent on the complex dynamics of the person-place
relationship, which is developed through experiences that create meaningful interactions and
emotional bonds with a place, and evolves over time (Boniface, 2007). It is argued that there has
been a lack of place consideration within leisure research (Smale, 1998), despite the critical role
of the person-place relationship in the facilitation of leisure.
Canadians spend most of their time indoors, it is therefore logical to assume that the
person-place relationship largely exists with indoor built environments rather than outdoor
natural environments where one can receive a variety of health benefits. The lack of nature
contact is now being linked to growing mortality and morbidity rates associated with chronic
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stress, sedentary behaviours and poor mental health. Leisure is one means of incorporating
engagement with the outdoors and foster the person-place relationship within nature.
Research has focused on exploring the experience of nature through objective measures of
emotions and physical feelings, and has revealed much about the diverse experiences individuals
have with NBL. While peoples' experiences are varied, the focus of this work has been on a
common natural environment that is shared across and between groups of people. Regardless of
similarities, experiences with nature can, and are, personal and distinctive. Little work has been
done to understand an individual's interaction with nature, and how these interactions create
meaning and shape NBL experience. Nature must not just be understood in terms of space and
resources, but also through its complex interactions with our senses, body, mind, and unique
personal connections (Cosgriff et al., 2010). The significance of NBL is not determined by the
presence of nature, but yet is based on the processes that are involved when interacting with
nature and the resulting person-place dynamics.

Objectives
The relationship between an individual and place is unique, complex, and individualistic.
Understanding an individual's conscious experience during NBL will enable the understanding of
the complexity of the experience, and help to improve NBL opportunities. This literature review
will seek to understand how the present body of literature situates the person-place relationship
within the context NBL.

Methods
A qualitative literature review is broader than a systematic review and allows for relevant
pieces of work to be included, regardless of their methods and study design. This study followed
the 5 step reflexive process outlined by Arskey and OMalley (2005). First, a research focus and
inclusion/exclusion criteria for the literature was defined. Studies were included if they:
examined NBL; were peer-reviewed; and published within the last twenty years. Literature was
excluded if it only used objective measures to assess the implications of nature or used
children/youth as their sample. Second, relevant studies were identified using electronic
databases (e.g. EBSCO, CINAHL, ProQuest, Science Direct and Web of Science) and reference
lists of relevant studies, and resulted in 195 studies. Third, literature was closely reviewed to
ensure it was relevant to the research focus. During this stage it was clear that a large portion of
the 195 studies focused on frequency of NBL rather than experience; therefore, further exclusion
criteria was applied: studies that did not specifically ask about experience and/or meaning during
NBL were excluded. At the end of this step 17 studies were included
6
. Fourth, reading of the
studies were done using a descriptive-analytical process. Studies were synthesized and
interpreted by sifting through the material according to key issues and themes (e.g., studys key
results, design). Lastly, summarizing and structuring of the studies was completed. Results of the
studies were divided thematically, and a framework was developed.

Results and Discussion
The studies focused on understanding the meanings associated with NBL for recreationalist
(n=13) and why they participated in NBL (n=3). Overall, the studies sought to understand NBL

6
The final total of eligible studies was 23; however, the full-text of 6 of these articles was
inaccessible through Dalhousie University libraries.
193

with the purpose of improving the NBL resources and participation rates (n=10). NBL was
defined as either an activity (n=7), place (n= 4), or open to interpretation by participants (n=5).
Allowing participants to define NBL ended in a broader concept of nature and captured a variety
of meanings. Almost all the studies (n=14) used qualitative interviewing, while five used surveys
(two used a combination). Each of these methods come with limitations. For example,
quantitative measures often made assumptions that NBL were similar between participants and
may have lost potentially rich interpretations. Three studies asked participants the meaning of
NBL during or directly after an NBL experience and potentially influenced responses through
situational variables; and studies that stated their sampling (n=12) were largely completed during
spring and summer (n=10), lacking understanding of winter NBL.
Three articles limited their samples to just females, five had a male dominant sample, and
seven had an equal representation of both sexes. Several of the articles stated that NBL is a male
dominated activity (Boniface, 2006; Cosgriff, Little, & Wilson, 2010) and suggests significant
differences between how genders experience NBL. Future work should recognize that the
amount and type of NBL males and females engage in may be different, and that these genders
differences and the engendered culture around NBL, may influence the person-place
relationship. Most studies (n=11) did not include the race or ethnicity of their sample, which
hinders interpretation of results as nature meaning and experience can be formed through cultural
and ethnic ideologies, identities and practices (Cosgriff et al., 2010; Pitknen et al., 2011).
A total of nine themes were found throughout the literature and represent the dynamic
interplay between the person-place relationship and NBL. It is important to note that the nine
themes are not self-contained. That is, some themes are connected to each other through a
reciprocal relationship and that if a change in one dimension occurs, there is the likelihood of
change happening in a connected dimension. Interpretation and the application of these themes
should be done with the acknowledgement of methodological issues as stated above.
The 9 themes are as followed: Self-representation (n
7
=3) was a part of, and result of,
NBL, and created personal growth. This reflection was sometimes seen in the creation of NBL
that represented their personality. For example, in Scott et al. (2009), participants felt that the
landscapes they engaged in reflected who they were and their interests (e.g., mountain bikers);
and in Unruh & Hutchinson (2011), some participants felt nature was a part of them and could
not be separated from their daily lives. NBL also encouraged personal growth (n=9) through
self-reflection and the development of new skills that resulted in a sense of satisfaction.
Escapism (n=9) was sought through NBL and reflects the rejuvenation and recovery
properties of nature. The preference for nature has been examined through the Attention
Restoration Theory (ART) by Kaplan and Kaplan (1989), which proposes that being within a
natural environment creates a sense of removal from the everyday world by being exposed to an
environment rich in elements and stimuli that require little effort to maintain attention (relieving
fatigue). NBL highlights ART through the theme of escapism.
Social interaction (n=9) was encouraged through the building of social bonds and shared
experiences which increased the meaning attached (meaning creation) to the location and NBL
experience. Meaning creation (n=5) was facilitated through engaging in NBL and provided
perspective through the sense of being connected to a bigger system; this feeling often influenced
future choices and preferences for NBL (experiential evolution).

7
Indicates the number of studies that found this theme in their results.
194

Experiential evolution (n=3) occurred for some participants, where past and future NBL
influenced their current NBL. For example, individuals sought out NBL that was familiar, but
when they experiences new NBL it lead to an increase desire to seek out similar experiences.
When people develop a meaningful relationship with a place it impacts their future preference
for, value of, and interaction with other places with the same characteristics. This further
substantiates work from Tuan (1977), who suggests that natural settings become places of
meaning over time and as a result of continuous interactions and related experiences.
Complexity (n=5) was seen in the meaning of NBL, and words could not always define
the experience. The difficulty in explaining and describing NBL highlights the subjective and
dynamic relationship one creates with nature. NBL also involved a variety of sensory
interactions (n=7) that were experienced through physical characteristics of the environment
and used to describe the NBL experience. Nature connection and appreciation (n=8) was
encouraged through NBL. Participants recorded an array of feelings about their experiences. For
example, McIntyre & Roggenbuck (1998) found that participants expressed excitement,
nervousness, anxiety and fear during their experience. The negative and positive feelings were
both associated with being in an unfamiliar environment and participating in a new adventurous
activity. Others expressed feelings of amazement, appreciation, mystery and oneness with nature,
which often lead to an increase in concern for nature (Pitknen et al., 2011; Powell et al., 2012).

Figure 1. The nature-based leisure framework.
Conclusion: The framework reflects the
complexity of the person-place relationship and
demonstrates how individuals create unique
and evolving relationships with nature through
NBL. The themes represent the interpretations
and experiences with nature from the
participants involved in the reviewed articles.
Interpretation and application of themes should
be done with the understanding that the results
were influenced by limitations such as: (a)
inconsistencies in the definition of NBL; (b)
reliance on convenient and cluster sampling;
(c) limited sampling frame; and (d) no
integration of individual factors. The NBL framework may be applied to inform the development
and enhancement of programs, services and policies associated with outdoor recreation.

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196

A Sensory Autoethnography of Willing and Death in Mountaineering
Maggie Miller, Susan M. Arai (University of Waterloo)

Though the physicality of death destroys an individual, the idea of death can save him.
-Yalom, 1980, p. 159
May 19, 1953 marked the first successful Mount Everest summit by New Zealander
Edmund Hillary and Sherpa Tenzing Norgay. Six decades later, Mt. Everest continues to attract
hundreds of foreign adventurers, contributing to the continuous growth of Nepals
mountaineering industry. Although risk, challenge, and death among climbers and guides is
common within Everest pursuits (Schaffer, 2013) the desire to conquer the mountain remains. In
this presentation, we challenge dominant ideological frameworks that inform messages and
assumptions about what individuals do for fun, enjoyment, relaxation, pleasure, and freely
chosen activities. The purpose of the presentation is to share our experience of using existential
thought and sensory (auto)ethnography (Pink, 2009) to more deeply explore the complexities of
tourism and leisure experiences, such as mountaineering and high-altitude climbing. Leisure
scholars suggested a need for alternative methodologies and expanded theorizing to understand
ideologies and discourses that underpin how individuals experience leisure (cf, Kivel, Johnson,
& Scranton, 2009). Gallant, Arai, and Smale (2013) call us to challenge modernist assumptions
and dualisms to re-envision serious leisure pursuits as a complex experiences. In accordance, we
seek a way to explore the complexities of leisure asking: How do existential concerns inform
insight into complex tourism and leisure experiences such as mountaineering? Thus, with a
theoretical lens informed by existentialism, (cf, Sartre, 1949, Yalom, 1980) we analyze
existential concerns of willing, meaning, and death in [First Author]s trekking journey through
the Nepali Himalayas to shed light on this tourism and leisure experience on the mountainside. In
addition to philosophical insights, this presentation attempts to bring texts to contexts (Holman
Jones, 2005) as we guide the audience through a three-layered sensory autoethnography. The
unfolding of these layers also enables audience movement through a methodological critique of
what is not captured in the lens. We believe engagement with sensory experiences allows us to
look beyond the lens questioning: How do we use cameras in research? What is being
represented (or not) within the frames of our lenses, and why?

Methodology: Sensorality and Autoethnography
Inspired by the plurality of innovative methodologies that embrace difference and foster
participation, dialogue, transformation, and hopeful futures (cf, Dupuis et al., 2012; Pritchard,
Morgan, & Ateljevic, 2011) and autoethnographic work (Ellis, 2004), we use sensory
autoethnography as audience engagement with audio and visual technologies to explore tourism
in the leisure society in a different and new way. This presentation uses autoethnography as a
critical methodology through an engagement of sensorality (Pink, 2009) to embody and
experience complexities of the Nepali mountainside. We use visual imagery with audio
narrations to engage audience senses in narratives of impossible encounters (Cohen-Cruz,
2001, p.105). Approximately twelve minutes in length, we re-present outward occurrences and
inward stories that [First Author] encountered and embodied while trekking to the Mount Everest
Base Camp during May and June of 2013. Through the unfolding of three sensory layers this
presentation shifts the way we explore and represent the interface of self, mountaineering
cultures, and immersive existential concerns of tourism and leisure pursuits.
197

Unfolding of Sensory Layers
The first sensory layerVisual display of trip highlights: The thing to be conquered
provides insights into the geographic and social landscapes [First Author] encountered while in
Nepal. Through use of visual imagery of what we call trip highlights, we present the audience
with a pastiche of an Everest Base Camp trekking journey. We depict landscapes of beauty and
achievement; a place to be conquered by the tourist. Further, these visual images are used to
critique the camera, as we sometimes unwittingly subscribe to representations (e.g. othering)
inevitably enmeshed in cultural discourses, social relationships, and broader political, economic,
and historical contexts, which inform our subjective lenses (Pink, 2009).
An unfolding of the second sensory layerInternal narratives of willing: Conquering the
selfallows audience members to contemplate what was not being scene in frames of the
highlight reel. This layer fuses the same visual imagery from the first layer (trip highlights) with
an internal sound cloud created from audio clips of voice diaries captured while [First Author]
trekked through Nepal. The composition of this layer exposes fragmented narratives and allows
for a crystallization (Richardson, 1997) of other truths to be refracted. The relationship between
visual imagery and audio clips moves the audience through a sensory experience of
representations that open space for dialogue (Pink, 2009) around the complexities and paradoxes
of the mountainside. Further, [First Author] becomes the subject of this sensory autoethnography
whereby the lens is now turned on her. In doing such our hope is to enact movement (Holman
Jones, 2005) and invoke embodied moments of what it may be like to trek for 22 days through
high altitudes of the Himalayas. Rather than becoming a detached spectatora head, cut off
frombody and emotions (Ellis & Bochner, 2006, p. 431) the fusion of visual imagery and
[First Author]s voice diaries fosters engagement with a personal story creating what Ellis and
Bochner deem as a world of experience (p. 431) to feel, sense, and live in.
The final layerReflections on death: What can be conquered?places our focus on this
existential concern that is infrequently engaged directly in tourism and leisure studies literature.
Visual imagery and audio reflections within this layer unfold existential narratives confronting
the givens of existence (Yalom, 1980) fostering space for dialogue and deliberations around the
localized issues of willing, meaning, and death on the mountainside. We look at existential
notions of willing and ask our audience to reflect on questions such as: Does ones determination
have any limits within tourism and leisure engagements? How does will emerge in these
experiences? By moving our audience through this final layer, audience members are confronted
with their own existential concerns; a space and opportunity for deeper and perhaps new
contemplations of how existentialism informs their tourism leisure pursuits.

Discussion: Researchers as Directors
We return to our original question: How do existential concerns inform insight into
complex tourism and leisure experiences such as mountaineering? Through existential thought
and our sensory autoethnography, we return to conversations on tourism and leisure the givens
of existence (Yalom, 1980), such as willing and death. We understand human existence as a
self-making-in-a-situation in which meaning is decided through existing itself (Fackenheim,
1961, p. 37). Providing space for existential reflection of willing, meaning, and death we
(re)conceptualize how mountaineering is experienced. Further, we argue that movement and
consciousness of existential concerns such as willing enables the audience to re-consider how
they might engage their tourism and leisure pursuits, but more broadly experiences within their
social spheres. Bound with freedom, will is a psychological construct, which has been claimed to
198

be a faculty or guiding organization. Concerns of will then underlie our capacity to implement
and make choices. Occurring between insight and action, these choices (conscious or
unconscious) are experienced as effort or determination (Yalom, 1980). In other words, willing
and confrontation with death or the boundaries of our own mortality, then, are the concerns lying
more deeply below our focus on fun, enjoyment, relaxation, pleasure, and choice and illuminates
the complexity of tourism and leisure experiences.
Taking up our final questionWhat is being represented (or not) within the frames of our
lenses, and why?this sensory autoethnography takes us deeper into the interpretive layers
below the visual image, or what is scene. Sensory autoethnography is a critical methodology that
departs from classic observation approaches (Atkinson, Delamont, & Housley, 2008) and uses
reflexive and experiential processes to engage understandings and ways of knowing. We use this
presentation as an alternative strategy to (re)conceptualize research that accounts for individual
experiences within prevailing or dominant discourses (Kivel, et al., 2009). Pink (2009) suggests
there is no essential hierarchy of knowledge or media for ethnographic representation, but visual
representations bear an important relationship to written or spoken word within knowledge
creation and theoretical discussions. Below the experiencing of the majesty of the mountains, the
feeling of conquer, and the taking in of beauty we directly confront the fatigue, frustration, pain
and encountering of death that underlies mountaineering experiences. Layered visual and
auditory representations create opportunities for audience movement as they negotiate these
issues of importance to the world. This sensory autoethnography brings people into contact with
different ideas and situations while invoking disturbances that might raise questions (Holman
Jones, 2005) and move them to new ways of thinking and understanding.
As researchers and directors, using sensorality also becomes a representational balancing
act and a site for post-colonial critique. We understand the construction of a multi-media
representation is a position of privilege and consciousness. Our role as directors allowed us to
enact powers to edit and omit, and systematically select (Clifford, 1986; Pink, 2009) what is
scene. During our creation process we were freed to present [First Author]s journey in a variety
of ways, yet we acknowledge that we as researchers, with our representational privileges, remain
responsible for what is repressed, unseen, and unheard.

Implications
Implications for tourism and leisure studies include a re-thinking of how we conceptualize
tourism and leisure as complex experiences (Gallant et al., 2013). Further, exploring existential
concerns, and sensory autoethnography positions tourism and leisure scholars in new social
engagements with audiences to engage in dialogue about experiences. According to Pink (2009)
sensorality is fundamental to how we learn about, understand and represent other peoples
lives and is increasingly central to academic and applied practice in the social sciences and
humanities (p. 9). Additionally, our presentation theoretically expands the breadth of
recreation, leisure, and tourism scholarship using visual or sensory methods (cf, Arai, 2011;
Bandyopadyay, 2010; Havitz, 2007). Practical implications lie in the use of sensory
autoethnography as a medium for knowledge translation making research not only more
accessible to wider audiences but also binding audiences in interpretation and knowing. Sensory
autoethnography provides a more accessible engagement for climbers, mountaineering
organizations, and communities to reflect on and explore the (sometimes) unpredictable and
inevitable realties of the mountainside, and further deliberate about potential contributing
conditions that lead to the fates of these climbers and guides.
199


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Catharines, ON.
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200


The Wonderful, Complex, and Paradoxical Nature of Older Womens Play
M. Karla Minello, Sherry L. Dupuis (University of Waterloo)

The Playground
When I imagine play, I am transported into a realm of childhood fun and adult spontaneity,
games, and friends. Ah the joy and simplicity of playinterruptionthe literature! Stacks of
research, theories, and ideas abound, particularly about childs play. Brown (2009) conceived of
play as an expression of our humanity, yet adult play is infrequently studiedso little exists in
the leisure literature. My life experience, this study, the burgeoning work on the Red Hats
Society, and the Raging Grannies corroborate (e.g., Roy, 2007; Yarnal, 2006).
Our research aimed to contribute to this opening and respond to Cohens (1993) challenge
to be bold, and broaden our perspective from womb to tomb (p. 193). Guided by a feminist
gerontology lens, our purpose was to explore the meaning, experience, and place of play in the
lives of older women. We sought to: contribute to the growing body of literature about the lives
and experiences of older women, from their perspective; to add insight into adult play; and to
grow our knowledge about collecting data through arts-based methods with older women.

Using the Arts to Understand and Interrogate Meanings of Play and Playfulness
Phenomenology and arts-based research seem inherently linkedvan Manen (1990) spoke
of phenomenology unearthing the unsaid and unthought; arts-based research seeks to show
knowledge that we cannot tell (Eisner, 2008). Thus echoing Neilsens (2008) words, take me
there, we injected arts-based methods and hermeneutic phenomenology into our study design.
Our recruitment strategy focused on sourcing participants through local regional programs
for older adults in a mid-sized community in Southern Ontario. Nineteen women, ranging in age
from 63 to 95, agreed to share their perspectives and experiences with us in one of four focus
groups conducted at local community centres familiar to the women. We used arts-based
research in our methods to help access womens experiences and meanings of play in their daily
lives, to provide a space where the women might experience play, and to reflect on the focus
groups and findings. After introductions, the women were asked to reflect on what play meant in
their day-to-day lives and to create an artistic representation in whatever form they were most
comfortable. An array of art supplies was provided to stimulate their creativity, and we
reinforced that the pieces were about play, not the womens artistic sensibility or ability. The
artistic representations were then shared with the group and used as a means to interrogate
together what play meant, how it was experienced, and what role play had in the womens lives.
These zesty, insightful, and kind women graciously spent two to three hours sharing their art,
experiences, stories, and reflections about play in their lives.
Discussions were audio recorded and transcribed. We were guided by van Manens (1990)
and Giorgis (2009) approach to our analysis of the womens art, the observations during and
reflections of the focus groups, and the textual data. This involved reading for a sense of the
whole, determination of meaning units, transformation of participants words into
phenomenologically sensitive expressions, and writing the essences of the experiences. A
summary of the findings was sent to the women. They were invited to focus groups where the
phenomenological essences were shared for feedback. Our findings resonated with the women
and the process provided some hope for them. For example, after she reviewed the findings,
201

Christine sent us an email about challenging ageism, I would say that it may be difficult
because for decades society has revered youth and think of older people more of a burden than
anything. Maybe doing research like you are doing could change perception somehow.

The Complex and Paradoxical Nature of Older Womens Play
We interpreted play to be a complex and paradoxical phenomenon for older women. Sara
did not experience play in her life, [n]ever. I play at a young age. While Virginia said, [b]ut
playing is what keeps people going...If people stop playing, then they may as well be dead. The
complex and paradoxical nature of play is threaded through the overarching essences of play as a
feeling, a being and a doing.

A Feeling, a Being, and a Doing
Older women described play in three interconnected ways: as a feeling, a doing, and a
being. Women may experience play in one or all of these waystogether or apart. This
overlapping, intersecting idea of play was experienced within individuals and across the women.
Beneath this overarching description of play were meanings and experiences clustered around
seemingly paradoxical sub-essences: time files by and time slows down, play is productive and
non-productive, play is social and solitary, and play is serious and silly.
Time flies by and time drags on. There is a temporal aspect to play time flies by and
time passes more slowly. Play can be a time-filler, a way to stay busy, yet sometimes there is no
time for play. Virginia described play this way, [w]ith my granddaughter, time passes more
slowly. I find that with this group, the time goes very fast.
Productive and unproductive. A paradox of play: play is unproductive and productive.
Connie said, [p]lay can just be sitting and having a coffee In contrast, Sharon explained,
[b]ut if Im sewing, and that could be more productive, and thats really play too because,
creating something, figuring out, putting something together.
Social and solitary. The women play alone and with others. Victoria commented, [p]lay,
I think is something that you can enjoy with yourself, you can enjoy with your friends, you
actually feel a certain communion with yourself with the people with whom youre doing it.
Serious and silly. Play is silly, fun, uplifting and exuberant. Play is also serious and
requires effort. Charlotte explained, [i]ts work but play at the same time when youre being
creative. Virginia also explored the silly side of play with her granddaughter, [w]ith her, I
have to let go of all my inhibitions, go with the flow, act completely silly and be ridiculous.

Contextualizing Play
Some womens ability to play was challenged and enhanced by health, and the perceived
threat of health decline looming in the distance was sensed. Foreshadowing the inevitable
tragedy our society teaches us to expect with ageing Charlotte stoically said, [y]ou know, for
older women, your health has an awful lot to do with it. If youre really sick you cant play. So,
were all fortunate, were all in, you know, reasonable good health. Sandra spoke with
trepidation about her future, I dont want to have to be looked after.
Bringing vitality and helping some cope with mental health issues, a woman read these
heartfelt words from her play reflection, [i]ts vital to my own daily existence. Having suffered
from chronic depression, all my life, really, I need to be able to lighten up as often as possible.
Sandra commented [i]ts for your health, you know, your mind. Nancy said, When you play
and you laugh. Laughing is the medicine for the body.
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Societys expectations for women and for being older have been internalized, influencing
how and what some experience as play. As Charlotte wondered, [u]nfortunately, thats the
catch when youre a woman, a little bit of your brain is always watching the clock because its
time to get the next meal on. Virginia echoed, Im reading one of the most lovely things in the
world, I have to talk myself out of feeling guilty. Mary pondered, I crochet. I have all these
things I am supposed to be doing, because I am supposed to be a grandmother.
Ageism and discrimination seeps into the day-to-day lives of the women in mundane
interactions. Christine shook her head, [t]hey sort of look at you like what are you doing here?
They didnt consider Id be hiker because I was older. At times we sensed the women felt
alienation, distance, and dehumanization in our youth oriented culture. Virginia said, [p]eople
tend to think ...were losing our marbles, Were not as bright as we used to be, and so they
dont think our answers, our opinions are useful maybe.
Paradoxically, some of these same women experienced their age in a way that gave them
permission, an opportunity to have a voice. Connie explained, but Im not afraid now to butt in
and speak out... I think life has changed ... more women are speaking out.

Discussion
Our findings support the musing in the literature about the broad, complex, and elusive
nature of play (e.g., Brown, 2009; Sutton-Smith, 1997, 2008). Morins (2008) notion of
complexity as neither/nor and both/and fit well with the experiences and meanings of older
womens play. Without articulating their play concept as a feeling, a being, and a doing, play
theorists foreshadowed our expression. Brown (2009) captured play as a doing[m]otion is
perhaps the most basic form of play (p. 214), a feeling[p]lay is nourishing (p. 215), and a
beingimagination is perhaps the most powerful human ability (p. 86).
In contrast to its absence in the literature, play was ubiquitous in the everyday lives of the
older women in our study. Play was infused into the everyday fabric of the womens lives, for
instance in relationships with grandchildren as Barbara explained, I do [play] a lot. I play
scrabble with the grandchildren. We play dancing games with the grandchildren. We play
whatever they tell me to. Another example of the integration of play into day-to-day life, Mary
commented, you need friends to talk to and visit with. One woman described the role of play
in her life, everything I choose to do feels like play (anonymous). In making visible the lives
of older women, this study will continue to chip away at the notion that adult play is merely a
diversion and is very much a part of older womens everyday lives.
Based on an absence of research about adult play and the discussion emanating from the
Red Hats research, we might have expected a dialogue to unfold about the appropriateness of
play for older women. This did not ensue, perhaps the women have limited their play to what
they deem appropriate or perhaps they are resisting this notion altogether.
As Havitz (2007) and Wearing (1998) suggested, and this study reinforced, we need to
look beyond the work/not work dichotomy of womens lives. Perhaps in focusing our studies on
leisure activities we have missed an important aspect of learning about being older and
continuing to play as we age. Indeed, how might the serious aspect of play be one way to
legitimize play in the womens lives? At the same time, some women seemed to question the
productivity or purpose of play; play was complicated in their lives.
Doing and sharing artful reflections of play served to invigorate and engage the women
and transformed the research environment into a comfortable, empathic space to play and be
playful, share, gather, and build knowledge (e.g., Eisner, 2008; Finley, 2008). My position and
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power as the researcher was transfused as I blended into the conversation and activity. We
believe arts-based methods spoke to Cohens (1993) call to play with play.
Perhaps ageist notions limit our understanding of what life is really like to older women,
being older is just one aspect of who the women are. As a fervent Gloria howled,
you know they say there is no age discrimination. I say bullshit, cuz there is. . They look at us.
We got the gray hair, the white hair. They dont look. You dont know anything. They know
everything. We kind of sit back and go (snort) go, okay, whatever. (Gloria)
As Dupuis (2008) suggested, we need to explore a diversity of ways to live well as we age, and
we believe our study presents an opportunity to shine a light on play as one such way.

References
Brown, S. (2009). Play: How it shapes the brain, opens the imagination, and invigorates the
soul. New York, NY: Avery.
Cohen, D. (1993). The development of play. (2
nd
ed.). London, UK: Routledge.
Dupuis, S. L. (2008). Leisure and ageing well. World Leisure, 50(2), 91-107.
Eisner, E. (2008). Art and knowledge. In J. G. Knowles & A. L. Cole (Eds.), Handbook of the
arts in qualitative research (pp. 1-12). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Finley, S. (2008). Arts-based research. In J. G. Knowles & A. L. Cole (Eds.), Handbook of the
arts in qualitative research (pp. 71-81). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Giorgi, A. (2009). The descriptive phenomenological method in psychology. A modified
Husserlian approach. Pittsburgh, PA: Duquesne University Press.
Havitz, M. (2007). A host, a guest, and our lifetime relationship: Another hour with
Grandma Havitz. Leisure Sciences, 29(2), 131-141.
Morin, E. (2008). On complexity. (R. Postel, Trans.). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Neilsen, L. (2008). Lyric inquiry. In J. G. Knowles & A. L. Cole (Eds.), Handbook of the arts
in qualitative research (pp. 93-102). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Roy, C. (2007). When wisdom speaks sparks fly: Raging grannies perform humor as protest.
Womens Studies Quarterly, 35(3/4), 150-164.
Sutton-Smith, B. (1997). The ambiguity of play. Barrie, MA: Harvard University Press.
Sutton-Smith, B. (2008). Play theory a personal journey and new thoughts. American Journal of
Play, 1(1), 82-125.
Van Manen, M. (1990). Researching lived experience. London, ON: Althouse Press.
Wearing, B. (1998). Personal leisure spaces: Poststructuralist theories. In Leisure and feminist
theory. (Chapter 8, pp. 143-161). London, UK: SAGE Publications.
Yarnal, C. M. (2006). The Red Hat Society: Exploring the role of play, liminality, and
communitas in older womens lives. Journal of Women & Aging, 18(3), 51-73.



Postcard Makers and Opportunists: Processes of Photographing Behavior
Ondrej Mitas, Daniek Nijland, Linda Hastedt, (NHTV Breda University of Applied Sciences)

Introduction
Photography is inextricably linked to tourism (Urry, 2002; Garlick, 2002; Garrod, 2009;
Gillet, Schmitz, & Mitas, 2013). While much has been written to explain why tourists take
photos, little is known about how tourists take photos. Tourists photographing behavior has been
204

explained without being empirically described. As a result, little is known about the processes of
photographing while tourists are on-site. Our purpose is to uncover these processes.

Literature Review
Many authors have positioned photographing as an essential part of the tourist experience
(e.g. Prideaux & Coghlan, 2010; Larsen, 2006; Wong & Lau, 2001). Knowledge about the
motivations, content, and consequences of tourists photos exists. Following Sontag (1977) and
Chalfen (1979), researchers have endeavored to explain why tourists take photos. A seminal
work is Urrys Tourist Gaze (2002), which positions tourist photos in a cycle of destination
image-making, suggesting that tourists recreate photos from mass media to justify their holiday
choices. Other authors explain photography in terms of its meaning for interpersonal
relationships. Haldrup and Larsen (2003), for example, found that much tourist photography
revolves around producing social relations (p.23). Their participants photographs highlighted
their family lives. Similarly, Prideaux, and Coghlan (2010) saw photography as a way of
sharing elements of the journey with others (p.171). Research has also covered what is
photographed. Prideaux and Coghlan (2010) as well as Haldrup and Larsens (2003) found that
many photos include travel companions and landscape elements.
Recent findings show that photographing is important for satisfaction and enjoyment on
holiday. According to Prideaux and Coghlan (2010), the significance of photo taking in overall
trip satisfaction is apparent (p.181). Haldrup and Larsen (2003) also state that many tourists
derive pleasures from performing photography in itself (p.27). Tourists who photograph more
report feeling happier, both in terms of emotions and life satisfaction (Wiegel, Mitas, &
Luhrmann, 2013), likely due to the social aspects of photographing (Gillet et al., 2013).
Existing research asserts the importance of photographing to tourists. However, little
research exists on tourists processes of taking photos on-site. It is questionable if these processes
are as homogeneous as, for example, Urry (2002) suggests. Therefore, our study focused on
processes of photographical behavior in tourists. More specifically, we sought to distinguish
patterns in how tourists take photos as part of their on-site experience.

Methods
Due to the lack of preceding empirical research, a flexible data collection oriented to
tourists perspectives was necessary. We chose an interpretive participant observation approach
(Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 2011), to produce detailed descriptive fieldnotes. As co-investigators
in participant observer research, tourists retain a sense of agency in interactions with researchers.
Researchers, in turn, balance reflecting on their own experiences, observing, interacting, and
recording fieldnotes. Researchers have successfully applied this approach to tourism contexts
(e.g., Foster, 1986; Wickens, 2002; Mitas, Chick, & Yarnal, 2012). Thus, participants
observation was sufficiently flexible to collect data in the dynamic context of tourists on-site
behavior, yet sufficiently detailed to describe these behaviors in depth.
To maximize diversity within our means, we collected data in popular tourist destinations
in The Netherlands, including Kinderdijk (figure 1), Delft (figure 2), and Amsterdam (figure 3).
These sites are heavily visited and rich with settings such as streets, cafes, and squares where
observing and interacting with tourists is possible. The rich visual nature of the urban sites
(Delft, Amsterdam) generally inspires spontaneous, profuse photography, while the Wold
Heritage site of Kinderdijk, consisting of 18 historic windmill buildings, is suited to more
focused photographing behaviors.
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Based on previous literature on tourist photography as well as participant observation in
tourism, our observations focused on types of cameras, physical movements, subjects of
photography, and social interactions. Furthermore, we approached tourists just after they had
taken a photo and asked them to tell us about their photographing. During these conversations,
facial expressions, vocal tone, and gestures were noted. The resulting fieldnotes were analyzed
using an interpretive thematic process (Braun & Clarke, 2006) of open, focused, and theoretical
coding (Charmaz, 2006).

Results
Walking, Gazing, and Taking Pictures
We found a pattern in tourists behavior of walking, gazing and taking pictures. Our use of
gazing does not refer to the tourist gaze of Urry (2002), which would be impossible to infer from
observation, but to the dictionary definition of gazinglooking in an attentive, directed, and
protracted manner (Webster & Gove, 1970). Tourists walked around, often stopping to gaze at
attractions such as buildings and interpretive signs before taking a photo and repeating the
process. Cameras included single-lens reflex cameras, seen often in organized group tours, and
compact digital cameras. Pairs of tourists that appeared to be couples usually used one camera,
with one individual taking the photos. Couples tended to stop and gaze together before the
individual with the camera took a photo while the other gave instructions. Then, couples
collectively checked the photo and continued walking, repeating the pattern. About two-thirds of
pictures appeared to focus on landscape and attractions, whereas one-third included persons as
well.
The process of taking a photo was complemented by two patterns of photo opportunity
selection. Some tourist-photographers took a systematic approach, photographing attractions
found in public media as they encountered them. Others experienced attractions without looking
through the camera, but began photographing when something unexpected appeared. We
describe these patterns as the attraction photographer and the unexpected events photographer.

The Attraction Photographer
We saw many tourists taking photos of attractions that appear in guidebooks, on public
maps, and in other public media, such as the windmills at Kinderdijk and the Royal Palace in
Amsterdam. They took relatively many photos and composed their images hastily, as if a perfect
picture was not necessary. Tourists with reflex cameras were an occasional exception, sometimes
pausing to compose a picture or taking multiple shots. Such tourists also expressed interest in in
local people or culture. In Delft, tourists asked local people to take photos of them or to pose
with them, including the lead author. Attraction photographers also photographed apparently
quotidian subjects such as street signs or paving stones. One tourist explained that in Holland
everything is differentby implication, worthy of a photofrom what they are used to at
home. Some attraction photographers were part of guided tours. They mainly took pictures of
attractions pointed out by the guide. During these guided tours, the scheme of walking, gazing
and taking pictures was followed collectively rather than individuallyif one tourist held up a
camera to take a picture, other group members did the same.

The Unexpected Event Photographer
In contrast to attraction photographers, unexpected event photographers focused on
subjects they found rare, surprising, or unusual. Their occasional pictures of attractions shown in
206

public media featured unconventional perspectives. The complex urban environment of
Amsterdam with encouraged such photography. We met an American who worked there as a
photography guide for tourists interested in unconventional photographing. He explained that for
some tourists, photography was a primary motivation in visiting Amsterdam. His work involved
guiding tourists to special locations to take pictures of. When his clients found something
unusual to photograph, he claimed, their expectations were fulfilled. An American couple told us
about photographing unexpected events, showing us a photo of a man in a suit chasing pieces of
paper scattered by the wind. They invented stories around such photos to tell to family and
friendsin this case, that the papers were important documents for a job interview. They did not
take pictures of what they considered to be typical Dutch attractions, such as canal houses, of
which they would rather buy postcards. Unexpected event photographers put effort into the
process of photographing, using reflex cameras, taking time to compose, and photographing
attractions from multiple anglesfront, then moving around to the left or right, and finally
taking pictures from below or ground level. Unlike attraction photographers, they identified with
photography in general and with the processes of taking photos and processing photos after their
trip with software.

Discussion
Most of our participants found photographing on holiday important, took numerous
photographs, appeared to enjoy it, and associated photographs with valuable memories. Our
informants supported notions of photographing as enjoyable (Gillet et al., 2013) as well as
valuable to the experience and associated memories (Prideaux & Coghlan, 2010; Haldrup &
Larsen, 2003).
We extend this literature by revealing tourists processes of taking photos and showing that
these processes differ between tourists. We found distinct processes among attraction
photographers and unexpected event photographers, demonstrating that tourist photographing
behavior is not as homogenous as Urry (2002) or Haldrup and Larsen (2003) might suggest.
Wong and Lau (2001) suggested that tour operators should provide tourists with sufficient
opportunities for photographing to improve experience quality. Our findings imply that tour
operators and destinations should also distinguish between different photographing processes to
optimize tourists enjoyment, a practice that could be tested experimentally.
Our findings are limited by our Western context, suggesting ample opportunities for future
research. Not all tourists with east Asian self-identification (e.g., flags, insignia on buses and
bags) spoke enough English to participate. These tourists, or visitors to different kinds of
destinations than we studies (e.g., nature) might exhibit different patterns of photographing
behavior. Furthermore, the identification of unexpected event photographers with the activity of
photographing suggests that theories such as specialization (Bryan, 2000) or serious leisure
(Stebbins, 2011), could deepen our understanding of tourist photography. Finally, the recent rise
of image sharing on social media may reveal interesting linkages to tourists on-site behavior.

References
Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative research in
psychology, 3, 77-101.
Bryan, H. (2000). Recreation specialization revisited. Journal of Leisure Research, 32, 18-21.
Chalfen, R. M. (1979). Photograph's role in tourism: Some unexplored relationships. Annals of
Tourism Research, 6, 435-447.
207

Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.
Emerson, R. M., Fretz, R. I., & Shaw, L. L. (2011). Writing ethnographic fieldnotes. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Foster, G. M. (1986). South seas cruise: A case study of a short-lived society. Annals of Tourism
Research, 13, 215-238.
Garlick, S. (2002). Revealing the unseen: Tourism, art and photography. Cultural Studies, 16,
289-305.
Garrod, B. (2009). Understanding the relationship between tourism destination imagery and
tourist photography. Journal of Travel Research, 47, 346-358.
Gillet, S., Schmitz, P., & Mitas, O. (2013). The snap-happy tourist: The effects of photographing
behavior on tourists' happiness. Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Research, 38, 1-21.
Haldrup, M., & Larsen, J. (2003). The family gaze. Tourist Studies, 3, 23-45.
Larsen, J. (2006). Picturing Bornholm: Producing and consuming a tourist place through
picturing practices. Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism, 6, 75-94.
Mitas, O., Yarnal, C., & Chick, G. (2012). Jokes build community: Mature tourists positive
emotions. Annals of Tourism Research, 39, 1884-1905.
Prideaux, B., & Coghlan, A. (2010). Digital cameras and photo taking behaviour on the Great
Barrier Reef marketing opportunities for Reef tour operators. Journal of Vacation
Marketing, 16, 171-185.
Sontag, S. (1977). On photography. London: Macmillan.
Stebbins, R. A. (2011). Serious leisure: A perspective for our time. Rutgers, NY: Transaction
Books.
Urry, J. (2002). The tourist gaze: Leisure and travel in contemporary societies. London: Sage.
Webster, N., & Gove, P. B. (1970). Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary: Based on
Webster's Third New International Dictionary. New York: C.G. Merriam & Co.
Wickens, E. (2002). The sacred and the profane: A tourist typology. Annals of Tourism
Research, 29, 834-851.
Wiegel, H., Mitas, O., & Luhrmann, J. (2013). The effect of photography on tourists' happiness.
In New directions: Travel and tourism at the crossroads (pp. 101-104). Dublin, Ireland:
TTRA.
Wong, S., & Lau, E. (2001). Understanding the behaviour of Hong Kong Chinese tourists on
group tour packages. Journal of Travel Research, 40, 57-67.




Arthritis and Exercise Among Older Adults
Kenneth E. Mobily (University of Iowa)

Introduction
Arthritis is the most common chronic condition in the United States (US), affecting 50
million adults (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2013). Older adults are most
apt to develop arthritis. Fifty percent of those 65 or older in the US reporting an arthritis
diagnosis (CDC, 2013); while one-third older Canadian males and one-half senior Canadian
females report arthritis (Statistics Canada, 2013). The hallmark symptom of the condition is pain,
208

which may be accompanied by stiffness, inflammation, or limited mobility (Arthritis Foundation,
2009). People with arthritis should get regular, moderate physical activity, although many (47%)
do not (CDC, 2013). Even though arthritis makes movement difficult and painful, the Arthritis
Foundation (AF) strongly endorses and sponsors exercise programs for arthritis-related
impairments to significantly reduce the risk of disability. This recommendation serves to set up a
conundrum of sorts, perhaps best expressed by the Arthritis Foundation (2009) itself, Pain and
stiffness tend to discourage people from exercising. However, without exercise, joints become
even stiffer and more painful (p. 256). Because exercise is so crucial to the management of
arthritic pain and mobility, the purpose of the study was to identify the factors associated with
the practice or avoidance of exercise among older adults with arthritis.

Methodology
Subjects
Subjects for the study were secured from an archived data set originally collected via a
nationwide (US) telephone survey in 1995 (Mirowsky & Ross, 2008). The total survey included
adults aged 18 to 95 years of age (N=2593), with an over-sampling of subjects 60 or older.
Subjects for inclusion in this analysis had to meet two conditions: Be 60 years of age or older
and answer in the affirmative to the question Have you ever been diagnosed or told by a doctor
that you have arthritis or rheumatism? Of the 1097 subjects 60 or older, 538 indicated that they
had been diagnosed or told they have arthritis. The original sample (N=2593) was predominantly
white (91.2%) and female (58.6%), with females representing a larger percentage of adults 60 or
older (63.2%).

Independent Variables
All variables were classified into four groups of binary measures for logistic regression
analysis: demographics, health indicators, health conditions, and functional disability indicators.
Independent variable selection required that previous research had demonstrated an established
relationship to physical activity in older adults.
Demographics included: age, gender, employment, marital status, and education. The
demographic variables selected here were based on previous findings of association with
exercise behavior in older adults (Buckworth & Dishman, 2007). Demographic variables were
converted into binary indicators according to natural/logical divisions or approximate medians.
Age was divided according to the median, 72 and older or less than 72. Gender was male or
female. Marital status was keyed as married (or with partner) or not. Education was divided into
high school graduate (12 years or more of education) compared to those with less than 12 years
of education. Employment was dichotomized as currently working (full or part-time) or not.
Health indicators represented signs and behaviors that advantaged or disadvantaged
subjects potential to practice exercise. Health indicators included smoking, alcohol use, body
mass index (BMI), depressive symptoms, and self-rated health (Buckworth & Dishman, 2007).
Smoking and alcohol use were coded as binary variables according to whether the subject
reported practicing the behavior currently or not.
Depressive symptoms were assessed using the short version of the Center for
Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D, Radloff, 1977). The short version uses seven
statements (e.g., felt lonely) from the original CES-D to gauge depressive symptoms in the
preceding seven days. Alpha reliability for the brief version of the CES-D in this sample was
0.80. A CES-D (abbreviated form) score of 13 or higher was used to identify subjects with high
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depressive symptoms (comparable to the typical cut point of 16 on the full version of the scale.)
Depression has been consistently associated with arthritis (Arthritis Foundation, 2009; CDC,
2013) and less exercise in seniors (Cohen-Mansfield, Marx, & Guralnik, 2003).
Buckworth and Dishman (2007) analyzed an array of variables and found that self-rated
health was among the most consistent associates of exercise practice. In this study, subjects were
dichotomized based on whether they perceived their health satisfactory or not.
BMI was computed using a standardized formula. The variable was then divided into two
groups using a cut-score of 25 or higher to place the individual in an overweight to obese
category or not. BMI has been reportedly associated with a higher incidence of arthritis (AF,
2009; CDC, 2013; Statistics Canada, 2013).
Health conditions used in the present study were other chronic conditions, answered
according to whether the subject had ever been diagnosed or told by a physician that they had the
condition. Nine chronic conditions were queried in the original investigation by Mirowsky and
Ross, but arthritis was omitted from this analysis since it was used to select the sample.
Pain has been found to inhibit exercise among older adults (Cohen-Mansfield, Marx, &
Guralnik, 2003) and is a common symptom associated with arthritis. Subjects were asked if they
had back pain or pain from other sources in the last seven days. Both pain questions were
classified according to whether the subject reported any pain or not.
Functional disability was measured by five questions (e.g., climbing stairs). Subjects could
indicate that they had no difficulty, some difficulty or a great deal of difficulty with each task on
the initial survey. Cronbachs alpha for the five item scale yielded an acceptable 0.81. Each
functional disability measure was coded into a binary variable for analysis: having some or great
difficulty vs. no difficulty. Many persons with arthritis report limitations in functional ability,
such as climbing the stairs or kneeling/stooping (CDC, 2013).

Dependent variables
Well over 40% of adults with arthritis indicate they do not exercise (CDC, 2013), a rate
markedly higher than that of the general population (US Statistical Abstract, 2011). Two
measures of exercise were employed. Total exercise frequency per week was the summation of
three forms of exercise (strenuous, moderate, and walking). In addition, walking distance was
calculated as miles per week, it served as a measure of exercise dosage to supplement the
frequency of exercise measure. To create binary variables for analysis the frequency distributions
for exercise frequency and walking mileage were inspected to arrive at clear cut-points. Exercise
frequency was divided into two groups: frequent exercisers exercising seven or more times per
week (43.1% of subjects with arthritis) and infrequent exercisers exercising at a rate of two times
a week or less (37.5%). Walking mileage was likewise used to divide subjects into two distinct
categories: walkers (37.7% walked three miles or more per week) and non-walkers (34.4% did
not walk).
Results
Complete logistic regression models for exercise frequency and walking distance were
highly significant, with
2
(25)=72.615 (p=0.000) and
2
(25)=89.563 (p=0.000) respectively. The
Nagelkerke R
2
for the exercise frequency model was 0.206. When miles walked was considered
in the second model the Nagelkerke R
2
improved to 0.275.
Three independent variables within the model for exercise frequency proved to be
significant. Females with arthritis were only one-third as likely be a frequent exercisers as males
(Odds Ratio [OR] =0.332), while those holding a job were less than half as apt to practice
210

exercise on a frequent basis (OR= 0.413). Finally, subjects reporting lung disease in conjunction
with arthritis were only about 25% as likely to practice frequent exercise (OR= 0.240).
Significant independent variables within the model for walking distance were: gender,
smoking, BMI, digestive disorders and shopping and getting around; all five had negative
effects. Smoking (OR= 0.474), BMI (OR= 0.538), digestive disorders (OR= 0.527), and
shopping and getting around (OR= 0.425) each halved a subjects odds of walking three miles a
week. Again, being female (OR= 0.292) disadvantaged those aspiring to walk by one-third.

Discussion
The unfortunate gender effect is consistent with exercise practice in general (US Statistical
Abstract, 2011); being female gendered is a disadvantage. Employment may exert its detrimental
effect on exercise practice because of time and scheduling conflicts (Morris, Bourne, Eldemire-
Shearer & McGrowder, 2010). The physiologic effects of having a respiratory illness in addition
to arthritis was devastating for this sample, with difficulties in ventilation and gas exchange
probably exacerbating movement challenges posed by arthritis alone.
Since older women are more likely to develop arthritis than men (CDC, 2013) and less
likely to exercise in general, the disadvantage of being female might have been exacerbated
among those with arthritis. Why this is the case continues to perplex researchers. OBrien
Cousins (1995) hypothesized that some of the variables associated with a negative construction
of the female identity include: lack of early experiences with physical activity, societal
prejudices against females being active, negative attitudes encouraged by stereotypes, inadequate
social support for physical activity, and biological myth (e.g., exercise is harmful to procreation).
The negative association between walking and BMI is consistent with findings reported by
the CDC (2013), likely caused by the wear and tear of weight-bearing. Fifty-seven percent of the
subjects were in excess of a BMI of 25, indicating they were significantly overweight.
Smoking was also a negative predictor of walking. Smoking decreases ventilation capacity,
interferes with gas exchange in the lungs, and has negative consequences for exercise capacity
through its harmful effects on the cardiovascular system. Some evidence also suggests that
smoking may be an attempt to self-medicate for pain and depression among person with
musculoskeletal impairments (Zvolensky, McMillan, Gonzalez, & Asmundson, 2010) and
arthritis in particular (Hutchinson, Shepstone, Moots, Lear, & Lynch, 2001).
The fact that digestive disorders were negatively correlated with walking was a bit of a
puzzle. However, some types of arthritis-related afflictions (e.g., scleroderma) can negatively
affect the digestive system (AF, 2009). Furthermore, some medications (steroids, non-steroidal
anti-inflammatory drugs) for the treatment of arthritis are known to have a frequent habit of
causing digestive disorders (Bannwarth et al., 1994; Boland, 1958; Gerster, 1993).
Lastly, disability with respect to shopping or getting around more than halved a subjects
chance of walking three miles per week. This finding may be attributable to driving ability. For
example, persons with arthritis are more likely to indicate that they have to make adaptations to
continue driving (Gallo, Rebok, & Lesikar, 1999). Even entering and exiting a car may prove to
be a challenge (Murray-Leslie, 1991).
In the first model, three variables were independently significant and negative predictors of
frequent exercise. These were gender, employment, and lung disease. Five independent variables
were found to be significant predictors of walking, and all five were negative correlates (gender,
smoking, BMI, digestive disorders, and shopping/getting around). Consequently, the two models
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for exercise among older adults with arthritis were better suited to identifying constraints to
exercise than variables that augment exercise.

References
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Boland, E. W. (1958). Effectiveness of antacids in reducing digestive disturbances in patients
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rd
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212

Predicting Visitation to World Heritage Sites
Farhad Moghimehfar, Elizabeth Halpenny (University of Alberta)

To date 981 sites possessing outstanding universal value have been designated as World
Heritage (WH) sites by UNESCO; 17 of these are located in Canada (UNESCO, 2013). The aim
of this designation is to encourage conservation of the resources within the designated sites and
surrounding buffer zones on a local level and also for foster a sense of collective global
responsibility via international cooperation, exchange and support (Leask & Fyall, 2006, p. 7).
Tourist visitation to WH sites can be one mechanism for generating support from tourists (i.e.,
visitation can increase tourists appreciation, understanding of and connection to a site). Through
tourism activities, support can also be fostered amongst local residents (i.e., revenues can be
gained by locals through the provision of tourism services) (Fyall & Rakic, 2006; George, 2008;
Shackely, 1998). An examination of how WH status may affect tourists decisions to visit a
natural protected area or cultural heritage site may help inform regional marketing efforts
thereby increasing these positive outcomes. Accordingly, this study investigates some of the
factors that influence individuals intention to visit these areas.
The Theory of Planned Behaviour (Ajzen, 1985) is adopted as the framework for this
study, and is used to predict human behavior. In this theory Ajzen defines behaviour as the
manifest, observable response in a given situation with respect to a given target (Ajzen, n.d.a).
The theory introduces intention as the strongest predictor of human behaviour when the
behaviour is under volitional control (Ajzen, 1991). According to Ajzen intention is the
indication of a persons readiness to perform a given behaviour (Ajzen, n.d.b). The theory
suggests three main factors predict individuals intention to perform an action. The first factor is
attitude toward the behaviour which is the degree that a person positively or negatively values
the behaviour. TPB considers both cognitive and affective attitudes toward the behaviour.
Attitudes can be considered as the outcome of individuals behavioural beliefs. Subjective norms
(SN) are another predictor of intention. These are the amount of social pressure that an individual
perceives as an outcome of participation in an action. The third factor, perceived behavioral
control (PBC), refers to people's perceptions of their ability to perform a given behavior
(Ajzen, n.d.c). Although this factor can be a reflection of actual behavioural control which
refers to the extent to which a person has the skills, resources, and other prerequisites needed to
perform a given behavior (Ajzen, n.d.d) it is assumed that control beliefs are its main
determinants.
A few studies have attempted to explain visitors intentions to visit WH sites. Palau-
Saumell et al. (2012) found that tourists perceptions of heritage buildings and employee-
displayed emotions influenced tourist emotions, which in turn influenced tourists satisfaction
and behavioural intentions to visit the La Sagrada Familia WH site in Spain. Shen et al. (2012)
observed that tourists involvement in a cultural tour, attitudes towards WH site visitation, and
perceived constructive and existential authenticity of the WH site influenced visitation to the
Nanjing Xiaoling Tomb, a WH site in China. In a study of Swedish tourists Wall Reinius and
Fredman (2007) found that the WH brand had less attraction power than a national park label.
Similarly Poria et al. (2010) examined the effects of WH designation on future tourists
behaviours (i.e., pay to visit site and for guided tours of the site, and willingness to invest time to
visit site or stand in line) and found no significant impact arising from WH designation. To date
only one study has used the TBP to explain visitation to a WH site. In their study of visitors to
Chinas Suzhou Classical Gardens, Shen et al. (2009) found no significant associations between
213

two antecedent variables, attitude toward WH cultural sites and subjective norms relating to the
importance of different information sources, and the dependent variable intention to visit a
world cultural heritage site in the next 12 months. However, perceived control, past experience
and cultural tour involvement significantly predicted visitation intentions. Shen et al. (2009) used
items to represent social norms that do not align well with Azjens original TBP scale items; this
may explain the poor explanatory power of this variable in their study. We seek to examine this
and TBPs overall utility in predicting WH site visitation. We include three other exogenous
variables into our model designed to explain WH visitation, these are education, income and
familiarity with the WH concept. Higher levels of income and education have been associated
with WH site visitation (Yang et al., 2010). Higher levels of familiarly with WH may indicate
previous visits to WH sites and/or an interest in cultural and natural heritage that predispose
individuals to seek out sites that represent globally significant examples of these types of
heritage. In summary, these three exogenous variables were hypothesized to positively predict
visitation to WH sites. Social norms, perceived behavioural control, and attitudes towards travel
to WH sites were also expected to positively predict intentions to travel to WH sites and
frequency of travel to WH sites.

Methods
Sampling and Instrumentation
A self-reported questionnaire was used to collect information from visitors to four major
WH sites in southern Alberta. In Canadian Rocky Mountain Parks, Dinosaur Provincial Park,
and Waterton Glacier International Peace Park participants were approached at campsites, visitor
centers, food-court and restaurants, and trail heads. Data collection in Head-Smashed-In Buffalo
Jump was limited to the indoor space of this cultural historic site. Data collection in Canadian
Rocky Mountain Parks was conducted separately in the three major national parks (i.e. Jasper,
Banff, and Yoho National Parks). Visitors were asked to complete the survey on an Android
tablet or paper questionnaire. Every 5
th
person in populous areas of the park and every 2
nd
person
in less populated areas was asked to complete the survey. If groups were encountered, one
person whose birthday was closest to the data collection date was asked to complete the survey.
Questionnaire items were developed based on Ajzens TPB questionnaire design guidelines
(Ajzen, 2011) and modified to the study context. Most questions were measured with Likert-type
questions ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) and 5 (Strongly agree). Intentions to visit in the
future were assessed with questions about individuals frequency of visiting WH sites, whether
they would go out of their way to visit these particular places, and their intention to visit these
sites in near future. Subjective norm questions measured the interest of people who are
important to them in visiting WH sites and these individuals expectations of the respondent to
visit WH sites. Items focusing on self-efficacy and controllability were used to investigate
participants perceived behavioural control in visiting WH sites. Finally affective (i.e. good and
pleasant) and cognitive (i.e. beneficial and useful) attitudes toward visiting WH sites were
solicited with five point bipolar scales. In addition to the theorys main variables, participants
level of familiarity with the WH designation was also investigated and socio-demographic
information was recorded. Data collection was conducted during the summer and fall of 2013.
SPSS 21 was used to organize data and conduct statistical analysis. Cronbachs alpha coefficient
confirmed the internal consistency of the constructs.


214

Results and Discussion
A total of 600 questionnaires were completed (207 were obtained on the Android tablets
and 366 were collected using paper questionnaires); data from these surveys are presented here.
The sample had the following characteristics: 285 (52%) of participants were male and the
average age of the sample was 41 years old; 62% of the participants had university degrees; 78%
of the sample was Canadian (56% Alberta and 22% other Canadian provinces), 18% were from
the USA and the rest were from other countries.
Standard multiple regression and hierarchical multiple regression were used to analyze data
in this study. Preliminary analysis confirmed no violation of the assumptions of normality,
linearity, multicollinearity, and homoscedasticity. First, the association between intention to visit
world heritage sites and individuals self-reported behaviour was tested. We used hierarchical
multiple regression to assess the ability of this measure to predict peoples behaviour, after
controlling for the influence of income, level of formal education, and self-reported familiarity
with WH brand. These controlled variables were entered in the first step and they explained 4%
of behaviors variance. After entering intention in step two results showed that it explained 28%
of the variance in behaviour (F (4, 568) = 54.96, p < .001; R
2
change = .24;
Intention
= .49, p <
.001). In the model income, level of familiarity with WHS brand, and intention were statistically
significant (
Familiarity
= .12,
Income
= -.07, p < .05). In the second stage of analysis the
relationship between attitude toward WH brand, SN, and PBC and peoples intention to visit
world heritage sites were investigated. Multiple regression analysis revealed that all these three
predictors were in positive association with intention (R
2
= .17, F (3, 569) = 37.94,
Attitude
= .16,

PBC
= .28, p < .001,
SN
= .09, p < .05). However, the association between SN and intention was
relatively weak. In the third stage, we ran the hierarchical regression analysis to reinvestigate the
direct influence of SN on behaviour along with intention while income, education, and
familiarity with WH were controlled. For this reason, SN and intention were entered in the
second step of hierarchical regression. Similarly, controlled variables explained 4% of the
variance in behaviour and only level of familiarity with WH was statistically significant
(
Familiarity
= .11; F (5, 567) = 71.48, p < .001; R
2
change = .35;
Intention
= .42,
SN
= .34, p < .001).
From the results it can be interpreted that intention fully mediated the association between
attitudes and PBC and partially mediates the relationship between SN and behaviour. However,
the indirect effect of SN on behaviour was negligible (structural equation modeling also
confirmed the mediation effect of intention on the relationship between SN and behaviour).
As the above mentioned, Shen et al. (2009) reported no significant association between
intention to visit WH sites in the future and visitors attitudes and subjective norms. Among the
theorys main variables perceived behavioural control was the only one with strong correlation
with intention. In contrast, our results confirmed that the TPB is a suitable framework to predict
visitors intention to revisit WH sites. All the three main predictors of the model showed a
relatively strong correlation with either intention or behaviour in this study. In addition, our data
showed that among the controlled variables only familiarity with WHS brand significantly
influenced peoples behaviour which means people who were more familiar with WH brands are
more likely to revisit these sites in the future. Strong association between individuals intention
to visit WH sites indicated that the more people have control over the action (PBC) the more
they are intended to visit these places which is congruent with Shen et al.s (2009) findings.



215

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216

Recreating Leisure: How Immersive Therapeutic Environments Promote Wellbeing
Henry Moller (University of Waterloo), Kunal Sudan (McMaster University), Omar Khan
(University of New Mexico), Harjot Bal (OCAD University)

All media work us over completely. They are so pervasive in their personal, political, economic,
aesthetic, psychological, moral, ethical, and social consequences that they leave no part of us untouched,
unaffected, unaltered (McLuhan & Fiore, 1967, p. 26).
Introduction
If the medium is the message, and the message is more leisure, how can media be
harnessed to deliver this message? In fact, the actual McLuhan sound byte was The medium is
the massage (McLuhan & Fiore, 1967), perhaps suggesting corporeal embodiment of
knowledge using more senses than just seeing and hearing, i.e. holistic experiences affecting
consciousness. As fewer individuals experience leisure activities now than ever, it becomes
increasingly compelling to advocate for the importance of leisure in health and wellbeing, as
well as economic productivity (CIW, 2012). In particular with respect to physical and mental
health, evidence is pointing towards benefits of a healthy lifestyle involving good nutrition,
physical fitness and stress-reduction (AMHA, 2003). These lifestyle goals are challenging to
implement by the medical profession, yet clearly have a favourable risk-benefit ratio with respect
to many conventional biomedical treatments such as pharmaceutical therapies, for example.
Holistic health models are rightfully critical of allopathic care, yet can be difficult to
operationalize. Particularly in mental health care, options are often ineffective and/or limited by
undesirable side effects. Given the a relative crisis of confidence in the communication
surrounding reliability of reported data relating to the psychological and medical sciences
(Pashler & Wagenmakers, 2012), it will be increasingly necessary to adopt new healthcare
paradigms that will serve the publics need, and allow for congruence between reported data and
lived experience. Informed patients now often seek wellbeing restoration rather than illness
treatment as a true healthcare goals (AMHA, 2003); given this trend, the opportunity has arisen
for immersive technologies simulating leisure states to deliver on the promise of providing
credible, safe and effective healthcare options. In this paper, we describe a novel modality of
leisure and recreation: immersive multimodal media intended to create wellbeing states for
clinical application. The relevance of leisure states to wellbeing and specifically positive
experiential learning through inspirational/motivational shifts in consciousness are described as
an important health promotion avenue to pursue.
Conceptual Framework and Research Rationale
Our group has developed and researched the technical possibility of administering
technologically packaged leisure-state meditation experiences in the context of positive,
hedonic sensory input incorporating multiple sensory channels (visual, auditory, haptic). For
some time, there has been promise that media technologies such as virtual reality environments
could provide effective options (Gregg & Tarrier, 2007). Holistic healthcare paradigms
incorporating media technology may deliver on this promise. A novel paradigm in immersive
media technology that seeks to enable an induced state of wellbeing by creating uplifting states
of consciousness is now within reach for clinical application. Demand for innovative and
patient-centered care to alleviate stress-related and psychosomatic conditions is certainly high in
healthcare settings. A mental health treatment modality that is effective, safe and free of adverse
effects is a desirable set of criteria not only from a consumers perspective, but also from the
217

perspective of clinicians or employers who provide healthcare services. As boundaries between
real and virtual, technologically mediated and organic states of consciousness continue to blur
with the march of media technology, the need to address this convergence in a therapeutic
paradigm is increasingly relevant and warranted (Moller & Barbera, 2006). Reproducible
technology-enhanced meditation sessions are increasingly being incorporated into therapeutic
programs to meet the needs of patients seeking mental health care with safe and effective
symptomatic relief of stress-related symptoms such as anxiety, insomnia and depression. In
parallel to this, the fast pace of technology in work environments, and the impact of this on
health is being described (Heusser, 2013). Many of todays mental health consumers are unable
to readily practice meditation on their own because they find it hard to rehearse mental imagery
or meditative affirmations, particularly if suffering from illness or trauma that impacts
neurocognitive capacity. These patients may lack imaginal capacity for visualization exercises:
some patients refuse to engage in the treatment, and others, though they express willingness,
are unable to engage their emotions or senses (Difede & Hoffman, 2002, p 529). A further
roadblock that might impede the effectiveness of meditation-based relaxation therapies is the
consistency and quality of the users experience, i.e. standardization. Meditation also requires
intensive and repetitive practice by patients, who may have difficulty performing their practice
autonomously. This has led to a clinical demand for developing standardized meditation
techniques that can readily be provided to patients in a safe, effective and reproducible manner.
A conceptual framework of technologically simulated or recreated leisure is outlined in
the context of Mihaly Csikszentmihalyis description of flow as an immersive, often hedonic
state of absorption and peak performance with positive psychological outcomes
(Csikszentmihalyi & Kleiber, 1990). Similar earlier versions of such therapies also have been
described in the literature as audiovisual entrainment, and light-and-sound stimulation or
neurotherapy (Budzynski et al., 1990), with most research on mechanism of action focusing on
the calming effect of the audiovisual stimulation on psychological and neurological function, as
manifested by a relaxation response. Also described as inner presence, (Revonsuo, 2006), this
complex consciousness process involves the processing of sensory stimuli and consolidation
with previously integrated information, very similar to that described in the psychobiological
process of dreaming (Moller & Barbera, 2006). We review here the scientific rationale,
methodological approaches and qualitative early user feedback from medical patients who have
undertaken a standardized course of regularly scheduled weekly or biweekly medically
supervised 20-40 minute sensory-based technology-enhanced multimodal meditation (TEMM)
sessions to therapeutically address stress-related symptoms in a psychosupportive paradigm.
TEMM appears to provide therapeutic benefits incorporating haptic sensory stimulation (gentle
massage, heat, vibration) in addition to audiovisual cues, through a specialized chair that the
patient rests upon during the meditation process. The intent of the standardized content of the
immersive TEMM-based meditation scenarios is to mimic, and on a therapeutic level, reprogram
autonomous thought processes. The audio component typically involves exposure to a
standardized guided meditation invoking a relaxing scenario such as a nature scenario (e.g.
walking in a meadow or sitting on a beach) accompanied by repetitive positive affirmations to
enhance a participants self-esteem or psychological outlook. Themes addressed within the
meditation sessions include dealing with stress, relax, balancing your moods and creative
problem solving.
While the primary intent of this article to provide a review to the Recreation and Leisure
academic community, assessment methodology has been described in precise detail by us
218

previously clinically (Moller & Bal, 2013) and conceptually (Moller et al, 2014). Participants
were invited to complete a feedback form in which they were asked to describe the following: (i)
Initial symptoms/ concerns which led to treatment (ii) Overall impression of the treatment (iii)
Using 5-point Likert scales patients were asked to rate the following: (i) Effectiveness of the
TEMM treatment for initial symptoms or concerns (ii) Adequacy of the duration of sessions (iii)
Adequacy of the number of sessions. Another set of 5-point Likert scales were also used to allow
patients to rate symptom-based self-states before and after the treatment plan, including the
following: (i) Tension level (ii) Stress level (iii) Mood state. Lastly, patients were invited to
provide open-ended qualitative feedback regarding additional observations comments.
Results
In our observational case series of 20 consecutive fully consenting patients seeking
medical meditation at a holistic healthcare centre, over 50% of individuals specifically
commented on the capacity for TEMM to help them relax and better deal with their stress and
anxiety. On average there was a noticeable decline in perceived levels of tension (p < 0.001) and
stress (p < 0.001), before versus after the program, reported by study subjects. For changes in
mood states of patients there was a similarly positive shift (p = 0.019). the TEMM therapy
program was found to be significantly effective in addressing the symptoms and concerns of
subjects, with a mean rating of 4.15 points on the 5-point Likert scale. The layout of the
treatment was favorably evaluated, with mean ratings for both session and program duration near
3 points on the 5-point Likert scale, known as the neutral point. Some individuals also articulated
on their appreciation of the design of the TEMM program; using different sensory and
psychological elements in combination seems to create a complete and powerful wellbeing
experience. TEMM was consistently reported to have helped initiate an introspective dialogue
for a select number of usersthese individuals reported more self-awareness of emotions and
anxieties and are better able to cope with them outside of the sessions, implying an experiential
shift in consciousness. We propose a role for usability approaches to study, operationalize and
optimize technologically mediated leisure experiences with health-promotion intent. This means
that aside from therapeutic benefit, we have a keen interest to understand how a user (i.e.
patient or healthcare consumer) evaluates a program, device or techniquewith additional focus
on the integration of new technology in health care. Thus of interest was both evaluation of how
effective the technique is, and if there might be ways to improve upon it (such as session
duration or frequency). On these items, mean ratings of patient satisfaction with individual
treatment session duration and overall program length at a neutral level suggest that patients
found their treatment regimen just right, despite the variation in total number of sessions. Flow-
related engagement with the therapeutic process across multiple senses was considered a holistic
therapeutic benefit, despite some variation in awareness and recollection of the specifics of the
guided meditation they had experienced. This is reminiscent of the residual leisure experience
phenomenology of a vacationer returning from a journey or trip and being able to remember and
integrate novel thought patterns and/or behaviours observed and experienced into their daily
routine.
Discussion/Implications
We have described a theoretical framework, rationale and early user feedback for leisure-
states with therapeutic intent packaged as immersive media-based meditation programs. We wish
to point out the potential societal benefit of health promotion on a preventative level through
TEMM therapy, for example, more closely linked to workplace health management services.
219

Specifically with difficulty in regularly scheduling predictable vacations or other leisure events,
the notion of bringing leisure into the workplace may be a promising avenue to pursue for
employee wellbeing and productivity. The acute as well as residual effects of such simulated or
recreated leisure states is able to approximate real experiences, and perhaps even deliver these
more efficiently and predictably. Recreation and leisure studies has a further opportunity to
prove its inherent value in the field of health and wellness, and advances in media technology
could be the catalyst to diminish existing gaps between these domains (Marti, 2012). While
similar outcomes might ordinarily occur with conventional leisure activities such as play,
enjoyment of outdoor nature experiences or cultural activites, it is intriguing to consider the
option that immersive media technologies might be able to operationalize these experiences in a
standardized format, allowing essentially a supervised prescription of leisure by healthcare
professionals trained in this paradigm. This could have significant health policy implications as
well as reinventing service delivery in workplace wellbeing initiatives (e.g. Peters et al., 2013).
Analogous to current pharmaceutical personalized medicine initiatives (Woodcock, 2007),
personalized simulated therapeutic leisure environments are now within reach. Clarifying
differences between individuals and linking qualitative lived experience reports to clinical data
would be a welcome next step. This is part of the iterative process of designing for health and
wellness that frames a creative scientific approach that allows for both methodical and
serendipitous discovery. The possibilities of personalized experience design of immersive
wellbeing environments appears wide open for future work, discovery and implementation.
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Old Knowledges, New Societies: The Philadelphia Negro and Leisure Research*
Rasul A. Mowatt (Indiana University), Myron F. Floyd (North Carolina State University)

Introduction
In an effort to understand and learn about the quality of life of nearly 40,000 Black
residents of Philadelphia, W.E.B. Du Bois with the support of the University of Pennsylvania
conducted an ambitious fifteen-month sociological study. The resulting work, The Philadelphia
Negro: A Social Study published in 1899, aimed to examine the spatial distribution and
concentration of this population, insights into their daily life (both work and leisure), the
conditions of their dwellings, their social and political participation, and their relationship with
the White majority. As he stated then, here are social problems before us demanding careful
study, questions awaiting satisfactory answers about the disparities that were affecting Black
residents of Philadelphia (Du Bois, 1996a, p. 3). Although absent from the leisure studies
literature, the significance of The Philadelphia Negro offers several lessons for conducting
research on leisure and race within Chapter 1 The Scope of This Study, Chapter 10 The
Health of Negroes, Chapter 15 Social Class and Amusements, and Section 6 Amusements
and Recreation of the Special Report at the conclusion.


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Methodology
According to Delgado and Stefancic (2001), a revisionist historical analysis reexamines
Americas historical record, replacing comforting majoritarian interpretations of events with
ones that square more accurately with minorities experiences (p. 20). While according to
Solrzano and Yasso (2002), among other approaches, critical race methodology is grounded in
challenging, the traditional research paradigms, texts, and theories used to explain the
experiences of students of color (p. 24). Historical materials are reviewed for content and placed
in categories relevant to the overall focus of study and need to situate race or racism into
dominant literature. Indeed, through both we seek to introduce Du Bois and the The
Philadelphia Negro within leisure studies literary history as we believe that Du Bois imparted a
gift to social scientists on the need to incorporate history, see behavior as connected to
culture, going to where people are (not where they frequent), using an ensemble of inquiry
and methods, and facing intellectual marginalization when notions for a new society are
challenged.

Incorporation of History
To provide appropriate context of the population in his study, Du Bois begins his
discussion in 1638. Unlike many other cities , Philadelphia presented Black communities with
opportunities to build their own dwellings, buildings, places for recreation, and gatherings.
Alongside an influx of immigrant populations coming from Ireland, Germany, Sweden, and
other European countries, the studys guiding question took on a heightened salience as even in
1896 the White majority would ask, Why has the Negro not found his place? (Du Bois, 1996a,
p. 44). Du Bois (1996a) located the church as the chief axis of social life, it is the centre of
social, intellectual and religious life of an organized group of individuals. It provides social
intercourse, it provides amusements of various kinds, it serves as a newspaper and intelligence
bureau, it supplants the theatre, it directs the picnic and excursion, it furnishes the music, it
introduces the stranger to the community, it serves as a lyceum, library and lecture bureau (p.
470). Social problems in the communities we currently research and the populations that
participate in our studies have a history, a long history, and a failure to acknowledge this history
could minimize the magnitude of the problem or the depth of the issue.

Behavioral Connection to Culture
As leisure researchers, we may have committed a grave transgression in either separating
leisure as a cultural production full of meaning that is laden with cultural capital or never
integrating culture to our discussions of the social behavior of people. Du Bois (1996a) captured
in vivid detail the lived experiences of the residents that granted him entry into their homes. This
was not just a matter of the financial necessities that mitigated leisure even in 1896 but also
because the willful segregation of the Black Philadelphians still permeated parks, theaters, and
railcars despite the law instituting such practices had been rescinded in 1877. As Zuberi (2004)
on Du Bois work remarked,
Culture is not separate from everyday life or economic activityculture comprises the
imaginary world of what is seen as possible and the way in which we organize our social
space and social relationships that dominate everyday lives (p. 150).



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Where People Are
Over the span of fifteen months, Du Bois went door-to-door, and after describing the
nature of the study he interviewed residents about their status and living conditions. He admitted
that the scope of the study would not adequately address the social problems of Black people in
the US, but it would provide a level of depth that was largely unknown. 9,675 Black
Philadelphians were interviewed, 4,501 males and 5,174 females, for an hour was spent in each
home in over 2,500 households (Du Bois, 1996a, p. 63). What Du Bois attempted was to give
thick description of known census data from the period. Instead of stating that a mother of
three headed a home, he also presented background on how the family came to Philadelphia and
the absence of the other parent. In some cases, responses yielded a counter-narrative of the
pervasive image of the irresponsibility of Black men (that still exists) by revealing the troubling
number of deaths due to military service or unknown causes. He also documented Black
womens independence in choosing to marry later in life or choosing to be single that was a
counter to the slave system that regulated early marriages and conditioned the manner that
Black people entered intimate familial relationships (Du Bois, 1996, p. 72).

Ensemble of Inquiry
The Philadelphia Negro is not only rich with description of historical accounts and
interview summations but also detailed neighborhood mapping. City blocks were re-drawn and
then filled in with information gained from on-the-ground canvassing and door-to-door
interviewing. What he gifted to researchers is an ensemble of inquiry that highlights an openness
to employ multiple methods, tools, and sources. This informed perspective, deepened his
analysis of the social realities of the Black Philadelphians that were the subject of his study.
Along with redrawn maps of the various Black populated Wards of the city, data were inter-
spliced with commentary that informs the reader of the potential background of data but also the
relevance of the commentary.

Intellectual Marginalization
Despite the impressive number of interview respondents, even by current standards, Du
Bois was denied access to many homes and others required three trips to gain entry. His race did
not matter. In reflections on his life and his experience in Philadelphia DuBois stated that, the
experience taught him that merely being born in a [social] group, does not necessarily make one
possessed of complete knowledge concerning it (Du Bois, 1968, p. 198). The amount of
information that is evident in The Philadelphia Negro is due largely to the amount of time
embedded in the Seventh Ward of Philadelphia, as Wilson et al. (1996) stated, Du Bois did
what more of us should do: planted himself in a Black community and proceeded to study it as
thoroughly as possible (p. 79).
In the introduction of the first edition of the published study, that
With a strictly research appointment, Du Bois did no teachinghis presence merited one
brief mention in the Universitys Catalogue[thus] the most significant research in the
history of the department still remained invisible. (Katz & Sugrue, 1998, p. 17-18)
The treatment that the department gave him as a temporary appointment was paralleled by
the overall fields of Sociology and History as the study was disregarded with the only book
review coming from the American Historical Review (1900), which was curiously and negatively
reviewed by an anonymous reviewer. These examples show that even liberal leaning institutions
practiced a form of marginality when it came to research on Black life and culture that could
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impact policy and perception. Regardless of the social responsibility programs in or even
Abolitionist history of Philadelphia, as Du Bois (1996b) stated, there was little or no intellectual
commerce between Black and White communities throughout America, and this reality was as
real for the communities in his study as much as it was for himself (p. 93). This reality of no
interracial community of intellectual life contributed to the communities in such way a, that
deprived them of any source of collaboration, viability for innovation, or recognition of value.

Conclusion
Du Bois, in sociologys first community and population scale study (prior to the creation of the
Chicago School), skillfully employed interviews alongside archival data to make strong
recommendations to the city and declarations about race relations. He stated,
Discrimination is morally wrong, politically dangerous, industrially wasteful, and
socially sillythe same incentive to good, honest, effective work [should] be placed
before a black office boy as before a white oneunless this is done the city has no right to
complain that black boys lose interest in work and drift into idleness and crime (Du Bois,
1899, p. 394-395).
This is the sobering legacy of such a study initiated in 1896, that the refusal to deal with
the problems of race will only lead to the continued social problems of one population but
ultimately on the fabric of an overall new society. Regardless of which terminology we choose to
use such as entrenched White racism, systemic racism, or institutionalized racism, this seminal
work that should asserted in the literary history of leisure studies begs us as leisure researchers to
come to a realization of our role, that, we must study, we must investigate, we must attempt to
solve the dilemmas of an old society transitioning to a new society (Du Bois, 1996, p. 3)

References
Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2001). Critical race theory: An introduction. New York: New York
University Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1968). The autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois: A soliloquy on viewing my
life from the last decade of its first century. New York: International Publishers.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1899). The Philadelphia Negro: A social study. Philadelphia, PA: University
of Pennsylvania Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1996a). The Philadelphia Negro: A social study. Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1996b). The souls of Black folk. New York: Penguin Books.
Katz, M., & Sugrue, T. J. (1998). W. E. B. Du Bois and the city: The Philadelphia Negro and Its
Legacy. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
n. a. (1900). The Philadelphia Negro: A social study [Review of the book, by W. E. Burghardt
Du Bois]. American Historical Review, 6(1), 162-164.
Solrzano, D. G., & Yasso, T. J. (2002). Critical race methodology: Counter-storytelling as an
analytical framework for education research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23-44.
Wilson, W. J., Early, G., Lewis, D. L., Anderson, E., Blackwell, J. E., Walters, R., &
Stone, C. (1996). Du Bois The Philadelphia Negro: 100 years later. The Journal of Black in
Higher Education, 11, 78-84.
Zuberi, T. (2004). W. E. B. Du Boiss sociology: The Philadelphia Negro and social science.
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 595, 146-156.

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Blogging Poorism: Discourse Analysis of Poverty Tourism in Travel Blogs
Meghan L. Muldoon (University of Waterloo)

Since the early 1990s a new form of tourism has emerged, one that purports to challenge
tourists to engage more authentically with the places they visit and witness the reality of their
host communities (Manfred, 2010). Poverty tourism began as an anti-apartheid movement in
South Africa, with social justice activists bringing visitors to racially-segregated townships in an
effort to raise awareness of the poverty and inequities inflicted on black and coloured South
Africans (Steinbrink, Frenzel, & Koens, 2012). Around the same time, Brazilian activists
involved in Rio de Janeiros 1992 Earth Summit decided that attendees of the UN conference
should do more than talk about poverty (Steinbrink, Frenzel, & Koens, 2012). They organized
visits to Rios poorest neighbourhoods, the favelas, in order to show the delegates the realities of
living in a slum.
More than 20 years later, slum tourism is a well-established, and highly polarizing, niche in
the global tourism industry. Spurred by movies such as Ciudad de Dios (2003) and Slumdog
Millionaire (2008), travellers are increasingly inspired to seek out tours that take them beyond
the typical tourist fare and allow them to engage with locals on a personal level (Freire-
Medeiros, 2013). Proponents argue that touring impoverished areas fosters an awareness of
issues surrounding entrenched poverty, shows tourists the reality of the places they visit beyond
the shiny tourist attractions, and brings much needed income into these areas through locally-
organized tours (Scheyvens, 2011; Steinbrink, Frenzel, & Koens, 2012). Opponents say that this
form of tourism is pure voyeurism, exploiting the misery and poverty of the Other for tourists
entertainment, and that residents are treated with little more regard than animals in a zoo
(Scheyvens, 2011; Steinbrink, Frenzel, & Koens, 2012). As debates regarding the ethics,
objectives, and outcomes of poverty tourism continue, a growing number of tours are being
offered in neighbourhoods from Mumbais Dharavi to Vancouvers Downtown Eastside
(Kassam, 2013).
My presentation to the Canadian Congress on Leisure Research will introduce the research
I have undertaken to critically analyze poverty tourism discourse as produced in travel blogs.
Blogs are a form of online diary that have become an increasingly popular means for travellers to
share photos and stories about their travels and remain connected with family and friends.
Through writing about their travel experiences, bloggers deconstruct and reconstruct the places
and people they encounter, effectively creating a new touristic space in an easily accessible
online venue (Enoch & Grossman, 2009, p. 521). Blogs allow strangers and friends to share in
their adventures, their perspectives, and what they have learned through their encounters with the
Other. Blogs therefore have the potential to shape the way readers understand the topic of
poverty tourism, and may have an influence on other travellers deciding whether or not to
engage in this form of tourism. The critical discourse analysis I have undertaken looks at the
ways travellers blog posts reinforce and reproduce prevailing understandings of engaging in
poverty tourism.

Research Questions
Three questions guided my critical discourse analysis of poverty tourism in travellers
blogs:
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What values and ways of interacting are promoted by travellers within the poverty
tourism discourse?
What values and ways of interacting are subverted by travellers within the poverty
tourism discourse?
How are relationships of power described and enacted within the poverty tourism discourse?
Methodology
Many of the ideas that have come to be associated with critical discourse analysis are
rooted in the thought of the French philosopher Michel Foucault (Waitt, 2005; Jones, 2012;
Rose, 2001). Foucault argued that there is no way of explaining or understanding the world in the
absence of language (Foucault, 1976). Discourse is the assortment of words and understandings
that frame a particular subject or event that allows people to have a shared understanding of what
is true about ourselves, one another, and our surroundings (Rose, 2001; van Dijk, 1985;
Foucault, 1972). Discourses are continuously reinforced and reconstituted through our speech,
media, novels, photographs, and every other means of communication (Potter & Wetherell,
1987; Jaworski & Pritchard, 2005; Waitt, 2005). While discourse operates to create common
understandings of what can be true or known about a particular subject, it concurrently
suppresses other understandings within that discourse. Meanings which are counter to the
discourse are silenced, to the effect that it can be difficult to even think beyond the prevailing
discourse, much less speak out against it (Rose, 2001; Waitt, 2005). In this way, discourses also
have power; the power to privilege and the power to conceal. Foucault felt that power is imbued
in all social interactions, and while power is not always a negative force, it does serve to
privilege which versions of reality are accepted as truth within a particular discourse (Jones,
2012; Hook, 2001).
Discourse analysis is about uncovering the structures that dictate what we know to be
true and common-sense and normal. Critical discourse analysis looks to critique power
structures underpinning a prevailing discourse. It problematizes the prevailing discourse,
questioning who is marginalized by dominant discourses and investigates how those interested in
social justice can work to upset and potentially dismantle discourses of inequity. Tourism, in
particular poverty tourism, invokes some of the most unequal relationships in the world today,
and the discourse analysis I have undertaken explores how travellers understand, express, and
justify those relationships. My research explores the ways in which tourists narrate and share
their poverty tourism experiences in order to construct self-identities as socially conscious
travellers in the world, and what these narrations say about their relationships with the people
they encounter on their travels.

Method
In order to select a manageable study sample from amongst the thousands of travel blogs
available online, purposive sampling methods were used. The search term best travel blogs
was entered into the Google search engine, and the top 25 travel blogs from each list were
recorded until all lists were exhausted. Any travel blog appearing on two or more lists was
included in the study sample. I chose this sampling method based on the understanding that these
blogs could be presumed to be those most likely to be sought out by readers beyond the
bloggers family and friends, people who are travel enthusiasts or doing research on visiting a
particular area. This sampling strategy was undertaken because it was presumed that these blogs
may be among the most widely renowned, referenced, and therefore, influential in the travel
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blogosphere. Additional sampling was undertaken through the inclusion of any travel blogs
recommended or guest posted in the blogs included in the original sample.
A total of 53 travel blogs were included in the sample pool. Of these, 13 were excluded
from the study for reasons including: the blog does not contain a search function, the blog has
ceased to exist, or the pages actually turned out to be an NGO website or an article sharing site,
and not actual user-created blogs. The remaining 40 travel blog sites were searched using the
following search terms: poverty, slum, poorism, responsible tourism, reality tour, cultural tour,
ethical tourism, hopeful tourism, favela, township, Dharavi, Kibera, and Soweto, the last three
being the largest slums in Mumbai, Nairobi, and Johannesburg, respectively, and known to offer
poverty tours. These search terms are those commonly used in the academic literature and media.
I chose to include as many search terms as I was aware of, not knowing what words or terms the
travel bloggers would themselves use to describe their experiences. Of the 40 remaining travel
blog sites, 22 made no reference to poverty tourism (i.e. 0 relevant results from any of the search
terms) and were excluded from the analysis.
I chose to deliberately exclude posts related to voluntourism or observations of local
poverty while travelling. I focussed on postings that spoke about deliberately seeking out and
experiencing poverty, primarily in the form of organized tours of urban slum areas. The 18 travel
blog sites yielded a total of 36 blog postings that I considered to be of significance to the present
study.

Preliminary Findings
Some early results of this critical discourse analysis indicate that local people are
characterized as being endlessly welcoming, and that children are always willing to pose for
photos asking nothing in return. The language is strongly reminiscent of colonialism, with local
people being happy to simply be included in the tourists gaze. Travellers blogs also frequently
characterize local people as victims who need the income generated by the tourists visits in
order to make inroads out of poverty. The implication is that without the tourists presence, these
communities would never be capable of improving the living conditions in their communities.
This analysis has raised questions regarding the actual impact of this industry, as monetary
profits may prove to be a disincentive to making improvements in the communities. There is an
aspect of disappointment in many of the blog postings of travellers who visited neighbourhoods
that have seen improvements in living conditions, as though they have been let down that the
poverty and squalor they had been promised is not present. There is a possibility that even were
community improvements to become possible, they would not be prioritized or desirable as they
could be perceived to have a negative impact on the desirability of the community to the tourist
trade.
My presentation will explore issues of power, privilege, and social responsibility
encountered through global travel. Through this I hope to initiate a discussion regarding the role
of travellers in low-income communities and how to negotiate encounters with poverty and
social injustice.

References
Enoch, Y., & Grossman, R. (2009). Blogs of Israeli and Danish backpackers to India. Annals of
Tourism Research, 37(2), p. 520-536.
Foucault, M. (1972). The archaeology of knowledge. Translated from the French by A.M.
Sheridan Smith. London: Routledge.
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Freire-Medeiros, B. (2013). Touring poverty. New York: Routledge.
Frentzel, F., Koens, K., & Steinbrink, M. (Eds.) (2012). Slum tourism: Poverty, power and
ethics. New York: Routledge.
Hook, D. (2001). Discourse, knowledge, materiality, history: Foucault and discourse analysis.
Theory and Psychology, 11(4), p. 521-547.
Jaworski, A., & Pritchard, A. (Eds.) (2005). Discourse, communication and tourism. Toronto:
Channel View Publications.
Jones, R. H. (2012). Discourse analysis: A resource book for students. New York: Routledge.
Kassam, A. (2013, January 7). Poorism, the new tourism: Travellers help the homeless by
signing up for tours of the rougher side of town. Macleans.
Manfred, R. (2010). Poverty tourism: Theoretical reflections and empirical findings regarding an
extraordinary form of tourism. GeoJournal, 75(5), p. 421-442.
Muldoon, M., Qiu, J., Yudina, O., & Grimwood, B. S. R. (2013). A postcolonial reading of
responsible nature-based tourism in Sub-Arctic Canada. Proceedings of the International
Critical Tourism Studies Conference V, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina. ISSN 2053-7468.
Available at: http://cts.som.surrey.ac.uk/sample-page/tourism-and-its-potential-as-a-social-
force/?wpa-paged=2
Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and Social Psychology. Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications.
Rose, G. (2001). Visual methodologies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Scheyvens, R. (2011). Tourism and poverty. New York: Routledge.
van Dijk, T. (Ed.) (1985). Handbook of discourse analysis: Volume four Discourse analysis in
society. Toronto: Academic Press.
Waitt, G. R. (2005). Doing discourse analysis. In I. Hay (Ed.), Qualitative research methods in
human geography. London, UK: Oxford University Press.



Rural Restructuring and Community Recreation Delivery
Jacquelyn Oncescu (University of Manitoba)

Since the 1980s Canadas rural regions have experienced restructuring initiatives within
the economic and social realms of community life (Skinner & Joseph, 2007). In many parts of
rural Canada, restructuring strategies in natural resource industries has included industry
consolidation and labour-shedding technologies that have negatively affected resource
production (Ryser & Halseth, 2010). The small towns that service these communities are
experiencing high unemployment rates and reduced services and amenities. These problems are
often compounded by the governments withdrawal of public services. In particular, government
policies around centralization have influenced the closures of post offices, employment insurance
offices, human resources centres and health and education services (Halseth & Ryser, 2007). The
increase in centralization results in a higher concentration of services in larger centres, which
increases the distances to reach essential services and resources (Halseth & Ryser, 2007). For
many rural communities the outcome has been a steady decline in economics and population. As
people leave rural communities, increased costs for delivering basic infrastructure and services
are compounded which make it difficult for the government to justify financial support for
community programs, social and education services, and infrastructure in rural communities
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(Goetz, 2000). In particular, resources for community recreation provisions have become
vulnerable to industry and public sector closures, which is purported to threaten rural
communities quality of life.
The issues of social and economic restructuring are challenging rural community recreation
delivery. For example, research has reported that the event of a rural school closure can reduce
the volunteer capacity needed to organize community recreation events and activities, and
influence the reorganization of voluntary community organizations programs and events
(Oncescu & Giles, 2012; in press). Other research has linked restructuring, specifically farm
amalgamation and service withdrawal, to the closure and regionalization of sport clubs in
Australia (as cited in Tonts, 2005). These findings are problematic for rural communities,
because they typically have limited funds and resources for recreation and rely heavily on local
volunteers to facilitate opportunities (Tefler & Wall, 1994; Glyptis, 1989). While considerable
research has been conducted on the broader social and economic implications of restructuring in
rural communities, less is known about the impact it has on rural community recreation delivery.
This is despite the research that has linked recreation, arts, and culture, and interpersonal
relationships to the foundation of social wellbeing for rural residents (Ramsey & Beesley, 2006;
Ramsey & Smit, 2002) and overall quality of life in rural communities (Middleton, 2000).
Therefore, this study sought to investigate the impact of pulp and paper mill closure on rural
community recreation delivery in a rural community in Manitoba, Canada.

Study Setting
The community of Preston Village (PV) is a small rural community located in Central
Canada. The rationale for selecting this community was the recent closure of their pulp and paper
mill. PV has a population of 1300 in-town residents with a wide range of public agencies, private
enterprises, and voluntary community organizations. Located in a region rich with timberland,
PV has cultivated a local history in the pulp and paper industry since the early 1900s. For over
eighty years the mill influenced Preston Villages social and economic landscape; however, in
2009 the mill closed resulting in dramatic changes to community life.

Theoretical Framework
The complex relationship between a single resource industry town and rural community
recreation provisions warrants a theoretical framework that explores community recreation from
multiple perspectives. The social ecological theory (SET) emphasizes an in-depth understanding
of the dynamic relationship between and among individuals, group and their socio-psycho
environments through multiple levels (Stokols, 1996). According to McLeroy et al. (1988)s SET
framework these levels of influence extend from intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional and
organization, community, and policy factors. Intrapersonal factors include characteristics of the
individual such as knowledge, attitudes, behaviour, motivation, constraints, skills, etc.
Interpersonal factors consist of formal and informal social networks and social support systems,
including family, work group, and friendship networks. Institutional and organizations factors
include social institutions with organizational characteristics, formal and informal rules and
regulations for operation, and organizations in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors.
Community factors can be understood as either community groups an individual belongs to;
relationships among community-wide social networks, organizations and institutions; or,
geographical or political entities. Lastly, policy factors are related to local, provincial, and
national laws and policies, at the broadest level of influence on individual behavior. These
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factors do not act in isolation, but are interrelated (McLeroy et al., 1988). Because SET addresses
how community social structures, institutions, and policies influence individual behaviour, such
a framework was warranted to understand the impact the mills closure had on rural recreation
provisions.

Methodology
This paper stems from a larger project that explored the impact of a pulp and paper mill
closure on rural community life through a single exploratory case study methodology using
multiple methods of data collection. A key component of case study methodologies are the use of
multiple methods of data collection in order to gather detailed information regarding the
phenomenon under study (Yin, 2009). Methods of data collection for the larger project included
semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and a youth photovoice project; however, this paper is
focusing on the results from semi-structured interviews with ten key community informants
representing diverse sectors of the community. Once gathered, data from the interviews were
thematically analyzed, coded, and organized into themes that were then discussed in relationship
to SETs community organization and institution influential factors.

Findings
The findings of this study suggest that a pulp and paper mill closure has a considerable
impact on rural community recreation provisions. Through SET, this study highlights how the
mills closure influenced PVs recreation provisions through community organizations and
institutions: 1) declining community recreation opportunities; 2) new programming strategies;
and, 3) increased workloads. SET is a complex model and reporting on all its elements can be
challenging for researchers. Similar to Cardenas et al. (2009), I have limited the scope of this
paper to discuss the findings that relate only to SETs institutional and organizational factors.
The first theme revealed that the mill closure influenced a decline in community recreation
opportunities. Since the mills closure a number of residents secured employment in outlying
communities that involved extensive travel or long periods of time away from home which
changed their daily routines, whereas others were unable to secure adequate employment. As a
result, a number of residents do not have the time or resources to support the recreation programs
and services offered by Preston Villages (PV) community organizations and institutions.
Community recreation organizations such as the Legion and golf course saw their membership
decline, and recreation facilities such as rink and bowling alley closed.
As participation in community recreation opportunities declined, the second theme
highlighted how community recreation organizations were forced to change their programming
strategies. Since the mill closed, community recreation organizations saw an increased demand
in low-cost programs and an increase in requests for subsidizations. As a result, leaders in these
organizations dedicated more time to grant applications and developing new partnerships within
the community to reduce the costs involved in delivering recreation programs.
Beyond the changes to programming strategies, PVs community organizations
experienced an increase in workload. The third theme revealed that when operational, the mill
provided a number of in kind-donations and financial donations that supported various
community organizations recreation programs and facilities. There were also a number of
residents working and living in the community that were able to support community
organizations programs and events. However, since the mills closure monetary and in-kind
donations have disappeared, and volunteer support for community organizations and institutions
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has been reduced as residents spent more time travel to outlying communities for work. The
results were an increased workload for the community organizations and institutions in terms of
the time and resources needed to repair and maintain recreation facilities, operate recreation
facilities such as the ice rink, and recruit volunteers to help with fundraising for recreation events
and leadership in terms of coaching sport and leading recreation activities.

Discussion/Conclusion
The application of SET in this study emphasizes the how rural restructuring impacts rural
community organizations and institutions capacity to deliver recreation provisions, and the
strategies these organizations implement to meet the communitys changing recreation needs. In
particular, Preston Villages (PV) community recreation opportunities declined, which is highly
problematic for rural communities, as seen in a study by Oncescu and Robertson (2010). Rural
restructuring resulted in a decline in community recreation programs and events that led to a
weakening in community cohesiveness and sense of community. The results are a reduced ability
to mobilize future collective action that rural communities survival and quality of life depend on
(Cicognani et al., 2008).
The challenges of rural restructuring have significant implications for rural communities,
and this study highlights how their institutions and organizations were forced to respond to
residents changing needs. Specifically, this study highlights how local organizations utilized
asset-based resources, partnerships among community organizations, to offer low or no cost
recreation programs and activities. Such an approach is critical for rural communities, because
they rely heavily on the communitys volunteer capacity to facilitate recreation opportunities
(Glyptis, 1989). In the rural community, these community organizations are the means through
which community assets can be identified and mobilized to develop and deliver community
recreation provisionsan approach that may help rural communities sustain recreation
opportunities in the event of social or economic rural restructuring.
Rural restructuring can challenge the delivery of recreation provisions, and this study
emphasized the increase workloads that compounded community organizations and institutions.
According to Johnson (2001), rural governments often do not utilize tax revenues to deliver
leisure services, which often mean community voluntary organizations are responsible for
recreation provisions. If there is limited public funding available for recreation provisions, rural
restructuring is further complicating the communitys capacity to deliver recreation opportunities
within the communityputting the communitys recreation opportunities at risk of disappearing.
As rural restructuring continues to happen, more communities are at risk of losing
recreation amenities and serviceswhich have served as key components to rural community
social wellbeing (Ramsey & Beesley, 2006). Reduced social ties in rural communities that result
from looking outward can have long-term implications on residents ideas of what a community
is, how it functions, and their civic engagement, which could further threaten the self-sustaining
practices upon which rural communities rely to develop and deliver community recreation
opportunities. Further research on how rural community recreation provisions are impacted by
social and economic restructuring is warranted, but also the ways in which organizations and
institutions adapt and transform themselves to continue to offer recreation opportunities.

References
Cicognani, E., Pirini, C., Keyes, C., Joshanloo, M., Rostami, R., & Nosratabadi, M. (2008).
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Glyptis, S. (1989). Recreation in rural areas: A case study of Ryedale and Swledale. Leisure
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Goetz, S. (2000). Rural development issues in the northeast: 2000-2005. (Report No. 2).
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Halseth, G., & Ryser, L. (2007). The deployment of partnerships by the voluntary sector to
address service needs in rural and small town Canada. Voluntas, 18(3), 241-265.
Hoggart, K., & Paniagua, A. (2001). What rural restructuring? Journal of Rural Studies, 17(1),
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Johnson, T.G. (2001). The rural economy in a new century. International Regional Science
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McLeroy, K. R., Bibeau, D., Steckler, A., & Glanz, K. (1988). An ecological perspective on
health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly, 15(4), 351-377.
Oncescu, J., & Giles, A. (2012). Changing relationships: The impacts of a schools closure on
rural families. Leisure/Loisir, 36(2), 107-126.
Oncescu, J., & Giles, A. (in press). Rebuilding a sense of community through reconnection: The
impact of a rural schools closure on individuals without school-aged children. Journal of
Rural and Community Development.
Oncescu, J., & Robertson, B. (2010). Recreation in remote communities: A case study of a Nova
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Tonts, M., & Atherley, K. (2005). Rural restructuring and the changing geography of
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Publications.



The Perceived Outcomes of Participation in Gatineau Park Interpretive Programs
Sarah Padbury, Paul Heintzman (University of Ottawa)

Introduction
While interpretation has many goals including those of personal growth and inspiring
passion in people, a goal that is a major concern of park management is convincing visitors to
appreciate nature by engaging in environmentally friendly activities in order to preserve the
landscape. The purpose of this study, part of a larger study that was patterned on a modified
version of Bentons (2009) model of interpretation, was to investigate the techniques used as
well as the environmental and recreational outcomes of a park interpretation program.

Literature Review
Most research on park interpretation programs has focused on one or two outcomes,
usually environmental knowledge and attitudes (Marion & Reid, 2007), and uses qualitative
methods that make generalizations difficult (Munro, Morrison-Saunders, & Hughes, 2008).
Bentons (2009) model of interpretation provides a way to examine the multiple outcomes of
interpretation as it includes four conceptions of interpretation (connecting visitors to resources
through the use of interpretive techniques, conveying mission and influencing behaviour,
encouraging environmental literacy, and promoting tourism outcomes). The first conception is
concerned with the interpretive techniques used in the interpretive program. Through the use of
interpretive techniques the interpreter should be able to capture and hold the audiences attention,
communicate effectively, and provide a memorable and inspirational program. The second
conception is concerned with the interpretive programs ability to put forth the agencys mission
and influence visitors pro-environmental behaviours or intentions. The third conception is
concerned with the interpretive programs ability to enhance the visitors environmental literacy
by increasing their environmental knowledge, by facilitating an awareness of environmental
issues, and by fostering an appreciation for the natural resource. The fourth conception is
promoting tourism outcomes, which is concerned with the use of travel ideas to appeal to
visitors leisure interests and to promote spending as a means of improving economic benefits
(Benton, 2009, p. 10). The current study examined recreation rather than tourism outcomes, as
most participants were local residents. Measuring the participants satisfaction with their
recreation experience was also chosen since interpretive programs are meant to be meaningful,
educational, and recreational (Beck & Cable, 2011).

Research Questions
The primary research question of this study was:
- What are the perceived environmental and recreation outcomes of park interpretive
programs?
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The secondary research questions were:
- To what extent are park interpretive programs able to connect visitors to the resource
through the use of interpretive techniques?
- What is the perceived impact of park interpretive programs upon pro-environmental
intentions?
- What is the perceived impact of park interpretive programs upon environmental literacy?
- To what extent is participation in park interpretive programs perceived as a satisfying
recreation experience?
- Is there a relationship between the visitors assessment of interpretive techniques and the
interpretive outcomes (environmental and recreation)?
- Is there a relationship between environmental and recreation outcomes?

Methodology
A quantitative methodology with a survey questionnaire was used to collect data from a
sample of adults who participated in nature interpretive programs at Gatineau Park, Quebec,
where programs are provided by both the park (the National Capital Commission) and the
Friends of Gatineau Park. Examples of the programs included in the study are Animal Tracking
on Snowshoes, Follies of the Fall Forest, Owl Prowl and Frog Chorus. The programs were led by
experienced naturalists, lasted approximately two hours, and most had both an indoor and
outdoor component. The researcher attended as many programs as possible and made
announcements at either the beginning or end of each program and also distributed recruitment
notices or letters of information with details of the study. The survey, available in both French
and English, could be completed directly after the interpretive program, taken home and returned
by mail, or completed online. Developed from existing scales and literature, the questionnaire
included scales designed to examine interpretive techniques (Beck & Cable, 2011), pro-
environmental behavioural intentions (Walker & Chapman, 2003), environmental literacy
(Benton, 2009), and recreation satisfaction (Backlund & Stewart, 2012). The data collected from
the questionnaires was statistically analyzed through several descriptive and parametric tests
using SPSS software. The relationships between the independent (interpretive techniques) and
dependent (pro-environmental intentions, environmental literacy and recreation satisfaction)
variables were examined. Additionally, the relationships between the various outcomes
(recreational and environmental) were investigated.

Findings and Discussion
All items on all four scales (interpretive techniques, behavioural intentions, environmental
literacy, and recreation satisfaction) received mean scores above the midpoint (a score of five or
higher on a nine-point scale) which means that all four scales had fairly positive responses
overall.
Correlational analysis found significant positive relationships between the overall scores
for interpretive techniques and the overall scores for the interpretive outcomes (pro-
environmental behavioural intentions, p = .025 and r = .267; environmental literacy, p = .000 and
r = .711; and recreation satisfaction, p = .000 and r = .419). These findings suggest that the
interpretive techniques used during the selected interpretation programs are correlated with the
environmental and recreational outcomes of the program. Interestingly, the strongest correlation
was between interpretive techniques and environmental literacy, as those who had higher scores
for the Interpretive Techniques Scale also had higher scores on the Environmental Literacy
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Scale. These findings suggest that the types of principles (interpretive techniques) that Beck and
Cable (2011) recommend are associated with environmental and recreational outcomes.
The findings from the correlation analysis of the relationships between individual items on
the Interpretive Techniques Scale and the overall environmental and recreational outcome scores
revealed that some interpretive techniques have stronger correlations with interpretive outcomes
than others. The strongest correlation overall was between the interpretive program made me
feel passion for nature and environmental literacy (p = .000, r = .732), and this item was also
the item most strongly correlated with recreation satisfaction (p = .000, r = .452). This finding
suggests the importance of interpreters facilitating a passion for nature in the participants. All
interpretive techniques items were significantly correlated to at least one of the interpretive
outcomes.
Additionally, there was a significant positive correlation between recreation satisfaction
and environmental literacy (p = .000, r = .518). Path analysis indicated the direction of this
relationship, with environmental literacy directly influencing recreation satisfaction. Path
analysis also indicated that interpretive techniques indirectly influenced recreation satisfaction
through environmental literacy.


Implications for Research
The results of this study support the modified version of Bentons (2009) model of
interpretation in that interpretation has goals related to connecting visitors to resources through
the use of interpretive techniques, influencing pro-environmental behavioural intentions,
encouraging environmental literacy, and creating opportunities for satisfying recreation
experiences. Thus the framework is useful for examining the multiple goals of nature
interpretation programs. Furthermore, although Benton created his model for cultural interpretive
programs and tested it on cultural/heritage interpretation programs (Benton, 2009, 2011), the
findings of this research suggest that his model is also applicable to nature interpretive programs.
Also, the present study illustrates that the model can be adapted to measure recreation rather than
tourism outcomes. Furthermore, while Bentons model was based on qualitative research, the
findings illustrate that the model is applicable to quantitative studies.
The findings of this study suggest that the 15 interpretive principles (techniques) that Beck
and Cable (2011) recommend could be used as an interpretive program evaluation tool. Beck and
Cables 15 guiding principles are often referred to as foundational to interpretive practice but are
neglected as an evaluative tool. Based on the findings of this study, the interpretive principles
(techniques) are correlated with specific environmental and recreational outcomes. Furthermore,
the principles as reflected by the items on the Interpretive Techniques Scale could be selected
based on the type of interpretation program and the feasibility of techniques being used. For
example, for nature interpretation programs the item relating to bringing the past alive could be
removed; the same could be done for any items that are not applicable to a particular program.
Use of Beck and Cables 15 guiding principles as an evaluative tool is worthy of further study.
Additionally, the findings of this study suggest that participation in the selected interpretive
programs could be perceived as a satisfying recreation experience, and could have an impact
upon the participants pro-environmental behavioural intentions and environmental literacy.
Further research is needed on the impact of interpretive program participation and changes in
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behaviour, such as a longitudinal study that could examine potential changes in behaviour after a
certain period of time post program participation. Moreover, further research on the process of
the relationship between environmental literacy and recreation satisfaction would be valuable to
gain a better understanding of how this association is developed, and any other factors that may
affect this relationship.
Furthermore, statistically significant differences were found between the interpretive
outcomes according to: seasons of the programs (winter, spring, and fall), frequency of visits to
the park, and frequency of participation in previous interpretive programs. Future research might
include further study on the relationships between the frequency of participation in interpretive
programs and environmental and recreational outcomes, and frequency of park visitation and
these same outcomes. While this study examined responses of individuals based on their
participation in one interpretive program, further study on participants who visit the park
frequently and participate in several interpretive programs would be beneficial.

References
Backlund, E., & Stewart, W. (2012). Effects of setting-based management on visitor experience
outcomes: Differences across a management continuum. Journal of Leisure Research,
44(3), 392-415.
Beck, L., & Cable, T. T. (2011). The gifts of interpretation: Fifteen guiding principles for
interpreting nature and culture (3
rd
ed.). Urbana, IL: Sagamore.
Benton, G. M. (2009). From principle to practice: Four conceptions of interpretation. Journal of
Interpretation Research, 14, 731.
Benton, G. M. (2011). Multiple goal conveyance in a state park interpretive boat cruise. Journal
of Interpretation Research, 16(2), 7-21.
Marion, J. L., & Reid, S. E. (2007). Minimising visitor impacts to protected areas: The efficacy
of low impact education programmes. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 15(1), 5-27.
doi:10.2167/jost593.0
Munro, J. K., Morrison-Saunders, A., & Hughes, M. (2008). Environmental interpretation
evaluation in natural areas. Journal of Ecotourism, 7(1), 1-14. doi: 10.2167/joe137.0
Walker, G., & Chapman, R. (2003). Thinking like a park: The effects of sense of place,
perspective-taking, and empathy on pro-environmental intentions. Journal of Park and
Recreation Administration, 21(4), 71-86.



Re-conceptualizing Serious Leisure: Defining Leisure as Experiencein Everyday Life
Angela Pollak (The University of Western Ontario)

Introduction
This paper presents findings from a doctoral research project that examines experience as
an information source across the workmaintenanceleisure spectrum. Results confirm the fluid
nature of the boundaries between work, maintenance and leisure in everyday life, and answer
Gallant et al.s call for alternative methodologies and expanded theorizing to capture the
ideologies and discourses that shape and construct [leisure] experience (Gallant et al., 2013).

236

Theoretical Influences
In order to advance our understanding of experience-based information behaviours,
including leisure information behaviours, this project draws theoretically from the disciplines of
leisure studies and information behaviour studies.
Serious leisure theory developed by Professor Robert Stebbins beginning in the 1980s, is a
framework with which to examine the voluntary non-work, non-maintenance, pleasurable
activities people engage in (Stebbins, 1982; Stebbins, 1997; Stebbins, 2005). Used to study
leisure pursuits as diverse as hobbies (Stebbins, 1996), sport (Gibson, Willming, & Holdnak,
2002), volunteering (Harrington, Cuskelly, & Auld, 2000) and tourism (Kane & Zink, 2007), as
well as aging (Heley & Jones, 2013), gendered (Raisborough, 2006) and disabled (Patterson &
Pegg, 2009) populations, it has recently come under examination by Gallant et al. (2013), who
note three challenges associated with the current framework. First, its focus on leisure activities
unnecessarily limits the complexity with which leisure can be viewed. Secondly,
unacknowledged, socially constructed dichotomies limit the study and interpretation of serious
leisure. And third, a lack of attention to the social context in which leisure pursuits are
undertaken inhibits examination of other benefits associated with leisure, such as the potential
for it to nurture social ties and build identity.
Information behaviour theories explain how and why people actively or passively seek,
avoid or encounter information in everyday life contexts, including work, maintenance and
leisure aspects of everyday life (Savolainen, 1995; Savolainen, 2008; Savolainen, 2009). The
number of studies examining information behaviours in leisure contexts has grown steadily since
the introduction of leisure to this discipline in 2003 (Fulton & Vondracek, 2009). Although it is
now widely acknowledged that leisure activities facilitate a rich assortment of information
behaviours (Stebbins, July 2012), empirical investigation into leisure information behaviours has
been limited to activity-based serious leisure contexts and their enthusiasts, for example gourmet
cooks (Hartel, 2007), serial collectors (Case, 2009), photographers (Cox, 2013), and backpackers
(Chang, 2009). Not surprisingly, it can be said that the development of information behaviour
theory around leisure domains faces similar challenges to those identified by Gallant et al. above.
Purpose
To overcome these limitations, Gallant et al. (2003) propose envisioning serious leisure as an
experience. This study represents an initial attempt to bring together the disciplines of leisure
studies and information behaviour studies in a way that privileges the experiential nature of
information behaviours in everyday life. By examining experience as an information source
broadly across the work-maintenance-leisure spectrum, we stand to gain a more nuanced
understanding of leisure information experiences than can be obtained by examining individual
activities in isolation.
Study Design
This study examines work, leisure, and everyday life experiences in the remote, rural
village of Whitney, Ontario
8
. Situated adjacent to Algonquin Provincial Park, Whitney is home

8
Ethics approval for this research project was granted by the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at Western
University according to SSHRC Guidelines (2010) and the Universitys Policy on Research Involving Human
Subjects. All participants agreed to waive anonymity, due in part to the perceived collective benefit of preserving
biographical information. Naming the community allows not only a fuller appreciation of the specific context under
study, but also highlights a predisposition in that community toward social benefit over individual interests, further
supporting Gallant et al.s use of feminist communitarianism as a lense through which to view serious leisure.
237

to approximately 700 full time residents who earn their livings in primarily blue collar and
domestic occupations, including the logging industry, caring for home and family, employment
with the Ministry of Natural Resources, and through seasonal tourist-related service businesses.
This is a particularly interesting location from which to examine both experience in general, and
leisure experience in particular, as the residents of this village dedicate a high proportion of
resources to the pursuit of a plethora of leisure activities, and in service to a diverse group of
leisure experience seekers. The following research questions guided my inquiry:
1. What does experience look like in this environment?
2. What constitutes leisure experience for the people who live here?
I use a qualitative, ethnographic framework to explore contemporary and historical facets of
experience in this rural context, from the perspective of the residents themselves. Methods of data
collection include photo methods, environmental scanning, and semi-structured interviews with 24
adult residents ranging in age from 20-89. Highlights of the data include over 400 photo-voice,
salvage and documentary photographs, more than seven dozen personal letters and documents
(c.1940-1960), and a decade of historical elementary school registers and board minutes (c. 1930-
40). Data analysis follows according to grounded theory using the constant comparative method,
whereby incidents that are found to be conceptually similar are given the same conceptual
label until each emerging theme is fully elaborated (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).
Significant Findings
Results of this study support Gallant et al.s (2013) claim that serious leisure is more
textured and complex than often acknowledged. In particular, the study finds that boundaries
between domains of life and different social worlds are considerably more fluid than previously
described in either the leisure studies or information behaviour literature.
While examining leisure information behaviours from the perspective of activity reveals
micro-level detail about particular activities, examining leisure information behaviours from the
perspective of experience reveals macro-level detail and connections between activities that
might otherwise remain hidden. For example, participants did not necessarily discriminate
between the imposed domain boundaries of work, everyday life, and serious, casual, and project-
based leisure described in leisure studies and information behaviour literature. Participants cited
many occasions where the same activity was undertaken for multiple purposes spanning the
leisureworkmaintenance spectrum, rewarding participants differently in each domain. Female
participants, for example, described foraging for berries as a fun way to spend time, as a way to
provide fresh fruit for the family, and as a way to earn income. Similar experiences emerged
around discussions of other activities including fishing, hunting, crafting, preserving, cooking,
and carpentry.
Data also support studying the social worlds of serious leisure in terms of a fluid
plurality (Gallant et al., 2013). While many studies of leisure social worlds have focused on
enthusiasts, results of this study suggest that some leisure activities involve a social ethos
consisting of multiple layers of community as well. For example, data suggests that both
individuals and small groups enjoy hunting. Yet the impact of a large number of small groups
participating in the activity at the same time and in close geographic proximity was both taken
for granted and supported by the community at large. Data also shows that students have
regularly been withdrawn from school during hunting season (dating back to the 1930s) to
participate in the activity. Further, careful attention is paid to family communities and friend
238

communities in terms of who is invited to hunt. These hunting communities not only come
together annually to participate, but membership persists across generations, ebbing and flowing
with the birth, growth and death cycles of life. Finally, community activities spurred on by
hunting season include not only sharing of labour, but also sharing of the proceeds of the hunt
among intra-group and extra-group members. Taken together, the data supports Gallant et al.s
(2013) suggestion that experiences of serious leisure influence and are influenced by the socio-
political context in which they occur.
Implications for Future Study
Examining serious leisure from the perspective of experience opens the door to a more
nuanced understanding of leisure interests, behaviours, practices and activities. While this study
supports Gallant et al.s (2013) idea that the current serious leisure framework may reflect a
predominantly Western conceptualization of leisure as distinct from work and does not capture
the nature and practice of leisure in some other cultures, more importantly, it suggests that
unique leisure cultures may be evident even within a single, larger socio-cultural context.
Findings of this study also hint that further examination of leisure practices and
experiences in unique cultural contexts is warranted, particularly in situations that have the
potential to provide a context for [both] individual empowerment and community development
(Arai & Pedlar, 1997 as cited in Gallant et al., 2013). Non-profit tourist operations have
successfully commodified knowledge from everyday life or work contexts like the one in this
study, and packaged it for leisure consumption in the form of tourist experiences in several
remote, rural locations (for example, Fogo Island Inn and John C. Campbell Folk School).
Community-benefit tourism projects that market experiential information of the varieties
examined in this study appear to not only preserve elements of culture at risk of disappearing,
but also to create cultural awareness among groups of people who might not otherwise meet, and
to dissolve the dichotomous ways in which we tend to view both leisure pursuits and information
behaviours. Further collaborative investigation of such cross-over leisure and information
behaviour experiences are a natural fit that would benefit both disciplines.
References
Case, D. O. (2009). Serial collecting as leisure, and coin collecting in particular. Library Trends,
57(4), 729-752.
Chang, S. L. (2009). Information research in leisure: Implications from an empirical study of
backpackers. Library Trends, 57(4), 711-728.
Corbin, J. M., & Strauss, A. L. (2008). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and
procedures for developing grounded theory (3rd ed.). Los Angeles: SAGE Publications.
Cox, A. (2013). Information in social practice: A practice approach to understanding information
activities in personal photography. Journal of Information Science, 39(1), 61-72.
Fulton, C., & Vondracek, R. (2009). Pleasurable pursuits: Leisure and LIS research. Library
Trends, 57(4), 611-617.
Gallant, K., Arai, S. M., & Smale, B. (2013). Celebrating, challenging and re-envisioning serious
leisure. Leisure/Loisir, 37(2), 91-109.
Gibson, H., Willming, C., & Holdnak, A. (2002). "We're Gators ... not just Gator fans": Serious
leisure and university of Florida football. Journal of Leisure Research, 34(4), 397-425.
Harrington, M., Cuskelly, G., & Auld, C. (2000). Career volunteering in commodity-intensive
serious leisure: Motorsport events and their dependence on volunteers/amateurs. Loisir &
Societe-Society and Leisure, 23(2), 421-452.
239

Hartel, J. K. (2007). Information activities, resources, and spaces in the hobby of gourmet
cooking. (Doctoral dissertation) University of California, Los Angeles.
Heley, J., & Jones, L. (2013). Growing older and social sustainability: Considering the serious
leisure practices of the over 60s in rural communities. Social & Cultural Geography, 14(3).
Kane, M., & Zink, R. (2007). Package adventure tours: Markers in serious leisure careers. Leisure
Studies, 23(4), 329-345.
Patterson, I., & Pegg, S. (2009). Serious leisure and people with intellectual disabilities: Benefits
and opportunities. Leisure Studies, 28(4), 387-402.
Raisborough, J. (2006). Getting onboard: Women, access and serious leisure. Sociological
Review, 54(2), 242-262.
Stebbins, R. A. (1982). Serious leisure: A conceptual statement. Pacific Sociological Review,
25(2), 251-272.
Stebbins, R. A. (1996). The barbershop singer: Inside the social world of a musical hobby.
Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Stebbins, R. A. (1997). Casual leisure: A conceptual statement. Leisure Studies, 16(1), 17-25.
Stebbins, R. A. (2005). Project-based leisure: Theoretical neglect of a common use of free time.
Leisure Studies, 24(1), 1-11.
Stebbins, R. A. (July 2012, Reflections 30: Leisure's growing importance as a research area in
library and information science. Leisure Reflections, 37.



Ma culture, o-est-elle sur le campus? Leisure and cultural identity of Fransaskois and
Mtis youth in university environments
Nuno F. Ribeiro (University of Regina), Toni Liechty (Clemson University), Frdric Dupr
(University of Regina)

Theoretical Framework and Rationale
Cultural minorities of French influence, including the Fransaskois and Mtis, are among
the founding peoples of Canada (Dickason & McNab, 2008; McMillan & Yellowhorn, 2004).
They compose one of the largest cultural minority communities in Canada (Statistics Canada,
2008), but are still faced with a number of discriminatory practices, which include
ethnolinguistic discrimination and unequal distribution of institutional resources in educational
environments (Denis, 2006; Heller, 1999; Schick & McNinch, 2009). Institutions of higher
education are key spaces of power/knowledge in societies, where cultural minorities have not,
historically, been well integrated. Furthermore, racism and discriminatory practices towards
cultural minorities have been common within these institutions (Battiste, 2005; Hale, 2004;
Herber, 2004). Without leisure spaces to learn about, express and transmit their culture, minority
students risk feelings of exclusion, disenfranchisement, and cultural anomie (Brake, 1985;
Oetting & Beauvais, 1991; Patton, 2006).
In Saskatchewan, the issue is particularly poignant for young Fransaskois and Mtis,
because of the low number of academic programs available in French for higher education
students (Dupr, 2009). This situation has an adverse effect on the retention of minority youth in
the province and, in the long term, on the cultural vitality of the community, as a report by the
Commission on Inclusion of the Fransaskois Community suggests (2006). Within this context,
240

retention of young adults is key to ensure social reproduction of a community (Landry & Allard,
1997), which comprises the transmission of its cultural identity (Breton, 1994; Landry et al,
2006). While some research has been conducted on Fransaskoise and Mtis youth as cultural
minorities (Anuik, 2009; Bourgeois et al, 2009; Dallaire, 2003; Gaudet & Clment, 2005;
Hbert, 1995), few studies thus far have adopted an emic approach to this issue, allowing the
participants to define their cultures and cultural identity in their own terms. Furthermore, little
research has considered the impact of access to and satisfaction with culturally appropriate
leisure spaces. The present study sought to 1) explore if and how Fransaskoise and Mtis
minority students perceive themselves to be part of a distinct culture in a higher education
setting, and 2) investigate how and where they feel comfortable to express their culture within
the physical space of the university during their leisure time.

Study Objectives
Identify the cultural beliefs and cultural practices that constitute Fransaskoise and Mtis
culture(s) for minority students at the U of R;
Identify and explore the meaning of locales at the U of R wherein Fransaskoise and Mtis
students feel at ease to express their culture or, conversely, feel more inhibited to do so,
and their connection to Fransaskoise and Mtis students leisure practices, cultural
integration and well-being;
Suggest ways through which institutions of higher education can maximize feelings of
cultural integration and well-being for cultural minorities of French influence, namely by
the provision of safe leisure spaces of cultural expression within the University.
Methods
This study adopted a mixed-methods design (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998), in two phases,
over the course of 12 months of data collection and analysis at an institution of higher education
in Saskatchewan, Canada. The first phase used cultural consensus analysis (Romney et al., 1986)
to elicit and analyze the cultural beliefs and cultural practices that constitute Fransaskoise and
Mtis culture(s) at the university. Data collection in this phase comprised concomitant freelisting
(Ribeiro, 2012), and participation in two cultural consensus questionnaires, one related to
cultural beliefs (i.e., all the things one believes in as part of Fransaskoise/Mtis culture at the
university), and one pertaining to cultural practices (i.e., all the things one does as part of
Fransaskoise/Mtis culture at the university). Both the freelisting and the cultural consensus
questionnaires were done online, in French and English, using an online survey tool
(FluidSurveys). Participants (n=35) were university students, aged 18-24, who self-identified as
Francophone, Fransaskoise, Franco-Canadian, or Mtis. As an incentive, participants were
eligible to enter a draw to win one of four gift cards (valued at $100 each). Data were analyzed
using the statistical software packages UCINET and SPSS, following procedures described by
Ribeiro (2012) and Weller (2007).
The second phase utilized photo voice (Strack et al, 2004) and focus group (Liechty &
Yarnal, 2010) procedures to illustrate and explore the meaning of leisure spaces at the university
wherein Fransaskoise and Mtis students felt at ease to express their culture, and the impact that
such spaces had on students leisure practices, cultural integration and well-being. We recruited a
second sample of nine students and asked them to take between 8 and 10 photographs of spaces
at the university where they felt most comfortable expressing their culture. Participants used their
personal cameras. Students were then asked to participate in a focus group or individual
241

interviews to discuss the photographs they took, and the meaning such spaces had for them. The
focus group and interviews were conducted in French. Participants were paid $30 for taking
photographs and participating in the focus group/interviews. Cultural consensus, photo voice,
and focus group data were collectively analyzed with the aid of the software NVivo, using
constant comparison procedures (Creswell, 2007).

Results and Discussion
Findings from this study revealed the existence of strong minority cultures, centered
around distinct cultural beliefs/cognitive elements (see Figs. 1a-b). Interestingly, the majority of
culturally-defining items were, directly or indirectly, related to leisure activities, such as music,
traditions, feasts, food, etc. What is more, participation in culturally determined activities

Figs. 1a-b Culturally salient items by French-speaking (left) and English speaking (right) participants
(e.g., speaking French, eating certain foods, going to festivals, etc.), were intrinsically perceived
to be leisure activities, freely chosen by the participants but that nonetheless reinforced their ties
to what they perceived was a minority culture on campus (i.e., Fransaskois, French, & Mtis).
These findings parallel what Walker and colleagues (2008), along with Stodolska and Yi (2003),
found in regard to leisure activities being determinant in establishing cultural ties and
identity(ies).
While the majority of participants were generally satisfied with the provision of physical
spaces on campus wherein they felt comfortable expressing their culture (strongly agree = 26%,
somewhat agree = 40%, somewhat disagree = 28%, strongly disagree = 6%), many stated that
such spaces were under-,over-, or misused. While generally satisfied with their own individual
usage of such leisure spaces, several participants remarked that what was lacking was a
communal usage of the same, as well as culturally-specific events. Interestingly, the majority of
photos provided by the participants were of spaces where they expressed their culture
individually, be it studying at La Rotonde (Fig. 2a), reading books in French (Fig. 2b), or praying
(Fig. 2c), for instance. These findings lend support and extend existing leisure research that
contends that, while culture undoubtedly influences behavior, such behavior is also
individualistic in nature, particularly in regard to leisure activities (e.g., Chick, 1998; Kyle &
Chick, 2007; Ribeiro, 2011).
242


Figs. 2a-c Participants photos of culturally comfortable leisure spaces on campus
Implications for the Conferences Theme and Directions for Future Research
The lack of extensive cross-cultural leisure research, with meritorious exceptions (e.g.,
Chick & Dong, 2003, 2009; Stodolska & Yi, 2003; Walker et al., 2005), and the absence of the
word culture, either as part of a larger theoretical framework, or as an operating variable, has
hindered progress in leisure and recreation research. Nonetheless, leisure scholars seemed to
have reached the point where discussion of culturally-influenced leisure preferences and,
conversely, culturally-sensitive approaches to leisure research are inevitable. In this sense, this
study makes the case for emic, rather than etic, conceptual frameworks and research designs,
allowing participants to define their leisure experience(s) in their own terms, instead of the blind
adoption of dominant ideological frameworks of scholars who have investigated diverse concepts
of leisure or recreation. In this regard, culture is likely to play an increasingly important role as an
intervening variable, and leisure scholars would do well to consider its inclusion in future studies.

References
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in Saskatchewan, 1885-1980. Unpublished PhD thesis. Saskatoon, SK: University of
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Bourgeois, D. Y., Busseri, M. A., & Rose-Krasnor, L. (2009). Ethnolinguistic identity and youth
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Field Methods, 19(4), 339-368.



Challenges with Nature-Based Tourism in Mole National Park, Ghana
Rick Rollins (Vancouver Island University), Emmanuel Acquah (Kwame Nkrumah University of
Science and Technology), Phil Dearden (University of Victoria), Grant Murray (Vancouver
Island University), Ann B. Stahl (University of Victoria)

Introduction
Sub-Saharan Africa has been identified as the most challenging area of the world to meet
targets for future PA expansion to meet global biodiversity conservation goals. Nature-based
tourism can provide a significant inducement for PA establishment and growth in locations
where there is acute poverty.
Protected Areas (PAs) are a core element of biodiversity conservation (Dudley, 2008;
Rands et al., 2010). Tourism in PAs offers significant opportunities to local communities in the
developing world to reduce poverty while integrating conservation and development
(Brockelman & Dearden, 1990; Chok et al., 2007; Scheyvens & Momsen, 2008). Wildlife
viewing is one of the major motivations for people to visit PAs. Nature-based tourism (NBT) in
PAs has become increasingly significant not only for protecting biodiversity but also for
generating financial capital (Zhao & Ritchie, 2007; Hammer & Siegrist, 2008; Balmford et al.,
2009). This study assesses nature-based tourism in Mole National Park (MNP), Ghana, and
makes recommendations for its improvement. Predictions for global expansion of PAs in the
244

future have identified Sub-Saharan Africa as being the most challenging region in the world
(McDonald and Boucher 2011). Nature-based tourism (NBT) can provide a significant
inducement for the expansion and improved management of PAs when planned and implemented
effectively.
One approach for understanding nature-based tourism is the Behavioral Approach Model
(Needham & Rollins, 2009). This model proposes that people engage in nature-based recreation
activities in certain settings to fulfil motivations and realize a group of benefits that are known,
expected and valued. If the outcomes turn out as expected, the person would be satisfied with the
experience and a feedback loop should result in the person seeking similar experiences in future
(Needham & Rollins, 2009). Understanding visitor motivations for participating in a given
activity and assessing how well the activity meets those needs is critical for the successful
management of a wildlife tourism site (Ziegler et al., 2011). Push-pull theory is a dominant
paradigm for understanding motivations in tourism research (Dann, 1977; Crompton, 1979;
Prayag & Ryan, 2011). Push factors are mostly intrinsic, emotional factors and include a desire
to get away, adventure, excitement, rest, relaxation or social interaction, while pull factors are
mostly extrinsic, site or activity specific and include recreational opportunities, cost, safety,
natural scenery, cultural attractions, facilities and infrastructure (Uysal & Jurowski, 1994; Park
& Yoon, 2009; Devesa et al., 2010).
Satisfaction is the primary method used to measure the quality of a visitors experience
(Tonge & Moore, 2007). Visitor perceptions of the quality of a tourist destination, satisfaction
with their experience and the resulting behavioral intentions are vital for successful destination
management and marketing (abkar et al., 2010). If the visitors experience is understood,
managers can provide services and infrastructure that meet visitor expectations, as well as
confirm that visitors are satisfied with the experiences provided (Hornback & Eagles, 1999).
Increased knowledge of the tourists in terms of expectations, motivations and satisfactions
allows for more effective management of NBT to achieve sustainability (Duffus & Dearden,
1990).
Mole National Park, the largest PA in Ghana, has an emerging NBT industry. Visitor
numbers have increased for the last 15 years at a growth rate of at least 10% per annum since
2001 and currently the park receives about 16,000 visitors a year (MNP, 2011). However, the
industry is not large when compared to park related tourism in other African countries. There is
much potential for the growth of sustainable NBT in Mole that can provide both conservation
and community benefits. However, first, it is necessary to understand more about the current
state of NBT in Mole. This study addresses the following research questions: 1. What are tourist
motivations for visiting MNP? 2. What are the perceived impacts of different wildlife species on
tourists? 3. Do tourist experiences meet their expectations, and how do guided tours influence
tourist experiences at MNP? and 4. What is the response of tourists to experiences in MNP?

Methods
A case study approach using both qualitative and quantitative methods was used. This
included key informant interviews (n=4), focus group meetings (n=3), field observations,
household surveys in communities adjacent to the park (n= 500), and surveys with park visitors
(n=350). Respondents to the household survey were adults, over 18 years, randomly selected
from 10 villages surrounding the park (n=50 from each village). Interviews were conducted by
school teachers in each community, and resulted in a completion rate of 90%. Tourists to the
park were interviewed with a similar questionnaire, involving a random sample of 350 completed
245

interviews (a response rate of about 75%).
Qualitative data (key informant interviews, and focus group data) were analyzed for
themes that were subsequently incorporated into the questionnaire. The questionnaire data was
primarily quantitative, with statistical analysis undertaken with SPSS software, as described
below.

Findings
Seeing wildlife, being close to nature, and enjoying the views were the top motivations for
tourists to visit Mole. The majority of the tourists had positive attitude towards wildlife and the
species that impact positively on tourists included elephants, monkeys, antelopes, and warthogs.
However, these same species are perceived negatively for communities adjacent to the park.
Elephants, for example, are rare in Ghana outside of Mole, and are the flagship species for
tourists, yet are also a chronic problem for many nearby communities in terms of crop
depredation. As illustrated in Table 1, these perceptions are substantial and statistically
significant (students t test).
Overall, the tourist experience was rated highly (Table 2), and tourists showed very high
levels of satisfaction with fundamental attractions like seeing wildlife, being close to nature, and
enjoying views. However, many infrastructure deficiencies were also noted, including difficulty
in travelling to the park, food services, accommodation, signage, and friendliness of
accommodation staff. Tourist experiences were highly influenced by guided tours provided by
the park. Tourists were satisfied with the guided tour in terms of wildlife seen, overall safety,
and the guides knowledge. However, satisfaction was lower for the guides discussion of local
Ghanaian culture, minimizing visitor impact, and controlling the feeding of wildlife by tourists.
Interestingly, most adjacent communities view tourism positively and want to be marketed
as a tourism destination. Some have developed various tourism products such as farm tours,
homestays, and cultural performances.

Conclusions
Sustainable tourism requires attention to visitors, and their impact on the resource and on
local communities. This study indicates that tourists are generally satisfied with their experience,
and are particularly satisfied with the opportunities to see wildlife. Although the same wildlife
often create problems with local communities, these same communities indicate that the benefits
or potential benefits from tourism outweigh the negative impacts that park related wildlife create.
Tourism in Mole has the potential for expansion but the growth of tourism needs to be
guided in order to protect the ecological integrity of the park, and to sustain he benefits to nearby
communities. Considerable research suggests that as nature tourism destinations progress
through the Tourism life Cycle (Butler, 1999, Duffus & Dearden, 1990, Catlin & Jones 2012),
the nature of the tourism experience often shifts from small scale sustainable tourism to large
scale mass tourism that is not sustainable, particularly from the perspective of adjacent
communities. This study provides a benchmark to assess if future development will provide
sustainable benefits.
The visitor experience is shaped by the tour guide, as all travel within the park requires a
guide. The park experience can be better sustained if the park provides training for guides that
stresses communication skills, and messaging that goes beyond species identification to stress
minimizing visitor impacts (such as not feeding wildlife), and linking park features with local
cultures and communities. Tourism training should be provided to nearby communities to take
246

advantage of the growing tourism industry. Over time these communities will need to realize real
benefits if their support for tourism and for park conservation is to be sustained.

Table 1. Comparing Wildlife Impact Between Tourists and Adjacent Communities

Wildlife
Mean Impact on
Communities
Mean Impact on
Tourists
t df Sig. (2- tailed)
Elephants 1.74 4.76 51.85 805.43 0.00
Warthogs 1.87 4.30 34.57 842.13 0.00
Baboons 1.97 4.13 29.73 794.21 0.00
Birds 2.22 3.89 22.37 845.00 0.00
Insects 1.52 2.54 13.86 615.47 0.00
Snakes 1.57 2.58 13.42 637.01 0.00
Scorpions 1.56 2.46 12.86 599.73 0.00
Responses based on five point scale, where 1= strongly detract, 2= somewhat detract, 3=
neither, 4 = somewhat enhance, and 5= strongly enhance


Table 2: Tourist Response to Experiences in Mole
Response to experience
Strongly
Disagree
Somewhat
Disagree
Neither Somewhat
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Appreciate wildlife 2.6 2.6 8.7 36.5 49.6
Increased support for conservation 2.6 3.8 14.8 33.6 45.2
Found the park attractive 4.9 4.1 8.7 36.3 45.9
Would promote park by word of mouth 4.0 4.6 15.3 39.0 37.0
Would visit again 5.8 9.3 18.6 33.9 32.5

References
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perspective on trends in nature-based tourism. PLoS Biology, 7(6), e1000144.
Brockelman, W. Y., & Dearden, P. (1990). The role of nature trekking in conservation: A case-
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Dudley, N. (2008). Guidelines for applying protected area management categories. By: IUCN,
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Duffus, D. A., & Dearden, P. (1990). Non-consumptive wildlife-oriented recreation: A
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Hammer, T., & Siegrist, D. (2008). Protected Areas in the Alps: The Success Factors of Nature-
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Les techniciens dintervention en loisir en milieu institutionnel qubcois : qui sont-ils et
que font-ils?
Hubert Roussel, Pierre Ouellette (Universit de Moncton), Jerome Singleton (Dalhousie
University), Anne-Louise Hall (Fdration qubcoise du loisir en institution)

Introduction
Plusieurs recherches se sont penches sur les conditions de travail des travailleurs en loisir
des secteurs dintervention normalement associs au domaine du loisir (Chung, Jung, Kyle, &
248

Petrick, 2010; Kaltenbaugh, 2009; Vetter, Paterson, & Robbie, 1985). Un certain nombre de ces
travaux ont trait des professionnels en loisir des milieux dits institutionnels (Brasile, 1992;
Connolly & Riley, 1995/1996; Riley & Connolly, 2007). Cependant, peu de recherches rcentes
(Hall & LaPan, 1994) ont examin la situation des travailleurs en loisir en milieu institutionnel
qubcois. Le but de cette tude est donc de connatre les caractristiques sociodmographiques,
les tches professionnelles et la satisfaction au travail des techniciens dintervention en loisir des
350 installations affilis la F.Q.L.I. Dans lensemble, les interventions effectues dans ces
installations reposent sur les grands principes gnralement admis en loisir thrapeutique
(Austin, 2009) et les activits qui y sont organises relvent du traitement, de lducation au
loisir ou encore de la participation rcrative. Le technicien dintervention en loisir est
habituellement un diplm dun programme de formation collgiale de trois ans ax sur
lanimation et la gestion des programmes rcratifs, et oeuvrant notamment dans les milieux
municipaux, scolaires et institutionnels.

Mthode
Notre questionnaire a t labor partir du site SurveyMonkey et a t achemin par
courriel quelque 400 intervenants en loisir des 350 tablissements affilis la F.Q.L.I. Nous en
avons retenu 159 aux fins danalyse, pour un taux de retour de 40 % et notre tude porte sur les
89 techniciens dintervention en loisir qui ont rpondu au questionnaire. Notre questionnaire
sest grandement inspir de celui dvelopp dans le cadre de ltude de Hall et Lapan (1994).
Nous lavons cependant modifi la lumire des normes de pratiques proposes par
lAssociation canadienne de loisir thrapeutique et en tenant compte de quelques conventions
collectives. Il comprenait une section avec 63 tches professionnelles, accompagnes dune
chelle de Likert de cinq points (1 = jamais, 2 = rarement, 3 = habituellement, 4 = souvent, 5 =
toujours). Le tout a t prcd de la question suivante : laide de lchelle, identifiez quel
niveau vous effectuez ces tches . Parmi les items prsents, on retrouvait entre autres
Raliser le programme d'activits , Publiciser les activits et Dterminer les besoins de
bnvolat pour les activits .
Linstrument de recherche comprenait une deuxime section avec une version abrge de
lchelle mesurant la satisfaction au travail, le Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire (MSQ). Les
20 items du questionnaire sont surtout axs sur les dimensions extrinsques ou intrinsques et
dcoulent de la thorie de lajustement au travail, dfinie sommairement comme tant de la
relation harmonieuse entre les caractristiques de lindividu et lorganisation. Les items taient
prcds de lnonc suivant : Dans votre emploi actuel, tes-vous satisfait(e) ? . On y
retrouve entre autres Des possibilits daider les gens , De votre salaire par rapport
limportance du travail que vous faites et De la manire dont vos collgues sentendent entre
eux . Les choix de rponse taient accompagns dune chelle de type Likert, de 1 5, o 1
signifiait trs insatisfait(e) et 5 trs satisfait(e) . La troisime section du questionnaire
comprenait les variables sociodmographiques habituelles telles lge, le sexe et les annes de
services.

Rsultats
Des 89 techniciens dintervention en loisir qui ont rpondu au questionnaire, 80 % sont des
femmes. Un trs grand pourcentage des rpondants (90 %) ont complt le diplme dtudes
collgiales (DEC) et prs des deux tiers (74 %) sont diplms en intervention en loisir. Vingt-
deux rpondants (20 %) ont obtenu le baccalaurat et 35 % ont complt un certificat. Le plus
249

grand nombre de rpondants proviennent de la rgion de Montral (32 %) suivi de la rgion de la
Montrgie (20 %). Ils sont gs en moyenne de 43 ans, 78 % travaillent temps plein et 84 %
interviennent directement avec la clientle. En moyenne, les sujets de ltude travaillent en
moyenne depuis vingt annes et occupent leur prsent emploi depuis 13 ans. Pour ce qui est du
type dtablissement, 76 % sont dans des centres dhbergement et le salaire annuel moyen des
techniciens dintervention en loisir se situe 40,956 $.
Pour ce qui concerne les tches professionnelles des techniciens dintervention en loisir, les
dix tches les plus souvent effectues, sur une chelle de 1 5 o 1 signifie jamais et 5
toujours , sont le respect des droits des usagers (M=4,81), tablir des statistiques sur la
participation (M=4,69), raliser le programme dactivits (M=4,65), concevoir des programmes
rpondant aux besoins des usagers (M=4,61), encourager la participation aux diverses activits
rcratives (M=4,58), laborer la grille dactivits (M=4,56), voir au rangement de la salle
dactivits (M=4,45), animer les activits rcratives (M=4,42), publiciser les activits (M=4,38),
et tablir les priorits de la programmation rcrative du service (M=4,33). Des 63 tches
rpertories, les dix moins effectues sont mettre en pratique les plus rcentes recherches en
loisir thrapeutique (M=2,59), laborer un plan dintervention ax sur les buts et les objectifs de
lusager (M=2,57), inscrire des notes volutives au dossier de lusager (M=2,45), soumettre des
demandes de subventions externes (M=2,38), organiser des activits dautofinancement
(M=2,22), tablir un plan de gestion du risque (M=2,15), informer les mdias (M=2,07), tablir
un horaire de travail pour le personnel (M=1,94), engager le personnel ncessaire (M=1,72) et
valuer le rendement des membres du personnel (M=1,70).
Une analyse factorielle a t ralise et cinq facteurs qui semblent bien correspondre aux
catgories suivantes en rsulte : 1) administration, 2) thrapeutique, 3) bnvolat, 4)
perfectionnement et 5) animation. En ce qui concerne le facteur administration (M=3,38), il
comprend notamment des items concernant la gestion des ressources humaines et financires. Le
facteur thrapeutique (M=3,24) inclut des items se rfrant au dveloppement dun plan
dintervention ax sur les buts et objectifs des usagers et le facteur bnvolat (M=3,01)
comprend quatre items relatifs la gestion des bnvoles. Le facteur perfectionnement
(M=2,86) est constitu ditems associs des activits de perfectionnement professionnel dans le
milieu institutionnel et le facteur animation (M=4,51) est compos de trois items
correspondant lanimation dactivits de loisir pour la clientle desservie.
Nous avons galement administr le Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire dans le but de
mesurer la satisfaction au travail. Cet instrument est compos de 20 items accompagns dune
chelle de 1 5 o 1 signifie trs insatisfait(e) et 5 trs satisfaite . Les noncs pour
lesquels les rpondants ont exprim une plus grande satisfaction sont des possibilits daider
les gens (M=4,66), de la stabilit de votre emploi (M=4,48), des possibilits de faire des
choses diffrentes de temps en temps (M=4,45), de la possibilit de rester occupe ou occup
au cours de la journe de travail (M=4,42), et des possibilits dessayer vos propres mthodes
pour raliser le travail (M=4,37). Les items jugs les moins importants sont de la manire
dont vos collgues sentendent entre eux (M=3,73), de la comptence de votre suprieur dans
les prises de dcisions (M=3,71), de vos possibilits davancement (M=3,24), de la
manire dont les rgles et les procdures internes sont mises en application (M=3,21), et de
votre salaire par rapport limportance du travail que vous faites (M=3,18).
Les rsultats de lanalyse factorielle effectue sur les items de lchelle de la satisfaction au
travail font ressortir deux facteurs gnralement associs au MSQ soit intrinsque et
extrinsque . En ce qui concerne le facteur nomm intrinsque (M=4,33), il renvoie des
250

items illustrant la possibilit dutiliser leur jugement dans lexercice de leur fonction. En ce qui a
trait au facteur extrinsque (M=3,42), on y retrouve des items lis laspect bureaucratique
de leur emploi soit les possibilits davancement, le salaire, les politiques, etc.

Discussion
Nos rsultats sapparentent ceux des tudes recenses pour ce qui est des caractristiques
sociodmographiques des participants. Les femmes reprsentent une majorit de rpondants des
recherches menes (Brasile, 1992; Oltman, Norback, & Rosenfeld, 1989; Riley & Connolly,
2007) dans le domaine du loisir thrapeutique. Nos rsultats indiquent une satisfaction au travail
leve ce qui est similaire aux auteurs dtude en loisir thrapeutique (Riley & Connolly, 2007)
et de milieu non-thrapeutique (Gladwell et al.; Henderson & Bialeschki, 1995; Zhang et al.,
2004). Cependant, nos rsultats diffrent des tudes de Bedini et Anderson (2003); Brasile
(1992); Oltman, Norback, & Rosenfeld (1989), et Riley et Connolly (2007) qui montrent un
pourcentage lev de rpondants du milieu hospitalier alors que la trs grande majorit des
rpondants de notre tude travaillent dans les centres dhbergement. Aussi, lobtention du
baccalaurat comme le diplme le plus lev est moins frquente (20%) chez nos rpondants que
pour ceux de ces tudes. Ceci met en lumire quun grand nombre de nos sujets ont complt un
programme de deux annes menant un diplme dtudes collgiales (DEC).
Pour ce qui est des catgories de tches effectues, lanalyse factorielle rvle que les
participants notre tude excutent des tches en animation et en administration. En ce qui a trait
lanimation, Hall et LaPan (1994) ont soulev que cette catgorie tait celle dont les tches
taient le plus souvent indiques comme faisant partie des fonctions des techniciens
dintervention en loisir. Lexamen des tches prises individuellement montre que les tches
relies au dveloppement de programmes de loisir ont t accomplies assez frquemment, ce qui
concordent avec les rsultats de Hall et LaPan (1994), Connolly et Riley (1995/1996) et de
Brasile (1992). galement, les tches catgorises sous la rubrique loisir thrapeutique sont
les moins effectues. Cette situation semble unique au Canada franais o la formation en loisir
thrapeutique est moins populaire. Ceci peut galement expliquer limportance accorde
lapproche loisir-but.
Notre tude a des implications professionnelles, notamment pour ceux intresss par la
formation continue de ce groupe de travailleurs, et pour les gestionnaires soucieux de mettre en
place un environnement de travail qui tient compte des besoins de leurs employs. La reprise de
cette tude auprs de professionnels francophones hors Qubec ainsi quune tude
pancanadienne sur le statut des travailleurs en loisir uvrant en loisir thrapeutique en milieu
communautaire et institutionnel sont des pistes de recherches futures. Cette dernire serait une
opportunit de mesurer lintrt des intervenants de ces milieux pour la certification
professionnelle et les tudes de cycles suprieurs.

Rfrences
Austin, D. R. (2009). Therapeutic recreation : Processes and techniques (6
th
ed.), Sagamore
Publishing.
Bedini, L. A., & Anderson, D. M. (2003). The benefits of formal mentoring for practitioners in
therapeutic recreation. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 37(3), 240-255.
Brasile, F. (1992). Professional preparation: Reported needs for a profession in transition.
Annual in Therapeutic Recreation, 3, 58-71.
251

Chung, J. Y., Jung, C. S., Kyle, G. T., & Petrick, J. F. (2010 ). Servant leadership and procedural
justice in the U.S. National Park Service: The antecedents of job satisfaction. Journal of
Park and Recreation Administration, 28(3), 1-15.
Connolly, P., & Riley, B. (1995/1996). Entry level job skills: Reinvestigation of the national job
analysis of practice of therapeutic recreation. Annual in Therapeutic Recreation, 6, 26-37.
Gladwell, N. J., Dorwart, C. E., Stone, C. F., & Hammond, C. A. (2010). Importance of and
satisfaction with organizational benefits for a multigenerational workforce. Journal of Park
and Recreation Administration, 28(2), 1-19.
Hall, A.-L., & LaPan, B. (1994). Rapport denqute sur les services danimation-loisirs en
tablissement de sant et les tches relles de leurs intervenants. Qubec: Centre de
formation et de recherche de la Fdration qubcoise du loisir en institution.
Henderson, K. A., & Bialeschki, M. D. (1995). Career development and women in the leisure
service profession. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 13(1), 26-42.
Kaltenbaugh, L. P. (2009). A study on job satisfaction among campus recreation administrators
at four-year public and private institutions. Recreational Sports Journal, 33(2), 89-101.
Oltman, P. K., Norback, J., & Rosenfeld, M. (1989). A national study of the profession of
therapeutic recreation specialist. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 23(2), 48-58.
Ministre de la sant et des services sociaux. (2003). Un milieu de vie de qualit pour les
personnes hberges en CHSLD. Orientations ministrielles. Qubec, QC: Auteur.
Riley, B., & Connolly, P. (2007). A profile of certified therapeutic specialist practitioners.
Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 41(1), 29-46.
Vetter, J., Paterson, G., & Robbie, D. (1985). Recreation workers in care facilities:
classifications, job description, and employment requirements. Leisurability, 12(1), 51-57
Zhang, J. J., DeMichele, D. J., & Connaughton, D. P. (2004). Job satisfaction among mid-level
collegiate campus recreation program administrators. Journal of Sport Behavior, 27(2),
184-212.



An Evaluation of a Park Program Designed for New Canadians
Therese Salenieks, Elizabeth Halpenny (University of Alberta)

Introduction
Foreign-born residents account for approximately 21% of Canadas population (Statistics
Canada, 2012) yet visitors to Albertas provincial parks do not reflect this. The average park
visitor is a Caucasian Canadian with a high level of education and income. This represents a
problem to Alberta Parks (Stapleton & Carruthers, 2009).
In the summer of 2008, a new Kananaskis Country program, Nature as a Second Language
(NSL) was launched by Alberta Parks to introduce New Canadians to the park experience and
provide them with the tools necessary for continued, independent park visitation (Stapleton &
Carruthers, 2009). New Canadians are invited to participate in NSL through settlement agencies
in Calgary. For this study, New Canadians are individuals who migrated from another country to
Canada between 1998-2013.
An initial investigation of the NSL pilot program found that participant feedback was
positive. However, only opinions about program activities were evaluated and recommendations
for improvement sought. Accountability is one of the guiding principles for decision-making in
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Albertas Plan for Parks (2009). Park agencies, as well as the public and stakeholders desire
accountability and want to know that measurable and positive outcomes result from park
programs. Whether or not NSL is achieving its goals, namely increased park visitation by
participants has yet to be determined.
This study, investigating the long-term outcomes of NSL, could improve the program and
increase its accountability. Furthermore, the academic literature available on cross-cultural
recreation in provincial and national parks has been described as sparse (Lovelock, Lovelock,
Jellum, & Thompson, 2012). Searches for peer-reviewed articles revealed that research on
immigrant, and minority ethnic and racial groups visitation to parks has been done. However, no
program evaluations of provincial or national park programs for these populations could be
found. This study aims to fill this gap in the cross-cultural leisure literature.
The research questions that guided this study were: 1) What are the outcomes of the Nature
as a Second Language Program? 2) How do the components of the Nature as a Second Language
Program lead to specific outcomes?

Literature Review
The majority of Canadian and American park visitors are Caucasian (Shultis & More,
2011); however, visitor diversity is on the rise. In a survey of 898 visitors to Chicagos largest
urban park, respondents identified themselves as belonging to 25 different ethnic groups
(Gobster, 2002). In the US, many ethnic groups, White, Black, Hispanic, Chinese-American,
Japanese-American and Korean-American, think that parks and outdoor spaces are desirable
places to visit and provide important health benefits (Ho et al., 2005). Despite this, visitation is
not uniform, with Hispanic and White populations having the highest visitation (Ho et al., 2005).
Studies in Canada and the US suggest that the under-representation of ethnic minorities in parks
may be due to these issues: a lack of friends who can teach them how to go to parks; a lack of
multi-lingual information about parks; safety concerns; and transportation issues (Bain, Quinn, &
Rettie, 2007; Hung, 2003).
Not only do ethnic minorities visit parks less frequently, they use parks differently than
mainstream population park users (Bain et al., 2007; Ho et al., 2005). Ethnic groups tend to
recreate with their own group members, specifically preferring to spend time with family and
friends (Gobster, 2002; Bain et al., 2007; Ho et al., 2005). Bain et al. (2007) found that New
Canadians; while aware of a broad spectrum of activities in parks, prefer passive activities, such
as taking pictures, nature viewing and picnicking to active activities like backpacking, climbing
and mountain biking.
The majority of the above-mentioned studies were quantitative and focused on visitors to
urban parks; this qualitative investigation of visitors to provincial parks provides further insight
into ethnic minorities parks visitation. With the exception of the work done by Bain et al.(2007),
these studies tend to use ethnicity as the population determinant regardless of length of residence
in North America. Studying individuals who recently migrated into the country may reveal
differences that are not apparent when studying long-term and born-in country ethnic minorities.

Methodology
A case study method was used for this study, with the case being the NSL program and its
participants from 2008-2013. Case methods have been used to do program evaluation research of
real life programs in real life contexts. Investigating the outcomes of a program is an outcome
evaluation and investigating how the program leads to specific outcomes is a process evaluation
253

(Patton, 2001). The pragmatic paradigm guided this study. Pragmatists believe that everything
occurs and exists in context, and that what is true at a given time is not absolute (Creswell,
2012). They believe that there is more than one way to approach research (Creswell, 2012;
Patton, 2001). Thus the pragmatic paradigm is well suited to a case study method and evaluative
research as all are concerned with real life, contextual research and allow for multiple methods to
be used for data collection (Patton, 2001).
Data collection involved NSL staff and volunteer interviews, a past participant survey-
questionnaire and past participant interviews. This presentation will include only a discussion of
the interviews.
NSL staff and volunteers (NSL staff) were invited by email to participate in an interview;
the invitation was made via a contact within Alberta Parks. Five staff were interviewed; all
interviews took place using Skype video conferencing. Analysis occurred across questions and
aggregate categories from the data were inductively developed (Creswell, 2012). Category
patterns were identified and naturalistic generalizations were made about NSL operations and the
outcomes hypothesized by program staff. As well, direct interpretations were made in certain
instances. Naturalistic generalizations were then made from the direct interpretations.
Past NSL program participants were selected from individuals who completed the online
survey, which was part of the larger case study. All twenty-one people who indicated in the
survey that they would do a follow-up interview were contacted by email Ten of those people
indicated that they would still like to be interviewed and took part in a semi-structured telephone
or Skype interview. The average interview length was 45 minutes. Analysis of program
participant interviews is currently underway. Analysis is following the same protocol that was
used for the program staff interviews. The analysis will be used to create a case narrative.

Results and Discussion
Program staff often have insights and information that is critical to program evaluation.
Additionally, they have an influence on program outcomes as they deliver the program (Posavac
& Carey, 1997). Three Alberta Parks staff, a volunteer from a different department with
Albertas Provincial government and a Calgary Catholic Immigration Services staff member
were interviewed. The interviews ranged from 23 minutes to 49 minutes, with an average length
of 35 minutes. Respondents had various levels of involvement with NSL programs and came into
the interviews with different, although often converging viewpoints. Several themes about NSL
operations, and opinions about the outcomes that participants might gain from NSL, emerged
from the staff interviews. The themes are organized into program strengths, outcomes from
program participation and program challenges.
Taking part in an NSL program brings participants into nature. The simple fact that NSL
gives participants a chance to leave the city and feel safe in an other-wise unknown, and thus
intimidating, natural setting was thought to be one of the greatest strengths of the program.
Getting people out to parks addresses access barriers that are greater amongst immigrant
populations than mainstream populations (Lovelock et al., 2012). This is especially important for
New Canadians as, ethnic minorities in general have lower visitation than the mainstream
population (Lovelock et al., 2012), and getting people to parks at the early stages of settlement in
Canada may lead to continued visitation. The other great strength was the experiential aspect of
NSL programming. One Alberta Parks staff member said, So once you have an experience you
build up emotions around that thing and then you have emotional memories and sensations, and
they stick. And I think that's the best. This (NSL) is actually having them do it right there, and
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that way when they do go out they are prepared (Participant One Interview). This leads to the
learning outcome that NSL staff believes results from participation in NSL.
During the NSL program, participants have an opportunity to try things that they have not
done before or be re-introduced to known activities with the correct English terminology and
within the Canadian parks context. General information such as trail rules and bear safety, as
well as more technical skills like tent construction and fishing, are taught in NSL programs.
Aside from the immediate knowledge and skill gains, NSL staff believes that these gains then
provide NSL participants with the confidence that they need to pursue future park visits. This is a
logical outcome as Bain (2007) and Hung (2003) found that New Canadians and Chinese
Canadians cite lack of knowledge of parks and a lack of general know-how as barriers to parks
visitation.
A major challenge faced by the NSL program was identified to be budgetary restrictions
and a lack of consistent programming. NSL has not received enough funding to be staffed by
permanent and dedicated staff members. As a result, the program has operated on a stop and start
basis at different parks. Park officers and managers have had to take it upon themselves to
organize NSL programs, which have not been consistently available due to prioritization of
alternative park operations. While non necessarily intentional, this may be indicative of the type
of discriminatory disparities in funding for programs with ethnic themes that has been noted to
exist by Floyd (2001).
From the themes uncovered in staff/volunteer interviews, recommendations can be made
for the future of NSL. These recommendations and the analysis from the participant interviews
currently being conducted will be presented at the CCLR conference in Halifax, May 2014.
An expanded study that compares distinct programs for New Canadians, such as a
comparison of NSL with the similar Learn to Camp program by Parks Canada would be
beneficial. This could expand the knowledge what outcomes arise as a result of park
programming for New Canadians and how those outcomes are achieved.

References
Alberta Tourism, Parks and Recreation. (2009). Plan for parks: 2009-2019. ( No. 978-0-7785-
5704-3). Alberta: Government of Alberta.
doi:http://www.albertaparks.ca/media/123436/p4p.pdf
Bain, M., Quinn, S., & Rettie, K. (2007). New canadians and national parks: Managing
protected areas for ethnic diversity. Unpublished manuscript.
Creswell, J. (2012). In Habib L., Koscielak K., Bauhaus B., Masson M., & Hutchinson A.
(Eds.), Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches, (3rd
ed.). California, US: SAGE Publication Inc.
Floyd, M. (2001). Managing national parks in a multicultural society:
searching for common ground. Managing Recreational USe, 18(3), 41-51.
Gobster, P. H. (2002). Managing urban parks for a racially and ethnically diverse
clientele. Leisure Sciences, 24(2), 143-159.
Ho, C., Sasidharan, V., Elmendorf, W., Willits, F. K., Graefe, A., & Godbey, G. (2005). Gender
and ethnic variations in urban park preferences, visitation, and perceived benefits. Journal
of Leisure Research, 37(3), 281-306.
Hung, K. (2003). Achieving Cultural Diversity in Wilderness Recreation: A Study of the Chinese
in Vancouver,
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Lovelock, B., Lovelock, K., Jellum, C., & Thompson, A. (2012). Immigrants experiences of
nature-based recreation in New Zealand. Annals of Leisure Research, 15(3), 204-226.
Patton, M. (2001). In Laughton D., Novak V., Axelsen D., Journey K., & Peterson K.
(Eds.), Qualitative research & evaluation methods (3
rd
ed.). California, US: SAGE
Publications Inc.
Posavac, E., & Carey, R. (1997). In Janzow P. (Ed.), Program evaluation methods and case
studies (5th ed.). New Jersey, US: Simon & Shuster.
Shultis, J., & More, T. (2011). American and Canadian national park agency responses to
declining visitation. Journal of Leisure Research, 43(1), 110-132.
Stapleton, E., & Carruthers, D. (2009). Nature as a second language. Alberta: Alberta Tourism,
Parks and Recreation.
Statistics Canada. (2012). Population growth in Canada: From 1851 to 2061. Retrieved 12/07,
2012, from http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-310-x/98-310-
x2011003_1-eng.cfm



The New Leisure Class in Reality
Dorothy L. Schmalz (Clemson University)

For generations, graduate students in the fields of leisure, recreation, parks, and tourism
have considered and debated Veblens Theory of the Leisure Class (2008; first published in
1899) in philosophical foundations classes worldwide. The process of examining his three
primary tenets of conspicuous leisure, conspicuous consumption, and pecuniary emulation
often yield healthy debate and critical thinking among students and faculty alike. Scholarly
examinations of the theory within the last 15 years have contended that the theory is only
moderately applicable in modern society. However, recent analyses have not considered how the
theory may apply to current popular culture. In this paper, I propose that the time has come for
an examination of the leisure class that is portrayed in reality TV and how it translates to
perception and behavior in the real world.

Veblens Leisure Class
Thorstein Veblen was a sociologist and economist in the late 19
th
Century and into the
turn of the 20
th
Century. Although relatively prolific during his writing career, his original
monograph Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions, published in 1899, is
his most well known, and still read today (vanSickle, 1999). In the piece, Veblen posits that
societys most wealthy elite live a life of privilege, conspicuously demonstrated through their
leisure behavior and consumption of material goods. To him, leisure was idle consumption of
time that the wealthiest elite practiced through arguably useless and frivolous activities without
any effort to even feign contribution to society. The lower classes on the other hand, toiled
toward the productivity and social contribution of the greater good. Veblen coined the terms
conspicuous consumption, conspicuous leisure and pecuniary emulation; phrases still used
in common vernacular today (http://www.colbertnation.com/the-colbert-report-
videos/429129/september-17-2013/colbert-platinum---luxury-ice---hot-dic-tip). Conspicuous
leisure, as previously noted, refers to the practice of passing time with idle activities that tangibly
communicate the privilege of the class as having the time and means to do such things. To
256

practice their leisure, the wealthy also spent their money freely, toward the goal of possessing
only the best material goods, and symbolically communicating their status and leisure pursuits;
what Veblen called conspicuous consumption. His term pecuniary emulation referred to the
competition of keeping up, or establishing status in the eyes of society by means of possessions;
what today might be associated with the practice of keeping up with the Joneses.
Though never enthusiastically embraced by economists, Veblens theory came into
further question after the onset of WWI, when economic and social change ensued (Capozzola,
1999). Despite its apparent dismissal by some, the Theory of the Leisure Class continues to draw
attention and curiosity by scholars and pundits today. At the turn of the century, approximately
100 years after its first publication, the text garnered attention and underwent renewed
examination.

The Leisure Class 100 Years Later
In their book The millionaire next door: The surprising secrets of Americas wealthy,
Stanley and Danko (1996) proposed two patterns of behavior among Americas wealthy. Using a
mathematical formula incorporating age, annual income and tax bracket, the authors estimated
the approximate wealth of individuals. In this process, they identified two groups: (1) under-
accumulators of wealth (UAW), defined as those who had less accumulated wealth than they
should according to the formula, and (2) over accumulators of wealth (OAW), defined as those
who had more accumulated wealth than they should according to the formula. The authors
concluded that there were distinct patterns in the behaviors of individuals in the two groups.
UAW spent their money on the latest and greatest material products. Arguably fitting with
Veblens notion of conspicuous leisure and consumption, UAW reflect the patterns of decreasing
financial stability and increasing credit card debt that currently plagues American families
(Stanley & Danko). The OAW on the other hand, live frugally, living below their means and thus
accumulating more wealth. In sum, the authors propose that the Americas wealthy live far less
conspicuously than Veblen theorized in the late 19
th
Century.
In a study examining the work and leisure behaviors of three of the worlds wealthiest
people (i.e., Buffet, Gates, Branson), Rojek (2000) reached a similar conclusion. Using
biography data on the work patterns of Warren Buffet, Bill Gates, and Richard Branson, Rojek
found that the wealthiest people in modern society work longer hours than others, not fewer as
Veblen proposed. Although acknowledging that the behaviors of these three individuals is not
necessarily an accurate depiction of all members of the wealthy elite, he does present the notion
that the leisure class has taken on a very different profile than that of Veblens thinking.
Furthermore, Rojek points out that Veblens theory was based on the spoiled sons and
daughters of the business aristocracy (pg. 13), and that it is too soon to predict what behaviors
the children of his subjects might embrace.
Though neither of these efforts go so far as to say that Veblens leisure class no longer
exits, the general message can be inferred. However, characters in popular culture (e.g.,
celebrities, athletes, reality TV stars) are not considered in recent research efforts.

The New Leisure Class In Reality
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2012), Americans spend nearly 55% of
their leisure time watching television. Considering the amount of time spent in this activity, it is
easy to understand the long-held debate about the degree to which television affects behavior,
most notably in regard to violence (Huesmann et al. 2003). However, television can influence
257

behavior in other ways too. Reality TV has held a prominent place in television programming
since its introduction in the mid-1990s (Senna, 2011). The genre includes a large variety of
programs, ranging from self-improvement shows such as cooking shows or suggestions on
personal fashion and wardrobe, to game or competition shows. But it also includes a selection of
shows that profile the lives of wealthy families, their friends, and their dramas in documentary
style. Such shows include Rich Kids of Beverly Hills, Keeping up with the Kardashians and
The Real Housewives of series to name a few.
Some media critics have contended that as reality TV has garnered attention and soared in
popularity and allotted air time, critical assessment of the programs in regard to their influence
on viewers perceptions and behaviors have not kept pace (Palmer, 2004; Pozner, 2010). In her
critical assessment of the reality TV craze, Pozner contends that the exaggerated lives of women
in such shows have skewed peoples understanding of women in society. Similarly, Palmer
proposed that reality, or lifestyle television, has the potential to influence understanding of
social classes, due in part to the romantic and glamorous lifestyles portrayed by the wealthy stars
on the shows. What is not known is how the depictions of the lives of Americas wealthy elite as
seen on reality TV may influence viewers perception of wealth.
Veblens notions of conspicuous leisure and conspicuous consumption are clearly
identifiable topics in the story lines, such as they are, in these programs. For example, a frequent
story line in the Housewives series involves expensive getaways to exotic locations, or shopping
excursions in which the stars visit designer shops and boutiques, demonstrating both conspicuous
consumption and leisure. Also conforming to Veblens thesis are efforts the housewives make
toward careers. These are often turned into vehicles for entertainment for the viewer, such as
attempts at music performance or fashion design. More successful, yet also conforming to the
profile of the Leisure Class are labors the housewives put to fundraising or charity events.
Examples of pecuniary emulation are also present, and sometimes serve as reasons the
housewives fight with each other or have falling outs. The phenomenon of pecuniary emulation
can also be examined through the behavior of fans of the programs and whether they use the
vacation and possession standards portrayed in the shows as a standard to which to aspire.

Purpose of the Paper and Future Directions
In this paper, I propose that the depictions of the wealthy in reality TV capture Veblens
ideas of conspicuous leisure, conspicuous consumption, and pecuniary emulation. I will explore
examples of Veblens three tenets as demonstrated in the documentary style shows on Bravo
Channel, a popular cable network in the United States; the programming for which is comprised
almost entirely of reality shows. Shows to be discussed include: The Real Housewives of
series, The Millionaire Matchmaker, Below Deck, and other shows produced by Andy
Cohen for Bravo Channel. The shows examined will be delimited to these criteria as a means of
establishing homogeneity of the types of shows examined, in what is potentially veritable
cornucopia of variations in the reality TV genre. The premise of the shows, prevalent themes,
and examples of behaviors will be presented toward the goal of encouraging a discourse about
this television genre, its effects on the perspectives of wealthy lifestyles in the United States
today, and as a new version of Veblens leisure class.
Future directions for the ideas proposed are to empirically explore whether viewers of the
programs see the lifestyles portrayed as a realistic and achievable goal to which to aspire, or if
they view them as an unrealistic fantasy created by television. In speculation, both of these
avenues are viable outcomes of empirical research. As mentioned before, the average credit card
258

debt in the U.S. today suggests that people are living beyond their means, and it is interesting to
consider whether the lifestyles of the rich and famous glamourized by reality television plays a
role. On the other hand, viewers might appreciate the unrealistic and lavish lifestyles portrayed in
the programs.

But every song's like gold teeth, grey goose, trippin' in the bathroom, blood stains,
ball gowns, trashin' the hotel room. We don't care, we're driving Cadillacs in our
dreams. And everybody's like Cristal, Maybach, diamonds on your timepiece, jet planes,
islands, tigers on a gold leash; we don't care, we aren't caught up in your love affair.
Well never be royals. (OConnor & Little, 2012, track 3).

References
Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2012). American time use survey: Leisure time on an average day.
Washington, DC: Author.
Capozzola, C. (1999). Thorstein Veblen and the politics of war, 1914-1920. International
Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 13(2), 255-271.
Huesmann, L. R., Moise-Titus, J., Podolski, C. L., & Eron, L. D. (2003). Longitudinal relations
between children's exposure to TV violence and their aggressive and violent behavior in
young adulthood: 1977-1992. Developmental Psychology, 39, 201-221. doi: 10.1037/0012-
1649.39.2.201
Palmer, G. (2004). The new you: Class and transformation in lifestyle television. In S. Holmes
& D. Jermyn (p. 173-190). Understanding reality television. London: Routledge.
OConnor, E. Y., & Little, J. (2012). Royals. [Recorded by Lorde]. On Pure Heroine [CD].
Auckland, NZ: Republic.
Pozner, J. L. (2010). Reality bites back: The troubling truth about guilty pleasure TV. Berkeley,
CA: Routledge.
Rojek, C. (2000). Leisure and the rich today: Veblens thesis after a century. Leisure Studies,
19(1), 1-15.
Senna, K. (2011, May 9). The reality principle: The rise and rise of a television genre. The New
Yorker. Retrieved from
http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2011/05/09/110509crat_atlarge_sanneh
vanSickle, L. (1999). Chipping away at the status quo: Dreiser, Veblen, and cultural criticism.
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 13(2), 375-396.
Veblen, T. B. (2008) ThetTheory of the leisure class (Oxford Worlds Classics). New York:
Oxford University Press.



Feminism and Leisure Studies: Does Gender Still Matter?
Sheila J. Scraton, Rebecca Watson (Leeds Metropolitan University)

It is now 20 years since Scraton (1994) in her paper The changing world of women and
leisure: feminism, postfeminism and leisure, considered the future for feminist analysis in
leisure studies. At this time, questions of post-feminism were entering political and theoretical
debate and post-structuralism was shifting the theoretical focus to multiple identities, self-
determination and empowerment/resistance. Scratons conclusions were that feminism needed
259

to remain a crucial part of leisure theorising so as not to lose sight of the material realities that
frame many womens everyday experiences (Scraton, 1994, p. 260). This paper reflects back to
critically examine how feminism has developed since these arguments were made in 1994 and
how it has continued to influence both our understandings and practices of leisure. Fraser (2013,
p. 209) argues for the value of a retrospective examination of feminism by suggesting that by
reconstructing the path we have traveled, I hope to shed light on the challenges we face today
in a time of massive economic crisis, social uncertainty and political realignment. This paper
has a similar aim in that it seeks to shed light on the challenges the future holds for a feminist
leisure studies. By looking back over recent developments, we hope to illuminate some of the
issues facing feminist praxis in the changing world we live in today in the second decade of the
new millennium. The paper is written from our perspective as scholars interested in social
analysis, particularly drawing on debates within sociology. As such it reflects our location within
the UK where critical social analysis has had a major influence on the development of leisure
studies.

The Changing World of Feminism and Leisure
Feminism is a diverse, multi- and at times inter-disciplinary theoretical and political
project. Over the past twenty years it has developed and grown, become fragmented but overall
continued to provide a lens that has enhanced our understandings of the changing social world.
Within leisure studies, the changes and developments witnessed in feminist theory more broadly
have slowly impacted on the issues, methodologies and analyses that have been taken up by
feminist scholars. Recent work by, for example, Aitchison, 2013; Frysinger, Shaw, Henderson,
& Bialeschki, 2013; Henderson & Gibson, 2013; Parry & Fullager, 2013, provides a
comprehensive overview of the diverse contributions made by leisure scholars studying and
researching across women, gender and leisure in the Western world. Whilst we celebrate the
breadth and diversity of this work, we use these contributions and our own knowledge and
experiences within the field to identify both strengths and weaknesses in feminist work in leisure
over the past two decades. Locating work in leisure studies within the broader shifts in feminist
theorising, the paper considers how feminist theory has sought to understand leisure, identifying
an increased focus on differences, bodies and identities with poststructural conceptions of power
largely replacing the structural determinism of much 1980s and 1990s work.
Parallel to these theoretical developments in feminist sociology, cultural studies and
leisure studies has been a growing political and cultural backlash against feminism (Budgeon,
2011; McRobbie, 2009). The postfeminist argument that the gains made by feminism have
largely been incorporated into political and institutional life, thus making feminism no longer
relevant in the 21
st
century, has gained credibility. The dominant discourse within postfeminism
is that a new meritocracy now allows for equality and empowerment through individual self-
determination (McRobbie, 2009; Walter, 2010). The key to access and equality in leisure, as in
many other areas of our lives, lies with individual choice as most of the significant barriers to
equality have been dismantled. The notion that the aims of feminism have been largely achieved
has become part of mainstream thought in the western world. Neo-liberalism, which has been in
the ascendancy over the past three decades, with its emphasis on the market, individual
responsibility and self-determination, mainstreams equality feminism and incorporates
equality, diversity and tolerance into its rhetoric (Duggan, 2003). In doing so it renders feminism
unnecessary and an old voice that no longer speaks to, or for, women in the 21
st
century.
260

The question for a feminist leisure studies, both theoretical and practical, would seem to be
based on whether we still require analyses of inequalities and oppression or whether
empowerment, identities and individual freedoms are more significant. Is it any longer necessary
to have feminist theories of leisure or have the changes that have taken place made them
redundant? While these questions were raised 20 years ago (Scraton, 1994), it has become even
more significant as neo-liberalism, together with globalisation and consumerism, has also had a
profound impact on how we understand and experience leisure (Erickson, 2011; Rojek, 2013;
Scraton & Watson, 2014). The sociology of leisure has moved from focusing on how people re-
create during their free time from work, to engaging with the conspicuous consumption of risk,
pleasure and escapism. Processes of de-standardisation and individualisation have altered how
we view leisure and shifted our attention to how leisure is involved in the construction of
individual identities and difference. However, understanding leisure as inequality or
empowerment, constraint or choice, cannot account for the complexities of peoples lives. Whilst
some leisure has shifted towards consumption and a postmodern world of hedonism, image and
style, there remain many material realities in peoples lives that continue to impact on leisure
choice. It is not a question of returning to a deterministic, structuralist approach nor embracing
totally a notion of individual freedom and choice. It is engaging with both material and cultural
analyses, developing alliances across other disciplines and areas of study and working with
researchers, policy makers and practitioners to ensure that questions of equality and social justice
remain on the agenda as we also seek to understand agency and resistances (Aitchison, 2013).

Towards an Intersectional Feminist Leisure Analysis
In order to illuminate how feminist analyses can contribute to a future research agenda we
consider two key areas that are crucial to leisure in the 21
st
century. We build on the arguments
presented in Walby, Armstrong and Strid (2012) and Watson & Scraton (2013) on the
contributions of intersectional analysis and Aitchisons (2013) recent development of the social-
cultural nexus to incorporate social and environmental justice. The first area we consider, work,
has been central to the study of leisure in the UK since the 1970s. We explore how feminist
approaches contribute to our understandings of work through a focus on working on the self.
Working at our leisure, for example, working on the self, makes individuals good consumers as
evidenced by the growth in private sector fitness and health-related industries. The blurring of a
work ethic with a leisure ethic is part of the neo-liberal discourse of individual responsibility,
self-determination and market forces. By taking an intersectional feminist approach we look
across identities and differences whilst locating these within political, social and economic
discourses that identify gendered inequalities as well as moments of individual self-
empowerment and resistance. The second area, sex and leisure, has received limited attention in
leisure studies. Everyday life is saturated by references and representations illustrating how
popular culture is sexualised and sex commodified; yet, as such a central feature of everyday life,
sex as a form of leisure is a relatively new topic for leisure researchers. We consider sex
work/prostitution and pornography as multi-national, global leisure industries, often associated
with deviant or dark leisure, with men by far the main consumers and women the main providers.
Feminist analyses ask many (and often competing) questions relating to freedom, control, power
and choice, once more illustrating the importance of retaining a feminist intersectional analysis.
For each of the two areas, work and sex and leisure, we demonstrate both the strengths and
difficulties in operationalizing a feminist intersectional approach. Intersectional thinking means
exploring intersecting structures of power as well as intersecting identity categories. The
261

examples we discuss demonstrate that thinking intersectionally and the use of multi-level
methodologies and analysis allows us to move beyond a straightforward focus on difference and
diversity. Theoretically we suggest that an engagement with the messiness of accounts invoked
by intersectionality, centres inequalities and identities simultaneously and remains at the core of
our feminist based politics (Watson & Scraton, 2013, p 44). However, several methodological
and theoretical questions remain and it is an on-going debate as to how best we can undertake
feminist research that addresses multiple inequalities as well as multiple and fluid identities.
Whilst there is a potential tension between a feminist focus on gender inequalities and an
intersectional approach that looks across multiple categories and sites of power, we argue that it
remains important to give a voice to women, understand the complex nature of persistent gender
inequalities and explore how leisure can be a site for resistance. The link between theory and
practice (feminist praxis), is a fundamental part of a feminist perspective on leisure. Feminist
research leads to enhanced knowledge that potentially asks different questions, explores gender
relations and uses this knowledge to help implement change.

Conclusions
Feminism remains relevant to the study of leisure because it not only continues to focus on
womens leisure (in all its diversity) but also because leisure remains a crucial site where the
gender order is replayed and reproduced. Feminist theoretical analyses help to illuminate how
inequality still operates and, most importantly, how it can be resisted. Critical feminist analyses
are imperative to challenge the incorporation, albeit unwittingly, of some aspects of feminism
into a neo-liberal political agenda which de-politicises the radical transformative potential of
feminist praxis. Whilst acknowledging the diversity of contemporary feminisms and their
contributions to leisure studies, we argue for the need to retain strong connections between
different feminist analyses and wider social, political and economic contexts. The future task for
a feminist leisure studies is to continue to inform theoretical and political debate, to ensure
allegiances and connections across different disciplines within feminism and to reinvigorate the
connections amongst critical theorists working across class, race and gender.

References
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V. J. Freysinger, S. M. Shaw, K. A. Henderson, & M. D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure,
women and gender (pp. 521-541). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Budgeon, S. (2011). Third wave feminism and the politics of gender in late modernity.
Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.
Duggan, L. (2003). The twilight of equality? Neo-liberalism, cultural politics and the attack on
democracy. Boston: Beacon.
Erickson, B. (2011). Recreational activism: politics, nature and the rise of neoliberalism. Leisure
Studies, 30, 477-494. doi:10.1080/02614367.2011.594078
Fraser, N. (2013). Fortunes of feminism: From state-managed capitalism to neoliberal crisis.
London: Verso.
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women and gender. State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Henderson, K., & Gibson, H. (2013). An integrative review of women, gender, and leisure:
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262

McRobbie, A. (2009). The aftermath of feminism: gender, culture and social change. London:
Sage.
Parry, D., & Fullagar, S. (2013). Feminist leisure research in the contemporary era: Introduction
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Rojek, C. (2013). Is Marx still relevant to the study of leisure? Leisure Studies, 32, 19-33. doi:
10.1080/02614367.2012.665942
Scraton, S. (1994). The changing world of women and leisure: feminism, post-feminism and
leisure. Leisure Studies, 13, 249-261. doi:10.1080/02614369409510674
Scraton, S., & Watson, B. (2014). Leisure and consumption. In M. Holborn (Ed), Contemporary
sociology. Oxford: Polity Press (in press).
Walby, S., Armstrong, J., & Strid, S. (2012). Intersectionality: Multiple inequalities in social
theory. Sociology, 46, 224-240. doi:10.1177/0038038511416164
Walter, N. (2010). Living dolls: The return of sexism. London: Virago.
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47. doi: 10.1080/02614367.2012.707677



A Review of Literary Tourism: A Case for a Gender Analysis
Alana N. Seman, Lauren Duffy, Gregory Ramshaw (Clemson University)

Introduction
Many locations employ literary connections as a way of attracting tourists and creating,
improving, or reinforcing place identity (Laing & Frost, 2012; Westover, 2012). However, the
creation, interpretation and consumption of many literary destinations work together in
perpetuating and reinforcing particular gender norms and stereotypes. Yet, while literary tourism
research has explored who literary tourists are (Herbert, 2001; Watson, 2006), the motivations of
literary tourists (Laing & Frost, 2012), the broader relationships between books and travel (Laing
& Frost, 2012), the consequences of layering literary heritage on a landscape (Fawcett &
Cormack, 2011; Lowe, 2012; Luftig, 1996), and the practical side of managing literary sites
including management and marketing strategies (Muresan & Smith, 1998), absent from the
literary tourism canon is an analysis of the gendered interpretation of literary tourism sites.
The application of a gender lens to the phenomena of literary tourism is important because
literary sites are particularly susceptible to perpetuating stereotypes due to their perceived
authority to blend fact and fiction in the name of solidifying literary connections (Fawcett &
Cormack, 2001; Lowe, 2012); yet, many literary figures and authors, particularly in the U.S. are
idolized as heroes, secular saints or founding father figures (Herbert, 2001; Laing & Frost, 2012;
Lowe, 2012; Ousby, 1990; Westover, 2012). In this sense, literary tourism may reflect beyond its
niche certain characteristics of American society and their beliefs about gender. Therefore, the
purpose of this paper is exploratory in nature and seeks to review and synthesize the scholarly
literature related to literary tourism and contends that the application of a gender lens to the
literary tourism phenomena is both missing from the literature and a worthwhile endeavor.


263

Literature Review
While scholars agree that literary tourism describes the practice of visiting sites associated
with authors, their literary works (both fiction and non-fiction), or their points of inspiration
(Herbert, 2001; Laing & Frost, 2012; Ousby, 1990; Watson, 2006; Westover, 2012), discussions
persist as to who literary tourists actually are. Watson (2006) and Ousby (1990) saw early
literary tourists as only those well-read and well-educated travelers who sought out literary
places in order to worship an author or their work as the secular equivalent of a religious
pilgrimage. Contemporary literary tourists, however, are seen as anyone who visits a literature-
or author-related site, regardless of their knowledge of the text or the individual who wrote it
(Herbert, 2001; Lowe, 2012). Further studies have also considered the motivations tourists have
for visiting literary places as well as the broader relationship between literature and travel
motivations and expectations in general (Laing & Frost, 2012). It has even been suggested that
since all narratives involve some sort of transformation (i.e. characters always proceed though a
plot), books then have also contributed more widely to the expectation that travel will have a
transformative effect on the traveler regardless of destination (Laing & Frost, 2012).
Further studies have applied a variety of lens to the phenomena of literary tourism. The
role of authenticity at literary sites has been considered, pertaining to what tourists want and
expect to see at such places (Fawcett & Cormack, 2011; Lowe, 2012; Luftig, 1996). Alexander
(2008) argues that often tourists want the fictional versions of literary sites histories as penned
by the connected author rather than the real history of the site itself, or that tourists have been
so greatly influenced by a fictional piece of work that they cant help but experience the place
through the books eyes. In this manner, Herbert (2001) asserts that authenticity at literary sites
is a subjective experience, and in turn, the tension created between fictional heritages and factual
heritages has also been considered (Herbert, 2001; Luftig, 1996).Yet others are hesitant to agree.
Fawcett and Cormack (2001), for example have worked to develop a typology of interpretation
and authenticity at literary sites, and assert that there exists three general approaches: the
modernist interpretation which utilizes simplicity and nostalgia for a real past, the rationalist in
which interpretations follow bureaucratically sanctioned views of the past, and the eclectic
which may include any and all types of interpretation. Several studies have also approached the
subject of literary tourism by focusing on one particular author and the tourism created around
them. For instance, Lowe (2012) considers the process of making literary sites associated with
Mark Twain (Samuel Clemens) as a means of attempting to understand what it is that tourists are
seeking at such places. In her study, Lowe (2012) found that Twains hometown of Hannibal,
Missouri makes no effort to distinguish Twains life from that of his characters, nor the towns
history from Twains fictional town of St. Petersburg. Alexander (2008) uses the Bronte sisters
to consider how myth and memory intertwine at sites in the U.K. and Buell (1989) explores
Walden Pond and other Thoreau-related sites to evaluate how the author has virtually become a
cult icon. The latter notes that it is through the rituals of remembrance like strolling around
Walden Pond in Thoreaus footsteps, drinking a mint julep at Faulkners Oxford home, or
finding one of Hemmingways 6-toed cats wondering around Key West that literary works and
figures become canonized (Buell, 1989, p. 175).
Similarly, the literary places themselves have also been considered. Watson (2006) and
Laing and Frost (2012) suggest that association with a specific piece of literature or story gives
specific places special meaning, and may even create, improve, reinforce or challenge place
identity (Laing & Frost, 2012; Westover, 2012). However, Luftig (1996) sees association with an
author or a piece of literature as nothing more than an apology for excessive kitsch and inferior
264

quarters as he contends the practice is really just a way to theme, package and commodify a
tourist destination. Nonetheless, many agree that literature can be seen as a means of interpreting
or framing a landscape and in this manner Masson (2012) suggests that literary places can be
read by tourists who thereby learn something more about the author, their texts or the genius
loci or the spirit of the location that inspired a text (Herbert, 2001; Laing & Frost, 2012;
Santesso, 2004). These perspectives have also lent themselves to the evaluation of marketing and
management strategies employed at literary sites, finding that a cohesive approach to the theming
of a destination around a literary connection is the most effective in drawing and satisfying
tourists (Muresan & Smith, 1998).
Gender Lens/Conclusion
While clearly many aspects of literary tourism have been explored, a broader
understanding of gender at these sites is missing. Because both memorialization as a form of
public history or heritage, and tourism are social phenomena that are created and operate within
the gendered societies in which they exist (Lowenthal, 1998; Prichard & Morgan, 2000; Swain,
1995), both are also constructed and consumed reflecting the societys power structures which
are often tied to gender in addition to class and race (Graham, Ashworth, & Tunbridge, 2000;
Lowenthal, 1998). A gender analysis explores the ways that women and men are thus involved
differently in this (sic) construction and consumption of tourism (Swain, 1995, p. 249). For
example, researchers have noted the absence of women in heritage representations and historical
narratives of national identities (Edensor & Kothari, 1994), while literature, conversely has long
been seen as a forum for discussing and challenging gender roles particularly by women (e.g.
Ardis, 1990; Gorsky, 1992; Pearson & Pope, 1981).
Both the tourism and the heritage industries have been charged with privileging the white,
heterosexual, male gaze by feminizing nature as a place to be conquered by man, celebrating
masculine endeavors like war and adventure, and depicting women as wives and mothers in need
of protection (Prichard & Morgan, 2000b; Swain, 1995). Yet little research has been done to
determine whether or how these gendered characteristics have carried over to literary tourism
sites. Given how these sites interpret, reinforce, and disseminate our shared heritage, a gender
analysis is both appropriate and important because people use tourism to negotiate and redefine
other social and cultural values (Squire, 1994, p. 204). Smith (2006) points out that
commemoration of particular events, people and artifacts works to legitimize and privilege their
role in society. Therefore, while stereotypical images like that of the Southern belle, the pious
caretaker of the soul, and the wise, but matronly nanny persist in popular culture and may
originate from some literary work (for example Scarlett OHara from Mitchells Gone with the
Wind, Cora Tull from Falkners As I Lay Dying, or Sipsey from Flaggs Fried Green Tomatoes),
commemoration of these characters may work to legitimize and privilege the gender roles they
represent, especially when other literary characters who challenge gender stereotypes are not
equally interpreted. However, the aspect of gender has been largely ignored by literary tourism
scholars. Through a further exploration of this topic, a broader understanding of this literary
tourism phenomenon can be articulated and other aspects of literary tourism sites explored. This
is particularly important because of the perceived disconnect that exists between how gender has
been represented at heritage tourism sites and how literature has been used to challenge gender
roles. For example, future research may explore whether or how women authors are
commemorated differently than men, whether strong female or weak male literary figures are
depicted differently at literary sites compared to their generic heritage figure counterparts, or
how regional culture or literary genre affects the memorialization of literary figures based on
265

gender. Therefore a clear and focused review of the research related to the phenomena of literary
tourism is necessary.
References
Alexander, C. (2008). Myth and memory: Reading the Bronte Parsonage. In Hendrix, H. (Ed.),
Writers houses and the making of memory (pp.93-110).
Ardis, A. L. (1990). New women, new novels: Feminism and early modernism. New Brunswick,
NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Buell, L. (1989). The Thoreauvian pilgrimage: The structure of an American cult. American
Literature, 61(2), 175-199.
Edensor, T., & Kothari, U. (1994). The masculinisation of Stirlings heritage. In Kinnaird, V. &
Hall, D.R. (Eds.), Tourism: A gender analysis, (pp. 164-187).
Fawcett, C., & Cormack, P. (2001). Guarding authenticity at literary tourism sites. Annals of
Tourism Research, 28(3), 680-704.
Gorsky, S. R. (1992). Femininity to feminism: Women and literature in the nineteenth century.
New York: Twayne.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G. J., & Tunbridge, J. (2000). A geography of heritage: Power, culture
and economy. London: Routledge.
Herbert, D. T. (2001). Literary places, tourism and the heritage experience. Annals of Tourism
Research, 28(2), 312-333.
Laing, J., & Frost, W. (2012). Books and travel: Inspiration, quests and transformation. Bristol,
UK: Channel View Publications.
Lowe, H. I. (2012). Mark Twains homes and literary tourism. Columbia, MO: University of
Missouri Press.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The heritage crusade and the spoils of history. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Luftig, V. (1996). Literary tourism and Dublins Joyce. In Wollaeger, M., Luftig, V., & Spoo, R.
(Eds.), Joyce and the subject of history (pp. 141-154). Ann Arbor, MI: The University of
Michigan Press.
Muresan, A., & Smith, K. A. (1998). Draculas castle in Transylvania: Conflicting heritage
marketing strategies. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 4(2), 73-85.
Ousby, I. (1990). The Englishmans England: Taste, travel and the rise of tourism. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Pearson, C., & Pope, K. (1981). The female hero in American and British literature. New York:
Bowker.
Prichard, A., & Morgan, N. (2000a). Constructing tourism landscapes- gender, sexuality and
space. Annals of Tourism Research, 27(4), 884-905.
Prichard, A., & Morgan, N. (2000b). Privileging the male gaze: Gendered tourism landscapes.
Annals of Tourism Research, 27(4), 884-905.
Santesso, A. (2004). The birth of the birthplace: Bread Street and literary tourism before
Stratford. English Literary History, 72(2), 377-403.
Smith, L. J. (2006). The uses of heritage. London: Routledge.
Swain, M. (1995). Gender in tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 22(2), 247-266.
Squire, S. (1994). The cultural value of literary tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 21(1), 103-
120.
Watson, N. (2006). The literary tourist. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
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Westover, P. A. (2012). Inventing the London of literary tourists: Walking the Romantic city in
Leigh Hunts Wishing-cap essays. European Romantic Review, 23(1), 1-19.



Understanding the Traveling Behavior of Muslims in the United States
Maloud Y Shakona, Kenneth Bakcman, Sheila Bakcman, William Norman, Ye Luo, Lauren Duffy
(Clemson University)

Introduction and Background
There are many definitions of religiosity in the literature but Verbit (1970) suggested that
subjective religiosity looks at the beliefs of an individual and where religion fits into that
individuals life. Studies have investigated religiosity as it internally impacts a person and how it
effects whether they belong to a specific religious group or follow a specific set of rules (Cukur,
de Guzman, & Carlo, 2004). In this regard, the current study is particularly interested in
religiosity in Islam. To many scholars, religion is a fundamental element of human culture and is
linked to many aspects of individuals life and behavior (Bailey & Sood, 1993; Choi, 2010; Page,
Ellison & Lee, 2009; Walter, 2002; Yeung, Chan, & Lee, 2009), including in travel and leisure
contexts. In addition to individuals adhering to certain behaviors dictated by their religion, the
literature has also shown that members of various ethnic, racial, and religious groups are often
the targets of discrimination in leisure settings such as parks, campgrounds, recreation areas,
pools, beaches, golf courses and forests (Blahna & Black, 1993; Sharaievska, Stodolska, Shinew,
& Kim 2010; Chavez, 1991, 1992; Floyd & Gramann, 1995; Gobster, 1998; McDonald, 2009;
McDonald & McAvoy, 1997; West, 1989). With the increase of Muslims in the U.S., from both
converting and immigrating, it is important that this under-investigated group receives further
examination with regard to their leisure and travel behavior which is also suggested by other
scholars in the field (Stodolska & Livengood, 2006). The purpose of this study is to explore the
influence of religiosity on leisure and travel activities of Muslims living in the U.S., as well as
how the negative stigma associated with Islam in the U.S. further influences leisure behavior.

Methods
Using grounded theory, semi-structured interviews with six men and six women from
different nationalities including Libya, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, India and the U.S., were conducted
in English in the Fall of 2011. The participants were selected using purposeful sampling at a
local Mosque for a diverse range of age, nationality, and gender. On average, each interview
took approximately 40 minutes. Interviews were recorded and subsequently transcribed, with
contextual information also documented for each interview. The process of data analysis began
after the first interview had been completed and lasted throughout the duration of the study using
the constant comparison technique for analysis (Glaser & Strauss, 2009).



Findings and Discussion
Several major themes were identified with respect to the effect of religiosity on the travel
behaviors of the participants. According to respondents, Islamic beliefs and tenets of the religion
greatly influence their leisure travel. There are seven core ideas related to following the Islamic
267

doctrine and travel behavior: the importance of Mosques, traveling with Mohram, the Hijab and
decent dressing for men and women, drinking and being around alcohol, eating pork, the Holy
Month of Ramadan, and Dabiha.
Muslims believe that praying in Mosques is encouraged by God, and support for that can
be found in both the Quran, as well as the Sunnah, which prescribes a normative way of life for
Muslims on the basis of the Quran. Thus, Mosques are the house of God and Muslims should
pray in them. Khalid* who is a 56 year-old African American Muslim stated that, When
planning a trip, it is very important for me to make sure that there is a Mosque nearby For me,
without a Masjid (Mosque) is like be[ing] without air.
Another important tenet for Muslims to consider while traveling is the role of a Mohram. A
Mohram is a man who a woman cannot marry, and Muslims believe that a woman should not
travel with another man alone that is not a Mohram. A father, brother, uncle, or nephew are all
considered a Mohram for a Muslim woman. The main reason for this is that if they are alone, in
maybe sharing the same room in a hotel or staying camping in one of the lacks by themselves for
days, there will be no chance of committing any unlawful relationship out of Islamic marriage.
Aisha who is a female undergraduate from Jordan said that I cannot travel to places where I
need to sleepover, because in Islam, women are not allowed to travel without Mohram.
The Hijab is one of the most controversial issues for Islam followers because of the various
interpretations. The majority of Islam followers believe that the hijab is obligatory for Muslim
women when she reaches puberty; however, to what degree the body should be covered is
debatable (e.g. cover only face, hand, and feet; cover all but eyes; or not required in Islam, but is
a cultural symbol). Nadia who is a student from Libya said that one of the biggest challenges
faces us as a family, or me as a woman, when traveling for leisure is the hijab. God ordered us
women to wear hijab when we are with males that are not considered Mohrams whenever I
plan for a trip individually, with family or friends, I always think of things that can be done while
wearing the hijab.
Drinking and being around alcohol was another concern Muslims face during travel. From
the Quran and the Sunnah, it is with no doubt for Muslims that drinking alcohol is forbidden.
However, it is not clear for many Muslims if it is also forbidden to stay in places that serve
alcohol. As such, Muslims must consider the prevalence of alcohol in destination choices.
Farooq who is professor of engineering from Palestine said that it is clear in the Quran that
drinking alcohol is Haram (forbidden); however, as to stay in place that serves alcohol, I believe
that it is ok for me to stay in place that serves alcohol. for me it is not an issue at allthe
Quran stated that we should not be around alcohol because of the assumption that if we do we
might drink it, and I do not consider myself that weak so that I might attempt to even taste it.
Likewise, making sure that food options are available that do not include pork is important
to Muslims. Eating pork is forbidden in Islam and most Muslims in the U.S. are concerned about
eating it unintentionally when dining outside of their homes. Yousef, a student from Saudi
Arabia, said that I have eaten pork in many incidents where I did not realize that I ate pork only
after I finish my plate. Many restaurants in the U.S. do not clearly state that they have pork in
their menu. As such, many Muslims opt to eat at home or in a Halal restaurant.
Ramadan is not only about fasting from food and drink and sexual intercourse, but is a
month of worship and doing good deeds. Most Muslims believe that the five senses, sight,
hearing, taste, smell and touch, should fast during this time. Muslims should not eat, drink, say
bad things and the eyes should not look at things that forbidden in Islam such as looking at
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indecent men and women of the opposite sex. Temptation of food, drink, swimming, and gazing
were the main concerns of the participants when traveling
A final consideration related to religious tenets is Dabiha. This relates to the idea of halal
meat, or meat that is prepared in a specific way for the consumption by Muslims. While there
are various interpretation of what constitutes halal meat (e.g. slaughtered from the neck while the
animal is pointed toward the direction of Mecca and saying the name of god on it as if it is gift to
God, slaughtered with no intention of the person that slaughtered the animal that the animal is for
someone else other than God, or any meat prepared by any other religious groups that believe in
God such as Christianity and Judaism), it raises an important question for all Muslims: is it okay
to eat meat in countries that has a primary religion of Christianity or Judaism? Omar, who is
unmarried graduate student from Jordan, stated that I have travelled all over the county and ate
all kind of dishes that have different meats, except pork. It is stated in the Quran and the Sonnah
of the prophet Mohammed that the food of Christians and Jewish is halal and we can eat it and
the US is considered a Christian country It would be different if I was in China. When I
asked him why, he said China and Chinese people do not believe in the god of Prophet Ibrahim
and this makes their food not halal to eat. Depending on interpretation of Halal meat, this could
be a constraining factor to traveling around the U.S.
However, in addition to the Islamic beliefs that dictate certain behavior, another important
factor that Muslims consider with regard to destination choice and travel decisions, relates to
issue of safety due to the negative perceptions of Muslims in the U.S. I rather go to a place
where she (my wife) can feel comfortable. It is easy to be recognized as a Muslim when you are
accompanied with someone that wears a scarf and can be a target to a physical or verbal abuse,
was a comment made by Ahmad, a student from Jordan. Muslims Islamic identity has rarely
been more strongly signified than through the hijab. While various sects of Islam place different
meaning on the hijab, so too do Americans that attach a Western stigma to it. Media discourses
and political rhetoric about Islamic extremism are often illustrated by the image of a veiled
Muslim woman. Through her clothing, the female figure is used to illustrate the abnormal, a
stranger among us, and embodies the potential threat of terrorist attack. Not surprisingly then,
respondents stated that destination choice for leisure trips depends on who they are traveling
with. Whether a person is traveling with a woman wearing a hijab is an important consideration
in destination choice.
In addition to safety considerations Muslims face when traveling in the U.S., they are also
considering activities that Muslims like to do when traveling for pleasure. Islam promotes a
collectivist culture calling for Muslims to do things together and to be as one unit, which
influences the travel habits of Muslims. Most of the interviewees prefer to travel in a group and
like to do activities in groups. However, if a female member of the family wears a hijab, this can
influence the type of activity that a family or group of Muslim travelers can do while traveling.
They need to make sure that the place that they are going to is has a multicultural dimension
where Muslim women are not harassed and that the weather and the type of activities that will be
done are suitable for women who wear a Hijab.


Conclusion
The results provide some evidence that Islamic beliefs and behavioral practices influence
Muslims leisure and travel behavior in the. U.S. It showed that at least seven Islamic beliefs and
behavioral practices play a role in determining where, when, and how Muslims in the U.S. like to
269

use their free time. The findings can be used to inform the industry how to better accommodate
Muslim travelers by understanding their behavior as it is impacted by Islam. The authors of this
study also recognize the political and ideological nature of the negative stereotypes in the U.S.
associated with Muslims, and the findings confirmed that as travelers, Muslims are also
concerned with safety issues, especially when traveling with a woman wearing a hijab. From a
destination perspective, locations across the U.S. could use this information to consider their
viability of being a Muslim-friendly destination based on their ability to accommodate their
religiosity, as well as safety concerns. This study has several important limitations that could
potentially be addressed by future research. Most importantly, the study focused on Sunni
Muslims only, which is not a representation of all Muslims. Therefore the researcher
recommends that future studies include Shia Muslims in the study.

*All names have been changed to protect identity of participants

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Exploring Adolescent Girls Reasons for Continued Participation in Competitive Dance
Charlene S. Shannon-McCallum (University of New Brunswick)

Regular participation in sport and physical activity (PA) begins to decline during
adolescence (Barnett, OLoughlin, & Paradis, 2002; Petlichkoff, 1996). Striking gender
differences in rates of participation in sport and PA have led researchers to investigate reasons
why girls, in particular, stop participating. Negative aspects of sports programs such as lack of
playing time, lack of time for other pursuits, lack of success, little skill improvement, high
pressure to perform or win, dislike of the coach, and lack of fun are identified as reasons for
adolescent drop out (Butcher, Lindner, & Johns, 2002; Keathley, Himelein, & Srigley, 2013).
These reasons do not account for girls higher rates of withdrawal from sport. One explanation is
that sport is considered to be inconsistent with femininity (Slater & Tiggemann, 2010). Many
girls want to be physically active, but a tension exists between their desire to maintain a feminine
appearance and the muscular, sweaty images that are often attached to active women (Cockburn
& Clarke, 2002). In general, there is a high level of agreement that girls playing sports may be
viewed in a negative light by some of their peers (Slater & Tiggemann, 2010). Research also
suggests that adolescent girls are more interested in social experiences and that the focus of sport
training and competition does not support or foster these sought-after interactions (James, 1998;
Slater & Tiggemann, 2010).
For some girls, dance is considered a more acceptable form of feminine physical activity
(McRobbie, 1984) and may be more consistent with the feminine ideal (Embry & Rose, 2002).
While girls indicate getting bored with traditional sports, competitive dance is perceived as an
enjoyable opportunity to be active (Flintoff & Scraton, 2001; Stinson, 1997). Scholarly research
addresses dance education in K-12 schools and higher education (e.g., Rose, Blackmore, &
Embry, 2002), focuses on those enrolled in professional ballet schools (e.g., Anderson &
Hanrahan, 2008; Buckroyd, 2001), or highlights the negative aspects of dance training such as
body image problems and eating disorders (e.g., Ackard, Henderson, & Wonderlich, 2004).
However, there is little attention given to community-based programs which offer important
competitive PA experiences for girls through dance. The purpose of this study was to explore
girls reasons for continuing to participate in competitive dance during their adolescent years.


Methods
Phenomenology guided the inquiry and addressed the lived-through quality of lived
experience and the description of meaning of the expressions of lived experience" (Van Manen,
1990, p. 25). Purposeful sampling was used to recruit girls between the ages of 12 and 17 who
271

had trained for at least two years and were competing in more than one dance style (e.g., tap,
jazz, hip hop, ballet, contemporary, lyrical) within a community-based competitive program.
Directors of eight dance schools in Atlantic Canada were contacted about the study. Three
schools had a critical mass of dancers (at least 25) who met the criteria and were willing to
facilitate recruitment. Two dance school directors agreed to circulate recruitment letters and one
director accepted my offer to travel to her studio and speak directly with the dancers about the
study. Interestingly, no potential participants from the studios where information letters were
circulated responded to the invitation to participate, but 17 dancers from the school I visited did
participate.
Individual, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted at the participants
dance studio. Questions asked dancers to reflect on their experiences with dance in general (e.g.,
how they became involved, what genres they have learned/enjoy the most) and their experiences
with competitive dance (e.g., audition process, competitions they have attended). I asked them to
discuss the role of others (e.g., parents, friends, dance instructors) in their dance experience.
Finally, I asked them why they continue to participate each year. Subsequently, I attended a
weekend competition at which the study participants were competing. I was in the audience for
18 hours watching dancers in the study (and their competitors) perform and to observe the judges
provide general feedback and present awards at the end of each category of competition. I also
spent 3 hours in back stage areas and the lobby. In these spaces, I was able to watch dancers
preparation processes and also observe parent/dancer, dancer/dancer, and teacher/dancer
interactions. After that competition season was over, I returned to the studio and conducted
another set of semi-structured interviews with participants. I asked dancers to discuss their
experience with the competition - how they felt about the competition, what the highlights were,
and what challenges or negative emotions they experienced that weekend.
Interviews were transcribed verbatim and notes were taken throughout the hours of
observation during the competition weekend. Transcripts and typed observation notes were
coded using Van Manens (1990) sententious, selective, and detailed approaches for isolating
themes.

Results
Several of the dancers had, at some point while engaged in competitive dance, been
involved in competitive sport. Many drew comparisons between traditional sport participation
and their participation in competitive dance (which many argued is sport) when talking about
why they had continued to dance. This is reflected in the first four themes. The final theme
reflects an environment that was created at their studio that influenced their continued
involvement.

Flexible Participation Each Year
The extent of participation among the girls varied from between 4 and 12 hours per week.
Dancers could be a competitive dancer and make decisions about the hours of participation.
Six girls discussed the importance of being able to choose their level of involvement in dance
each year depending on their other interests, opportunities, or personal circumstances. Hilary
(age 16) explained that unlike school sports, its not all or nothing with dance. Each year you
audition and have to commit to the troupes youre in. Last year I only did competitive tap
because I played soccer, but I did recreational jazz and contemporary. At the time of the
interview, she was not playing soccer, so this year I tried out for contemporary, tap, and jazz
272

troupes. Mackenzie (age 14) was injured and was not in as many competitive troupes/dances as
compared with previous years, but she was thankful I can still be in something. Clare (age 15)
decided to get involved in student government during her last year of middle school and danced
less that year, but participated more in her first year of high school. That year, um, high school
was I felt intimidated [in the school environment] so I decided to audition for more troupes and
I was less involved at school and more involved here.

Time in Competition was Limited
The competitive dance season for their dance studio was described as relatively short (three
competitions within a month in April/May). Their time at dance each week was spent learning
new choreography, practicing the choreography, or working on their technique. For those who
did not like competition, this seemed to be a saving grace. As Tara (age 12) explained, I do not
like the competitions because I get so nervous, but it is only usually three weekends and I get
through it. Aside from competing in their troupe dances (which the girls auditioned for and
made a commitment to), dancers could choose how much to compete (e.g., enter solos, duos,
trios). The study participants who expressed not enjoying competitions did not enter solos or
duos. One dancer, Grace (age 13), who did not like competing, competes in a trio but only
because the two dancers I do it with are my best friends. She expressed preferring to compete in
the big troupe dances because I dont get as nervous because there are lots of other dancers and
older girls always help you to be less nervous.

Variety
Because a number of the girls had played sport, they drew some comparisons that helped to
highlight the importance of variety to their enjoyment and the relative uniqueness of this
element. Brianna (age 14) compared hockey to dance. At hockey, its the same kind of drills
each week, well actually, some of the stuff you do every year. Its kind of the same thing all the
time. She experienced dance very differently, I do different genres and we do different dances
each year and different music and different costumes. Andrea (age 16) explained, Soccer is
soccer. You cant change it much, but with dance, there is so much variety. I love the variety. It
never gets boring. Finally, Mandy (age 15) explained that it was the variety that hooked her
each year. [Instructor] will tell us what shes thinking about for next year shell show us some
choreo and talk about the music shes thinking about or theme for a dance.

Creative Expression
In discussing their favourite aspects of dance, many girls highlighted the opportunity to
express themselves as a meaningful and important component of dance. Some of the girls
choreographed their own solos or had significant input into those dances. When asking Vanessa
(age 16) about the solo I saw her perform, she explained, I heard the song one day and it made
me think about my grandparents and how in love they still are and it was going to be their 50
th

wedding anniversary and it was a little tribute to them. Other dancers talked about dance as a
way to express various feelings anger, frustration, sadness, hope, heart break, excitement, and
disappointment. Many also explained that one of the aspects of going to competitions that they
enjoyed was watching the creative expression of other dancers.

Supportive Environment
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Every single dancer discussed their dance family as one of the things that kept them
coming back year after year. This is my family. Even though I have to work now, I find a way
to stay involved because these girls are my family (Susan, age 17). Girls also mentioned
accessing support and going through difficult times (e.g., parents divorce) with their dance
family. Brianna contrasted her dance instructors to her soccer coach, I think if I didnt have
dance and this supportive place where no one yells at you, I couldnt stand to be in soccer where
I get yelled at all the time. Many girls also explained being told to do their best and that their
instructors were never upset if they did not win or perform perfectly.

Discussion
The nature of the competitive dance environment appears to be different in key ways from
traditional competitive sport environments. Girls may have greater opportunities to control their
level of participation depending on the philosophy and expectations of the dance studio. This
flexibility does not seem to be available in traditional sport and could explain why girls may drop
out of sport, but continue in an activity such as competitive dance (Keathley et al., 2013). All
these dancers participated equally once they made a troupe something that may also not be
available in all sport environments. Girls may be more likely to remain engaged in physical
activity experiences that offer opportunities for competition, but do not require regular
competition or do not limit participation based on individual skill or past performance. The
findings also reinforce the importance girls place on a supportive environment when considering
ongoing participation. Dance provided both a social and a physical space (e.g., the dance studio;
competitions) for interacting with peers and developing close, quality, and valued friendships a
key factor in motivating girls ongoing participation in physical activity (Flintoff & Scraton,
2001; Ommundsen, Roberts, Lemyre, & Miller, 2005).

References
Ackard, D. M., Henderson, J. B., & Wonderlich, A. L. (2004). The associations between
childhood dance participation and adult disordered eating and related psychopathology.
Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 57(5), 485-490.
Anderson, R., & Hanrahan, S. J. (2008). Dancing in pain: Pain appraisal and coping in dancers.
Journal of Dance Medicine & Science, 12(1), 9-16.
Barnett, T. A., OLoughlin, J., & Paradis, G. (2002). One-and two-year predictors of decline in
physical activity among inner-city schoolchildren. American Journal of Preventive
Medicine, 23(2), 121-128.
Butcher, J., Lindner, K. J., & Johns, D. P. (2002). Withdrawal from competitive youth sport: A
retrospective ten-year study. Journal of Sport Behavior, 25, 145-163.
Cockburn, C., & Clarke, G. (2002). Everybody's looking at you!: Girls negotiating the
femininity deficit they incur in physical education. Women's Studies International
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Embry, L., & Rose, E. (2002). Dance studies in years 11 and 12: Why girls elect to dance at
school. ACHPER Healthy Lifestyles Journal, 49(3-4), 32-38.
Flintoff, A., & Scraton, S. (2001). Stepping into active leisure? Young women's perceptions of
active lifestyles and their experiences of school physical education. Sport, Education and
Society, 6(1), 5-21.
James, K. (1998). Deterrents to active recreation participation: Perceptions of year 10 girls.
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Keathley, K., Himelein, M. J., & Srigley, G. (2013). Youth soccer participation and withdrawal:
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McRobbie, A. (1984). Dance and social fantasy. In A. McRobbie & M. Nava (Eds.), Gender and
generation (pp. 130-162). London: Macmillan.
Ommundsen, Y., Roberts, G. C., Lemyre, P.-N., & Miller, B. W. (2005). Peer relationships in
adolescent competitive soccer: Associations to perceived motivational climate,
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Petlichkoff, L. M. (1996). The drop-out dilemma in youth sports. In O. Bar-Or (Ed.), The child
and adolescent athlete. The encyclopaedia of sports medicine, 6 (pp. 418-430).Champagne,
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Rose, E., Blackmore, A. M., & Embrey, L. (2002). Changes in perceptions of competence and
global self-worth in Year 11 and 12 dance and physical education students. ACHPER
Healthy Lifestyles Journal, 49(2), 7-10.
Slater, A., & Tiggemann, M. (2010). Uncool to do sport: A focus group study of adolescent
girls reasons for withdrawing from physical activity. Psychology of Sport and Exercise,
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Stinson, S. W. (1997) A question of fun: Adolescent engagement in dance education, Dance
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van Manen M. (1990). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action sensitive
pedagogy. London, ON: The State University of New York Press.



Using SOFIT to Evaluate Child and Youth Recreational Programming
Dwayne P. Sheehan, Nadine Van Wyk (Mount Royal University), Kim Nagan (Canadian
Academy at Cardel Place for Healthier Generations)

Evidence-based (EB) physical education (PE) programs are those that have been subjected
to robust research to support improvements in health-related behaviours or outcomes
(Lounsbery, McKenzie, Trost, & Smith, 2011). Unfortunately, little evidence exists from
community-based physical activity (PA) programs (Pate et al., 2003; Pate et al., 2000). In fact,
the majority of empirical evidence on child and youth PA habits comes from school-based PE
interventions (Pate et al., 2000), yet less than half of childrens daily PA comes from
participating in school PE (Brusseau et al., 2011).
Low enrolment and lack of desire to participate in PA may stem from programs that are not
well designed or clearly understood. By measuring the amount of time instructors and
participants spend on appropriate tasks, an understanding of programs can be created. In
addition, creating positive environments could encourage children to participate more fully in PA
and carry that motivation forward into adulthood (Parish & Treasure, 2003; Sallis & McKenzie,
1991). This concept is based on Self-Determination Theory (SDT) which identifies the
contributing elements to an individuals motivation level for participation and the intrinsic
inclinations which bring out healthy and effective behaviour (Gonzlez-Cutre & Sicilia, 2012).
The System for Observing Fitness Instruction Time (SOFIT) is a multi-factor observation
system designed to record several variables (physical activity intensity, lesson context and
teacher behaviour (McKenzie, Sallis, & Nader, 1991). In addition to the numerous validation
studies, there are several variations of the SOFIT, however, to the best of the authors
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knowledge, SOFIT has never been adapted to nor tested in the recreation centre. Given that the
structure of PA classes at recreation centres are similar to PE classes in school (an instructor,
guidelines for activity, and the activities themselves), it should be established whether or not
SOFIT could be used to provide evidence for recreation centre PA programs.

Method
Research took place at a recreation centre in the city of Calgary, Alberta. This was the first
of a four-phase study. Data presented here from Phase I is being used to determine how much PA
is encouraged while simultaneously exploring the context of the lesson and quality of instruction
in child and youth PA programs in the recreation sector .

Participants
Participants included children (ages 3-14) enrolled in PA programs and the qualified
instructors hired by the recreation centre. As no personal information was collected and
participants were observed without knowledge of the study protocol, consent was not required.
Instructors and participants who asked about the observer were told that they were simply there
to watch the class. Very little interaction took place between observers and instructors or
participants. This study was approved by the Mount Royal University Human Research Ethics
Board.
Five research assistants were trained as observers by the Research Coordinator (RC) who is
an expert in the SOFIT methodology. The RC also conducted all of the reliability measurements.
Observers had to maintain an 80% or better inter-rater reliability throughout the course of the
study.

Procedures
Data was collected between January and May, 2013. Observations were taken at the
beginning, middle and end of the session to obtain a broad representation of what took place in
each program. A wide variety of sports and activities were selected: wall climbing, basketball,
badminton, ballet, urban dance, floor hockey, hapkido (martial arts), indoor soccer, multisport,
Zumba, Sportball, gymnastics, and triathlon.
Data collection followed the SOFIT protocol (McKenzie, 1991). Briefly, four students, two
girls and two boys, were selected for observation in every class. Each child was observed
individually for four minutes at a time. Observations took place in 20s intervals: 10s to observe,
10s to record. This cycle repeated for the entire class. Concurrently, class context and instructor
behaviour were observed and recorded.
SOFIT gathers activity data on PA engagement, lesson context and instructor interactions.
PA is measured on a five-point hierarchical scale: 1) lying down, 2) sitting, 3) standing, 4) light
PA, and 5) moderate-to-vigorous PA (MVPA; more energy expenditure than an ordinary walk).
The activity which took place within the observation period with the highest number was
recorded. Lesson context is divided into: general content (transition, management and instruction
time); knowledge content (primary focus is on the acquisition of knowledge related to PA); and
PA motor content which is divided into fitness (such as endurance, strength or flexibility); skill
practice (primary goal is skill development, such as drills); game play (application of skills with
little instructor involvement); and free play (instruction is not intended and children may choose
to participate or not). Teacher interactions receive one of six hierarchical codes: 1) promotes
fitness (prompting or encouraging PA participation; praise); 2) demonstrates fitness (models
276

fitness engagement); 3) instructs generally (lectures, describes, prompts or provides feedback);
4) manages (participants or the environment in non-subject matter tasks, such as set-up); 5)
observes (monitors the group or an individual); and 6) other task (attends to events not related to
the responsibilities of the class). The activity which took place within the observation period
with the lowest number was recorded.

Results
Twenty-one programs composed 14 activities/sports were observed. Programs were
observed between two and four times each, leading to 69 observation days and 32,996 unique
observations. On average, 159 observations were recorded per observation period. Descriptive
results are presented only.
Lying down was the least commonly observed PA behaviour in the participants (1.3%),
followed by MVPA (13.3%), sitting (18.4%), light PA (25.7%), and standing (41.3%).
Participants in individual activities spent more time in MVPA than those in team sports (14.3%
vs. 11.6%).
On average, 16.2% of the lesson context was spent in general content. Team sport
participants spent more time in general content than those in individual activities (18.8% vs.
11.2%). Twenty percent of time was spent on knowledge content. Team sport participants spent
slightly more time on knowledge content than did individual activity participants (21.2% vs.
19.6%). Overall, 36.4% of program time was spent on activities where participants were
listening and learning without activity (general content and knowledge content). Motor content is
composed of four active components. Participants were observed spending on average 13.6% of
their time in fitness; 30.6% on skills; 16.8% in game play; and 2.7% in free time. Only two of the
fourteen activities and sports spent more than 2% of class time engaged in free play.
Instructors spent the majority of their time instructing (42.1%) followed by demonstrating
(28.1%), managing (11.9%), observing (9.4%), praising (7.7%) and other tasks (0.9%).
Individual activity participants received more praise than team sports participants (8.4% vs.
5.4%).

Discussion
Offering quality programs with purposeful and measurable outcomes that are
developmentally appropriate should be a primary focus of any PA program. Several goals of
recreational PA programming exist, including: improving fitness, teaching skills that are useful
for a lifetime, and providing a safe space for children to be active. The goal that was the focus of
this study was increasing the amount of time that children spend in active play. A quality
program will ensure that there is minimal management time and maximal activity time for the
children: ultimately, children should be engaged in MVPA 50% of the time (NASPE, 2009) and
instructors should be offering encouragement as much as possible (Parish & Treasure, 2003).
The only way to know if this is taking place is to objectively evaluate a program. SOFIT has
been proven to accurately measure student and teacher behaviours in school-based PE classes.
The aim of this study was to determine if SOFIT could be used effectively in a recreation centre.
This study found that more than one-third of program time comprised of non-active
participation (general and knowledge content). These results are not vastly different from
school-based PE programs evaluated using SOFIT which reported between 32% (McKenzie et
al., 1991) and 52% (Keating, Kulinna, & Silverman, 1999) inactive class time. By understanding
the context and structure of the programs in this study, it is easier to see why children did not
277

achieve the recommended 50% MVPA goal. The amount of time that children spend in free play
as opposed to fitness and skill development can increase PA levels (McKenzie et al., 1995;
Sarkin, McKenzie, & Sallis, 1997; Trost, Rosenkranz, & Dzewaltowski, 2011) yet data from this
study show that very little time (<3%) was spent in free play. Improving efficiency through
decreased participant management (understanding that it can never be eliminated) and less
emphasis on skill development would leave more time for free play. Alternatively, perhaps the
goal of spending 50% of program time in MVPA is unrealistic as several studies have reported
achieving less than this (Keating, Kulinna, & Silverman, 1999; McKenzie et al., 1995;
McKenzie, Sallis, & Nader, 1991; Scruggs et al., 2003; Sharma, Chuang, Skala, & Atteberry,
2011).
Increasing physical activity is also accomplished by improving the class atmosphere. The
optimal environment is one in which participants are encouraged to strive for self-improvement;
known as a mastery-based or a motivational climate (Ames, 1992). Classes that operate in a
motivational climate have been shown to increase positive PA behaviours (Parish & Treasure,
2003). An important characteristic of a motivational climate is that individual praise regardless
of actual achievement takes place. Less than 8% of time was spent encouraging participants in
this study. If the time spent observing students (9%) was used for simultaneously for praise, this
would double the amount of time that instructors spent motivating participants in their
endeavours.
Preliminary data from this study demonstrates that recreation centres could benefit from
using objective assessment tools to evaluate PA programs in an effort to help improve desired
outcomes. An emphasis should be placed on creating environments in which children can be
engaged in greater MVPA by increasing free play, reducing management time, and encouraging
individual praise.

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622-629.



Social Justice Considerations in Rural Leisure and Health Accessibility
Julie Son (University of Idaho)

Introduction
Rural areas in the U.S. ranked poorly in most (21 of 23) health indicators, including health
behaviors associated with leisure such as physical activity and diet (Eberhardt et al., 2001).There
is a great deal of research to support the contention that leisure can contribute to good health and
well-being (Caldwell, 2005). Leisure may be one way to improve the health and well-being of
rural adults, including racial minority and poor rural adults. However, institutional levels of
oppression (Kivel, Johnson, & Scraton, 2009; Roberts, 2009; Young, 1990) in leisure services
affect access. Even well-meaning people may behave in discriminatory ways due to an
unconscious process of aversive oppression; that is, an unintentional bias against non-dominant
groups despite the belief that all people are equal (Allison, 2008). Leisure institutions may play a
significant role in empowering or, alternatively, in oppressing non-dominant groups. Social
justice issues are integrally linked to health and well-being (Dawson, 2008). Moreover,
279

oppression can intersect across many aspects of ones identity, including age, gender, race and
income (Young, 1990). The purpose of the current study was to examine emergent evidence of
power, privilege and marginalization associated with community resources, needs and
preferences in a rural town. This research provided an initial lens into how variously positioned
community members and leaders perceived the accessibility of resources in relation to age, race,
and socioeconomic status. These perceptions, in turn, uncovered social justice considerations in
terms of recreation and health service provision and development.

Methods
Project Overview
The larger project from which this study was derived was funded to examine the leisure
and health of African Americans and Caucasians in an impoverished Midwestern U.S. town. The
larger research project included several stages: 1) interviews with community leaders and
organizational representatives, 2) focus groups with residents to discuss their perspectives, 3) a
survey of residents, and 4) a town hall meeting with community leaders and members to discuss
possible options for a community-led healthy recreation program. The current paper focuses on
the results from phases one and two of the project - the interviews and focus groups with
community members but also relies on evidence from other stages to enhance the contextual
depth of the analysis and reflection.

Sampling and Procedures
Purposive and snowball sampling was used to recruit African Americans, low-income
adults, and older adults as well as community leaders and organizational representatives working
with these populations. We (the research team) conducted semi-structured interviews via
telephone with 24 community leaders and stakeholders from various community organizations
including hospitals, churches, aid organizations, city government offices (including recreation),
nonprofits, and county service providers. Interviews typically ranged from 20 to 40 minutes in
duration and covered a range of topics from community resources and needs, racial minority
members particular needs, community constraints, and opportunities for the communitys
future. We oversampled African American leadership, which resulted in interviews with 19
Caucasian and 5 African American leaders the latter representing 20% of the total sample. To
recruit residents for the focus groups, we enlisted the help of community leaders interviewed in
Stage One as well as posting flyers around town. Participants received a $10 grocery gift card for
participation. All focus groups were conducted by a moderator, who led the focus group, and an
assistant moderator who provided note taking and assistance during the sessions (Krueger &
Casey, 2000). In all, 44 residents participated in 4 focus groups. The focus groups ranged in size
from 9 to 14 participants, each running approximately 60 to 75 minutes.

Data Analysis
All interviews and focus groups were audio recorded and transcribed. The overarching
analytic process followed for the interviews and focus groups was Huberman and Miless (1998)
interactive and iterative process of data reduction, data display, and verification procedures. Four
team members were involved in coding and verification procedures. The interviewer (and focus
group moderator) developed analyzed the interviews and focus groups and developed an initial
codebook. The initial codebook was then elaborated by the primary investigator (PI) after her
analysis of the interview transcripts and based on her knowledge of the literature. A third team
280

member provided additional triangulation of the coded transcripts (Creswell, 1998), with only
minor changes to the coded transcripts and 100% agreement with the PI. Then, another team
member independently analyzed the focus groups using the codebook. This analysis resulted in
minor additions to the codebook that were confirmed by the PI who provided additional analysis
and verification.

Results
Participant Characteristics
Nineteen of the 24 interview participants were Caucasian and 5 were African American; 17
were female and 7 were male. Four of the 5 African American interviewees were female. Results
from the focus group demographic questionnaire (N = 44) indicated: Mean age of 52 years old
(SD = 16 years; Range = 18-85); 36 (82%) were female and 8 (18%) were male; 30 were non-
Hispanic Caucasians (68%), 12 were African Americans (27%); 31 participants (71%) listed the
lowest two income categories.

Themes
Primary themes from the interviews revealed interesting contradictions that point to
dominant discourses about race, class and age. These opposing viewpoints pertained in large part
to three social strata: 1) Race: There are many opportunities / The opportunities arent for us; 2)
Class: People are lazy / People cant afford leisure; and 3) Age: A good place to age/ No place to
age. Race: Community leaders disagreed about the degree of recreational opportunities in the
community for racial minorities. Community leaders identified many local opportunities
including the nonprofit recreation center, the towns two annual special events, the library, civic
organizations, and the local park. However there was a sharp contrast between the views of
Caucasian and African American community leaders. Caucasian leaders tended to point to the
wonderful activities available to people in town whereas African American leaders highlighted
the glaring lack of opportunities for minority residents aside from church. One African American
leader felt there were absolutely no opportunities for minority residents. Another said that leaders
dont try to help minorities until an issue affects the community at large, stating that even
African American leaders dont do enough. There was a general lack of knowledge of city
leaders with a charge to develop recreation and community services. Residents in the
predominantly African American focus group described the stigma associated with inquiring and
using services, saying there was a general culture of not wanting to use services so that people
(implicitly Caucasians) dont say they are looking for a free handout. The picture was
complex, with residents in this focus group saying that the nonprofit recreation center was cost-
prohibitive except for minorities with money. They also lamented the cost of school-related
sports for their kids such as equipment that used to be school-funded.

Social Class
Community leaders mentioned that people say they want more programs or more to do, but
then they dont use existing parks and facilities and/or they dont attend programs when they are
offered. However, the reasons attributed to why people failed to get involved had different
interpretations. Some leaders stressed that townspeople were apathetic and unmotivated. Other
leaders and residents disagreed and instead residents didnt know what was available or they
were struggling to make ends meet. Leaders and residents talked about how residents had trouble
finding decent paying jobs once the industrial base left town and were working multiple jobs to
281

make a living. A few community leaders recognized how out of touch leadership was, one
pointing to the renovation of a downtown theater that many residents wouldnt be able to afford
to attend and another underscoring the unwillingness of some agencies to charge less for
recreation services. Leaders and members alike commented that providing residents with quick
and easy healthy eating tips and low cost exercise options would be helpful. However, time and
money were recognized as significant constraints to participation.

Age
Participants disagreed about whether the town was a good place to age and what was
needed in regard to services. Community leaders and members mentioned the availability of
resources that older adults could use: water aerobics at the non-profit recreation center, a local
theater, and the old high school track. Only seniors and an interviewee working with seniors
indicated that there were accessibility issues for older adults: the town had few sidewalks, the
high school track was in disrepair, the indoor walking track at the recreation center was cost-
prohibitive. Both Caucasian and African American leaders focused on physical activity and
afterschool programs for youth and the need for more such programs. Although resources for
seniors were brought up by some community leaders, they almost always pertained to health care
and not leisure services, and primarily services for lower functioning seniors.

Discussion
To a limited extent, our findings support differences in the leisure preferences of
Caucasians and African Americans (Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004), with African American
leaders highlighting the lack of culturally relevant leisure opportunities. Instead of focusing on
unique needs and preferences like their leaders did, residents stressed the inaccessibility of
existing resources, particularly in terms of cost (Shores, Scott, & Floyd, 2007). Based on the
responses I received, had I not included specific questions asking about resources for and needs
of racial and ethnic minorities, I dont believe many of the Caucasian community leaders would
have spoken about these issues on their own. One finding in the present study was that, in
general, predominantly upper class Caucasians and leaders catering to this clientele failed to
identify race- and income-based inequities in services (Scott, 2013) whereas lower income and
minority residents and their leaders underscored these issues. This finding highlights a dominant
discourse of denying of differences, power and oppression (Minors, 1996, as cited in Allison,
2008). There was also a dominant ideology of aging and an attendant marginalization of older
adults in the community, with a heavy focus on youth and a deficiency model of aging (Wearing,
1995). In contrast to leaders perceptions, older residents stated a much wider variety of interests,
preferences and needs for healthy leisure opportunities in the community that did not fit
stereotypical images of aging (Freysinger, 1999, 2008; Wearing, 1995). Social justice extends
beyond mere distribution of resources to include institutional conditions that enhance both an
individuals capability as well as collective involvement (Young, 1990). In school, city
recreation, nonprofit recreation, and other institutional settings, it appeared that these
organizational conditions were not being met in this community. Such inequitable access to
recreation and health resources raises questions about power and privilege, including: 1) how
decisions about resource allocation are made by leaders and how the voices of minority, low-
income and older residents are (and can be) included in the decision making process and 2)
researchers roles in resisting and reproducing dominant discourses (Kivel et al., 2009). I will
delve into these social justice issues with the audience.
282

References
Allison, M. T. (2008). Introduction: Diversity in organizational perspective. In M. T. Allison & I.
E. Schneider (Eds.), Diversity and the recreation profession (Rev. ed., pp. 1-15). State
College, PA: Venture.
Caldwell, L. L. (2005). Leisure and health: Why is leisure therapeutic? British Journal of
Guidance & Counseling, 33, 7-26.
Creswell, J. W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five
traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Dawson, D. (2008). Social class and leisure provision. In M. T. Allison & I. E. Schneider (Eds.),
Diversity and the recreation profession (Rev. ed., pp. 99-117). State College, PA: Venture.
Eberhardt, M. S., Freid, V. M., Harper, S., Ingram, D. D., Makuc, D. M., Pamuk, E., Freid, V., &
Harper, S. (2001). Urban and rural health chartbook: Health, United States, 2001.
Freysinger, V. J. (1999). Life span and life course perspectives on leisure. In T. L. Burton & E.
L. Jackson (Eds.), Leisure studies: Prospects for the 21st century, (pp. 253-270). State
College, PA: Venture.
Freysinger, V. J. (2008). Acting our age: The relationship between age and leisure. In M. T.
Allison & I. E. Schneider (Eds.), Diversity and the recreation profession (Rev. ed., pp.
143-162). State College, PA: Venture.
Huberman, A. M., & Miles, M. B. (1998). Data management and analysis methods. In N. K.
Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Collecting and interpreting qualitative materials (pp. 179-
210). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Kivel, B. D., Johnson, C. W., & Scraton, S. (2009). (Re)Theorizing leisure, experience and race.
Journal of Leisure Research, 41, 473-493.
Krueger, R. A., & Casey, M. A. (2000). Focus groups: A practical guide for applied research
(3
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Mowatt, R. A. (2009). Notes from a leisure son: Expanding an understanding of whiteness in
leisure. Journal of Leisure Research, 41, 511-528.
Roberts, N. S. (2009). Crossing the color line with a different perspective on whiteness and
(anti)racism: A response to Mary McDonald. Journal of Leisure Research, 41, 495-509.
Scott, D. (2013) Economic inequality, poverty, and park and recreation delivery. Journal of Park
and Recreation Administration, 31, 1-11.
Shinew, K. J., Floyd, M. F., & Parry, D. (2004). Understanding the relationship between race and
leisure activities and constraints: Exploring an alternative framework. Leisure Sciences, 26,
181-199.
Shores, K. A., Scott, D., & Floyd, M. F. (2007). Constraints to outdoor recreation: A multiple
hierarchy stratification perspective. Leisure Sciences, 29, 227-246.
Wearing, B. (1995). Leisure and resistance in an ageing society. Leisure Studies, 14, 263279.
Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press.







283

Outdoor Recreation Conflict: Reconsiderations and Practical Implications
Andrew Spiers (Brock University)

Introduction
Recreational environments are often contested spaces (Walker & Virden, 2005) with the
growth in recreation conflict coinciding directly with increased participation, the innovation of
new activities and greater accessibility to natural resource areas (Hammitt & Cole, 1998).
Conflict research has witnessed an evolution from a dominant focus on competition between
users for space and resources and a focus on incompatible activities to the contemporary
examination of the underlying root causes and variables which cause conflict (Confer, Thapa, &
Mendelsohn, 2005).

Literature Review
The most well-known and widely cited conceptualization of recreation conflict is that of
Jacob and Schreyer (1980), whose theoretical perspective defined conflict as goal
interference attributed to anothers behavior (p. 369). Accordingly, this type of conflict has
most often been recognized as asymmetrical in nature and referred to as interpersonal conflict
(Carothers, Vaske, & Donnelly, 2001; Schneider, 2000). Carothers et al., (2001) explain, For
interpersonal conflict to occur, the physical presence or behavior of an individual or a group of
recreationists must interfere with the goals of another individual or group (p. 47).
In contrast, social values (i.e., social acceptability) conflict has juxtaposed this traditional
interpersonal (i.e., goal interference) understanding. Social values conflict can occur when
individuals or groups do not share the same values or norms regardless of actual contact
(Coarothers et al., 2001). When defined this way, conflict becomes a normative issue concerning
acceptable behaviours (Carothers et al., 2001). Discussions of acceptability in the conflict
literature have more recently focused on unacceptable behaviours. Classifying conflict as such,
establishes conflict as normative beliefs about unacceptable behaviors (Vaske, Dyar, &
Timmons, 2004, p. 216). For example, Vaske et al., measured conflict using a number of
observable unacceptable behaviours which included when others behaved in a discourteous
manner. Similarly, through open-ended conflict questions Mann and Absher (2008) found that
horseback riders and hikers reported mountain bikers disturbing behaviour. Conversely, garbage
and vandalism possessed the highest conflict potential among all users groups. Reis and Higham
(2009) found that littering, unsafe behaviours, visitor behaviour/activity causing track damage,
causing wildlife disturbance, and showing disregard to resources were the most telling reasons
for conflict between hunters and hikers. Taking a slightly different approach, Schuster, Hammitt,
and Moore (2006) discussed conflict as the experiencing of hassles. The most identified sources
of hassles were litter, noise from other people, damage to the resource, and too many people at
campsites (p. 97).
Based on the above literature, the following presentation or research proposes a
reconsideration of outdoor recreation conflict and a move away from conflict as goal interference
and a shift towards the values element of conflict, with an explicit focus on unacceptable
behaviours as a more practical conceptualization for recreation and natural resource area
managers.



284

Methods
The results presented are part of a larger investigation into the emotional component of
participants experience of outdoor recreation conflict. The purpose of that larger study was: (1)
to evaluate a new and expanded model of outdoor recreation conflict and (2) to develop and
validate the reliability of a multi-item, multi-dimensional emotions-based conflict scale (See
Spiers & Walker, 2010). A survey research design was utilized that involved the distribution of
questionnaires containing quantitative and qualitative (i.e., open-ended) questions (Creswell,
2003). No additional fact checking, member checking or prompting was used. Participants were
able to ask questions and seek clarification throughout the process.
Sampling occurred in Jasper National Park (JNP). JNP is one of Canadas largest National
Parks and is home to over 1000 kilometres of hiking trails for both day trips and overnight visits
(Parks Canada, 2013, online). A select group of trail locations surrounding the Town of Jasper
were selected with the assistance of Parks Canada personnel. These locations were selected
because of reported incidences of user conflicts and because of frequent use by both visitors and
residents. Participants were purposefully selected based on their chosen outdoor recreation
activity: hiking or mountain biking (Babbie, 1992). Data collection locations were rotated daily
in an effort to maximize the diversity of users from the multiple trail locations.
In total, 810 people were approached and asked to participate in the study, with 460
agreeing to do so. Two questionnaires were later removed because they were incomplete; thus
resulting in a total of 458 questionnaires and a response rate of 56.5%. Additional questionnaires
were unable to be collected because of time and financial constraints.
In this presentation/paper selected results are presented from the findings of one open-
ended question (i.e., Based on your previous experience how would you describe or define
outdoor recreation conflict?) to explore users understanding of conflict. A total of 349
participants provided responses to the open-ended question representing a response rate of 76%.
The increased use of qualitative approaches for studying conflict has also previously been
recommended (Tumes, 2007). Content analysis or sense-making was utilized to allow the
identification of meanings in the data. Inductive and deductive approaches were also combined
throughout the analysis allowing for themes and patterns to emerge and for existing literature to
serve as a guiding framework (Patton, 2002).

Results
An important step in developing a better understanding of outdoor recreation conflict is to
know what trail users consider to be conflict. Therefore, JNP participants were asked, Based on
your previous experience how would you describe or define outdoor recreation conflict? Initial
classification of participant responses resulted in four distinct categories: No Experience/No
Conflict (n=103), Inappropriate/Disrespectful Behaviour (n=169), People are Different (n=26)
and Crowding Related (n=51). Crowding was not the most common response by participants;
however, its inclusion is not surprising as previous research has supported crowding as an
important conflict-related variable (Manning, 1999). Examples of participant responses within
JNP include, Busy trails, many activities using the same paths or areas and Competing for
trail space. Participant responses under the category of People are Different acknowledge
that people are different, particularly when it comes to their personal values and beliefs. Two
sub-themes were created from People are Different: Different Values (n=5) (e.g., Conflict
arising from people having different opinions on how the trails/park should be used) and
Different Groups (n=18) (e.g., People have different expectations and backgrounds and choose
285

to come to Jasper for different reasons). The latter does not specifically highlight differing
values, but acknowledges that conflicts arise because people are different from one another.
Initial content analysis discovered a category that was labelled, inappropriate/disrespectful
behaviour. Additional content analysis resulted in two final themes suggesting that quite a few of
the participants describe or define conflict as, Inappropriate/Disrespectful Behaviour (n=115)
and Environmentally Irresponsible (n=54). These themes represented the greatest proportion of
feedback and are therefore quite suggestive that conflict may be closely or entirely related to the
actions of others when they are perceived to be inappropriate in nature. Examples of participant
responses describing conflict as Inappropriate/Disrespectful behaviour include, Thoughtless or
inconsiderate actions, When others dont follow the rules/guidelines that have been
established for a particular area and If someone would get angry at me because Im riding too
fast on the trail. Quantitative findings from the larger study echo these comments indicating
that 73% of participants believed that disrespectful behaviour would strongly detract from their
experience. Participants also defined or described conflict as being more specifically connected
to behaviours that harm the environment. Two notable comments were, I get angry with other
people when they dont respect the environment e.g., throwing garbage, cig butts etc on the
ground, not using garbage bins and For me conflict occurs as people do irreparable damage
to the backcountry.

Discussion and Conclusion
The most widely cited understandings of conflict from the present study revolved around
inappropriate/disrespectful behaviour. This is remarkably consistent with previous research;
Mann and Absher (2008) identified infrastructure issues (i.e., garbage and vandalism) and social
values conflicts (i.e., disturbing behaviour) and provides additional support for Tumes (2007)
and her suggestion that inappropriate behaviour should be included as a future variable when
investigating recreation conflict. The findings here suggest that trail users do not experience
conflict (e.g., Never had any conflict on the trails; Not experienced; I have never
experienced any conflict) or identify conflict as unacceptable behaviours (e.g., Lack of respect
for type of activity; Encountering use of space in a way I disapprove of) when it does occur.
This is consistent with quantitative findings from the larger study where 81.8% of participants
strongly disagreed to experiencing conflict while visiting JNP. Despite such low reported
incidences of conflict, participant recorded conflict definitions showed tremendous uniformity.
Results are congruent with Reis and Higham (2009) who found high shared or common values
(i.e., low conflict) and remarkable consistency in the responses of hunters and hikers to
identifying unacceptable behaviours (e.g., littering, visitor behaviour/activity showing disregard
to resources, unsafe behaviours, etc). Their conclusions are in line with the present study in
recommending a move away from management based on generalized constructions of goal
interference (p. 104). Reis and Higham emphasized education based on values that are shared
and the creation of understanding and respect for commonly-held values.
Based on the research presented here, the belief is that a more intense investigation of
outdoor recreation conflict through the lens of unacceptable or disrespectful behaviours could
reveal additional insights into our understanding of recreation conflict. Tumes (2007) was also in
favour of such an approach and expressed disappointment that previous research had not given
stronger credence to unacceptable behaviours as a more telling variable. Despite extensive use of
the conflict definition (i.e., as goal interference) by Jacob and Schreyer (1980), Watson (1995)
points out that, there has never been agreement on how recreation conflict should be measured
286

(p. 237). Unacceptable behaviours should be further examined as a variable for better
understanding and measuring conflict. The practical implications of this are tremendous for
natural recreation resource managers. Measuring goal interference may prove elusive for
managers who continue to struggle to adequately deal with conflict occurrences. However,
identifying and controlling unacceptable behaviours such as littering, actions causing
environmental damage and unsafe behaviours (e.g., reckless mountain biking) is likely a more
feasible undertaking for managers. In support of Reis and Higham (2009), education could be
introduced to help create greater awareness of these unacceptable behaviours and associated
social values.

References
Babbie, E. (1992). The practice of social research, 6
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among hikers and mountain bikers. Leisure Sciences, 23, 47-61.
Confer, J. J., Thapa, B., & Mendelsohn, J. L. (2005). Exploring a typology of recreation conflict
in outdoor environments. World Leisure, 1, 12-23.
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renewingJNP.aspx
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goal interference towards social sustainability. Journal of Sport and Tourism, 14(2-3), 83-
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Research, 32(1), 129-132.
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hassles experienced in outdoor recreation settings. Leisure Sciences, 28, 97-113.
Spiers, A., & Walker, G. J. (2010). Creation and validation of an emotions-based outdoor
recreation conflict scale. In H. Gibson & K. Andereck (Compilers), Abstracts from the
2010 Leisure Research Symposium (pp. 70-73). Ashburn, VA: National Recreation and
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Vaske, J., Dyar, R., & Timmons, N. (2004). Skill level and recreation conflict among skiers and
snowboarders. Leisure Sciences, 26, 215-225.
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Community Participation in Festivals An Appreciative Inquiry Approach to Research
Raphaela Stadler (University of Hertfordshire)

Introduction
Community cultural development (CCD) describes a range of initiatives undertaken by
artists in collaboration with other community members to express identity, concerns and
aspirations through the arts (...), while building cultural capacity and contributing to social
change (Adam & Goldbard, 2001, p. 107). This study investigated participation by members of
the South Sea Islander community in Bowen, Queensland, in the project Behind the Cane.
Behind the Cane was one of many regional CCD projects organised by the Queensland Music
Festival in 2011. The project told the history of South Sea Islanders being kidnapped and brought
to Queensland, Australia, to work on sugar cane farms between 1863 and 1906 (Docker, 1970;
Graves, 1993). It highlighted their perspective and thus aimed to challenge the dominant (white)
discourse of the blackbirding practice.
The festival team organising this project faced several challenges. The topic was difficult
to explore, the team did not want to insult anybody or be disrespectful; moreover, working with
an unprofessional cast required time and patience, while the festival was running on a different
schedule and had to meet funding, marketing and other deadlines. Careful negotiation and
collaborative decision making over a period of three years was practised by festival staff
members; they did not exercise power over the community or impose their ideas upon them but
rather let the community tell their own stories and make their voices heard, as I have argued
elsewhere (X). Although challenging at times, these processes are necessary in order for
community members to feel ownership of the piece and to support the festival (Clarke & Jepson,
2011; Kay, 2000).
Methods
Applying ethnographic research methods (participant observation and in-depth interviews)
over seven months allowed me to immerse myself in the festival experience, to become an
insider to the organisation and to critically investigate issues and challenges from the teams
perspective (O'Reilly, 2005). I participated in meetings, rehearsals and similar events from
February August 2011, as well as helped out with day-to-day tasks at the festival headquarters
in Brisbane and different local venues. In particular, I spent a week in Bowen during the
rehearsal period for Behind the Cane, and another four days for the Behind the Cane
performances. Field notes were taken during and after all observations describing the settings,
events, informal conversations with participants as well as my own feelings, challenges and
learning process. I also conducted 28 in-depth interviews with festival members in a range of
different roles permanent as well as seasonal staff members, board members, artists,
contractors and members of the communities. Eight of these interview participants were
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associated with the Behind the Cane project; some were interviewed before, others during or
after the festival. In the interviews, in informal conversations as well as during the observations I
paid particular attention to my participants roles, experiences with the festival and participation
in the project from their different perspectives.
The research process was difficult at times; while I became an insider to the festival
organisation, I remained an outsider to the South Sea Islander community in Bowen. I was aware
of the delicate topic and afraid of being disrespectful. I soon realised the importance of my
ethnographic approach, especially when some community members did not want to do recorded
interviews. However, I met with them for a coffee or we had an informal talk backstage about
the project and about their background. Valuable information was thus gained in a safe setting
without risking to upset or offend anyone or damaging some of the relationships that the festival
team had built over such a long period of time.

An Appreciative Inquiry Approach to Research
Reflecting on my experience, I also started to unconsciously apply an Appreciative Inquiry
(AI) approach to research which enabled me to frame up questions in an appreciative rather than
stereotypically negative way (cf. Michael, 2005). AI was developed in the field of organisational
management and focuses on stories about positive experiences whereby challenges and problems
are turned into opportunities for learning (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999). AI is a collaborative
and highly participative approach to inquiry (Yoder, 2004, p. 45); it is different for every
organisation or community and evolves and continuously changes based on what is important to
its members (Finegold, Holland, & Lingham, 2002; Raymond & Hall, 2008). The AI approach
builds on the best successes of an organisation within its current culture and core values
(Thatchenkery & Chowdhry, 2007; Van Tiem & Rosenzweig, 2006; Whitney & Trosten-Bloom,
2003).
Appreciative Inquiry is usually used in management practice as a step-by-step process to
identify what is, what might be, what could be and finally what will be (Thatchenkery &
Chowdhry, 2007). In initial interviews, and also throughout the entire process of AI, positive
stories are shared about what people value, what is important to them and what they hope for in
the future (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999). Story-telling and language are hence important
dimensions of the AI process. Michael (2005) therefore suggested using AI as an interview tool
for field research where an emphasis on stories can provide valuable insights into a communitys
values and beliefs. She found that through asking her participants to tell positive stories, they
() were eager to tell their stories; offered dynamic and unrehearsed information; and spoke
more openly, with less defensiveness or fear of reprisal (p. 226).

Discussion
Similarly, by asking my participants and members of the South Sea Islander community
for positive stories, I gained trust which allowed them to openly discuss with me their (hi-)stories
and experiences with the festival organisation, at times elaborating on issues and challenges
without being asked or forced to do so. For example, questions included What was your best
experience with QMF so far?; Do you feel you belong to the community?; Can you describe
the friendships and relationships you have developed with other members of the community?
Particularly with members of the South Sea Islander community, making them feel
comfortable and safe was important. I did not become an insider to this community but felt that
they were very proud to be involved in the project. Therefore, the questions I asked were framed
289

around their pride, excitement about the show and what it meant to them. One member of the
South Sea Islander community recounted in an informal conversation:
When I ask Karen how she feels about working with QMF, she says she is very grateful
to QMF for putting on a show about her familys and the communitys history. She really
enjoys being part of this so far and thinks her great great grandparents would be very
proud of her. She now is a mother of three herself and spent all her life in Bowen. Just
like the rest of her family; Bowen born and bred, as the script says. Karen thinks it is
important to tell their stories and to help other people in Bowen understand where the
South Sea Islanders came from and what theyve been through. She says, QMF is giving
them a chance to do that. (field notes, 28/06/11)
The participant felt comfortable talking about her feelings and experience with the festival
organisation thus far. She felt proud and excited to be part of the festival. Without asking her
whether there were any problems along the way, she then went on to describe how difficult it
was for the community to learn to trust QMF and open up. According to her, there were a few
stand-offs (field notes, 28/06/11) between QMF and the community along the way which
could only be resolved through careful negotiation and collaborative decision-making. In my
field notes I reflected on the benefits of my research approach at this stage:
I had two very interesting interviews today, as well as a chat over coffee with Maria ().
I am so excited about the festival now that I keep on asking questions about highlights so
far, about why THEY are so excited. It seems to work, participants enjoy sharing their
enthusiasm and excitement more so than just talk about problems and issues. I do see and
hear about those as well, but mostly they feel comfortable talking about how proud they
are to be part of QMF and the show (field notes, 04/07/2011).
Realising how many positive stories I was able to collect through specifically asking
positive questions, I later applied the same strategy in more formal interviews with the
professional festival team in order to identify best practice examples of working with different
communities. Despite having become one of them and having gained their trust, I felt it was
important to focus on the highlights of the festival, the success and things that worked well. For
example, I asked one of the senior festival staff members:
RS: I noticed that the relationships you have with members of the South Sea Islander
community are really good. How do you build and maintain those relationships?
I think... the first thing Ill say is that there is NO substitute for getting out there and going to
visit people and looking them in the eye, shaking their hand and saying, We are going to do
this. Making promises that you keep. (interview 5)
Positively framing my question gave this participant an opportunity to reflect on and make
explicit what staff members were doing well. He felt comfortable sharing his insights about their
embodied practices of working with the community. He went on to describe the challenges along
the way and he confessed that sometimes its a struggle and its really hard (interview 5).

Implications
AI as a research tool offers novel ways of thinking about asking positive questions and
hence building trust and rapport with participants (Michael, 2005). In turn, power relations and
hierarchies between researcher and participants can be broken down. I experienced the
importance of this research approach with members of the South Sea Islander community first,
where I remained an outsider and thus had to be careful about how to approach them and how to
ask questions without being disrespectful. Reflecting on my strategy, I later applied the same
method in more formal interviews with staff members. In both cases, it allowed me to unpack my
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participants cultures, values and pride. AI as a field research tool can be applied to a range of
different leisure settings and with different communities in order to recognise what is important
to them. Rather than merely emphasising a problem-solving approach, it can also be used to
identify organisational best practices.

References
Adam, D., & Goldbard, A. (2001). Creative community - The art of cultural development. New
York: The Rockefeller Foundation.
Clarke, A., & Jepson, A. (2011). Power and hegemony within a community festival.
International Journal of Event and Festival Management, 2(1), 7-19.
Cooperrider, D. L., & Whitney, D. (1999). Collaborating for change: appreciative inquiry
Retrieved from
http://common.books24x7.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/toc.aspx?bookid=4605
Docker, E. W. (1970). The blackbirders - The recruiting of South Seas labour for Queensland,
1863-1907. Sydney et al.: Angus & Robertson.
Finegold, M. A., Holland, B. M., & Lingham, T. (2002). Appreciative inquiry and public
dialogue: An approach to community change. Public Organization Review: A Global
Journal, 2(3), 235-252.
Graves, A. (1993). Cane and labour - The political economy of the Queensland sugar industry,
1862-1906. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Kay, A. (2000). Art and community development: The role the arts have in regenerating
communities. Community Development Journal, 35(4), 414-424.
Michael, S. (2005). The promise of appreciative inquiry as an interview tool for field research.
Development in Practice, 15(2), 222-230.
O'Reilly, K. (2005). Ethnographic methods. London and New York: Routledge.
Raymond, E. M., & Hall, M. C. (2008). The potential for appreciative inquiry in tourism
research. Current Issues in Tourism, 11(3), 281-292.
Thatchenkery, T., & Chowdhry, D. (2007). Appreciative inquiry and knowledge management - A
social constructionist perspective. Cheltenham & Northhampton: Edward Elgar.
Van Tiem, D., & Rosenzweig, J. (2006). Appreciative inquiry. Retrieved from
http://common.books24x7.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/toc.aspx?bookid=12865
Whitney, D., & Trosten-Bloom, A. (2003). The power of appreciative inquiry - A practical guide
to positive change. Retrieved from
http://library.books24x7.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/toc.aspx?bookid=5772
Yoder, D. M. (2004). Organizational climate and emotional intelligence: An appreciative inquiry
into a "leaderful" community college. Community College Journal of Research and
Practice, 29(1), 45-62.



The Khat Controversy: Dark Leisure and Liquid Modernity
Spencer Swain (Leeds Metropolitan University)

Introduction
This paper focuses on the cultural activity of khat chewing, a narcotic which is grown and
consumed in East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula (Anderson & Carrier, 2011). In Somalia the
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practice of khat chewing is widespread, a scenario which is re-enacted throughout the diaspora to
both the pleasure and dismay of its members (Cox & Rampes, 2003; Patel, 2008). Through using
the theoretical lens of Zygmunt Baumans (2000) concept of Liquid Modernity, I aim to chart the
social importance of khat to young Somali males in the United Kingdom, before analysing the
views and opinions of groups within the Somali community who perceive the practice to be
immoral and harmful. Linking such discourses to the phenomenon of Dark Leisure (Rojek, 2009;
Spracklen, 2013; Stone & Sharpley, 2013) in order to show how certain leisure forms can appear
to be deviant due to their precocious position as challenges to religious, cultural and social
orthodoxy. However I argue that within the liquid modern epoch, such distinctions between
good and Dark Leisure are hard to distinguish, using the work of Lashau and Fox (2006) to
show how rap culture amongst young Aboriginal Canadians provides a similar liberating
context to that of khat chewing.

Khat Chewing
Gebissa (2004) states that khat has been a major part of culture for populations on the horn
of Africa since the 14
th
century. Nobody knows exactly how khat entered Somali culture but it is
believed that the practice spread from Ethiopian communities over two hundred years ago.
Initially khat chewing was indulged in exclusively by religious groups until the 1920s when
developments in infrastructure linked the khat fields of the Ethiopian highlands with the
population of Somaliland (North Somalia), increasing the supply and making the practice
available to a wider cohort of the population (Elmi, 1983; Warsame, 2004). The global dispersal
of the Somali diaspora has caused a further increase in khat consumption both at home and
abroad. Somali migrants in Europe and North America use khat as way of coping with the
frustrations they experience within Western society, in the form of racism, unemployment and
borderline poverty, using khat as a major part of preserving their cultural identity (Ahmed, 2005;
Klein, 2007).
Consumption usually takes place in marfish cafes that serve as social centres,
offering refreshments, television, food and khat. Marfish cafes provide the
opportunity for exchanging information, keeping abreast of news from countries of
origin and for other community activitieskhat can be purchased from fruit and
vegetable shops, convenience stores and even newspaper kiosks. (Odenwald, Klein,
& Nasir, 2011, p.2)
In the diaspora khat is a disputed topic; some argue it supports cultural cohesion while
others make objections on religious and social grounds (Anderson & Carrier, 2011). Proponents
of khat highlight the cultural connection the practice has with their homeland, enabling
participants to strengthen social ties and trust between fellow chewers and a sense of
belonging to Somaliland society (Hansen, 2010, p.595). Harris (2004) builds upon this
assertion, arguing that young Somalis chew khat as a way of promoting their cultural heritage
and escaping the negative stigma of being perceived as helpless migrants or asylum seekers.
Opposition towards khat chewing comes from two main sources, these being womens
groups and fundamentalist Islamists (Anderson & Carrier, 2011). Patel (2008) describes Somali
female opposition towards khat, as coming in the guise of frustration at the lack of support from
their male partners. Issues such as spending limited time at home with the children, not helping
around the house, and spending limited financial resources, were all attributed to the
consumption of khat; which in their testimony takes the male out of the home for extended
periods of time which could be better used for finding work or undertaking skills training.
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Interpretations of the Quran place khat in a contested position, with some in the community
referring to the practice as halal (allowed), and others deeming the practice haram (prohibited)
(Hansen, 2010). In particular the Salafi Muslims who occupy a more conservative position, place
the practice within the confines of being haram, a scenario which has resulted in a dominant
discourse amongst the Somali community in the U.K. given that this group often occupy the role
of community spokespeople (Carrier, 2007). As a result many khat chewers find their voices
being drowned out on community debates about the drug (Anderson & Carrier, 2011).

Dark Leisure and Baumans Theory on Modernity
Given the stigma attached to khat within the Somali community, there is an argument that
khat chewing can be seen as a Dark Leisure activity. Dark Leisure is described by Rojek (1999,
p.26) as encompassing drug use, alcoholism, dangerous sexuality, dangerous types of
aggression and murder which are all overwhelmingly situated in leisure time and leisure space.
In truth, Dark Leisure is neither dark nor deviant, but divergent in challenging taboo
gatekeepers(and) the transgression of social, religious and cultural orthodoxy (Stone &
Sharpley, 2013, p.4). In the liquid modern world (Bauman, 2000, p.5) the political institutions
designed to uphold such social and cultural orthodoxy have experienced the radical melting
of the fetters and manacles rightly or wrongly suspected of limiting the individual freedom to
choose and to act. Such an ideology has helped usher in an era of fear and anxiety where there
is no verified state remedy to solve personalised problems, leaving the free market as the sole
site to eradicate such antagonisms.
No more salvation by society means that there are no visible collective, joint
agencies in charge of the global societal order. The care of the human plight has been
privatised, and the tools and practices of care deregulatedit is now individual wit
and muscle that must be stretched in the daily struggle for survival and improvement.
(Bauman, 1997, p.39)
The environment chartered by liquid modernity represents a stark contrast to that of the solid
modern period; here the state is represented as a garden where administered universal identities
are used to erase the complex differences between sets of individuals. Constructs such as social
class, race, religion, and nationality were the structures through which the pristine garden was
kept in order and not blighted by the spectres of uncertainty and ambivalence (Bauman, 1989).
Modernity therefore takes on the definition of ordered totality, control, planning, and mastery
over nature (Best, 1998, p.313).
Thus, the concept of Dark Leisure must be reassessed and understood through the liquid
modern paradigm. Without the social and cultural orthodoxy of modernity to guide individuals,
many seek structure and order in the consumption of culture (Davis, 2011). For young Somali
males, khat becomes a site of community and cultural tradition, providing a sense of stability and
belonging in an environment which is hostile towards them through cultural racisms (Harris,
2004). In addition to hostility, many Somalis do not occupy enough financial capital to be able to
pursue the life projects of their choice, thus they fall into the category of the flawed consumer.
if being poor once derived its meaning from the condition of being unemployed, today it
draws its meaning primarily from the plight of the flawed consumers. The flawed consumer
represents the new poor of society, those the seduced majority see as being utterly useless and
beyond the pale of political redemption via the welfare institution (Bauman, 1998, p.1).


293

Khat, and Dark Leisure as Resistance
Many forms of Dark Leisure can be viewed as resistance. In a similar fashion to khat
chewing, rap music has been used by Aboriginal youths to document their emotions surrounding
the political and social struggles that both they and their culture face in Canada (Lashua & Fox,
2006). Although rap is seen by many in society as a deviant leisure form which degrades women,
contests societal values and promotes violence (Rose, 1994). For many young Aboriginal
Canadians the storytelling potential of rap offers a creative site from which counter narratives
can be expressed that help disrupt the dominant negative discourses that shroud 1
st
nation people.
This echoes the sentiment of participants in Hansens (2010) study who use khat as a way of
developing community and culture. In a world under the grip of liquid modernity the line
between what constitutes good leisure and what represents Dark Leisure has become
increasingly blurred and must be investigated as such. For many adherents of Dark Leisure
forms, the particular activity gives them meaning in a way no other work or leisure activity could
ever doin the difficult times of late modernity in particular, when social structures are weak
and capitalism has wrecked any sense of belonging and community, dark leisure may be the only
escape people have from the uncertainty of life (Spracklen, 2013, p. 211). Thus, the morality of
khat chewing as a leisure activity becomes harder to define given the liquefied nature of western
society.

Conclusion and Implications
This paper has chartered the history of khat within Somali culture, showing how the
practice continues to be a major part of the lives of those both living in Somaliland and the
diaspora. Through looking at the various opinions about the morality of khat chewing, it has
been shown that the Somali community in the UK is split on the subject. Some support the
practice, referencing the community cohesion and cultural link with Somaliland that khat offers
them. However, those who oppose khat rubbish these claims, and highlight two differing areas of
concern. The first comes from the Somali womens groups, who believe that khat chewing takes
Somali males away from the home for hours at a time. Time which could be better spent helping
out domestically or working to support the family. The second comes from the conservative
Salafi community who see the drug as being haram (prohibited), by the Quran and therefore
rejected on religious grounds. Such opposition places khat within the confines of Dark Leisure as
it challenges the social and cultural orthodoxy of Somali culture. Using Baumans (1989) notion
of solid modernity, khat could be seen as a cultural taboo, but in a liquid modern (Bauman, 2000)
world under the grip of individuality and an increased sense of uncertainty, khat can be seen as
an important tool in the creation of a Somali identity. In a society where many Somalis are often
negatively stereotyped and lack the financial capital to complete their own life projects as
consumers in the free market, khat offers a site of diasporic identity and resistance to the social
environment that perpetuates individuality and consumption. Here the experiences of Canadian
Aboriginal youths and rap music can be seen as another example of the way in which a leisure
activity aims to disrupt discourses which promote policies that oppress their people. While rap is
revered in mainstream western society for being abusive and aggressive, the Aboriginal youths in
Edmonton use this leisure activity to establish an identity and cultural consciousness which
resists the individualised consumer culture of the west.
The implication of this liquid modern analysis places the concept of Dark leisure in a
precocious position, whereby leisure activities that are perceived to be morally wrong by one
group in society, can in fact act as a site of resistance to the political discourses which oppress
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these groups. Both the Somali community in the UK and the Aboriginal youths in Canada
occupy the position of flawed consumers (Bauman, 1998) and therefore cannot use the free
market as a site of salvation like the consumer masses. Therefore, I argue that leisure activities
which challenge the neo-liberal paradigm should not be seen as forms of Dark Leisure but rather
sites of resistance to an immoral form of governance.

References
Ahmed, M. (2005). Tower Hamlets Somali population: Research into substance use/misuse. London.
Anderson, P., & Carrier, N. (2011). Khat: Social harms and legislation. A literature review.
Bauman, Z. (1989). Modernity and the Holocaust. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press
Bauman, Z. (1997). Postmodernity and its discontents. New York: New York University Press.
Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Bauman, Z. (1998). Work, consumerism and the new poor. Philadelphia: Open University Press.
Best, S. (1998). Zygmunt Bauman: Personal reflections. The British Journal of Sociology, 49(2), 311-320.
Carrier, N. (2007). A strange drug in a strange land. In A. Pieroni & I. Vandebroek (Eds.), Traveling
cultures and plants: The ethnobiology and ethnopharmacy of human migrations. Oxford: Berghahn.
Cox, G., & Rampes, H. (2003). Adverse effects of khat: A review. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment, 9,
456-463.
Davis, M. (2011). Bauman's compass: Navigating the current interregnum. Acta Sociologica, 54, 183-194.
Elmi, A. (1983). The Chewing of Khat in Somalia. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 8, 163-176.
Gebissa, E. (2004). Leaf of Allah. Khat and agricultural transformation Harerge, Ethipia 1875-1991.
Oxford: James Curry.
Hansen, P. (2010). The ambiguity of khat in Somaliland. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 132, 590-599.
Harris, H. (2004). The Somali community in the UK. What we know and how we know it. London: ICAR.
Klein, A. (2007). Khat and the creation of tradition in the Somali diaspora. In J. Fountain & D. J. Korf
(Eds.), Drugs in society. European perspectives (pp. 5161). Oxon: Radcliffe Publishing
Lashua, B., & Fox, K. (2006). Rec needs a new rhythm cuz rap is where we're livin. Leisure Sciences: An
Interdisciplinary Journal, 23(3), 267-283
Odenwald, M., Klein, A., & Nasir, W. (2011). Khat use in Europe: Implications for European policy.
Luxembourg: European Union.
Patel, S. (2008). Attitudes to Khat use within the Somali Community in England. Drugs: Education,
Prevention, and Policy, 15(1), 37-53.
Rojek, C. (1999). Abnormal leisure: Invasive, mephitic and wild forms. Society and Leisure, 22(1), 21-
37.
Rose, T. (1994). Black noise: Rap music and Black culture in contemporary America. Hanover, NH:
University Press of New England.
Spracklen, K. (2013). Leisure, sports and society. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Stone, P., & Sharpley, S. (2013). Deviance, dark tourism and 'dark leisure': Towards a (re)configuration
of morality and the taboo in secular society. In S. Elkington & S. Gammon (Eds.), Contemporary
perspectives in leisure: Meanings, motives and lifelong learning. Abingdon: Routledge.
Warsame, A. M. (2004). Crisis or opportunity? Somali women traders and the war. In J. Gardner & J. E.
Bushra (Eds.), SomaliaThe untold story. The war through the eyes of Somali women (pp. 116
126). London: Pluto Press.



295

Is Travel Everyones Right or Wrong?!
Pooneh Torabian (University of Waterloo)

I am disappointed and angry. For the past couple of hours, I have been thinking about
what I have gone through to make this trip and I just cant get over it! An hour has passed since
I realized I will have no internet connection in Madrids airport for the next 10 hours before I fly
to London and then back to Toronto. So, what am I going to do?! It is 11:30 pm and I am too
timid to get out of the airport of a city I have never been to before and stay at the hotel for the
night. I walk for a few minutes to stretch my legs. I see an advertisement. I stop to see what it
says. A family of three are smiling and carrying their luggage to the airport, it reads Travel is
everyones right. I turn my head, change direction, and walk the opposite way. I gradually feel
the heaviness in my chest. I swallow it and clear my throat. I walk away but it does not leave me
alone. I can taste the bitterness in my mouth and soon my face gets warm and wet. Suddenly it all
comes back to me. It is funny how a small sign can bring back memories and make you feel the
same way again.

According to the World Tourism Organization (2013), destinations around the world
require on average two thirds of the worlds population to obtain a visa prior to departure and
only about 18% of the worlds population are able to enter a destination without a visa. Shamir
(2005) argued that differential ability to move in space - and even more so to have access to
opportunities for movement has become a major stratifying force in the global social
hierarchy (p. 200). In line with Shamir (2005), Mau, Brabandt, Laube, and Roos (2012) further
discussed, the promise of increased mobility in todays globalized world, only holds for certain
affluent and privileged countries. They also noted that mobility rights in most cases are a
birthright privilege that depends on the persons nationality. Limitations of movement do not
only affect the opportunities to move but also sustains inequalities across countries globally.
Despite the importance of the issue of mobility in tourism, literature currently lacks
personal narratives in general and more specifically about the freedom of movement. While
approaches that give prominence to personalized accounts and researchers voices still remain
marginalized among scholars within tourism studies (Phillimore & Goodson, 2004), handful of
researchers such as Fullagar (2002), Markwell (2001), and Morgan and Pritchard (2005) have
used personal narratives to reflect on their own travel experiences as tourism researchers.
Through this personal narrative, it is my hope to shed light on the challenges and issues one
might encounter with as an international tourist who is traveling to a another country and also
document the role of global politics in limiting the travel of certain populations.


My Personal Narrative
It was sometime in January of 2013. I just left Heathers office. We decided to present a
paper in the Critical Tourism Studies Conference in Sarajevo in June. The theme of the
conference was so exiting and I loved to present our paper in a country I always wanted to visit!
However, it was not until late April that our paper was accepted for oral presentation in Sarajevo.
I had to plan early for my trip to avoid paying for expensive tickets. I checked my passport to
make sure it was valid until after I come back from Bosnia. As soon as I opened my passport, I
saw the expiry date: June 6
th
! That was just two weeks before the conference. So, first I had to
renew my passport. But, how was I going to do that?! The Iranian embassy in Canada was closed
296

down just a couple of months ago. Canada and Iran did not have the best diplomatic relations
during the past couple of years, there were some tensions of course but nothing new had
happened recently to make the situation worse. When I first heard about the embassy closure, the
only thing I could think of was how this issue would affect Iranian citizens studying in Canada or
Iranians with dual citizenship living in Canada. The politicians decisions can affect us in ways
we might not even be aware of.
I asked one of my friends in Tehran to call the ministry of foreign affairs and ask them how
I can have my passport renewed. She called them several times but could not get a proper answer
for me. It seemed that because of the sudden closure of the embassies, Iranian authorities were
unsure of how I should have proceeded and did not have a clear answer for me at that point. My
mothers friend told me that I can send my passport to the interest section of Iran at the embassy
of Pakistan in Washington, DC to have it renewed. A couple of years after the Irans revolution
in 1979, Iran and the United States stopped having any diplomatic relations. Therefore, a couple
of years later, Iran opened an office in Pakistans embassy in Washington, DC to take care of the
affairs of the 300,000 Iranians who live in the United States. I emailed the office in Washington
and told them about my situation. In reply, they mentioned that they have not received any
instructions on renewing passports of Iranians who live in Canada. However, they asked me to
send my passport to them via a courier. I called them to make sure I am sending them the right
documents and I have not forgotten anything else. The man on the phone asked me if I could go
to their office in person and I said no. He said if you could come in person, we would have been
able to get your passport in the morning and renew it by the afternoon. However, if you send it to
us the processing times would be in between four to eight weeks.
That was a huge difference! It was almost impossible for me to get there in person. I am a
permanent resident and I do not have a Canadian citizenship yet. With my Iranian passport, I
should have applied for a US visa in order to go to Washington and with a passport that was
valid for less than two months I could not have applied for a visa anywhere in the world! A
friend of mine in Canada had sent her passport to Washington for renewal and had received it in
four weeks, so I still had a chance. I decided to send my documents by FedEx as soon as I could.
Meanwhile, I checked every single webpage for information on how to obtain a visa for Bosnia
from Canada and I could not find any proper information. I knew the Canadian citizens do not
require a visa to visit Bosnia but what about the citizens of the rest of the countries in the world
that needed to obtain a visa to visit the country from Canada?!
The day before I was intending to send my documents to Washington to have my passport
renewed, my friend, Minoo, called me and here is our conversation:
Minoo: Hey! I just want to remind you of something. Make sure you also include the form in
which Ali [my husband] is giving you permission to leave Iran!
Me: Hmmm, do I need to do that?!!!
Minoo: Yes! Were you married 5 years ago when you renewed your current passport?
Me: No!
Minoo: So, he needs to give you the permission to leave Iran!
Me: What permission?! Im not even living in Iran right now!
Minoo: It doesnt matter. They wont issue your passport without having his consent that you can
leave the country! You need to include the form along with his passport! They need to
make sure he was the one who signed the form and the only way to make sure is
including his passport so they can see his signature in there, too!
297

Me: What?! I cant. He is going to Iran next week to visit his family! He needs his passport for
that!
Minoo: So, wait until he comes back. If they do not have his passport, they will send your
documents back!
She was right. I had totally forgotten about that part! In Iran, when a girl wants to leave the
country, she needs her fathers consent until the age of 18 and once she is married she will need
her husbands permission. When I told my husband I needed his permission and I had forgotten
about that, he looked at me, smiled bitterly and we both laughed! None of us believed in giving
or getting that permission but it was required by law.
So, as simple as that I missed the conference in Sarajevo! I just told my supervisor that I
could not go because of my financial situation. It was so difficult for me to explain the situation
to her and that how challenging it is for me as an Iranian citizen to travel abroad despite the fact
that I am living in Canada as a permanent resident.
Two months later, I submitted an application for a tourism conference participation award.
Although I did not expect to win the award, I was notified that I did. This time I decided to do
whatever it takes to renew my passport and get the visa. I finally renewed my passport and called
the Spain Consulate in Toronto. The lady told me it takes two weeks to process my visa
application. As the last question, she asked me about my nationality. When I said I am Iranian
but living in Canada as a permanent resident. She said Oh, for Iran it is five weeks! It does not
matter where you live; the processing times depend on your nationality. I did apply for the visa
but until the very last days before my departure for Spain, I did not know whether I was going to
get it or not. However, I purchased my ticket before I heard from the Spain Consulate. That was
when I was encountered with another issue! I had to take a longer route since most of the flights
were going through the United States and I had to apply for a transit visa to fly through America.
I could not apply for a US transit visa since the Spain Consulate had my passport. Therefore, I
ended up buying a ticket that had two long stops in Europe in order not to fly through the United
States!
In one of the sessions of the conference in Palma de Mallorca, a PhD student asked where
I came from. When I replied Canada, he immediately said how lucky I am to come from a
country that does not require visa for most of the countries in the world. He told me he is
originally from China but has flown to Spain from England. He mentioned that he needs to apply
for a visa whenever he wants to go to other parts of the Europe from England and it is so
annoying. I nodded my head thinking to myself I need a visa to visit most of the countries in the
world expect for fourteen!

Final Thought
My recent experiences made me think more deeply about whether travel is everyones right
in the globalized world we are living in. I am thinking to myself whether the happy family in the
advertisement needed to go through the same process as I did before they could pack their
luggage and drive to the airport. They might not even know how challenging it can be at times to
apply for and obtain a visa. I used my personal narrative to draw attention to the issue of
mobility and discuss the idea that although tourism is often portrayed as a right, the realities of
travel requirements such as having appropriate travel documents does constrain the movement
of people. As I mentioned earlier, freedom of movement in todays world might only be
accessible to certain affluent and privileged populations who have the birthright privilege or
have gained citizenship from another country which allows them to be freely mobile. In my future
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research on freedom of movement, it is my hope to use the narrative method to study other
peoples experiences of mobility to further illuminate how some barriers such as visa regulations
can limit the freedom of movement in the context of tourism.

References
Fullagar, S. (2002). Narratives of travel: Desire and the movement of feminine subjectivity,
Leisure Studies, 21(1), 5774.
Markwell, K. (2001). An intimate rendezvous with nature? Mediating the touristnature
experience at three tourist sites in Borneo, Tourist Studies, 1(1), 3957.
Mau, S., Brabandt, H., Laube, L., & Roos, C. (2012). Liberal states and the freedom of
movement: Selective borders, unequal mobility, New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan.
Morgan, N., & Pritchard, A. (2005). On souvenirs and metonymy: Narrative of memory,
metaphor and materiality, Tourist Studies, 5(1), 2953.
Phillimore, J., & Goodson, L. (2004). Progress in qualitative research in tourism, In J. Phillimore
& L. Goodson, (Eds.), Qualitative research in tourism: Ontologies, epistemologies and
methodologies. (pp. 3-29). London: Routledge.
Shamir, R. (2005). Without borders? Notes on globalization as a mobility regime, Sociological
Theory, 23(2), 197-217.
World Tourism Organization, (2013). Tourism Visa openness report: Visa facilitation as means
to stimulate tourism growth, (2
nd
ed.). Retrieved from
http://www.e-unwto.org/content/w2682w/fulltext.pdf



Parental Experiences of the Coming Out Process for GLB Children
Dawn E. Trussell, Trica M.K. Xing, Austin Oswald (Brock University)

Introduction
Early research on the family unit emphasized the importance of leisure as best explained
from its relation to work (Kelly, 1997, p. 132), the prominence of social psychological models
that focused on individual experiences and patterns of behaviour (Shaw, 1997), and an emphasis
on couples and marital leisure patterns without consideration of other family forms or the
broader family system (Zabriske & McCormick, 2003). Moreover, early research on family
leisure focused primarily on the benefits of family activities (Shaw, 2008), and although this
research provided an important beginning, it did not reflect the reality of lived-experiences that
includes both positive and negative attributes. As Kelly (1997) argued, In family there is both
community and alienation. In relationships there is both bonding and violence. In nurture there is
both love and exploitation. Consequently we should avoid any simple models or
assumptions (p. 134). In recent years, a more critical lens has highlighted the contradictory
aspects of the family units leisure practices and the multiplicity of meanings that may be
experienced by individual family members as well as among diverse family forms.
Recent family scholarship has also emphasized the important role that leisure experiences
may have for families confronting different forms of adversity. For example, facing rising costs,
diminishing revenues, and a work-driven lifestyle, Trussell and Shaw (2009) found that rural
farm families thought of their family leisure activities (i.e., 4-H shows/ community fairs and
youth sport programs) as a medium to preserve traditional farm values while preparing future
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generations for a life outside of agriculture (p. 443). Werner and Shannon (2013) examined the
role of leisure during the deployment of a partner in the military during a time of war. The
women in their study revealed that shared family time between mother and child(ren) was seen
to be all that more valuable to meet their needs for distraction and enjoyment during the fathers
temporary absence. Hutchinson, Afifi, and Krause (2007) reported that shared family time
following divorce, provided much needed humour and distractions as a way to cope and diffuse
immediate and enduring stress. Deliberate efforts were also made by parents to create new
special family events and memories and (re)create a sense of being a family.
One type of family that may be facing adversity are families who have a child who openly
self-identifies as gay, lesbian and/or bisexual (GLB) during their adolescent years. Although the
literature on GLB youth in leisure scholarship is sparse, there are a few notable exceptions. For
example, Johnson (1999) described how leisure settings could be a site of homophobia, fear, and
discrimination for gay and lesbian youth. As such, participants described how they sought out
and pursed leisure with other gay and lesbian youth, so they could feel supported and be open
about their sexual orientation. Kivel and Klieber (2000) also argued, that at times, leisure venues
and activities may provide the context for meeting and forming friendships with other gay and
lesbian young people who were similar to themselves. In turn, the coming out process for GLB
children may provide a number of ways in which other family members leisure practices may
also be shaped; yet there has been a lack of understanding and attention given to the familial unit.
Therefore, the purpose of this present paper was to examine how the coming out process for
GLB children shaped the meanings and experiences of the family members leisure practices.
Specifically, an interpretive interview study was conducted to explore the extent to which it
affected parents leisure engagement, values, and relationships within the family unit as well as
the broader community.

Methods
This paper is part of a larger study that included the perspectives of: (i) young adults
between the ages of 18-25, and (ii) the parents or individuals who raised them during their high
school years. To ensure elements of homogeneity, criterion for this study included young adults
who openly self-identified as gay, lesbian, and/or bisexual during high school. Participants were
recruited through self-selection done via communication with local LGBTQ Resource centres
within the university as well as the broader community. The design of the study was a
qualitative, retrospective study that facilitated the opportunity for the young adults and parents to
be reflective of their experiences, rather than being in the initial difficult moment of transition.
Semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with each parent and child in the
participants homes or a local coffee shop. The interviews, which typically lasted between one
and two hours, were all audio-recorded and later transcribed.
Data analysis was guided by an inductive approach to facilitate understanding of
participants perceptions and meanings of the coming out process in relation to the family units
leisure practices. Specifically, the strategies of memoing, coding, comparative method, and
theoretical sampling procedures as outlined by Charmaz (2006), provided the guiding principles
for analysis. After data analysis, it became clear that the young adults had little in-depth
knowledge of their parents experiences during this time period; thus, this specific paper is
reflective of only the parental perspectives/interviews. The data draws on a purposive sample of
seven families (seven mothers and six fathers, with one single mother in the study).

300

Results
Analysis of the data led to the development of three themes that best reflected the parents
perspectives.

Reframing Expectations and Surviving the Grieving Process
Underlying much of the parental discourse about their experiences of the coming out
process for their child was a sense of loss of important family celebrations and holidays. For
example, many of the parents talked about how they had to reframe their ideological
expectations of future Christmas gatherings, weddings and grandchildren. As one father
explained: My wife and I talked about it, we both felt like a death in the family, our hopes and
dreams for beautiful brides, and grandkids, and kids running around the Christmas tree
theyre gone (father #1). These sentiments were echoed by many of the parents and described as
a grieving process that they had to endure. Moreover, particularly from the fathers, an initial
response of denial was expressed as they tried to come to terms with envisioning a new reality.
For example, father #1 used alcohol as a coping mechanism as he tried to process his sons
sexual identity: I started to drink a little bit more than I needed to I'm not sure why but I just
kind of shut down for a while. Thus, for many parents, their childs coming out process
involved a re-envisioning of important future family gatherings and this was a difficult task that
took a great deal of time. Indeed, for some parents it took many years, and for a few parents in
this study they were still coming to terms with a sense of loss during the interview.

Loss of Community and Religion
It was clear, too, that for many of the parents their social networks altered during the
coming out process for their son/daughter. Some of the parents talked about how their couples
leisure was altered. For example, some parents experienced a loss of friendships when they
decided to support their child: the minor social ridicule Im sure weve lost friends because
of it a lot of people dont confront it just for comfort level (father #2). This was particularly
heightened when social circles were linked to their church community (particularly Catholicism)
and/or friends who would make uncomfortable homophobic remarks/jokes during a night out.
Mother #7 also talked about how difficult it could be to make new friends: Ill say she is a
lesbian just to see how they will react and if its bad then I move on its amazing how people
will react. This sense of homophobia was also heightened within rural communities. Moreover,
gender differences were also notable within the public eye, in that, mothers appeared to be more
at ease with other community members and coworkers knowing. In contrast, many of the fathers
in this study (approximately 5 or more years later) still had not told their friends and/or
colleagues. Fear of judgment by community members appeared to be an underlying reason of
why they remained private within their work environments and leisure settings (e.g., hockey
team, band). This was best represented by father #1 who simply stated: So if people know my
sons gay, what are they going to think about me?


In Search of a Support Network
The parents in this study talked about the importance of finding a support network to help
them through the grieving process, and this was particularly evident for the mothers as the
fathers tended to cope in isolation and/or remain private. Some of the parents were able to find it
through existing friendships and their church community (i.e., more liberal faith circles such as
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the United Church). For example, mother #5 explained: Our immediate friends, theyve known
our daughter for years and theyve seen her evolution and they know what kind of family we are.
We are still all friends because were all accepting of each other. However, as noted above the
continuation of these networks was not a reality for some of the parents. Related to this were
sentiments that their children had support from peer groups, guidance counselors, teammates
(etc.), yet some of the parents felt isolated without similar networks who could help them
through the process. Thus, this latter group of parents would seek out new support networks such
as PFLAG groups, and/or coworkers and extended family members who self-identified as GLB.
A sense of a stronger marital relationship and relying on each other for support was also
emphasized by some of the parents.

Discussion and Implications Related to Conference Theme
The themes that emerged from this study emphasize the importance of a holistic
understanding of the coming out process on all family members leisure engagement, values, and
relationships within the family unit as well as the broader community. Although previous
research has demonstrated the social significance of the coming out process on young adults
leisure practices (Johnson, 1999; Kivel & Kleiber, 2000; Kivel & Johnson, 2013), this study
revealed that it also has a significant impact on the parents dreams for future familial
celebrations, a loss of social networks within the community as well as a search for new support
networks that can provide support. Moreover, this study emphasized that embedded throughout
all of the interviews and parental discourse was the meaning and significance of when we were
coming out. That is, the process of coming out was not only relevant for the children but was
also an ongoing process for their parents within the context of their work and leisure social
spheres.
This research is significant as little research currently exists that explores how cultural
forces (e.g. stigmatization) affects families and their leisure experiences as it relates to the
coming out process. Johnson (1999) argued that in the recent history of Western culture,
homosexuality has been considered abnormal and labeled as an unacceptable lifestyle (p. 256)
resulting in leisure scholars and practitioners ignoring the issues of sexual orientation in research
and in practice. Even though there may be more support for young people who identify as GLB
in our new leisure society, heterosexism and homophobia continue to persist (Kivel & Johnson,
2013). Moreover, as this study emphasizes, it is important to understand the needs and
experiences of all family members and the potential support role that leisure and informal
networks may play in their lives.

References
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Hutchinson, S., Afifi, T., & Krause, S. (2007). The family that plays together fares better:
Examining the contribution of shared family time to family resilience following divorce.
Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 46(3/4), 21-48. doi: 10.1300/J087v46n03_03
Johnson, C. (1999). Living the game of hide and seek: Leisure in the lives of gay and lesbian
young adults. Leisure/Loisir, 24(3-4), 255-278.
Kelly, J. (1997). Changing issues in leisure-family research again. Journal of Leisure
Research, 29, 132-134.
Kivel, B. D., & Johnson, C. W. (2013). Activist scholarship: Fighting homophobia and
302

heterosexism. In V. J. Freysinger, S. M. Shaw, K. A. Henderson, & M. D. Bialeschki
(Eds.), Leisure, Women, and Gender, pp. 439-450. State College, PA: Venture.
Kivel, B. D., & Kleiber, D. (2000). Leisure in the identity formation of lesbian/gay youth:
Personal, but not social. Leisure Sciences, 22, 215-232.
Shaw, S. (1997). Controversies and contradictions in family leisure: An analysis of conflicting
paradigms. Journal of Leisure Research, 29, 98-112.
Shaw, S. (2008). Family leisure and changing ideologies of parenthood. Sociology Compass,
2(2), 688-703.
Trussell, D., & Shaw, S. (2009). Changing family life in the rural context: Womens perspectives
of family leisure on the farm. Leisure Sciences, 31(5), 434-449.
Werner, T., & Shannon, S. (2013). Doing more with less: Womens leisure during their partners
military deployment. Leisure Sciences, 35, 63-80. doi: 10.1080/014900400.2013.739897
Zabriskie, R., & McCormick, B. (2003). Parent and child perspectives of family leisure
involvement and satisfaction with family life. Journal of Leisure Research, 35(2), 163-189.



Major Life Events and Former University Varsity Athletes Adult Running Participation
Wing Ka Tsang, Mark E. Havitz (University of Waterloo)

Linear life revolves around a general understanding that life moves through a series of
stages that are predicable major highlights. But life is not linear in the sense that all people
experience ups and downs. Life events may be emotionally positive or negative because differing
circumstances and situations lead to different outcomes and perceptions. These varying degrees
of stability and change through the life course are labelled as turning points by Wethington,
Kessler and Pixley (2004), who argue turning points produce a fundamental shift in meaning,
purpose, or direction of a persons life and must include a self-reflective awareness of, or insight
into, the significance of the change (p. 590). Life-course theorists suggest that researchers can
better understand particular changes in one part of a persons life when it is examined in the
context of life structure development (e.g., Levinson, 1996; Levinson et al., 1978). Clausen
(1995) observed that individuals tend to need to perceive their lives as consistent, and they tend
to construct a self that is internally coherent. Regardless of how individuals attempt to maintain
life balance, an adults life structure constantly changes and most associate life events as signs of
maturity or rites of passage (Wethington et al., 2004). Turning points may be viewed negatively
or positively. Levinson (1996) and Carpenter and Stockard (2010) indicated that by going
through alternating periods of positive of negative periods of stability and change, people
experience diverse lifestyles, typically related to various social roles such as occupation or
relationship status. Clausen (1995) argued that early adulthood decisions were rated as more
significant turning points than transitions into midlife. Early adulthood was seen to have the most
impact on subsequent life course (Clausen, 1995; Wethington et al., 2004). Although this
represents a widely held perspective, Stoller and Gibson (2000) and Whaley (2007) argued that
development is a lifelong process. While lifelong development is generally accepted over all life
spheres, there is little consensus in the context of leisure activity where post-adolescent stability
is often viewed as the norm. Speaking specifically to sport and exercise behavior, Whaley added
development does not cease at adolescence, and no age period exerts more impact than another;
in fact, significant changes occur throughout the life course (p. 646).
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Socially celebrated milestones like graduation, marriage, and having children are usually
viewed as positive events in the sense that most people anticipate, plan for, and enjoy these
occasions. Wethington et al., (2004) and Thurnher (1983) argued that parenthood was a second
major turning point. Social duties of various factors contribute to the gravity of the situation as
well as individual contexts of each life event. Other life events, such as employment change,
moving to a new place, or illness represent grey areas that may be beneficial or detrimental
depending on the situation. For example, while illness is generally cast in negative terms, even a
heart attack may be viewed as beneficial by someone who subsequently makes major life
changes to improve his or her health. Residential change may affect physical, psychological, or
social developments of individuals due to a combination of neighbourhood structure
characteristics and social process that occur within them (Settersten & Andersson, 2002).
Negative life events such as divorce or death of a spouse most often leave bad memories,
although positive change may outweigh negative consequences even in those situations.
Longitudinal work (e.g., Carpenter and colleagues) has examined change and continuity of
leisure, life perceptions, and values of middle adulthood over time. Her work consistently
reported that leisure was highly valued, remained important for participants in various differing
stages of life, and becomes more evident in times of change (e.g., Carpenter & Stockard, 2010).
This paper extends the growing body of leisure research related to impact of major life events
more explicitly into the realm of physical activity.

Method
This research employed a retrospective approach, asking respondents to look back over
their lives using cues and techniques designed to maximize recall (Snelgrove & Havitz, 2010).
Respondents were afforded opportunity to reflect retrospectively over several months regarding
if and how habits initiated in youth influenced adult activity and well-being (Hirvensalo &
Lintunen, 2011). Consistent with suggestions, this research used a survey to stimulate memories
and allowed participants to freely report rather than forcing responses. Ericsson and Simon
(1980) argued that salient phenomenon such as major life events are most subject to accurate
recall. Populations of two university varsity cross country alumni bases were given an open-
ended time frame to complete the survey. On average, people took two to three months to
complete responses. The 224 respondents were homogenous in the sense that all competed in
varsity cross country at the intercollegiate level. Early-adult life similarity was deemed
appropriate as it provides additional power to conclusions drawn regarding magnitude of major
life events (none, minor, major) and impact (qualitative and quantitative) on later life
participation. Respondents ranged in age from mid-20s to early-90s, with an average age of just
under 50. They reported on life events ranging from graduation, marriage, and addition of
children, to changes in employment and residence, divorce, and death of a spouse.

Results
Open-ended reactions to life-events were coded into one of three categories to describe
magnitude of change in participation none, major or minor. In most cases, respondents simply
replied with one of those three prompts. On the whole, these highly involved and invested
runners were relatively resilient to major life events. Nearly seventy percent continued to run at
some level. Modal responses for marriage (57.1%), change in residence (41.8%), and college
graduation (40.4%) were that those events had no real effect on running. However, a third of
respondents stated that graduation and moving had major effects on their running. Modal
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response for arrival of a first child (38.7%) was a minor effect on running, but that was followed
closely by major effects. The pattern for additional children (38.5% minor) essentially mirrored
that for first child. Finally, modal responses for serious injury/illness (78.6%) and employment
change (36.5%) were major effects on running.
Next analyzed were respondents open-ended opinions on whether each life event impacted
the quality or quantity of participation. The intent was not to gather in-depth perspective, but
rather to elicit succinct, top-of-mind response to this issue. The survey instrument facilitated this
by providing short sample responses to hypothetical scenarios and by visually limiting
expectations for length of response. Headers at the top of the column asked respondents to
summarize whether the event led to more or less running and/or whether it had negative or
positive impact on running. Respondents could comment on one or the other or, potentially,
both. While some respondents replied with one of the four just specified words more, less,
positive, or negative most wrote a sentence or two which distilled for purposes of this analysis
into one of those four words. The majority of runners spoke to impact on quality of experience,
positive or negative, in the context of six of seven common life events. Qualitative emphasis was
most pronounced for injury/illness as nearly seventy percent of comments spoke to its impact on
the quality of running experience, almost entirely negative. Another quarter spoke to reductions
in the amount of running in response to injury or illness. This was the only life event for which
negative assessments outweighed positive. Roughly two-thirds of assessments of marriage and
graduation were qualitative as well, but positive impact dominated both of these contexts. The
second most common impact of marriage and graduation was reduction in the amount of
running. Responses to changes in employment and change in residence were nearly identical in
the sense that over half of responses spoke to qualitative impacts, usually positive. It seems
likely that these two life events were often correlated in the sense that people often moved to
accept new employment opportunities. Running less was the second most common response, by
about a quarter of respondents, to both contexts. That said, twenty percent of respondents ran
more following a change in residence. This was the only event for which running more was
reported by at least one respondent in five. It is not surprising that running less was more
commonly mentioned than running more in response to major life events because these
respondents entered adulthood running regularly and at levels which far exceed norms in
comparison to other active runners. Addition of the first child was the only of these seven events
in which quantitative assessments exceeded fifty percent of responses. The plurality of responses
(41%) was that a predominant impact was that they ran less, but nearly thirty percent of runners
noted that addition of children to the household had a positive impact on the quality of their
running experiences. As might be expected, response patterns for additional children mirrored
those for addition of a first child. However, the combined percentage of qualitative responses
was, similar to most already described contexts, over fifty percent.
Chi-Square analyses were conducted to examine relationships between magnitude and
impacts. Three of the six were significant: graduation (2 = 52.01, p < .001), marriage (2 =
22.89, p = .001), and injury/illness (2 = 32.14, p < .001). With respect to graduation, no effect
on running was seen as a positive impact whereas those who saw graduations effect as minor
generally interpreted it in quantitative terms; some ran more, but about double that ran less.
Those who viewed graduations effect as major usually associated it with running less and with
negatively impacting the quality of running experiences, especially the loss of team structure to
which they had grown accustomed. Similarly, those who experienced no effect on running after
marriage interpreted this in positive terms. Those who saw marriages impact as minor were
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more likely than expected to run less, and those who felt its impact was major were more likely
to speak to negative impact on quality of experience than to positive impacts. Injury and illness,
when interpreted as major, had profound negative impact on quality of experience. By contrast,
respondents who interpreted injury and illness effects as minor often responded by running less.

Discussion and Implications for Theory and Practice
The present research largely supports Whaleys (2007) argument that impactful life events
are spread over the entire lifespan and Carpenter and colleagues conclusions regarding the
complexity of interpreting life event impacts. Theoretically our data support Carpenters
conclusion that leisure contexts provide continuity in many peoples lives which may smooth out
rough edges. In that sense, respondents were largely impervious to allowing life events to dictate
what they deemed were significant changes in running routine. It was clear that many
respondents viewed this valued aspect of their lives as a coping mechanism that mitigated stress
and other potential negative impacts arising from commonly shared life events including
marriage, addition of children, and changes in employment and/or residence (e.g., Iwasaki &
Smale, 1998). Implications for practice will focus on the most impactful events. With respect to
addition of children to the family, agencies are challenged to emphasize social support for young
parents while remaining mindful of social norms which continue to differentially impact men
and women in this context. Proactive solutions are proposed for reducing likelihood and impact
of serious running-related injuries, many of which focus on park and recreation agencies roles in
molding the built environment. As well, co-production opportunities with the sports medicine
community are explored.
References
Carpenter, G., & Stockard, J. (2010). Leisure and health in middle age. In L. Payne, B.
Ainsworth & G. Godbey (Eds.), Leisure, health and wellness: Making the connections.
State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Clausen, J. A. (1995). Gender, contexts, and turning points in adults lives. In P. Moen, G. Elder,
& K. Luscher (Eds.), Examining lives in context: Perspectives on the ecology of human
development, 365-389. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Ericsson, K. A., & Simon, H. A. (1980).Verbal reports as data. Psychological Review, 87(3),
215251.
Hirvensalo, M., & Lintunen, T. (2011). Life-course perspective for physical activity and sports
participation. European Group for Research into Elderly and Physical Activity, 8, 13-22.
Iwasaki, Y., & Smale, B. J. A. (1998). Longitudinal analyses of the relationships among life
transitions, chronic health problems, leisure, and psychological well-being. Leisure
Sciences, 20, 25-52.
Levinson, D. J. (1996). The seasons of a womans life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Levinson, D. J., Darrow, C. N., Klein, E. B., Levinson, M. H., & McKee, B. (1978). The seasons
of a mans life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Settersten, R. A., & Andersson, T. E. (2002). Moving and still: Neighborhood, human
development, and the life course. Advances in Life Course Research, 7, 197-227.
Snelgrove, R., & Havitz, M. E. (2010). Looking back in time: The pitfalls and potential of
retrospective methods in leisure studies. Leisure Sciences, 32, 337-351.
Stoller, E. P., & Gibson, R. C. (2000). Worlds of difference: Inequality in the aging experience
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Thurnher, M. (1983). Turning points and developmental change: Subjective and objective
assessments. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 53, 52-60.
Wethington, E., Kessler, R. C., & Pixley, J. E. (2004). How healthy are we? A national study of
well-being at mid-life. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Whaley, D. E. (2007). A life span developmental approach to studying sport and exercise
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Edition). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Leisure as Constraining and Empowering for Immigrant Adolescent Girls
Bronwen L. Valtchanov, Diana C. Parry (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
The transition from childhood to adulthood that characterizes adolescence is often seen as a
time of dramatic challenge and change. For adolescent girls, there are particular challenges such
as body image issues and limiting gender role norms (Shaw, 2007). Immigrant adolescent girls
must confront the challenges of female adolescence in addition to the distinct challenges of being
an immigrant and an adolescent with diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds. These unique
challenges of immigrant adolescents can include adjusting to a new culture and language,
discrimination (Tirone & Pedlar, 2005), and disproportionate poverty (Kazemipur & Halli,
2001).
For adolescents generally, and for immigrant adolescent girls in particular, participation in
leisure activities can vitally support navigating the challenges of adolescence. Specifically,
leisure has been found to play an important role in the key adolescent task of identity
development through providing opportunities for adolescents to experiment with different roles
(Kelly, 1987), differentiate themselves from others (Kleiber, 1999), and connect with others
(Caldwell & Darling, 1999).
These leisure opportunities, however, can be restricted by leisure constraints, which can be
broadly understood as factors which impede ones participation in, or enjoyment of, leisure
activities (Shaw, 1999). To examine the multidimensionality of leisure constraints, this study
was informed by Shaws (1994) theoretical framework, which suggests three approaches to the
analysis of womens leisure constraints: 1) Constraints to leisure; 2) Leisure as constraint; and 3)
Leisure as resistance. Much leisure research has demonstrated the constraints to leisure that
women face (Shaw, 1994, 1999). Less research has focused on leisure itself as constraining and
leisure as resistance, particularly for adolescent girls from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds,
about whom there is a notable paucity of leisure research (Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw &
Freysinger, 1996). To address this gap, this study sought to explore the leisure constraints and
resistances of immigrant adolescent girls of diverse races and ethnicities.
The approach of leisure as constraint problematizes leisure itself to challenge the notion
that leisure is always a positive experience and focuses on how leisure can reinforce and
reproduce oppressive gender relations (Shaw, 1994). One striking domain for the reproduction of
gender relations and ideologies through leisure is mass media and its associated consumptive
leisure. For instance, a recent content analysis of gender roles in the media examined a broad
range of media forms and revealed that women are consistently portrayed negatively and in
stereotyped, subordinated and sexualized roles (Collins, 2011). Indeed, adolescent girls exist
within a media-saturated culture that (re)produces a gender ideology privileging female
307

appearance through a bombardment of unrealistic images of girls and women as thin and
flawless. This detrimentally impacts girls body satisfaction and self-esteem (Frost & McKelvie,
2004). Thus, this study placed a critical focus on how the leisure of immigrant adolescent girls
may be constrained by the gender ideology promoting societal emphasis on girls appearance,
largely circulated by the media, a prevalent form of leisure for adolescents (Statistics Canada,
2011).
The study also sought to explore whether girls resisted this restrictive gender ideology by
mobilizing their leisure as resistance, which can arise out of the definition of leisure as a
situation of choice, control and self-determination (Shaw, 1994, p. 9). In this sense, resistance
through leisure is also connected to leisure as empowerment (Shaw, 2001). Using a feminist
theoretical lens, this research focused on the possibilities of leisure as both constraining and
empowering for immigrant adolescent girls in Canada.

Method
Face-to-face conversational interviews were conducted with nine immigrant adolescent
girls recruited through purposive sampling from two community organizations. Five participants
were African-Canadians who originated from several countries in Africa. Four participants were
Arab-Canadians from two countries in the Middle East (Iraq and Afghanistan). Interviews lasted
between 1-2 hours and consisted of several open-ended questions about girls leisure experiences
and meanings, potential leisure constraints, and possible ways they may use leisure as resistance.
Interviews were audio recorded and professionally transcribed with each participant assigned a
pseudonym. Analysis of the transcribed interviews began with initial coding to develop broad
descriptive categories. More refined categories were then developed to capture themes within
and across interviews. Analysis was iterative to allow codes and analysis that emerged within
one transcript to influence interpretations for subsequent transcripts. The constant comparative
method of analysis was used throughout all levels of coding to illuminate similarities and
differences within and between each interview. A framework of themes was ultimately
developed which integrated overarching relationships between all levels of previous categories.
Member checks were conducted to verify the accuracy of interpretations.

Findings
Participants experienced leisure as constraint in Canada within their media and
consumptive leisure which reinforced the gender ideology that places a societal focus on girls
appearance. Specifically, participants emphasized that they experienced more exposure to media
and more negative gender content in media in Canada than they did in their home country. This
change, among others, made Canada a distinctly different world for participants. Girls viewed
media consumption as a form of leisure in Canada, but were constrained by the focus on girls
physical appearance. As one participant remarked, Sex is exploited everywhere on TV [in
Canada]. Its everywhere; its crazy. . . Its always girls [who] have to be the ones [to] be naked.
[And] they want to look skinny . . . Its hard cause in my country, people dont just put stuff out
there. Furthermore, the impacts of societal focus on girls appearance led to other forms of
leisure as constraint, including consumptive leisure, such as shopping. Many participants felt
they needed to invest in their appearance by purchasing clothes and accessories. This pressure to
buy items was compounded by shopping as a common social activity with friends, which could
be difficult with girls often limited financial means. One participant lamented, If my friends are
going shopping and I dont have the money, I cant go . . . Stuff is so expensive . . . Its hard to
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buy what you want. The narrow societal ideals about how girls should look adversely impacted
participants through their efforts to meet these ideals and through the repercussions they
experienced for not meeting them according to their peers. For instance, one participants
concern with thinness led to dieting because she felt she was too fat, while another participant
was reluctant to work out at a gym given her peers comments that girls should not be all
muscles . . . thats a guy thing. Yet another participant was bullied for her appearance by peers
who felt she did not look pretty, which compromised her self-esteem, left her feeling depressed
and derailed her motivation to engage in activities with others, including leisure activities.
Though participants media and consumptive leisure in Canada was constrained by limiting
gender ideologies focusing on appearance, girls in this study were also empowered to resist these
gender ideologies through their leisure choices. Participants astute awareness of the medias
negative gender messages and its detrimental impacts compelled their critical questioning of
media and their selectivity about their personal media exposure. One participant commented,
Why is it we [girls] always have to be portrayed as sex symbols all the time? . . . I dont need
this exposure . . . [So] Im just careful about what I watch because I do know that it affects me.
Participants resisted making appearance their focus in numerous ways, which often involved
leisure contexts, such as refusing to spend hours trying to just [get ready to go out] (as they felt
girls were expected to do), asserting their own beauty (which resists the culture of female
scrutiny and criticism), and claiming their own values, which do not include shallow pursuits
based on mostly appearance. Participants also demonstrated their resistance and empowerment
by not only critically consuming media, but also producing their own media as creative and
thoughtful responses to the world around them in the form of journaling, artwork, writing, and
engagement with social media. Finally, participants resisted restrictive gender ideologies within
their female friendships where they encouraged one another to be themselves, to sometimes
engage in collective, public resistance (such as educational dramas), and to pursue and enjoy
leisure where they are empowered, rather than constrained.

Discussion
Participants experienced leisure as constraint (Shaw, 1994) in Canada within media and
consumptive leisure contexts, where limiting gender ideologies were often reproduced. This
gendered content in media, and its potential impacts, was distinctly noted by participants who
remarked on several significant areas of concerning gender content, such as the prevalent
exploitation of female bodies. Such media messages shape individuals perceptions of social
reality (Bryant & Oliver, 2009) through reproducing gender ideologies which convey to women
and girls that what matters most is their appearance and, as such, girls self-worth often becomes
bound up in how they look (Tiggemann, 2005). As participants experiences attest, their own
leisure often reinforced this powerful gender ideology with far-reaching repercussions, including
girls body dissatisfaction (Frost & McKelvie, 2004), unhealthy dieting (Colley & Toray, 2001),
low self-esteem (Tiggemann, 2005), and even depression (Park, 2003), which all negatively
affect girls leisure motivation, participation and enjoyment.
Participants leisure also became forms of leisure as resistance to limiting gender
ideologies. Girls in this study asserted themselves both as conscientious consumers and as
cultural producers, which challenged the notion of a girls bedroom culture of passive media
consumption (Kearney, 2007). Participants engaged in both personal, private acts of resistance
and sometimes in more collective, public resistance (Shaw, 2001). Within participants female
friendships, they found spaces to receive significant social support (Iwasaki & Mannell, 2000),
309

and to be themselves (Hey, 1997), thereby resist other-directed femininities (Wearing, 1998).
Through leisure, girls were empowered personally and collectively to discover for themselves
who they are.

Conclusion
Understanding the complexity of leisure as both constraining and empowering in the lives
of immigrant adolescent girls elucidates a more nuanced approach to our new leisure society,
which resists static and unitary categorizations. This research is significant because it extends the
developing theory of gendered constraints to adolescent girls from diverse backgrounds.
Practically, this study facilitates a greater understanding of how to develop and promote
inclusive and meaningful leisure experiences through effective education, programming and
policies. Diversely informed theory and practice are crucial in an increasingly multicultural
Canadian society (Walker, 2007) and growing global community.

References
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perspective. Journal of Leisure Research, 31(1), 57-77.
Collins, R. L., (2011). Content analysis of gender roles in media: Where are we now and where
should we go? Sex Roles, 64(3-4), 290-298.
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symptoms during the college years. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 30, 2836.
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elementary school, high school, and university students. Sex Roles, 51(1-2), 45-54.
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Prospects for the twenty-first century (pp. 271-281). State College, PA: Venture
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Shaw, S. M. (2007). The politics of leisure. In R. McCarville & K. MacKay (Eds.), Leisure for
Canadians (pp. 43-51). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
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647-x2011001-eng.pdf
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Wearing, B. (1998). Leisure and feminist theory. London: Sage.



Womens Resistance and Reproduction of Gender Ideologies in Co-gendered Soccer
Faith-Anne Wagler, Diana C. Parry (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
Despite many sports leagues for participants over the age of 18 being co-gendered, with
male and female participants, little research has explored how women experience co-gendered
sport. Women are typically underrepresented in these leagues so it is important to understand
what attracts them to the sport and their experiences of playing, especially in light of the benefits
of physical activity and sport (Evenson et al., 2002). Greater understanding of what participation
on a co-gendered sport team is like for women is important to illuminate aspects of sport that
may constrain or encourage women to participate, and reveal gender-based inequalities that
remain a problem in sports programming. Furthermore, sport is an excellent leisure context in
which to study gender because as Messner (1988) suggests, sport is a dynamic social space
where dominant (class, ethnic, etc.) ideologies are perpetuated as well as challenged and
contested (p. 198).
Since gender is a socially constructed category (West & Zimmerman, 1987), individuals
are socialized through various societal activities and norms which teach us what gendered
behaviour should be like in a given situation (Mennesson, 2012). Sport operates as a space in
which gender can be learned and taught, and co-gendered sport offers a unique opportunity to
explore how women and men learn and teach gender together. Although individuals can do
gender by participating in behaviour that reinforced dominant gender ideologies (Claringbould
& Knoppers, 2008, p. 83), there is also an opportunity for resistance by challenging dominant
ideas about what are appropriate behaviours, activities, and choices for men and women. Thus,
the way that individuals interact with each other in the context of sport can reproduce or produce
ways of being masculine and feminine.
In the area of sport, women may use their participation to resist gender ideologies (Shaw,
1994, 2001). For example, Dilley and Scraton (2010) found women who rock climbed identified
leisure as resistance as a motivator for their participation. In particular, the women felt the
strength and physical changes they experienced as a result of rock climbing were resistant to
traditional conceptualizations of body ideals (thin, weak). Sport as context for resistance is
important as it creates a space for women to participate in an area that has been traditionally
311

labelled as masculine. Furthermore, when women participate in sports with men, there can be
positive outcomes related to greater appreciation of womens athletic abilities (Anderson, 2008).
Beyond use of sports as ideological resistance, women can also face constrained co-
gendered sport experiences. Gendered rules, such as a minimum number of female players
required, can negate the abilities of women and encourage the view that women are second-class
athletes which can result in female players being treated with hostility by male teammates
(Wachs, 2002). While it has been established that gendered rules may encourage negative sport
experience, how rules interact with existing gender ideologies and influence womens
experiences of co-gendered sport has not been explored. Thus, the purpose of this study was to
explore womens experiences of co-gendered sport, with particular attention to gender ideologies
on and off the field.

Method
This research involved face-to-face conversational interviews (Currivan, 2008) with seven
women who played soccer with Grand River Soccer league, a community-based soccer
organization. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling. Interviews lasted
approximately 1 hour and took place in a private meeting room at the University of Waterloo.
All of the interviews were audio recorded and transcribed and each participant was assigned a
pseudonym. The first topical area for discussion was soccer playing history, which was followed
by a discussion of present soccer participant. This included initial and continued reasons the
participant was attracted to soccer. Participants were then asked to reflect on what it is like to
play soccer with male teammates and overall challenges they have faced in playing soccer.
Lastly, participants were asked to explain their understanding of how the league is structured and
how that influences their soccer experiences. Throughout the interview, participants were
encouraged to reflect on their experiences in co-gendered soccer in relation to their experiences
with other formats of soccer (i.e., women-only). Initial analysis of each transcript was sent to
each participant with the transcript to ensure the content and interpretation reflected the
experiences discussed (DeVault & Gross, 2012). Since the data collection and analysis was
iterative, with ideas from early interviews influencing subsequent interviews and interpretation,
data analysis occurred alongside interviews (Clarke, 2012). The initial data analysis process
started with a reading and coding of each individual transcript, followed by a sorting of codes
into categories (Charmaz, 2006). From there, data across interviews was brought together to
form more general categories and then more specific themes. Overall, six themes were
developed based on the data analysis process, but for the purpose of this presentation, an
overview of how gendered ideologies were experienced, across themes, will be explored.

Results
Many times, womens experiences on their co-gendered team centred around gendered
expectations and beliefs. One ideology that greatly influenced womens experiences of soccer
was belief in male athletic superiority. This was an ideology that women both reinforced and
resisted. Many statements women made reinforced the notion that men are superior athletes and
should therefore hold positions of decision-making on the team. This is expressed by one
participant who mentioned her hesitancy to act as a leader on her co-gendered team: I think I
just feel that [male teammates] know better and theyre more skilled. And who am I to say? I
think its just easier to tell the girls what to do. Some women, however, resisted the idea of men
being more capable athletes and used soccer as a space to assert womens athletic capabilities: I
312

think co-ed soccer is good for breaking barriers for women and showing that we can have our
heads in the game, and we can compete, and we can be equals.
Beyond gender influencing thoughts about soccer skills and abilities, gender ideologies
also influenced womens experiences on the soccer field. The way women played and were
encouraged to play was based on them encountering gendered stereotypes. For example, women
were often spread out on the field, in positions they were unfamiliar with, and told to
offensively cover another female player instead of a male player with the assumption that this
was equal and would be best for the team. Despite the participants vast levels of soccer
experience, women felt as though they were the team handicap. One participant mentioned
that when playing soccer with men, everything feels like a testnot just an equal player going
at it trying their best. Additionally, most women felt pressure to use their soccer skills to prove
that they were capable and deserved to be passed the ball on the field by men.
While women identified that the main determinant of whether their soccer experiences
were positive or negative was the specific attitudes of players on their teams, league rules and
structure also determined the kinds of experiences women had playing soccer. Gender
ideologies were reflected in the way the league was structured and set up, with a majority of
leadership positions being filled by men. The league also created a few gendered rules which
identified that men should play with consideration when with women, as men may have a
strength and speed advantage (Grand River Soccer, 2012). Women expressed that they often
perceived these rules to put them at a disadvantage when coming on the field, as the rules
suggested that women were not as capable as men.

Discussion
The findings suggest that co-gendered sport is a space where women can undo gender
ideologies and challenge dominant forms of masculinity and femininity (Claringbould &
Knoppers, 2008; Deutsch, 2007). Women in this study actively undid gender on the field by
playing with masculine traits and asserting their confidence in their abilities. In contrast, while
some women were confident, others reinforced gendered expectations by viewing men as
inherently better athletes and emphasizing gender differences in soccer play. The different
approaches to playing sport are similar to Krauchek and Ransons (1999) model which suggests
that in elite sport, women can: accept a second-class athlete status; play in the male sporting
model; or challenge dominant ways of playing. The current research varies in that it suggests
women can occupy different spaces simultaneously by both resisting and accepting sexism based
on gender ideologies. In line with Wachs (2005) research, in this study, despite women being
capable athletes and being responsible for objective forms of success such as scoring goals,
beliefs that women were not as athletically capable as men continued. These beliefs were not
just from men to women, but also among women. Additionally, women in this study varied in
their beliefs of how men and women should play together in soccer, with some women
preferring men who protected female teammates and other women wanting to play with men
as equals. Holding together the complex and contrasting experiences of female soccer players
was the perception of gendered rules. All of the participants agreed that gendered rules had the
potential to negatively impact on-field soccer experiences and recommended that co-gendered
leagues reconsider having gendered rules at all.



313

Conclusion
Overall, womens experiences of soccer were greatly influenced by the ideology of male
athletic superiority, which influenced their individual experiences on the soccer field as well as
how the league was structured. By exploring how women experience co-gendered sport, we
begin to appreciate the complexities of how leisure can act as a place that gender ideologies are
resisted and/or reproduced. Upon critically reflecting on my experience conducting these
interviews, I recognize that my use of the term stereotypes may have limited the information
participants shared with me about their experiences of gender and soccer. I may have limited the
discussion to influences at the individual level by not prompting participants to also discuss
structural inequity they may experience. In this way, I may have suggested that our new leisure
society is more about interactions between individuals than about structural elements or systems
at play in leisure. In light of different factors influencing gender inequality in leisure
experiences, an important consideration is whether organizational change will help make
sporting experiences more equitable. Velija and Malcolm (2009) suggested that participation of
women in cricket, a male-dominated sport, would not increase with organizational change, but
rather from attitude and ideological change. This is similar to a few participants view that
gender equitability needs to be worked out on a team, and that organizational changes will not
make experiences more positive. Further research in this area would be beneficial. Although
there are differing views on the role of service providers in making change, at the very least
gendered rules could be eliminated and training could be undertaken by league organizers and
staff as well as team captains in order to identify and deal with gender harassment more
effectively (Fasting, Brackenridge, & Walseth, 2007). By working to inform staff and team
leaders about what gender harassment looks like, how it negatively impacts soccer experiences,
and how it can be confronted, sport organizations and practitioners will help create a culture that
values all teammates and takes action against sexism.

References
Anderson, E. (2008). I used to think women were weak: Orthodox masculinity, gender
segregation, and sport. Sociological Forum, 23(2), 257-280.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative
analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Claringbould, I., & Knoppers, A. (2008). Doing and undoing gender in sport governance. Sex
Roles, 58(1), 81-92.
Clarke, A. E. (2012). Feminism, grounded theory, and situational analysis revisited. In S.
Hesse-Biber (Ed.), The handbook of feminist research: Theory and praxis (2
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388-412). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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research methods. (pp. 152-153). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.
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DeVault, M. L., & Gross, G. (2012). Feminist qualitative interviewing. In S. Hesse-Biber (Ed.),
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sexual harassment in sport. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 19, 419-433.
Krauchek, V., & Ranson, G. (1999). Playing by the rules of the game: Womens experiences
and perceptions of sexual harassment in sport. The Canadian Review of Sociology, 36(4),
585-600.
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sports contexts. Sociology of Sport Journal, 29(1), 4-21.
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terrain. Sociology of Sport Journal, 5(1), 197-211.
Shaw, S. M. (1994). Gender, leisure, and constraint: Towards a framework for the analysis of
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of Leisure Research, 33(2), 186-201.
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Exploring Involvement in Magic: The Gathering as Serious Leisure
Earl Walker, Anne-Marie Sullivan, T.A. Loeffler (Memorial University)

Introduction
This study used the framework of the serious leisure perspective as delineated by Stebbins
(1992, 2006, 2007a) to explore involvement in the trading card game Magic: The Gathering
(henceforth referred to as simply Magic). Created in 1992 by Peter Adkinson and Richard
Garfield, Magic is a fantasy-based game in which players assume the role of powerful wizards
battling for control of a fictitious world. More than 12 million people play the game worldwide,
and its popularity has even spawned a professional playing circuit (Wizards of the Coast Inc.,
2009). The experiences, rituals, and practices of individuals who play the game were examined
to answer the fundamental question; can involvement in Magic constitute serious leisure?
Stebbins (1992) defines serious leisure as the systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist,
or volunteer activity sufficiently substantial and interesting for the participant to find a career
there in the acquisition and expression of a combination of its special skills, knowledge, and
experience (p. 3). It is characterized by six unique qualities: perseverance, the establishment of
a career, significant personal effort to gain skills or knowledge, durable-self benefits, unique
ethos, and identification (Stebbins, 1992, 2006, 2007a). Stebbins (1992, 2007a) has repeatedly
challenged the academic community to explore serious leisure. Many researchers have accepted
this challenge, investigating a wide variety of leisure activities (Gibson, Willming, & Holdnak,
315

2002). However, there is a paucity of research that has examined participation in fantasy gaming
as leisure (Williams, Hendricks, & Winkler, 2006). Within this context a qualitative framework
guided by symbolic interactionism (Blumer, 1969; Samdahl, 1988) was used to explore
involvement in Magic.

Methodology
Participants
Both purposive and snowball sampling were used in this study. Participants were selected
based on their level of involvement in Magic, and met the following inclusion criteria: (a)
identified themselves as Magic players, (b) play at least several times a month, and (c) have
significant experience with the game (i.e. been playing for a minimum of six months).
Participants obtained early in the recruitment process were then used to identify other
participants. A total of nine people took part in this study; all were male ranging in age from 22
to 34 years old (M=26.9, SD=3.9), and all living in the metro St. Johns area. Their length of
time playing Magic ranged from 4 to 17 years (M=11, SD=4.7).

Research Procedures
Face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with each participant. These
interviews were reflexive in nature; specific questions were not prepared in advance, rather a
semi-structured approach using a basic interview guide was employed. Participants were asked
to discuss their experiences playing Magic. The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed
for data analysis. Participants were also observed playing the game, the purpose of which was to
view how they interacted with each other and how they conducted themselves during game play.
Document analysis was also used, as several participants brought their collection of Magic cards,
to the interview. The researcher examined these collections and made field notes, the subsequent
analysis served as a basis for questions during the interviews.
Data Analysis
Constant comparison methods as outlined by Strauss and Corbin (2008) were used to
evaluate the data. Open coding was used to identify main themes, concepts, and issues that
emerged. Reoccurring key words and ideas of importance that surfaced were also noted. The six
distinguishing qualities of serious leisure as identified by Stebbins (1992, 2007a) served as initial
coding categories. Axial coding and memo writing (Strauss & Corbin, 2008) were then used to
explore the concepts that arose during preliminary coding. Likewise, notes generated from the
participant observation and document analysis were collected and organized for evaluation, and
triangulation was used to integrate the data. Coding resulted in the identification several
emergent themes for each of the distinguishing qualities of serious leisure.




Findings
Perseverance
Themes relating to perseverance involved participants negotiation of financial, personal,
and competitive costs. All participants identified financial strains attributable to the game (i.e.:
buying new cards, entering tournaments, etc.). For participants in this study these financial costs
often resulted in interpersonal conflict with significant others and family members. Dealing with
316

social isolation and ridicule (i.e.: bullying) as a result of playing the game was also identified as
a personal cost. Competitive costs were mostly associated with learning how to cope with
losing. While participants identified these costs as generally being negative they also
rationalized them as part of the playing experience. As such, they were unable or unwilling to
separate these costs from the rewards associated with involvement. Respondents viewed costs
and rewards as intertwined, thus both were contextualized within their leisure lifestyle (Stebbins,
2007b).

Leisure Career
The presence of a leisure career was demonstrated in themes such as learning the game,
length of time playing, and accomplishment. For the participants in this study a leisure career
was epitomized by their pursuit of mastery with respect to the game. While all noted learning
the basic rules relatively quickly, they also acknowledged contributing significant time and effort
to grasping the games nuances. Furthermore, all participants in this study indicated that they
have been involved with Magic for what they deemed to be a significant period of time.
Participants discussion of specific accomplishments such as winning, advancing in the national
player rankings, and earning accreditation as an official Magic judge also demonstrated a leisure
career.

Significant Personal Effort
The themes of constant learning, and strategic planning revealed significant personal effort
by the participants. One of the most common themes that emerged was that of continual
learning. Every participant noted that with respect to Magic, they are always learning. This
learning was most often related to skill development such as practicing and staying abreast of
rule changes. Significant personal effort was also displayed by players strategic planning efforts,
specifically, the practice of deck building. Deck building is the process in which Magic players
select specific cards to be included in their pre-constructed playing decks. Participants in this
study noted committing large amounts of both time and money to these efforts.

Durable-Self Benefits
For participants in this study, benefits can be grouped into three areas: social, expressive,
and tangible. All respondents reported social benefits, such as making friends, as a result of
playing Magic. These friendships served as a source of identification and provided participants
with a sense of belonging and social interaction. Playing Magic also provided expressive
benefits. For the respondents the game served as outlet for personal expression and thus an
extension of their personality. This is represented in the manner in which they assembled their
playing decks (i.e.: the cards used in the game) and their personal playing styles. Participants
also realized a number of tangible benefits attributable to the game, including winning prizes,
and making money from selling cards.

Unique Ethos
This study also affirms the presence of a distinct social world surrounding the game.
Evidenced by distinctive lifestyle choices, specific game related rituals, and idiosyncratic
communications (i.e.: language). There is evidence to suggest that distinctive lifestyles exist
among Magic players. For the participants in this study their lives revolved around the game.
They manipulated their daily schedules to accommodate game related activities. They also
317

organized regular events such as parties and barbeques, in relation to the game (i.e.: around the
release of new cards). The social world around Magic was further exhibited by distinctive
communications. This was evidenced by participants use of proprietary language unique to the
game, and involvement in online message boards and forums.

Identification
For participants in this study, identification was associated with the informal and formal
roles they assumed. All respondents constructed at least part of their identities around
participation in Magic. This was evident in the fact that they actively identified themselves as
gamers, and nerds. These informal roles served to support their personal identities and
increased their overall identification with the game. Informal roles were further evidenced by
participants consumptive practices (i.e.: purchasing game related paraphernalia), choice of
clothing, and their social affiliations. Identification was also evidenced in the formal roles that
participants assumed. This includes working as official Magic judges, and functioning as local
organizers for Magic events in the province.

Discussion
For participants in this study involvement in Magic constituted serious leisure.
Respondents displayed all six distinguishing qualities of serious leisure as delineated by Stebbins
(1992, 2006, 2007a) and in doing so illustrated the significant position the game held within their
lives. For them, involvement in Magic was not just a leisure activity but also a source of
personal expression, a creative outlet, and a source of identity. This parallels analogous findings
presented by Vuckovic (2003), Winkler (2006), and Williams (2006).
Of particular note is the unique position that Magic inhabits within the context of the
serious leisure perspective. For the participants in this study involvement in Magic can perhaps
be best categorized as mixed serious leisure (Stebbins, 2007a). However, this conceptualization
is somewhat muddy by the collectible and competitive nature of the game. Stebbins (1992) notes
that many competitive hobbyist activities are more closely aligned to amateur pursuits than
hobbies, due to the presence of professional ranks. However, collecting is not generally
associated with professionals, as such the collectible element of the game provides it with a
unique situ within serious leisure. These findings suggest that the traditional HobbyistPublic
(HP) system (Stebbins, 1992) should perhaps be altered to recognize the unique position Magic
inhabits. However, more exploration of this relationship is warranted.
Other areas of possible research elicited by this study include; examining the role
commodity agents have on this leisure activity. Building on the works of Williams (2006) and
Yoder (1997) exploring how the consumptive practices of Magic players influence personal and
leisure identity formation would be valuable. Additionally, an exploration of the game in
relation to deviant leisure may be warranted, as this study showed that elements of deviant
leisure are associated with the game. Conducting a gender analysis of involvement might also be
appropriate, given the fact that no females participants came forward during the recruitment
process.





318

References
Blumer, H. (1969). Social interactionism: Perspective and method. Berkley, CA: University of
California Press.
Gibson, H., Willming, C., & Holdnak, A. (2002). Were gatorsnot just gator fans: Serious
leisure and University of Florida football. Journal of Leisure Research, 34(4), 397-425.
Samdahl, D. M. (1988). A symbolic integrationist model of leisure: Theory and empirical
support. Leisure Sciences, 10, 27-39.
Stebbins, R. A. (1992). Amateurs, professionals, and serious leisure. Montreal, QC: McGill-
Queen's University Press.
Stebbins, R. A. (2006). Serious leisure. In C. Rojek, S. M. Shaw, & A. J. Veal (Eds.), A
handbook of leisure studies. (p. 448 456). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Stebbins, R. A. (2007a). Serious leisure: A perspective for our time. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction Publishers.
Stebbins, R. A. (2007b). Leisure lifestyles. In R. McCarville & K. Mackay (Eds.), Leisure for
Canadians (pp. 55-62). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Strauss, A. L., & Corbin, J. (2008). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedure
for developing grounded theory (3
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ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Vuckovic, T. (2003). Role-playing games (RPG) subculture. Students Journal for the
Humanities, 4, 7-8.
Williams, J. P., Hendricks, S. Q., & Winkler, W. K. (Eds.). (2006). Gaming as culture: Essays
on reality, identity and experience in fantasy games. Jefferson, NC: McFarland and
Company.
Williams, J. P. (2006). Consumption and authenticity in the collectible strategy games
subculture. In P. J. Williams, S. Q. Hendricks, & K. Winker (Eds.), Gaming as culture:
Essays on reality, identity and experience in fantasy games (pp. 77-99). Jefferson, NC:
McFarland and Company.
Winkler, K. W. (2006). The business and culture of gaming. In P. J. Williams, S. Q. Hendricks,
& K. Winker (Eds.), Gaming as culture: Essays on reality, identity and experience in
fantasy games (pp. 140-153). Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company.
Wizards of the Coast Inc. (2009). Magic: The gathering: Facts sheet. Retrieved April 20, 2012,
from: http://ww2.wizards.com/company/downloads/Magic_Fact_Sheet_Aug09.pdf
Yoder, D. G. (1997). A model for commodity intensive serious leisure. Journal of Leisure
Research, 29(4), 407-429.



Chinese-Canadian Immigrants Leisure Satisfaction and Subjective Well-Being:
A Longitudinal Study
Gordon J. Walker, Eiji Ito (University of Alberta)

Chinese immigration to Canada largely began in the early 1880s when over 11,000
workers arrived to help build the Canadian National Railway (Li, 2008). Upon its completion in
1885, a $50 head tax was imposed on subsequent Chinese settlers, with this fee increasing to
$500 five years later followed, in 1923, by passage of the Chinese Immigration Act and the
prohibition of all further entry (Li, 2008). Though the number of Chinese coming to Canada
319

remained relatively low until the late-1980s, a recent report (Statistics Canada, 2013) indicated
that there are now nearly one million Chinese immigrants living in this country.
In spite of this tremendous growth, research on Chinese-Canadian immigrants subjective
well-being (SWB) is rare. SWB is a broad category of phenomena that includes peoples
emotional responses [e.g., happiness], domain satisfactions [e.g., work, leisure], and global
judgements of life satisfaction (Diener et al., 1999, p. 277). Examining this topic is important
because immigrants SWB is often lower than that of the majority group (e.g., Verkuyten, 2008).
Slightly more common are studies on how leisure satisfaction impacts the happiness and
life satisfaction of Chinese and overseas Chinese people. Leisure satisfaction is defined as: the
positive perceptions or feelings which an individual forms, elicits, or gains as a result of
engaging in leisure activities and choices. It is the degree to which one is presently content or
pleased with his/her general leisure experiences and situations (Beard & Ragheb, 1980, p. 22).
A study (Vong, 2005) of Chinese in Macao indicated that leisure satisfaction and life satisfaction
were significantly correlated (.32); whereas a study (Lu & Hu, 2005) of Taiwanese found that
leisure satisfaction significantly predicted happiness above and beyond sex, extraversion,
neuroticism, leisure participation, and academic and financial satisfaction. Spiers and Walker
(2009) found that leisure satisfaction significantly predicted happiness and life satisfaction even
after both sex and ethnicity (i.e., British- and Chinese-Canadian) were controlled for.
Unfortunately, all of these studies were cross-sectional and, therefore, the effect of change over
time could not be determined. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine how recent (i.e., 10
or less years since arrival) Mainland Chinese-Canadian immigrants leisure satisfaction affects
their happiness and life satisfaction over a two-year time period.

Method
A questionnaire measured Mainland Chinese-Canadian immigrants happiness, life
satisfaction, leisure satisfaction, and socio-demographic and immigrant background (e.g., age,
sex, income, education, self-identified ethnicity, year of arrival). Participants responded to two
items concerning their level of happiness (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999) and one item each
concerning their overall life satisfaction and eight sub-components thereof (International
Wellbeing Group, 2006). They also reported how frequently six sub-dimensionspsychological,
educational, social, relaxation, physiological, and aesthetic (Beard & Ragheb, 1980)were
satisfied by their leisure, each measured using two items. Finally, the questionnaire was back-
translated, pre-tested, and modified as necessary.
Potential participants residing in Calgary, Alberta were selected using the 100 most
common surnames in China (Yan, 2002), and the various alternate spellings that exist (N = 883).
Data were collected by English-, Cantonese-, and Mandarin-speaking interviewers using
computer-assisted telephone interviewing. It was estimated that 220 individuals would be needed
for the planned statistical analyses to have sufficient power. The first waves overall response
rate was 26%; a reasonable percentage given the studys timeframe. Of those who completed the
original questionnaire (i.e., Time 0), 174 (79%) completed a follow-up questionnaire six months
later (i.e., Time 1); 148 (67%) 12 months later (i.e., Time 2); 126 (57%) 18 months later (i.e.,
Time 3); and 115 (52%) 24 months later (i.e., Time 4). To lessen attrition, each time a participant
completed a questionnaire they received CDN $10.
Of the 220 participants initially interviewed, 82% responded in Mandarin, 12% in English,
and 6% in Cantonese. Fifty percent were females; 73% were age 35 to 49; and 90% were either
married or common-law. Although 81% reported completing a Bachelors degree or higher,
320

comparable percentages were reported for each of the five income categories. Roughly equal
percentages had lived in Canada five or less years (46%) versus six to 10 years (54%), with most
having become either Canadian citizens (46%) or permanent residents (52%).
Data analysis consisted of three steps. First, the leisure satisfaction sub-dimension scales
were calculated and then, because of abstract space limitations, a composite Leisure Satisfaction
scale was created. Again, because of space limitations, only the International Wellbeing Groups
(2006) overall Life Satisfaction item was included. In contrast, the two happiness items were
combined into a single Happiness scale. Second, scale means and standard deviations for each
key variable were calculated, by time. Third, hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) was performed
to address this studys stated purpose because the 5-time measurement occasions were nested
within an individual. In the HLM analyses, the level-1 and level-2 units were measurement
occasions and individual subjects, respectively, and model testing proceeded in three phases.
Null models were examined containing no explanatory variables. Next, the Time variable was
added to the null models. Time was dummy coded as 0, 1, 2, 3, and 4, with a value of 0
representing the first measurement occasion. Thus, the intercept in all equations represents the
participants initial levels of each dependent variable. Lastly, we tested random intercepts and
slopes models using Year of Arrival and Age as level-2 predictors for Leisure Satisfaction, and
using Leisure Satisfaction as level-1 predictors and these level-2 predictors for Happiness and
Life Satisfaction. (See Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007, for more on repeated measures and HLM.)

Results
Table 1 reports the means and standard deviations for the studys three key variables, by
time. The number of participants varies slightly across each variable because of missing data.

Table 1
Key Variables Means and Standard Deviations, by Time *
Time 0 Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 Time 4
M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD)
Leisure Satisfaction 2.83 (0.53) 2.81 (0.50) 2.80 (0.55) 2.78 (0.42) 2.66 (0.45)
Happiness 7.46 (1.59) 7.24 (1.42) 7.21 (1.45) 7.39 (1.22) 7.31 (1.25)
Life Satisfaction 7.01 (1.68) 7.12 (1.52) 7.07 (1.55) 7.06 (1.40) 7.13 (1.46)
Note. Leisure Satisfaction (1=Never to 4=Very Often); Happiness (0=Not Very Happy to 10=Very
Happy); Life Satisfaction (0=Completely Dissatisfied to 10=Completely Satisfied).

The results of the HLM null models indicated moderately high intraclass correlation
coefficients for each dependent variable (i.e., .30 for Leisure Satisfaction, .45 for Happiness, and
.40 for Life Satisfaction). In the case of Leisure Satisfaction, for example, these figures revealed
that 30% of the variance was at the person level and 70% was at the occasion level.
Table 2 reports the results of the random intercepts and slopes models. Because the level-2
predictor, Age, was not significant in any models, its results are not included in this table.






321


Table 2
Results of the Random Intercepts and Slopes Models (Fixed Effects) *
Leisure Satisfaction Happiness Life Satisfaction
Coef. SE Coef. SE Coef. SE *
For Intercept (
0
)
Intercept (
00
) 2.84** 0.03 7.39** 0.10 7.08** 0.10
Year of Arrival (
01
) -0.01 0.01 -0.03 0.05 -0.13* 0.04
For Time Slope (
1
)
Time (
10
) -0.04** 0.01 -0.02 0.03 0.02 0.02
Year of Arrival (
11
) -0.01 0.00 -0.01 0.02 0.01 0.02
For Leisure Satisfaction Slope (
2
)
Leisure Satisfaction (
20
) 0.60* 0.12 0.60** 0.14
Year of Arrival (
21
) -0.09 0.05 -0.10 0.07 *
Note. Time (i.e., 5 time points) is dummy coded as t = 0, 1, 2, 3, 4.

The HLM results showed that, while Leisure Satisfaction significantly decreased over the
studys two year time period, neither Happiness nor Life Satisfaction changed significantly over
this time. Importantly, the effects of Leisure Satisfaction (level-1 time-varying predictor) on both
Happiness and Life Satisfaction were positive and significant. These results indicate that
participants with higher Leisure Satisfaction at the time of their interview also reported a higher
level of Happiness and Life Satisfaction. In addition, the individual level (level-2) predictor,
Year of Arrival, negatively and significantly affected Life Satisfaction, indicating that
participants who more recently immigrated to Canada reported a lower level of Life Satisfaction.
The proportional reductions in Level-1 variance from the null models to the second models were
.029 for Leisure Satisfaction, .136 for Happiness, and .053 for Life Satisfaction, although those
in Level-2 variance were not identified. This means, for example, that adding the Time variable
helped explain 13.6% of the occasion level variance in Happiness. The proportional reductions in
Level-1 and Level-2 variances from the second models to the final models were .168 and .202
for Happiness, respectively, and .177 and .183 for Life Satisfaction, respectively. This means, for
instance, that adding Leisure Satisfaction, Year of Arrival, and Age helped explain 16.8% of the
occasion level variance, and 20.2% of the person level variance, in Happiness.

Discussion and Conclusion
With the number of Chinese-Canadian immigrants now nearing one million (Statistics
Canada, 2013), and the number of Chinese-Canadians overall projected to more than double by
2031 (Statistics Canada, 2010), it is evident that these individuals will help shape whatever form
Our New Leisure Society takes in the future. It is important, therefore, that we not only better
understand how they define and perceive leisure (see Liu et al., 2008; Walker & Deng, 2014),
but also how leisure impacts the quality of their lives. Based on our findings, and taking into
account that happiness, for example, has been found to vary very little as a function of changes
in life circumstances (e.g., age, income; Lyubomirsky, 2008), the discovery that satisfying
leisure increases SWBand this trend continues for an extended period of timeis cause for
optimism. Future research is needed to confirm this finding, but designing and implementing
Chinese-appropriate recreation programs and services sooner, rather than later, seems prudent.

322


References
Beard, J. G., & Ragheb, M. G. (1980). Measuring leisure satisfaction. Journal of Leisure
Research, 12, 20-33.
Diener, E., Suh, E. M., Lucas, R. E., & Smith, H. L. (1999). Subjective well-being: Three
decades of progress. Psychological Bulletin, 125, 276-302.
International Wellbeing Group. (2006). Personal wellbeing index. Melbourne: Australian Centre
on Quality of Life, Deakin University. Available at
http://www.deakin.edu.au/research/acqol/instruments/wellbeing_index.htm.
Li, P. (2008). Reconciling with history: The Chinese-Canadian Head Tax redress. Journal of
Chinese Overseas, 4, 127-140.
Liu, H., Yeh, C. K., Chick, G. E., & Zinn, H. C. (2008). An exploration of meanings of leisure:
A Chinese perspective. Leisure Sciences, 30, 482-488.
Lu, L., & Hu., C. H. (2005). Personality, leisure experiences and happiness. Journal of
Happiness Studies, 6, 325-342.
Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). The how of happiness: A scientific approach to getting the life you
want. New York: The Penguin Press.
Lyubomirsky, S., & Lepper, H. (1999). A measure of subjective happiness: Preliminary
reliability and construct validation. Social Indicators Research, 46, 137-155.
Spiers, A., & Walker, G. J. (2009). The effects of ethnicity and leisure satisfaction on happiness,
peacefulness, and quality of life. Leisure Sciences, 31, 84-99.
Statistics Canada. (2010). Projections of the diversity of the Canadian population: 2006 to 2031.
Ottawa, ON: Statistics Canada.
Statistics Canada. (2013). Immigration and ethnocultural diversity in Canada. Ottawa, ON:
Statistics Canada.
Tabachnick, B., & Fidell, L. (2007). Using multivariate statistics (5
th
ed.). Boston: Pearson.
Verkuyten, M. (2008). Life satisfaction among ethnic minorities: The role of discrimination and
group identification. Social Indicators Research, 89, 391-404.
Vong, T. (2005). Leisure satisfaction and quality of life in Macao, China. Leisure Sciences, 24,
195-207.
Walker, G. J., & Deng, J. (2014). Leisure among Asian-North Americans. In M. Stodolska, K.
Shinew, M. Floyd, & G. J. Walker (Eds.), Race, ethnicity, and leisure: Perspectives on
research, theory, and practice (pp. 97-109). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Yan, L. (2002, July 30). Three surnames: Li, Wang, Zhang top 270 million in population.
Peoples Daily. Retrieved from
english.peopledaily.com.cn/200207/29/eng20020729_100528.shtml



I just wanna dance really: Configurations of Masculinity in Boys Recreational Dance
Rebecca Watson (Leeds Metropolitan University)

Introduction
This paper assesses how recreational dance for boys is a meaningful context in which to
examine the construction of masculinities in and through leisure. It traces configurations of
masculine expression to illustrate how normative codes of masculinity are reproduced whilst
323

simultaneously demonstrating that masculinity is changing and might be better understood as a
plurality of meanings that are complex and that can often appear as contradictory. Conceptually
the paper engages with masculine hegemony (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Messerschmidt,
2012), inclusive (and orthodox) masculinities (Anderson, 2010) and a critical feminist imaginary
(Schippers, 2007). It argues that leisure is fundamental to our understanding of masculinities and
femininities as relational social categories. Leisure scholarship engaging explicitly with
masculinity, beyond links to sport, arguably remains scant and we need to respond to persistent
questions regarding ideologies, discourses and/or hegemonies of gender and leisures connection
to them. Analysing expressions of masculinity through recreational dance can thus contribute to
a wider canon of feminist leisure scholarship. Commonly, assessing dance as active recreation
draws on a dominant discourse that ordinary boys do sport whilst other boys do dance
(Risner, 2007). The critical leisure lens proposed in this paper is situational rather than
deterministic and informs a re-evaluation of what we know about gender and leisure, challenging
some of the ideological frameworks we have tended to rely upon in our analysis thus far.

Methodology
Qualitative data was generated through two distinct periods of observations, followed by a
further period including focus groups and semi-structured interviews (some of which is on-
going). The research is ethnographic in nature in respect of how the researcher has gained access,
established some amount of trust and levels of acceptance within the two key community dance
organisations being studied; it is approached from a commitment and conviction to carry out
live and meaningful research (Back & Puwar, 2013). The location, socially and spatially, of
the dance groups is entirely significant to the findings that emerge. One group is located in an
area in the north (though relatively close to the city centre) of a major city in the north of
England (UK) with a recognised established African-Caribbean diasporic population. The other
dance organisation is located in the south of the city (also close to the centre) and is notable for
its (historically) white working class population involved in low skill level work (though
previously skilled heavy industrial work). Participants in this organisation, including the Director
and most of the Board are predominantly but not exclusively white whilst the former is
renowned as a dance organisation that supports and sustains Black British cultural heritage and
has a black African-Caribbean Director. Here, participants are predominantly but not exclusively
black African-Caribbean, they come from working and lower middle class backgrounds and in
the south group the boys are predominantly white lower working class. In both dance
environments there are some boys who are mixed heritage/mixed race and also include minority
ethnic white identities (East European).
The dance projects were titled Flip n Strike (hereafter FnS 1 and 2) and were labelled as
such so as to have an appeal to boys and to reflect the styles of dance incorporated including
martial arts based moves and urban street styles (breaking and hip-hop). Each ran over a 12 week
period with the same lead dancer/instructor. The group in the south of the city is an all-male
cheerdance group who were trying out FnS 2 to experience different dance styles and to work
with a different choreographer. During FnS 1 the main methods of data collection were
observations, carried out by the author, and semi-structured interviews with key instructors at the
beginning and middle of the project. There was also some ad-hoc conversation based
discussion with the participants at various points during the 12 weeks which occurred as part of
what the researcher considers a live and dynamic approach to data collection (Back & Puwar,
2013). Observations and filmed semi-structured interviews with participants were used as
324

methods during FnS 2 and the researcher was also invited to provide feed back and some
evaluative commentary on the projects to the two key dance organisations. Analysis was an on-
going process of immersion in the data as opposed to a procedure to be carried out once data
collection was complete. Explanatory analysis was favoured on this occasion (Gerson &
Horowitz, 2002) to elicit key aspects of masculinity and its different configurations as evident to
the researcher in the Flip n Strike projects. Meaningful and salient aspects emerged that include:
boys in dance as acceptable forms of leisure; dance and competitiveness; new aesthetic
expression and bodily competences. These themes are illustrative of a range of ways in which the
boys navigate and negotiate their gendered identities in their leisure.

Analysis and Discussion

Its Fine for Boys to Dance
Boys involved in both FnS 1 and FnS 2 appeared to suggest that dance for boys requires us
to revisit and in some cases challenge our conceptual frameworks for locating boys and dance in
relation to gender and leisure more broadly. Both observational and interview data indicate that
in many instances dance is a normative practice for these boys and this section draws on
examples to illustrate how boys perceive their involvement to be an acceptable expression of
masculinity and not one that is automatically regarded as an effeminate activity. This evidence
demands we approach gender as relational rather than categorically (Schippers, 2007). Data here
illustrates how the specific contexts of meanings attached to different articulations of masculinity
are crucial to our understanding in order to assess hegemonic processes of masculinity (Connell
& Messerscmidt, 2005). We need to engage with the detail of who the boys are, where they are
from and where they are at in their relationship and involvement in dance as a feature of their
leisure.

Dance for Boys Maintaining a Competitive Ddge?
This section considers how normative codes of competition, commonly associated with
sport, are evident in the boys comments regarding motivation and commitment in recreational
urban dance and particularly in cheerdance competition. It also incorporates commentary from
the instructors who suggest boys involvement in dance can be developed in this context and that
dance does not have to have to be configured as an alternative expression of masculinity and is
not a simple challenge to a pre-identified boy-code (Risner, 2007). It therefore prompts new
and on-going analyses of how we conceptualise masculinity and masculinities, particularly in
relation to hegemonic and/or inclusive expressions and how this is positioned with regards
femininity.

New Aesthetics of Masculinity and Boys Body Competences in Leisure
This section incorporates data that highlights the significance of body techniques
(Crossley, 2007) and styles learnt in leisure that are central to how we read and position
masculinity. For participation in dance this reflects simultaneous expressions of masculine and
feminine type techniques and articulations. The boys bodies and bodily competences are rooted
in social and cultural contexts of their everyday lives and so for example, a racialised and classed
reading of masculinity was pertinent to how boys used their bodies within the dance workshops
across all phases of the research. Leisure is evidently a key context in which boys explore and
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develop their physicality, trying out new body techniques are learnt and developed; these are not
only configurations of gender and thus an intersectional approach is useful.

Concluding Comments
This paper demonstrates how boys involvement in recreational dance is an illuminating
aspect for the critical analysis of leisure and its significance for appreciating complex
configurations of masculinity. It is necessary to address gaps in our research and related
conceptualisations of leisure and masculinity, to attend to new areas of research that enable us to
engage with masculinities and femininities in new ways and to develop more nuanced
understandings of how leisure sites and experiences inform and are a product of socio-cultural
relations.

References
Anderson, E. (2009). Inclusive masculinity: The changing nature of masculinities. London:
Routledge.
Back, L., & Puwar, N. (2013). (Eds.), Live methods. London: Berg.
Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the
concept. Gender & Society, 19, 829-859.
Crossley, N. (2007). Researching embodiment by way of body techniques. The Sociological
Review, 55, 8094.
Gerson, K., & Horowitz, R. (2002). Observation and interviewing: Options and choices in
qualitative research. In T. May (Ed.), Qualitative Research in Action, (pp. 199224).
London: Sage.
Messerschmidt, J. W. (2012). Engendering gendered knowledge: Assessing the academic
appropriation of hegemonic masculinity, Men & Masculinities,15, 1, 56-76.
Risner, D. (2007). Rehearsing masculinity: challenging the boy code in dance education,
Research in Dance Education, 8(2) 139-153.
Schippers, M. (2007). Recovering the feminine other: masculinity, femininity, and gender
hegemony, Theory & Society, 36, 85102.



Discussion Paper: Implementing a Language-Based Tourism Program in Haida Gwaii,
Canada
Kelly Whitney-Squire (University of Otago), John Colton (Acadia University), Anna Thompson-
Carr (University of Otago)
Abstract
The basis of this conceptual discussion paper is a doctoral thesis, which argues that
community-based tourism initiatives have a vital role in supporting language development and
language revitalization for indigenous peoples. The thesis examined the role of the community
and the ways in which language is incorporated into tourism products and services. The
experiences and insights of indigenous communities in Hawaii and Aotearoa served to expand
the cross-cultural context of the discussion and identified further examples of language use
within tourism contexts. The central findings posit that the culturally relevant and effective use
of language within community-based tourism initiatives must (a) support multidimensional
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language relationships in the community and (b) build visibility and accessibility to language
within these and related settings. The proposed postdoctoral research expands on the findings of
the doctorate to gain insight into the implementation of a language-based tourism program
tailored to the language needs and aspirations of the Haida community. The aim of this research
is to,
implement a language-based tourism program; and
design and develop a language-bridging assessment tool.
Surprisingly, language-based tourism has not been defined in an academic sense, but
broadly, according to the authors of this paper, can be understood as community-centric rather
than visitor centric with three components (1) viewing tourism as a tool to encourage greater
language use, (2) building and sustaining language relationships within and outside the speaking
community, and (3) increasing visibility and accessibility to language within multiple tourism
contexts. The development of such a program would establish key valued practices for delivery,
clarify and legitimize language relationships within the community, and develop a culturally
appropriate means of evaluating program effectiveness. Documenting the implementation
process and outcomes will add to our understanding of language and tourism related issues on
the ground: balancing the theoretical and practical knowledge required to expand the program for
use in other communities through a language-bridging assessment tool.

Literature
Although limited, the majority of existing research suggests that tourism has had a
detrimental effect on indigenous languages; tourism is an extension of colonization and modern
globalizing trends. While a number of studies have considered tourism and language issues at the
community level this previous research tends to focus on the outcomes of tourist activities and
does not fully consider the historical context, role of the community, or the network of
relationships affected. For example, Zeppel (2002) noted visitor interest in the Cowichan
language at the Quwutsun Cultural Centre on Vancouver Island, however, the focus of the
study was to assess visitors response to cultural presentation. A small number of related studies
have shown that community-based tourism initiatives are beneficial to preserving minority
languages. Greathouse-Amador (2005) noted that local tourism initiatives in Cuetzalan, Mexico
have encouraged greater language use in the community. Snow (2004) argued that language
choice on Bastinmentos Island, Panama has influenced the community of speakers and also
noted the potential to expand language use outside institutional structures.
Despite repeated calls to expand language use outside institutional settings, the range of
options remains limited (Fishman, 2001; ORegan, 2009). Pohe (2012) argues that language
development focused only within the education system is too slow and narrow in scale to be
effective (see also, Tuki, 2009). Outside academia, there is a large body of work by organisations
seeking to implement strategic planning initiatives aimed at tourism and or language
development. For example, the National First Nations Language Strategy identifies
entrepreneurship and tourism as part of a twenty-year strategy; however, the document
provides no information on how to implement or support such initiatives.
9
While the literature
suggests there is reason to expand language use within community-based tourism initiatives,

9
See http://64.26.129.156/misc/nfnls.pdf
327

what appears to be missing is a clear understanding of how to incorporate languages
appropriately and effectively within a clearly defined and structured program.

A Language-Based Tourism Program
While the doctoral research provides a foundation on which to develop an effective and
culturally appropriate language-based tourism program, as such there are no comparable
programs available on which to test the value and benefits of such a program. There are
programs that seek to support sustainable and socially responsible tourism, encourage product
development, marketing and partnerships, even those that sponsor culture, arts and community
events.
10
However, none focus specifically on supporting and expanding the use of indigenous
languages within tourism contexts. The purpose of this program will be to strengthen and expand
on existing language relationships within the community in addition to targeting specific
initiatives that will increase the visibility and accessibility of the language within tourism
contexts. The current literature addressing the issues and opportunities around indigenous
community-based tourism will be used to frame the approach to program development (Butler &
Hinch, 2007; McKercher & du Cross, 2002; Moscardo, 2008).

Language-Bridging Assessment Tool
Flowing out of the process of implementing a language-based tourism program, the
language-bridging assessment tool, will establish a culturally appropriate baseline in which
aspects, other than the number of speakers can be used to gauge the presence and vitality of the
language within tourism contexts. For example,
language relationships (staff / elders / broader community);
language networks internal and external to tourism initiatives;
staff participation in language training sessions;
initiatives and businesses providing language training;
language use in guided tours; language seminars (content);
tangible and intangible expressions of language;
policies related to language use and content; and
increased visibility and accessibility;
o signage and interpretive panels (incentives to expand / content)
o promotional material and brochures (placement / content)
o expansion of language activities (outreach)
o recognition events (elders / advocates / businesses)
Decisions around the structure and methods needed to develop and trial this approach will
be made in conjunction with the community. An overview of the literature suggests that a form
of participatory rapid rural appraisal may be suitable (Freudenberger, 2011; Mukherjee, 1993).

Research Objectives

10
a) Hawaii Tourism Authority: Programs (2013). www.hawaiitourismauthority.org/programs/
b) Aboriginal Tourism British Columbia (2013). www.aboriginalbc.com/corporate/
c) New Zealand Mori Tourism (2013). www.maoritourism.co.nz
d) Aboriginal Tourism Australia (2007). www.australiaonnet.com/tourism/aboriginal-tourism.html
328

Working in collaboration with the community, the postdoctoral research aims to,

critically assess factors affecting program implementation,
develop and trial a language-based bridging assessment tool; and
evaluate the overall effectiveness and value of the above components.
Methodology and Approach
An indigenist methodology (Smith, 2012; Wilson, 2008) will be used to carry out this
research, drawing on participatory and narrative inquiry as a means of working closely with the
Haida community (Bishop, 1996; Kemmis & McTaggert, 2000). To clarify, an indigenous
methodology understands the interconnectedness of all things and that knowledge is gained by
maintaining accountability within these relationships (Wilson, 2008). The principles of engaging
with the community, requires their direct involvement throughout the research process and
broadly seeks to ensure the cultural safety of all participants (Atkinson, 2001; Battiste, 2008).
The researcher has worked with the Haida community on related issues for approximately five
years and has been extended an invitation to return to the community to continue this work.

Methods Proposed
The methods will include a series of four focus groups (2 per year: formative and
summative), informal interviews with staff and management, and participant observation. The
data collected will include audio transcripts of focus groups and interviews, videotaped planning
sessions, secondary research and program materials, and tracking the level of engagement within
and outside the broader community in relation to the program. This study will be conducted in
Haida Gwaii. The sites at which the language-bridging assessment tool will be trialled will be
determined in consultation with interested communities.

Contribution
There is a significant gap in our understanding of how language-based tourism programs
might support the development and revitalisation of indigenous languages. This information is
invaluable to indigenous peoples looking for culturally relevant and appropriate ways to
encourage language use. Expanding the range of approaches available is increasingly critical in
the face of the continuing loss of the worlds indigenous languages. It is critical for communities
to be able to determine how to take advantage of culturally appropriate opportunities within
tourism contexts. This research has significant implications for education, linguistics, and policy
development as it offers another means of normalising indigenous language use within and
outside of the immediate community of speakers and non-speakers.

References
Atkinson, J. (2001). Privileging indigenous research methodologies. Paper presented at the
Indigenous Voices Conference, Rainforest CRC: Cairns, Qld. Retrieved from
http://www.voice-it.wikispace.com
Battiste, M. (2008). Research ethics for protecting indigenous knowledge and heritage:
institutional and researcher responsibilities. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.),
Handbook of critical indigenous methodologies (pp. 497510). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications.
Bishop, R. (1996). Whakawhanaungantanga: Collaborative research stories. Palmerston North,
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NZ: The Dunmore Press.

Butler, R. W., & Hinch, T. (Eds.), (2007). Tourism and indigenous peoples: Issues and
implications. (1st ed.). Burlington, MA: Elsevier.
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revisited: A 21st century perspective. Frankfurt, UK: Multilingual Matters.
Freudenberger, K. S. (2011). Rapid rural appraisal and participatory rural appraisal: A manual
for CRS Field Workers and Partners. Baltimore, ML: Catholic Relief Services. Retrieved
from, http://www.crsprogramquality.org/storage/pubs/me/RRAPRA.pdf
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culture: The Cuetzalan experience. Review of Policy Research, 22(1), 49-58. doi:
10.1111/j.1541-1338.2005.00118.x
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Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2
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CA: Sage.
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cultural heritage management. New York, NY: Hawworth Hospitality Press.
Moscardo, G. (2008). Building community capacity for tourism development. Oxfordshire, UK:
CABI International.
Mukherjee, N. (1993). Participatory rural appraisal: Methodology and applications. New Delhi:
Concept Publications.
O'Regan, H. (2009). A language to call my own. In A. M. Goodfellow (Ed.), Speaking of
endangered languages: Issues in revitalization (pp. 184198). Newcastle, UK: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing.
Pohe, E. W. (2012). Whakawhanaungatanga a-reo: An indigenous grounded theory for the
revitalization of Mori language speech communities. (Doctoral Dissertation, Victoria
University Wellington). Retrieved from
http://researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz/handle/10063/2561
Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. (2
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New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan.
Snow, P. (2004). Tourism and smalllanguage persistence in a Panamanian Creole village.
International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 166(166), 113128.
Tuki, M. H. (2009). It takes a community to revitalize a language: Honoring the contributions of
all. In A. M. Goodfellow (Ed.), Speaking of endangered languages: Issues in revitalization
(pp. 199211). Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Wilson, S. (2008). Research is ceremony: Indigenous research methods. Black Point, NS:
Fernwood.
Zeppel, H. (2002). Cultural tourism at the Cowichan native village, British Columbia. Journal of
Travel Research, 41, 92100. doi:10.1177/0047287502041001011







330

Contrasting Messages: The Promise and Reality of Daily Life in a LTC Home
Colleen Whyte (Brock University), Sherry Dupuis (University of Waterloo)

Background
It has been widely suggested that biomedical approaches to care remain the dominant
practice paradigm within long-term care (LTC) homes (Dupuis, Smale & Wiersma, 2005;
Means, 2007). Continued dependence on medical model practices and policies has fostered an
assumption that disease, disability and decline are primary concerns for individuals living in a
LTC home (Thomas, 1996). As a result, issues of emotional, social, and spiritual well-being have
received limited attention and consideration in the overall experiences of residents (MacLean &
Klein, 2002).
Researchers have routinely suggested that LTC homes do not foster a sense of engagement
in meaningful leisure experiences (Voelkl, Winkelhake, Jeffries, & Yoshioka, 2003) or support
the concept of open environments which emphasize a range of programs, freedom of choice, and
access to resources in and of the community (Dupuis et al., 2005). The role of recreation within
LTC homes has historically been diversional in nature activities such as bingo, sing-songs
and birthday parties were seen to help individuals pass the time and encourage some degree of
fun and enjoyment, while filling large blocks of unstructured time (Carter, Van Andel, & Robb,
2003).
More recently, initiatives aimed at changing the culture of LTC homes outline alternatives
to care that focus on supporting meaningful engagement and collaborative decision-making that
encourages more input by individuals living in a LTC home, their family members and staff, and
a less hierarchical organizational structure than the traditional LTC home model (Hooyman &
Kiyak, 2008; Ragsdale & McDougall, Jr., 2008). Collectively known as the culture change
movement, initiatives describe a general (and universal) move away from a biomedical model of
care toward broader social models that support person-centred and relationship-centred care and
expand the scope of professional practice to honour the whole person (Fagan, 2003).
Conducted as part of a larger study that examined sense of belonging and factors that
support and limit this experience within a large for-profit LTC home in Ontario, the purpose of
this paper is to contrast messages of promise found in promotional materials with the reality of
living as experienced by residents of Manor House (a pseudonym).
Research Design
The first phase of this study involved analysis of promotional materials supplied to
potential residents and their families (e.g., information on the homes approach to care, visiting
policy, Resident and Family Councils, personal clothing and personal belonging policy, moving
day recommendations, recreation programs, dining options, physiotherapy, safety and security,
and religious services). Themes emerging from this phase were then considered in light of first-
hand experiences of living at Manor House as told by 6 residents during an initial focus group
and subsequent individual active interviews with another 6 residents.
Promotional materials were analyzed using discourse analysis and entailed interpretation
and pattern analysis involving cycles of analysis that were repeated in whole and in parts (Wood
& Kroger, 2000). Data collected through the focus group and interviews were analyzed using van
Manens (1997) process of interpretive phenomenological analysis, layering wholistic, selective
and detailed readings of the text. Pseudonyms are used to ensure anonymity of participants.


331

Findings

Document Analysis
Analysis of promotional materials revealed the theme of let us be your caring community
with community considered to be a part of life at [Manor House]. This theme centres around
three main concepts. We care describes how Manor House promotes a client centered care
philosophy where Residents are treated with dignity and respect in all aspects of care.
Throughout the documents, a focus on respecting and meeting individual needs is evident: at
[Manor House] we embrace and celebrate your individuality. Recreational programs and
services are built around our Residents with residents playing an active role in program
design. Staff members are described as supporting residents to thrive by celebrating
individuality through personal leisure choices: We encourage our Residents to continue
pursuing life-long goals and interests which will provide them with a quality living experience.
We embody the ideals of home emphasizes a philosophy of maintaining a home-like, warm and
welcoming environment in which residents are invited to furnish and decorate their room with
personal touches such as pictures, bed covers, afghans, radios, a favourite chair or dresser.
The public living spaces at Manor House are described as normal places to spend time with
people or in solitude, like the living room, the home area kitchen, the dining room, the library,
the chapel and the gardens. We support meaningful personal connections describes an
emphasis on community living at Manor House and underscores the administrations belief in
the significance of maintaining meaningful relationships with family and friends, but also
supporting new connections. Families are described as an essential part of life and a partner in
care and service while volunteers, local schools and community groups add to the enriching
experience at [Manor House].

Resident Interviews
Variable un/belonging within a long-term care homespeaks to the breadth of peoples
experiences within institutional living and centres around four main concepts. Institutional
erosion of belonging describes the unintended effects of being physically removed from ones
long-standing geographical community. When asked to elaborate on the meaning of her
community connections, Beatrice shared how her church had felt like family. Asked if she was
able to maintain that connection after moving into Manor House, she replied: Pretty well no.
Talking with Ruth, a past president of the Residents Council, about maintaining community
connections, she remarked that: It would be a matter of transportation. That's the big thing that
would hold people back. Congregate nature of living in a LTC home highlights the implications
of sharing public and private space with over 200 people, 24 hours a day. During her interview,
Florence admitted that she avoided the public space on her home area: Oh the TV room? I don't
use it very much. Some people sit in it all the time and then sleep in front of it. It doesn't do
anything for me. In Roberts case, the personal and psychological consequences of his absolute
lack of privacy left him with deep regret about his decision to move into Manor House. When
asked where he felt he most belonged, he replied: I don't know where. I force myself into doing
things, just for something to do. During the interview he confessed that he felt as though society
was telling him: It's time you moved on. You're costing too much money. Changing nature of
personal relationships describes a shift in personal connections for residents living at Manor
House. For many, tensions in belonging came about through disputes with peers. Yet for some,
caring relationships came to define their experiences at Manor House. As Ruth described, the
332

shared experience of aging at Manor House was an opportunity for unity and solidarity: We are
all in the same boat. We talk about our aches and our pains and you think, Well I'm not the only
one then that's like that. For others, a sense of belonging through deep friendship was not as
evident. As Elizabeth shared: I don't have a close friendI've always had a close friend, but I
don't have what I'd call a real close friend here. Finally, prescriptive living environment
describes residents experiences with institutional directives that threaten personhood. As Robert
explained: Theydon't let you really be yourself. They've got an itinerary set out. They prefer
you follow it. When asked whether it was hard to fill the time at Manor House, William
observed: Well, depends what your interests are. When the conversation then turned to the
recreation offerings at Manor House, he commented how bingo: fills the time. That's the whole
thing. We need time fillers. With a grin on his face, he concluded: One thing you get to love
when you're in a place like this, is bingo.
Discussion and Implications
The findings of this study illuminate tensions in practice that have deep and sustained
implications on the lives of the 87,000 people currently residing in LTC homes in the province of
Ontario. Based on the promotional materials which proclaimed recreation programming was
built around its residents, Manor House emphasized a uniquely personal experience for everyone
considering a move into the LTC home. Yet claims of honouring individual choice, maintaining
personal connections and contributing to the growth and development of residents within the
promotional materials were not substantiated by residents. Instead, residents spoke of a
seemingly inevitable erosion of community ties with a simultaneous emphasis on a routinized
living environment devoid of opportunities for expression of self.
At the core of the shift away from biomedical, institutional practices is a desire to create a
more inclusive, resident-directed environment that supports a humanistic approach to living
(Batavia, 2002; Chapin, 2010; Ronch, 2004). Common characteristics associated with person
centred-care include respect for each persons unique lifelong patterns, interests, and individual
desires (McCormack, 2004; Crandall, White, Schuldheis, & Talerico, 2007; Rantz & Flesner,
2004) and opportunity for each person to experience personal growth and a sense of significant
contribution (Eales, Keating & Damsma, 2001). However, person-centred care is a philosophical
consideration, thus its tangibles are left to be adapted and personalized with a specific group of
individuals. In the case of Manor House, dedicated time and effort was not put into place to truly
consider the how-to of moving away from traditional approaches toward authentic person-
centred care practices for residents, staff and management. As a result, promises of community
were not carried through to the reality of living within the congregate living environment.
Nolan and his colleagues (1995) suggest that if the quality of care people receive is to
improve, LTC home staff must see the provision of holistic care, including meaningful activity,
as an integral part of their role and function. Approaches to care, such as person- and
relationship-centred care, when applied to leisure, foster opportunities for professionals to
reconsider the meanings and experiences of individuals living in LTC homes and challenge the
biomedical priorities of today. Making the link between the policies and their day-to-day actions
would provide greater awareness and understanding of the practices that truly enable a shift in
the culture of LTC homes. We believe that recreation and leisure experiences, when more
person-centred and linked to what is meaningful for residents, can play an important role in this
process.


333

References
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Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 13, 67-74.
Carter, M. J., Van Andel, G. E., & Robb, G. M. (2003). Therapeutic recreation: A practical
approach (3
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Chapin, M. K. (2010). The language of change: Finding words to define culture change in long-
term care. Journal of Aging, Humanities, and the Arts, 4, 185-199.
Crandall, L. D., White, D. L., Schuldheis, S., & Talerico, K. A. (2007). Initiative person-centered
care practices in long-term care facilities. Journal of Gerontological Nursing, 33, 47-56.
Dupuis, S., Smale, B., & Wiersma, E. (2005). Creating open environments in long-term care
settings: An examination of influencing factors. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 39, 277-
298.
Eales, J., Keating, N., & Damsma, A. (2001). Seniors experiences of client-centered residential
care. Ageing & Society, 21, 279-296.
Fagan, R. M. (2003). Pioneer Network: Changing the culture of aging in America. Journal of
Social Work in Long-Term Care, 2, 125140.
Hooyman, N. R., & Kiyak, H. A. (2008). Social gerontology: A multidisciplinary perspective (8
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ed.). San Francisco: Pearson.
MacLean, M. J., & Klein, J. G. (2002). Accessibility to long-term care: The myth versus the
reality. In M. Stephenson & E. Sawyer (Eds.), Continuing the care: The issues and
challenges for long-term care (pp. 71-86), Ottawa, ON: CHA Press.
McCormack, B. (2004). Person-centeredness in gerontological nursing: An overview of the
literature. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 13, 31-38.
Means, R. (2007). The re-medicalisation of later life. In M. Bernard & T. Scharf (Eds.), Critical
perspectives on ageing societies (pp. 45-56), Bristol, UK: The Policy Press.
Nolan, N., Grant, G., & Nolan, J. (1995). Busy doing nothing: Activity and interaction levels
amongst differing populations of elderly patients. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 22, 528-
538.
Ragsdale, V., & McDougall, Jr., G. J. (2008). The changing face of long-term care: Looking at
the past decade. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 29, 992-1001.
Rantz, M. J., & Flesner, M. K. (2004). Person centered care: A model for nursing homes.
Washington, DC: American Nurses Association.
Ronch, J. L. (2004). Changing institutional culture. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 43,
61-82.
Thomas, W. H. (1996). Life worth living: How someone you love can still enjoy life in a nursing
home: The Eden Alternative in action. Acton, MA: VanderWyk & Burnham.
van Manen, M. (1997). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action sensitive
pedagogy. London, ON: The Althouse Press.
Voelkl, J. E., Winkelhake, K., Jeffries, J., & Yoshioka, N. (2003). Examination of a nursing
home environment: Are residents engaged in recreation activities? Therapeutic Recreation
Journal, 37, 300-314.
Wood, L. A., & Kroger, R. O. (2000). Doing discourse analysis: Methods for studying action in
talk and text. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.



334

Exploring Relationships Between Ego Involvement and Passion for Sport Activities
A. Wade Wilson, Luke R. Potwarka (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
People are often described as being passionate about a particular activity. However,
relatively little is known about how certain activities can become obsessive and controlling
versus more balanced aspects of peoples lives. We posit that the nature of peoples involvement
with a particular activity can influence the extent to which that activity becomes a controllable or
uncontrollable force in daily life. As such, this research explores relationships between ego
involvement and passion towards competitive sport activities.
Vallerand (2010) indicates that the concept of passion has had many definitions over the
years; however he suggests passion reflects a strong liking for an activity, object or concept.
Being passionate involves being emotionally charged with, or at the least, being affectively
inclined toward the object or activity (Vallerand). Moreover, it is often assumed that passion can
bring out the best and the worst in people (Vallerand). Vallerand and colleagues (2003) put forth
the Dualistic Model of Passion (DMP).Their model suggests that there are two types of passion:
harmonious and obsessive. Specially, harmonious passion occurs when an activity is a welcomed
or nice addition to ones life. Conversely, obsessive passion occurs when an activity takes over
ones life. Recently, leisure researchers (e.g., Stenseng, 2008; Stenseng & Phelps, 2013) have
found that harmonious passion was positively related to subjective well-being and positive
outcomes in life domains (i.e., school, work, relationship with family and friends). By contrast,
obsessive passion has been negatively related to subjective well-being and to positive life
domain outcomes (Stenseng & Phelps, 2013). In summary, researchers have examined outcomes
of harmonic and obsessive passion. Scant attention, however, has been paid to what factors
might influence or contribute to these two types of passion (i.e., the potential antecedents of
passion). We believe the construct of ego involvement might provide useful insights in this
regard. Indeed, our use of involvement in this way may help challenge the notion that
engagement in leisure and sport activities is exclusively conducive to well-being (Stenseng, Rise,
& Kraft, 2011).
Ego involvement has been defined as an unobservable state of motivation, arousal or
interest toward a recreational activity and/or associated product. Additionally, it is evoked by a
particular stimulus or situation and has drive properties (Rothschild, 1984). Within the leisure
literature, involvement has usually been treated as a multifaceted construct including attraction,
sign, centrality to lifestyle, and risk (Havitz & Dimanche, 1997). More recently, Kyle, Absher,
Norman, Hammitt, and Jodice (2007) re-conceptualized the concept, by suggesting that leisure
involvement contains five facets: attraction to activity, centrality of activity to lifestyle, social
bonding, identity affirmation, and identity expression. Attraction refers to the importance
individuals ascribe to an activity and the pleasure derived from the activity. Centrality refers to
the degree in which an individual organizes other dimensions of their lives around an activity.
Social bonding refers to the social ties that bind participants to an activity. Identity affirmation
measures the degree to which leisure provided opportunities to affirm the self to the self, and
identity expression examines the extent to which leisure provides opportunities to express the
self to others. The concept of ego involvement has been extensively explored in the leisure
literature. Researchers, for example, have explored the influence of ego involvement in a variety
of contexts including consumer behaviour (e.g., Havitz & Dimanche, 1990), event sponsorship
335

(Potwarka, McCarville, Johnson Tew, & Kaczynski, 2009), loyalty and commitment to a
recreation agency (Iwasaki & Havitz, 2004), and health-related outcomes (Deci & Ryan, 1995).
We believe obsessive and harmonious passion for an activity may be related to the
particular facets of leisure involvement described above. To our knowledge however, the
construct of leisure involvement has yet to be explored in such a fashion. Therefore, the purpose
of the present study was to explore associations of the five facets of leisure involvement with
passion (i.e., obsessive and harmonious) for competitive physical activities at the intramural and
intercollegiate sport levels.

Method
The sample consisted of 587 male and female athletes that participated in competitive (i.e.,
varsity and intramural) team sports at Ontario Universities. Athletic Departments and coaches at
four southern Ontario universities were contacted and asked for permission to survey varsity
athletes and intramural participants. Once permission was granted, dates and times were arranged
with varsity teams and intramural groups to complete the survey. Participants competed in ice
hockey, basketball, volleyball, rugby, field hockey, soccer and football. Participants completed
the Passion Scale (Vallerand et al., 2003) and the Modified Involvement Scale (MIS: Kyle et al.,
2007). The passion scale consists of two subscales to measure obsessive and harmonious
passion. Each subscale consisted of six items measured on a 7-point Likert scale, from 1= not
agree at all, 7= very strongly agree. An example item of an item to measure obsessive passion
was I have the impression that competitive sports control me. An example of an item to
measure harmonious passion was Competitive sports allow me to live a variety of experiences.
The MIS measured five facets of involvement consisting of three items in each (i.e.,
attraction, centrality, social bonding, identity affirmation, and identity expression). The items
were measured on a 7-point Likert scale, from 1= not agree at all, 7= very strongly agree. An
item to measure attraction was Competitive sports are one of the most enjoyable things I do.
An item to measure centrality was I find a lot of my life is organized around competitive
sports. An item measuring social bonding was Most of my friends are in some way connected
to competitive sports. An item measuring identity affirmation was When I participate in
competitive sports, I can really be myself. An item of identity expression was Participating in
competitive sport says a lot about whom I am.

Results
The sex split for the sample was 64% male and 36% female. The average age of
participants was 21 years old. In total, 41% of respondents played competitive intramural sports
and 59% played a sport at the varsity level. On average participants spent eleven and half years
engaging their sport of interest. Overall, participants perceived their sport participation to be
more harmonious (M=5.47, SD=.96) rather than obsessive (M=3.83, SD=1.27) in nature.
Two liner regression analyses were performed to explore relationships between leisure
involvement facets and obsessive and harmonious passion. All results are presented in Table 1.
After controlling for sex, age, and total years playing the sport the five facets of the MIS, the
model accounted for 36.5% of the variance (F = 40.88, p < .001) in obsessive passion. More
specifically, centrality ( = .33, p < .001), identity affirmation ( = .18, p < .01) and identity
expression ( = .11, p < .05) were positively associated with obsessive passion.
After controlling for sex, age, and total years playing the sport the five facets of the MIS
accounted for 47.0% of the variance (F = 62.92, p < .001) in harmonious passion. More
336

specifically, attraction ( = .35, p < .001), identity affirmation ( = .13, p < .01), and identity
expression ( = .10, p < .01) were positively associated with harmonious passion.

Table 1
Association of Ego Involvement Facets with Obsessive and Harmonious Passion
Obsessive Passion Harmonious Passion
Variable Model 1 Model 2 Model 1 Model 2
B SE B SE B SE B SE
Constant 5.34 ** .43 1.08 * .46 6.19 ** .32 1.95 ** .30
Sex .28 * .11 .41 ** .09 .05 .08 .05 .06
Age -.10 ** .02 -.03 * .02 -.04 * .02 .01 .01
Total Years Playing .04 * .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 -.01 * .00
Attraction .08 .06 .35 ** .04
Centrality .34 ** .04 .03 .03
Social Bonding -.09 .06 .03 .04
Identity Affirmation .18 * .06 .13 * .04
Identity Expression .11 * .04 .10 * .03
Adjusted R
2
.04 -- .37 -- .00 -- .47 --
N= 587, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01

Discussion
The findings of this study reveal some interesting insights regarding relationships between
ego involvement and passion. Specifically, we found that both identity facets were positively
associated with obsessive and harmonious passion. This finding suggests that passion
(irrespective of it being obsessive or harmonious) is deeply connected with notions of identity.
For example, people who are passionate about playing hockey come to understand themselves in
terms of being a hockey player, and express the affirmation of being a hockey player to
others via clothing, behaviours, language, and cognitions. After the addition of each MIS facet,
age was negatively associated with obsessive passion, but unrelated to harmonious passion.
Centrality to lifestyle was exclusively associated with obsessive passion. If an activity
becomes too central in peoples lives, they run the risk of being controlled by the activity, and
perhaps lose connections with other important factors in their lives. Essentially, the activity can
take over their life, which has the potential to negatively influence relationships, well-being and
life satisfaction (Stenseng & Phelps, 2013). Our finding here is consistent with characteristics of
serious leisure explored previously. As Stebbins (2007) noted serious leisure is always much
more complicated and enduring, and for this reason often takes up much more of the participants
time and is much more likely to generate charges of selflessness (p. 74). Attraction, on the other
hand, was exclusively associated with harmonious passion. This finding suggests that deriving
pleasure and enjoyment from a sport activity is associated with it being a welcomed addition to
peoples lives, which effectively (i.e., harmoniously) integrates within other life demands.
Our paper makes an important theoretical contribution. Specifically, our findings appear to
demonstrate convergent validity among these two constructs. These finding have implications for
competitive sport coaches and administrators. We suggest programing efforts be built on
principles of fun and enjoyment. Losing sight of these principles might create conditions that
foster obsessive passion. Moreover, coaches and administrators should be ever mindful of the
central role such activities have in lives of athletes. Coaches and administrators should create
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cultures that allow athletes to engage in social worlds that extend beyond the particular activity.
In lieu of our findings, we are critical of the long-term effects of elite sport academies and sport
specialization programs targeted to young athletes.

References
Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (1995). Human autonomy: The basis for true self-esteem. In M.H.
Kernis (Ed). Efficacy, agency, and self-esteem. Plenum series in social/clinical psychology,
(pp. 31-49). New York, NY: Plenum Press, xvi, 257 pp.
Havitz, M. E., & Dimanche, F. (1990). Propositions for guiding the empirical testing of the
involvement construct in recreational and tourist contexts. Leisure Sciences, 12, 179-196.
Havitz, M. E., & Dimanche, F. (1997). Leisure involvement revisited: Conceptual conundrums
and measurement advances. Journal of Leisure Research, 29, 245-278.
Iwasaki, Y., & Havitz, M. E. (2004). Examining relationships between leisure involvement,
psychological commitment, and loyalty to a recreation agency. Journal of Leisure
Research, 39, 45-72.
Kyle, G., Absher, J., Norman, W., Hammitt, W., & Jodice, L. (2007). A modified involvement
scale. Leisure Studies, 26:4, 399-427.
Potwarka, L. R., McCarville, R. E., Johnson Tew, P., & Kaczynski, A. T. (2009). Sponsorship
recognition: Exploring involvementexposure interaction effects and the influence of
multiple mediums. Event Management, 13(4), 233-247.
Rothschild, M. L. (1984). Perspectives on involvement: Current problems and future directions.
Advances on Consumer Research, 11, 216-217.
Stebbins, R. A. (2007). Serious Leisure. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Stenseng, F. (2008). The two faces of leisure activity engagement: Harmonious and obsessive
passion in relation to intrapersonal conflict and life domain outcomes. Leisure Sciences: An
Interdisciplinary Journal, 30:5, 465-481.
Stenseng, F., & Phelps, J. (2013). Leisure and life satisfaction: The role of passion and life
domain outcomes. World Leisure Journal, 55:4, 320-332.
Stenseng, F., Rise, J., & Kraft, P. (2011). The dark side of leisure: Obsessive passion and its
covariates and outcomes. Leisure Studies, 30:1, 49-62.
Vallerand, R. J. (2010). On passion for life activities: The dualistic model of passion. In M.P.
Zanna (Ed.). Advances in experimental social psychology. New York, NY: Academic
Press.
Vallerand, R. J., Blanchard, C. M., Mageau, G. A., Koestner, R., Ratelle, C., Leonard, M.,
Gagne, M., & Marsolais, J. (2003). Les passions de lame: On obsessive and harmonious
passion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 756-767.



Linking Recreation and Health with People Living with Chronic Conditions
Martha Barnes (Brock University), Heidi Lauckner, Susan Hutchinson (Dalhousie University)

Introduction
It is estimated that chronic conditions directly cost the health system in Canada more than
$38.9 billion each year (Mirolla, 2004). Finding ways to support people living with chronic
conditions to live well in their communities is imperative for overburdened health systems in
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Canada. This is particularly so in Nova Scotia where approximately 66% of citizens report
having a chronic condition, while 90% of people over the age of 65 report having one or more
chronic conditions (Government of Nova Scotia, 2004). With this significant population of
people in need of health services and a system facing growing constraints, health promotion
strategies aimed at individuals with chronic conditions are necessary to sustain the health care
system (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2010). This paper draws on the results from a
participatory action research project in the South Shore of Nova Scotia, Recreation for Health,
to propose conceptual adaptations to a chronic care model that has been adopted by many health
jurisdictions in Canada. Drawing on our experiences of bringing together health and recreation
sectors to address the needs of people living with chronic conditions in rural communities, we
elaborate on the importance of partnerships and social capital in guiding these intersectoral
collaborations.

Theoretical Framework
The Expanded Chronic Care Model (ECCM) (Barr et al., 2003) has been endorsed by the
Public Health Agency of Canada and adopted by many provincial departments of health. The
ECCM draws on population health promotion principles that acknowledge the influence of social
and environmental determinants of health and emphasize the importance of creating supportive
community environments for health. The Health Council of Canada (2012) adapted the ECCM
to show self-management as straddling the health system and community, suggesting that the
ability to self-manage is an important means of maintaining health and wellness beyond hospital
services. Self-management and its support provide a bridge between the health system and the
wider community (Health Council of Canada, 2012) as individuals learn how to manage their
health conditions so they can live well in the community. Linking people with the necessary
community resources and supports, including recreation services, is an essential component of
this (Health Council of Canada, 2012). For individuals living with chronic conditions to be able
to maintain healthy lives in their communities, strong linkages among people, resources,
opportunities and health care partnerships must exist (Provan, Nakama, Veazie, Teufel-Shone, &
Huddleston, 2003). There is mounting evidence supporting the notion that within health,
increasing levels of collaboration between professional services can help meet the challenges
within a constrained health system (Lewis, 2005; Provan et al., 2003). Recreation and
community services sectors are two key players that need to be integrated into collaborative
efforts as they are well positioned to link community members with health services. The ultimate
goal in developing strong partnerships is to promote well-being through meaningful community
engagement amongst people living with chronic conditions living in the community.
Our understanding of how to link people to community resources and promote meaningful
community engagement is deepened through the theoretical lens of social capital. Broadly
speaking, social capital refers to the material and informational resources embedded in and
resulting from social networks (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). Social capital is closely linked
to social support networks, which are considered a key determinant of health. Social capital is a
complex phenomenon that can be understood as both a collective resource of the community and
an individual resource accessed through networks (Kawachi, Subramanian, & Kim, 2008; Lin,
1999). Social capital can also be understood as having both structural aspects (e.g.,
organizational structures and networks) and cognitive aspects (e.g., individual perceptions of
support and participation, sense of belonging, reciprocity, and trust) (Lochner, Kawachi,
Brennan, & Buka, 2003). These various facets of social capital are developed by strengthening
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interactions between similar people (bonding social capital) and across diverse groups and
formal institutions (bridging and linking social capital) (Kawachi, 2006; Szreter & Woolcock,
2004). This paper proposes that partnerships and social capital are guiding concepts that can
bridge health and recreation sectors to effectively address the needs of people living in the
community with chronic conditions.

Methods
A community-based participatory research (CBPR) approach guided all project and
research activities. As Minkler and Wallerstein (2003) write: [Community-based participatory
research] begins with a research topic of importance to the community with the aim of
combining knowledge and action for social change to improve community health and eliminate
health disparities (p. 4). The purpose of our research was to engage community members and
other stakeholders in the rural community of the South Shore region of Nova Scotia through a
workshop. Strategies to strengthen collaboration between health and recreation in order to better
meet the needs of people living with chronic conditions in the community was the topic of
interest identified by community members and therefore formed the basis for the workshop. The
aim of the workshop was to identify barriers and facilitators to community participation by
people living with chronic conditions and to identify community-generated strategies for
building on the strengths of these communities and addressing the identified barriers in order to
promote living well in and through community recreation (social, cultural and physical activities
and environments) contexts. The research team consists of two recreation professionals, two
health professionals and academics working in the same community but often with different
individuals. Prior to the workshop, community conversations with individual community
members living with chronic conditions (n=24) were held where people were asked about
barriers and facilitators to living well in the community. Following those conversations, thirty-
three (n=33) community representatives were invited to attend the one-day workshop.
Participants at the workshop represented the health care sector, recreation sector, voluntary
sector, and individuals living with chronic conditions. The workshop consisted of a series of
discussions and activities aimed at fostering dialogue and collaborative planning between
participants. Multiple sources of data resulted from these community conversations and
workshop activities including: flip chart notes, observations, activities and workshop evaluations
and minutes from planning and debriefing meetings.

Findings and Discussion
When thinking about the preliminary findings of this project, there are two areas that
warrant further reflection and discussion. The first relates to the community-based participatory
research approach which guided the work. Through our reflections and analysis we discovered
that the workshop in and of itself served as an intervention with a positive impact. Throughout
the workshop participants became aware of other services and resources which already existed in
the community and could benefit individuals living with chronic conditions. This led to the
recognition by all workshop participants, including the researchers, that in reality what needs to
happen is not the development of additional and/or new programs or services, but rather a focus
on developing strategies for improving coordination and collaboration (i.e., partnerships)
between existing programs and services. To this end, the direction of the overall project has
shifted from developing an intervention to developing strategies for improving coordination.
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The second idea related to the importance of bringing people together and of strengthening
connections. The shared aim of these connections was to improve the quality of life for people
living with chronic conditions. Interestingly, how these connections could be fostered and the
focus of them differed across sectors and participants. For example, health care providers
emphasized the importance of working together because, as an institution/sector in crisis, they
were simply unable to meet current and escalating demands on their services. Health thus
focused on connections at an organizational level. In comparison, individuals living with chronic
conditions also emphasized the importance of bringing people together, but their focus was on
interpersonal connections (i.e., with trusted service providers and others experiencing similar
challenges). Relationships built on trust were more likely to succeed in providing the necessary
support to access formal and informal resources in the community. The idea of bringing people
together and creating meaningful connections also addressed one of the greatest shared concerns
which was sustainability beyond structured, time-limited programs for people with chronic
conditions. All agreed that connections needed to be made between organizations and individuals
in order to sustain wellness in the community, long after formal programs ended. The findings
of this research support the partnership and health literature which increasingly points to the
importance of working together to achieve health care goals (Lyons & Langille, 2000; Pope &
Lewis, 2008). Recent work has suggested that strong networks have the potential to foster social
capital while at the same time improving performance (Hussein & Kerrissey, 2013). In moving
forward with the ECCM, we propose that the notion of social capital may be a missing link
which requires further investigation.
Through this research project, we have also critically reflected on the utility of the ECCM
as a framework of our study. We appreciate that the ECCM recognizes of the important role that
must be played by both the health system and community sector in addressing chronic health
conditions. And yet, many questions about the ECCM still remain. For example, there is limited
guidance on what occurs in the community to promote wellness as much of the current literature
regarding chronic condition management emphasizes the health sector. As well, through
discussions with people in the health and recreation sectors, we believe that what is depicted as a
porous border between these sectors in the ECCM does not accurately reflect the reality of often
disconnected silos. It is our belief that the potential role of recreation and community services
within the community is pivotal to addressing chronic health issues and can be conceptualized
within the ECCM with some minor adaptations.

References
Barr, V. J., Robinson, S., Marin-Link, B., Underhill, L., Dotts, A., Ravendale, D., & Salivaras, S.
(2003). The expanded Chronic Care Model: An integration of concepts and strategies from
population health promotion and the Chronic Care Model. Hospital Quarterly, 7(1), 73-82.
Bourdieu, P. (1983). Forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and
research for the sociology of education (pp. 241- 258). New York: Greenwood Press.
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of
Sociology, 94, S95-S121.
Government of Nova Scotia (2004). Nova Scotia community counts survey data. Halifax, NS:
Government of Nova Scotia.
Health Council of Canada (2012). Self-management support for Canadians with chronic health
conditions: A focus for primary health care. Retrieved from
http://www.healthcouncilcanada.ca/rpt_det.php?Id=372.
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Hussein, T., & Kerrissey, M. (2013). Using national networks to tackle chronic disease. Stanford
Social Innovation Review, Winter, 30-35.
Kawachi, I. (2006). Commentary: Social capital and health making the connections one step at
a time. International Journal of Epidemiology, 35(4), 989993
Kawachi, I., Subramanian, S. V., & Kim, D. (2008). Social capital and health: A decade of
progress and beyond. In I. Kawachi, S. V. Subramanian & D. Kim (Eds.), Social capital
and health (pp 1-26). New York, NY: Springer Science.
Lewis, J. (2005). A network approach for researching partnerships in health. Australia and
New Zealand Health Policy, 2, 111.
Lin, N. (1999). Building a network theory of social capital. Connections, 22(1), 28-51.
Lochner, K., Kawachi, I., Brennan, R. T., & Buka, S. L. (2003). Social capital and neighborhood
mortality rates in Chicago. Social Science & Medicine, 56, 17971805.
Lyons, R., & Langille, L. (2000). Healthy lifestyle: Strengthening the effectiveness of lifestyle
approaches to improve health. Ottawa: Health Canada, Population and Public Health
Branch.
Minkler, M., & Wallerstein, N. (2003). Community based participatory research for health. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Mirolla, M. (2004). The cost of chronic disease in Canada. Ottawa, ONT: Chronic Disease
Prevention Alliance of Canada.
Pope, J., & Lewis, J. (2008). Improving partnership governance: Using a network approach to
evaluate partnerships in Victoria. The Australian Journal of Public Administration, 67(4),
443456.
Provan, K. G., Nakama, L., Veazie, M. A., Teufel-Shone, N. I., & Huddleston, C. (2003).
Building community capacity around chronic disease services through a collaborative
interorganizational network. Health Education & Behavior, 30(6), 646-662.
Public Health Agency of Canada. (2010). Creating a healthier Canada: Making prevention a
priority. A declaration on prevention and promotion from Canadas Ministers of
Health/Health Promotion and Healthy Living. Ottawa, ONT.
Szreter, S., & Woolcock, M. (2004). Health by association? Social capital, social theory and the
political economy of public health. International Journal of Epidemiology, 33(4), 650667.



Looking Through Multiple Lenses to Understand Relationships in Therapeutic Recreation
Carrie Briscoe (University of Waterloo)
Introduction
The purpose of therapeutic recreation (TR) is to provide meaningful leisure programs to
enhance the quality of life of individuals within a care context (Canadian Therapeutic Recreation
Association, 2013). Leisure is the main focus in TR practice, but leisure also provides a context
where relationships can thrive. In this paper I critically reflect on the ideologies of care contexts
in which TR practice resides, and highlight the importance of reflecting on relationships within
this new leisure society of care. Our relationships with individuals in TR settings are unique
because of the openness of leisure experiences. With a better appreciation and understanding of
these relationships, I believe we can improve the quality of the care context.
TR practice is often guided by person-centred care, which focuses on the individuals
rights and needs (Canadian Therapeutic Recreation Association, 2013). However, when
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reflecting on challenges within therapeutic relationships, person-centred care perspectives may
only take us so far in understanding these experiences because it offers mainly the perspective of
the individual receiving care. Instead, I argue that relational theory provides an additional
viewpoint of relationships that exist and thrive within care contexts. This paper provides an
example from the research using the metaphor of different camera lenses with the purpose of
offering multiple perspectives of a challenging experience within a therapeutic relationship. By
doing this, we can see that a relational view highlights the complexity of relationships and helps
us to gain a deeper understanding of that experience beyond just a person-centred perspective.

Using Narrative Methodology to Show Multiple Understandings of Experiences Within
Therapeutic Relationships
This research involved twenty recreation therapists (all females with various educational
backgrounds from Brock University, University of Waterloo, and Georgian College) from
Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre in Toronto (working in a variety of areas of the hospital)
and the Recreation and Leisure Studies department at the University of Waterloo. The TR team
at Sunnybrook uses a unique reflective approach to practice where they gather for a meeting and
engage in group reflection about challenging experiences within their therapeutic relationships.
After recording and observing three of these meetings, as well as focus groups prior to each
meeting and interviews with the leader of each meeting, a subcommittee of recreation therapists
was formed and engaged with the researchers in the analysis and findings processes. From the
data, narrative layers where written from different theoretical underpinnings which expressed
multiple meanings to the challenging experiences.
Kivel, Johnson, and Scraton (2009) described the potential for collective memory work or
critical ethnography to avoid othering by solely focusing on the individual. In line with this
idea, I used narrative methodology to unpack the layers and complexity of experiences in
therapeutic relationships from various perspectives. During the data collection phase, we asked
the recreation therapists to tell us their stories. In the analysis phase, we engaged in both
narrative analysis where we took pieces from the many experiences and created stories out of
them, and from those stories we used analysis of narrative where we pulled out general
notions/concepts (from medical, person-centred, and relational theories) (Polkinghorne, 1988).
Written in narrative layers, the findings of this study revealed that various perspectives
illuminate multiple meanings of challenging experiences within therapeutic relationships.
Exploring Therapeutic Relationships through Multiple Lenses
If we only look through one lens at an experience we may end up missing something.
However, if we move through different perspectives, we are provided with a deeper
understanding of the challenging experience. In this next section I will unfold a narrative from
the research through the metaphor of three camera lenses. I will begin with the telephoto lens,
which provides perspectives from the medical model. Then I will switch to a portrait lens to
highlight the person-centred perspective. Lastly, to add a relational view on experience I will
change to a wide-angle lens. We acknowledge that reflecting on each stage (through each lens) is
important, however, we can deepen our understanding of the complexity of experiences if we
view them in multiple ways (through multiple lenses).
I am going to use an example from the research as a focal point through each of the
following lenses. An individual named Mr. B asked a recreation therapist, Laura, to make
photocopies for him during a TR program, which was a small music concert. However, Laura
could not leave the room because of her responsibilities of the program, and when she tried to
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explain this to Mr. B but he continued to demand that she make the photocopies for him,
resulting in Laura walking away and both individuals feeling disconnected from each other.
The first way we can view this story is through a telephoto lens, which in photography is
used to zoom in really close to a subject. This viewpoint represents the medical model which
views problem[s] as deficits that are part of the individual. Hence, the model is inherently
individualistic and deficit-based, seeking to fix what is wrong with the person (Devine &
Sylvester, 2005, p. 89). When thinking of Mr. Bs actions, we view them as problematic because
he was rude to Laura and was also being disruptive to others engaging in the same leisure
activity. We could look to Mr. Bs medical charts and past reports for an explanation for his
behaviour. However, this view alone is limiting as it does not consider the individuals reasoning
for their behaviour, and does not consider the context in which the experience is occurring.
While the medical perspective can provide insights about an individuals condition and health,
other perspectives are still needed to understand the complexity of this challenging experience.
Another lens that can be used to examine the scenario is through a portrait lens, which is
used to shoot a photograph of an individual(s). When we focus more on the individual and their
identity, we can see that Mr. B wanted to connect with others through the things that he loves,
such as music and entertainment. Mr. B used to be an entertainer, which was a huge part of his
leisure identity before moving into long-term care. Therefore, he strives to keep this part of his
identity by engaging in the entertainment programs and trying to play a role in it. In Nimrods
(2007) study on patterns of continuity in leisure behaviour, concentrators are individuals who
participate in the same leisure activities that they did before retirement but at a higher frequency.
In this example, Mr. B continues to engage in entertainment and music programs like he used to
but to a higher degree of intensity. Therefore, he was demanding that Laura make photocopies
because he really wanted to play a role and be involved in the program, in some way or another.
When considering the experience of Laura, the recreation therapist, her approach to care is
guided by a person-centered philosophy and she wants to help Mr. B increase his quality of life
through leisure. Central to person-centred care is the notion of quality of life, which argues that
the individual is the one who defines the essence of their life (Parse, 1994). Much of the TR
teams practice is guided by Parses (1994) work, which discusses humans freely choosing
personal meaning, humans co-creating rhythmical patterns together, and humans co-transcending
in various ways. Mr. B chooses leisure activities that are personally meaningful to him and
engages in a rhythmical pattern of connection, learning, and sharing with others. Transcendence
is shown through Mr. Bs hopes to continue to be a performer and entertain others in his leisure
time. Through Parses work, we can further understand more about Mr. B and his actions within
this leisure program. We can also understand Lauras desire to provide these opportunities to Mr.
B, and therefore Laura felt badly about not being able to help him. This lens provides more detail
about the experience, but is focused mainly on the individual receiving care. However, it is also
important to consider a relational perspective to gain a fuller understanding of the relationship.
The wide-angle lens provides a wide photograph of an area or scene. Because there are
many relationships within a care context, each as valuable as the next, we focus here on the
interconnected experience within these relationships. Relational theory emphasizes that
relationships involve mutually empathetic and mutually empowering connections (Jordan,
Walker, & Hartling, 2004; Miller & Stiver, 1997; Walker & Rosen, 2004). In the example we see
a possibility of tension between Laura and Mr. Bs power within their relationship. Sharing
power allows both individuals to influence one another and engages in mutuality (Walker &
Rosen, 2004). When a disconnection happens, reconnecting can occur by providing an open
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conversation about challenges within a relationship which enhances connection. Mr. B may have
been reaching out to connect with Laura when he demanded copies to be made, and perhaps he
was also hoping to further connect with others. Through Walker and Rosens (2004) definition of
connection, encounters characterized by interpersonal harmony, warm support, and pleasant
feelings (p.8), we can see how Mr. B was hoping to engage with his friends and gain a sense of
happiness.
Relational theory also discusses the concept of striving for health, even if the behaviours
seem maladaptive (Biurski & Haglund, 2001). Mr. B wanted to share his passion for music and
entertainment with the others. Therefore, he may have insisted on getting these photocopies
because it was so important to him. Although only a few relational concepts were highlighted
here, relational theory discusses many notions that are essential to relationships which help us to
understand the mutuality that each individual experiences within a relationship.

Conclusions and Implications
This research displays the importance of considering all lenses/perspectives to gain a
deeper understanding of how leisure experiences in a care context are both complex and
relational. Each lens offers a different perspective and by considering all of these lenses together
we are provided with a clearer snapshot of what is happening within therapeutic relationships.
This suggests that because the care context is multifaceted, perhaps we need to view our
experiences in multiple ways. Along with previous approaches to care (medical and person-
centred), a relational perspective also sheds light on the experiences in care, especially those
experiences within therapeutic relationships. Through these various lenses we are able to see the
value of multiple theoretical underpinnings and how they influence our understandings of
experiences. In conclusion, within our new leisure society in TR a multi-lens approach can help
us to better reflect and understand our relationships within care. It is recommended that
individuals working in a care context take these arguments into consideration in order to provide
quality care to all individuals involved in TR practice.
An area for future research is to view reflective practice approaches on therapeutic
relationships in other TR settings. The use of storytelling and writing is a great way to reflect on
experiences. Narrative can be used in future reflective practice research like this study to see and
reflect on how multiple perspectives can help us to overcome challenging experiences within TR
practice.

References
Biurski, P., & Haglund, P. (2001). Making sense together: The intersubjective approach to
psychotherapy. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Canadian Therapeutic Recreation Association (CTRA) (2013). Code of ethics. Retrieved from
http://www.canadian-tr.org/Code-of-Ethics
Devine, M. A., & Sylvester, C. (2005). Disabling defenders? The social construction of disability
in therapeutic recreation. In C. Sylvester (Ed.), Philosophy of therapeutic recreation: Ideas
and issues, Volume III (pp. 85-101). Ashburn, VA: National Recreation and Park
Association.
Jordan, J. V., Walker, M., & Hartling, L. M. (2004). The complexity of connection: Writings
from the stone centers jean baker miller training institute. New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Kivel, B. D., Johnson, C. W., & Scraton, S. (2009). (Re)theorizing leisure, experience and race.
Journal of Leisure Research, 41(4), 473-493.
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Miller, J. B., & Stiver, I. P. (1997). The healing connection: How women form relationships in
therapy and in life. Boston, Massachusetts: Beacon Press.
Nimrod, G. (2007). Expanding, reducing, concentrating and diffusing: Post retirement leisure
behavior and life satisfaction. Leisure Sciences, 29, 91111.
Parse, R. R. (1994). Quality of life: Sciencing and living the art of human becoming. Nursing
Sciences Quarterly, 7(1), 16-21.
Polkinghorne, D. E. (1988). Narrative knowing and the human sciences. Albany, N.Y.: State
University of New York Press.
Walker, M., & Rosen, W. B. (2004). How connections heal: Stories from relational-cultural
therapy. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.



Cultural Differences in Skin Color Preferences and Womens Leisure Behavior
Hsin-Yu Chen, Garry Chick, Nina Jablonski, Careen Yarnal, (The Pennsylvania State
University)

Introduction
Skin, the largest organ of the human body, can be described through its many different
aspects, such as skin complexion, skin color, and skin tone. In order to accurately choose a word
to describe skin for this study, it is helpful to clarify our choice. Skin complexion refers to the
conditions of the skin, which may include natural color, texture, and appearance (e.g., smooth,
rough, lustrous, oily, florid, etc.), while skin tone is a subset of skin color related to color
temperature (i.e., cool vs. warm; e.g., rosy, beige, ruddy, peach, etc.). Therefore, we, used the
term skin color for this study, as it is literally used to describe the color of skin. It is relevant to
note that skin color itself is neutral, but our views, beliefs, and culture give skin color its various
meanings (Jablonski, 2012). Because humans are visual animals, we perceive others primarily
through what we see and divide people into different groups by observing the similarities and
differences among physical characteristics (Jablonski, 2012). Consequently, due to its high
visibility, skin color is often used to classify people into different groups (Jablonski & Chaplin,
2000). This categorization process has been widely recognized as the root of races. Many people
in the U.S. and elsewhere believe skin color is therefore interchangeable with race (Glenn, 2009).
This belief is shown through common phrases like colored people and colored folk.
Skin color and race, however, are not synonymous (Glenn, 2009). Skin color is a criterion
that affects and defines individuals perceptions of beauty, appearance, attractiveness, and style;
different cultures have divergent perceptions of preferences for skin color within that culture
(Glenn, 2009). Social perceptions and social norms may influence an individuals understanding
of what is attractive in terms of skin color and physical appearance (Jaeger, 2011). Social
perceptions and social norms may influence an individuals understanding of what is attractive in
terms of skin color and physical appearance (Jaeger, 2011). For example, preference for light
skin color among East Asian women and for tanned skin color among Euro-American women is
a social phenomenon that has been widely discussed in news, mass media, advertisements, and
TV commercials. East Asian TV commercials advertise products to help protect people from the
sun, including summer skin-care products that promise to help women keep their skin as fair as
possible. In China, the 'Facekini' is a face mask used at the beach to help protect skin from the
sun (CNN, 2012). Additionally, in Hungs (2003) study about Chinese in Vancouver achieving
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cultural diversity in wilderness recreation, one interviewer brought up how East Asian women
are often found wearing long sleeves and crouching under umbrellas to avoid the sun. In
contrast, in Euro-American culture, products promise to help women achieve a bronzed glow.
Euro-American women often wear bikinis and lie outdoors to become more tanned (Omelia,
1993). Basic informal observation and anecdotal evidence suggest that cultural differences in
preferences for skin color might relate to peoples leisure behavior, such as avoiding becoming
tan for East Asian women or seeking a tan for Euro-American women.
Limited research, however, has explored the relationship between cultural differences
regarding skin color preference and leisure behavior. Therefore, the main research questions for
this study include (1) what skin colors do East Asian women and Euro-American women prefer?
and (2) is there a relationship between preferences for a certain skin color and leisure behaviors
in East Asian women and Euro-American women? We anticipate that one difference may be that
East Asian women will avoid leisure activities that may result in tanning, such as those held
outdoors, while Euro-American women may seek them to enhance tanning.
Methods
The goal of this study was to explore understanding of the context and meaning of skin
color preference, as well as the understudied relationship between skin color and leisure
behavior. A qualitative approach was used for this study because little is known about this topic
(Creswell, 2007). Data was collected from in-depth, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews
using open-ended questions with 16 East Asian women and 15 Euro-American women in 2013,
for a total of 31 participants.
This interview method is well suited to understand the social actors experience and
perspectives (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 173) and to understand[ing] the context in which
people live, such as the economic, socio-cultural or lifestyle context of an individual (Hennink,
Hutter, & Bailey, 2011, p. 111). The sample size was guided by the theoretical principle of
saturation (Creswell, 2007). Snowball and convenience sampling were used to recruit East Asian
women and Euro-American women for the study.
Nvivo 10 was used to organize and analyze the data. We started with open coding (i.e.,
conceptual categories), and the codes were organized into categories using axial coding to
identify the relationship between codes (Marshall & Rossman, 2011). After becoming more
familiar with the data and understanding the relationship between the codes and content, constant
comparison was used to define and refine the concept and to further explore issues, identify
patterns, and begin noticing associations in the data (Hennink et al., 2011, p. 243). Throughout
the analysis process, memos, reflective notes, thoughts, and insights were taken to track details.
Peer debriefing and thick description were used to ensure the representativeness of the findings
in this study (Creswell, 2007).
Results
Participants discussed their perceptions of skin color preferences and how skin color
preferences related to a wide range of their daily life and leisure behavior. Most of the
participants (n=28) were aware that skin color preferences exist within their own culture, and
some (n=21) suggested that cultural differences in skin color preferences might differ based on
media influence (e.g., TV, commercials, advertisements, books, magazines, movies, etc.) and
personal experiences (e.g., travel, friends from different cultures, observation, etc.).
In East Asian culture, women prefer a lighter skin color because lighter skin color has
many positive merits, representing fashion, beauty, attractiveness, youth, purity, femininity,
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novelty, higher social class, wealth, and being good at house work. One participant shared how
white is the most important aspect of beauty. As long as you are white, you are beautiful no
matter how you lookWhiter skin color will automatically upgrade you. Among these
embodiments, beauty-related connotations, cultural expectations of gender roles, and social
status are the overarching themes.
The preferences for a lighter skin color relate to leisure behavior for East Asian women.
For example, participants shared how they perceive that East Asian women do not like go out in
the sun; in physical education class, women tried to find a place that had shade so that they
would not get tanned. For example, a participant said, when I was in the junior high school [PE
class], you can see like [how] all the girls always sit under the big trees because they just dont
want to get tanned. Participants also shared their own experiences on preferring indoor activities
over outdoor activities because of concerns over getting tanned.
Nearly all of the Euro-American interviewees (n=14) shared preferences for a tanned skin
color, because in Euro-American culture tanned skin embodies beauty, fashion, an active
lifestyle, health, attractiveness, youth, sexiness, social status (such as having time and money to
travel and enjoy vacation), and taking good care of themselves. Among these embodiments of
tanned skin, the most frequently mentioned traits of a tanned skin color are beauty related and
reflect an active healthy lifestyle. The meaning behind tanned skin color can be seen through a
participant who said, if you have a tan, you have a healthy glow...its the environment that kind
of lends itself to look[ing] really good and healthy.
Preference for a tanned skin color is broadly related to womens lifestyle and leisure
behavior. Activities can include outdoor and indoor tanning, what to wear to maximize suntan
and minimize tan line, eating outside at a restaurant, reading or finding something enjoyable to
do while laying out in the sun, getting a tan especially after a vacation or travel, caring about
tanning more in the summer than in winter, and so forth. For example, tanning could be
enjoyable leisure for many, such as when one participants said, I really love to lay in the
sunlay[ing] in the warm sand next to the ocean is probably my favorite thing to do in the
universe.
Discussion and Conclusion
Participants described skin color as possessing complex connotations and embodying
numerous meaningful aspects within different cultures. In addition, a variety of factors and
experiences shaped participants cultural perceptions of skin color preferences and how these
preferences related to their leisure behavior.
These results not only add knowledge to the culturally diverse current body of research in
leisure but also provide practical implications. Understanding cultural differences can help
people respect others cultures and related behavior as well as assist leisure service providers to
take cultural differences into account to improve service quality when planning and
programming leisure activities. For example, leisure activities could be scheduled during times
when the sun is less severe, or activities could be held in natural or man-made shaded areas to
ameliorate concerns over suntan for East Asian women. Understanding womens skin color
preferences as well as their leisure behavior may lead to further research on active, healthier
lifestyles in hopes of promoting healthier sun intake and reducing skin cancer in Euro-American
culture.
In order not to limit the potential comprehensiveness and complexity of this study, which
explored the general social phenomena on skin color preferences and leisure behavior cross-
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culturally, we did not have precise definitions and delimitations for East Asian and Euro-
American cultures. However, future research can delimit cultural scope to provide more
specifically distinct cultural perceptions. The studys findings showed that skin color has beauty-
related connotations in both East Asian and Euro-American culture. Consequently, future
research can also explore whether men have skin color preferences for themselves and for
women and how these preferences relate to mens leisure behavior. Further research could also
include age to see whether different ages affect perceptions of skin color and thus lead to
different leisure behaviors.
References
Carr, L. G. (1997). "Color-blind" racism. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.
CNN. (22 August, 2012). 'Facekini women': China's latest and weirdest beach sensation.
Retrieved from http://www.cnngo.com/shanghai/life/facekini-woman-chinas-latest-beach-
sensation-680659
Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five
approaches (2
nd
Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Glenn, E. N. (2009). Shades of difference: Why skin color matters. Stanford, Calif: Stanford
University Press.
Hennink, M., Hutter, I., & Bailey, A. (2011). Qualitative research methods. Los Angeles: Sage.
Hung, K. (2003). Achieving cultural diversity in wilderness recreation: A study of the Chinese in
Vancouver (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada
Jablonski, N. G. (2012). Living color: The biological and social meaning of skin color. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Jablonski, N. G. & Chaplin, G. (2000). The evolution of human skin coloration. Journal of
Human Evolution, 39, 57-106.
Jaeger, M. M. (2011). A thing of beauty is a joy forever? Returns to physical Attractiveness
over the Life Course. Social Forces, 89(3):983-1004.
Lindlof, T. R., & Taylor, B. C. (2002). Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand
Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (2011). Designing qualitative research (5
th
ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Omelia, J. (1993). Bronzing without the sun: Whither self-tanning products?. Drug & Cosmetic
Industry, 153(2), 28.



Sport as Leisure for Older Adults: Critical Reflections and Recommendations
Rylee Dionigi (Charles Sturt University), Michael Gard (Southern Cross University), Sean
Horton, Patricia Weir (University of Windsor), Joseph Baker (York University)

Sport
Prior to the 1960s the participation of older adults, particularly women, in physically
demanding, competitive sport (called Masters sport in this paper) was not available, expected or
encouraged rest and passive leisure were virtues of older age (Dionigi, 2008; Blaikie, 1999;
Grant, 2001). Now, older adults live in a time when physical activity is highly encouraged
through active aging discourses in media reports, government policies and in the sport/exercise
sciences, and opportunities to participate in structured physical activity/exercise, such as Masters
sport, are readily available across many Western countries. Since the 1990s, active aging
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policies, which reflect the current push for older adults to remain active and productive, have
become more prominent in documents associated with social policies for the aged, especially in
the United States (USA) and United Kingdom (UK) (Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009; Pike, 2001). This
paper uses the talk of sport participants (aged 60 years and over) to critically reflect on the
possible effects of this Masters sport movement in the broader context of neoliberalism and the
active aging agenda. For the purpose of this reflection, a neoliberal society is a context in which
(but not limited to):
... social order is seen as being dependent on individual responsibility: governments are
deregulated, social programs are cut and/or privatized, and social problems have to be
solved by individual, private solutions. In this context, older people are required to provide
for their own needs while they should simultaneously avoid burdening welfare services, a
central tenet of the active aging agenda. (Pike, 2011, p. 210)
Specifically, in this paper we argue that a neoliberal context has heightened a particular way of
thinking about aging and older people, and that this way of thinking is reflected in the moral talk
of older adults who regularly participate in sport. We show how this way of thinking/talking can
have real life consequences for current and future older adults who engage in leisure pursuits that
do (and do not) align with the active aging agenda and associated neoliberal discourses.

Background
The Emergence of Masters Sport and the Active Aging Agenda
In the late 1960s Masters track and field emerged in the USA as a space for people to
compete in events against others of their same age-range, including women (Weir, Baker, &
Horton, 2010). By the mid 1970s Masters track and field championships were being held across
North America, Europe and Australasia. The first World Masters Athletics Championships took
place in Toronto, Canada with 1,400 competitors over the age of 35 years (Dionigi, 2008; Weir et
al., 2010). The Masters movement has expanded over the past 45 years to include other individual
and team sports, such as swimming, tennis, basketball, volleyball and hockey, with participants
competing in 5- or 10-year-age bands, and multi-sport events like the World Masters Games
(WMG) have emerged (Dionigi, 2008; Weir et al., 2010). Today Masters events are held regularly
across North America, Australia, Japan, New Zealand and Europe at local, state, national and
international levels (Baker, Horton, & Weir, 2010). In 2009 there were over 28,000 participants at
the WMG in Sydney. Although Masters competitors can range in age from 22 years (gymnastics)
to over 100 years (e.g., swimming, track and field), Masters sport provides space to examine the
talk of participants aged 60 years and over and reflect on their talk in the broader context of social
and economic concerns of aging populations.
In 1969, at the General Assembly of the United Nations, the social concerns of the Worlds
Aging Population was brought to our attention (Pike, 2011). Since then, the idea of finding ways
to keep older people active and productive to address the problem of rising numbers of people
aged over 60, has been legitimised (Katz, 2000; Pike, 2011; Tulle, 2008). When the aging
population is constructed as a problem, older adults (and the aging body) are positioned as an
economic and social threat, so, encouraging older people to remain physically active (and
continue consuming) has become part of the solution to these problems (Moody, 2001; Neilson,
2006; Pike, 2010; Tulle, 2008). Gee has argued that rising health costs can be attributed to the
increasing costs for pharmaceuticals, cost increases associated with new technologies, an excess
of physicians and shifts in prescribing more expensive medications without scientific evidence of
therapeutic benefit, more so than the aging of populations (2002, p. 752). Nevertheless, an
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assumption underlying the active aging agenda is that keeping oneself physically active can
prevent or delay age-related decline and disease and consequently lower health costs; however,
this view is problematic due to the inevitability and unpredictability of aging (and social
inequities).
In this climate older people are expected (or made to feel obligated) to take responsibility
for their health by making certain leisure and lifestyle choices, and a moral viewpoint is
constructed through bipolar conceptions of good and bad aging (Pike, 2011). This simplistic
view of aging is reinforced by experts (and private businesses) in physical activity and aging, as
well as in policy documents and media reports, who/that offer recommendations (and paid-for
services) on how to age well as part of the active aging agenda (Mendes, 2013; Pike, 2011).
Certainly, older adults leisure choices and the types of leisure services made available to this
cohort are influenced by these ideologies the rising number of older adults in sport is just one
example of this occurrence. At the same time, active aging discourses can be used to justify cuts
in welfare support and health care programs for aged, as evident in the USA and UK (Dillaway &
Byrnes, 2009; Pike, 2011).
Methods
Qualitative interviews (30 minutes 2 hours) were conducted collectively across multiple
studies (by the authors over the past 13 years) with 135 men and women (6094 years) about their
past and current sporting experiences, the meaning of sport and the perceived benefits of their
participation. The interviewees were participants of the World Masters Games or the Australian
Masters Games. Interviews were audio-recorded and conducted on-site at a Games event or
within 2 months after an event in the participants home. The interviewees competed in various
individual or team sports and were primarily white. These older people typically represent a
somewhat privileged group because they can afford registration fees, sports equipment,
rehabilitation services, international or national travel and accommodation expenses for a period
of up to 10 days (when at a Games) and they have the physical ability to compete in sport.
While the findings from our collective research has shown that competing in sport in later
life can have numerous physical, mental and social benefits, as reflected in participant stories of
empowerment, resistance and identity management, such findings have been published elsewhere
(Baker et al., 2010; Dionigi, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2010; Dionigi, Baker, & Horton, 2011; Dionigi,
Horton, & Baker, 2013). When reanalysing the transcribed interviews (via coding, comparative
and thematic analyses; van Manen, 1998) through a critical lens, a concerning, yet recurring,
theme was identified across our data a story of morality. That is, highly active older people tend
to mobilize the simplistic notions of what constitutes good and bad aging, that underpin active
aging and neoliberal agendas, when talking about sport, leisure and aging; which has the potential
to reproduce ageism and blame inactivity for disease possible effects of the Masters sport
movement.
Findings
A Story of Morality
The story of morality that emerged as a prominent theme in the talk of these older athletes
had several dimensions. First, it implied that older people should keep active in the community
and should not be confined to their homes. For example, Marilyn a 60-year-old track and field
participant expressed the value of keeping physically, mentally and socially active in later life:
I know people who are 60 who are very old because they dont keep up with the local
events. They dont come out of their house a lot of the times, maybe because theyre
frightened...everybody should have some activity outside their house...
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Such talk reflects the sense of obligation that older athletes impose on themselves, and other older
people, in regard to civic engagement. What if people enjoy the tranquility of home-life?
Second, their stories of morality reflect a society that values physical activity and
productivity in later life and disparages other ways of aging, such as sitting around or
watching television, the latter of which many older people regard as leisure. For instance,
Kenneth, an 89-year-old runner and walker believed:
Just to sit aroundyour muscles gokeep goingif I was to sit aroundId get rusty
like a lot of old people dotheyre sitting at home getting around in their pajamas. I
know one fellowhe retiredjust given everything awayhe didnt last very long.
Similarly, Janet, an 80-year-old swimmer said:
well, I had a friendand all she did was sit in a lounge chair and watch TV, and shed
say, But I cant, I cant walkSee, she wasnt active it is important to keep yourself
active, even if you just walk around the yard, or just walk up and down the streetyouve
got to do it! And then, of course she died at home no good.
This way of thinking reinforces the moral viewpoints embedded in the active aging agenda that
there is a good/bad or right/wrong way to age. It also blames inactivity for ill-health (or death),
which supports the self-governance and responsibilization agendas of neoliberalism that blame
the individual for aging poorly (Asquith, 2009). Positioning activity as a means to age well, and
as the cure to the problem of an aging body, despite the lack of robust scientific evidence of a
direct link between inactivity and most age-related diseases, can make people feel that they must
keep active to avoid disability and disease (Tulle, 2008). This way of thinking can perpetuate
individual and cultural fear of ill health in old age (Dionigi, 2008) and position exercise in old age
as an anti-aging project, or a form of ageism, rather than as a celebration of aging in all its forms
(Tulle, 2008).
Third, as also shown in the above quotes, there was an understanding that how you age is
primarily a matter of choice. This way of thinking ignores social constraints and inequities (as
well as the inevitability of physical decline in old age and uncontrollability of most diseases) and
further marginalizes those who do not have the means, desire or ability to be active. It positions
older adults who do not engage in active leisure as lazy, immoral or a burden on society, and
those who keep active and remain independent as moral citizens who are doing their duty for
society (Katz, 2000). Perhaps many highly active older people understand themselves as moral
citizens when they talk about not wanting to be a burden on society; for example, Arnold, a 71-
year-old swimmer, said:
we see these units and things old people are moving into [e.g., retirement villages, aged
care homes], you knowso thats a bit of motivation to keep fit as well, keep active and
independent as long as possiblewe dont want to be a burden on our kids.
We argue that the story of morality that is mobilized in older athletes talk seems heightened
in a neoliberal context and that this narrow way of thinking about aging can work to (a)
perpetuate a fear and denial of ill health in old age that may make the final stages of life
(mentally) unbearable for some; (b) create a social disconnect among individuals who do keep
active and those who do not, by not accepting differences in aging and (c) widen the gap between
those who have the means, ability and desire to compete in sport as leisure and those who do not,
especially if this uncritical way of thinking about aging is used to defend cuts in welfare support
for the aged.


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Recommendations for Policy and Service Delivery
Our research has highlighted the need for policy-makers, practitioners and scholars to open
up multiple, inclusive ways of aging or, as Pike puts it, increase the acceptable ways to grow
old (2011, p. 221). Potential risks of framing highly active older adults as the ideal (under the
active aging banner) include disparaging other ways of aging, blaming disease on individual
inactivity and stigmatising non-participation in sport or activity. Older athletes in this study
explicitly criticised what they see as the moral inferiority of others who do not keep active. While
participation in sport (and health promotion in general) is a laudable goal, caution is necessary
due to the many personal, cultural and historical factors affecting older adults inclusion.
Increases in active aging programs must be matched with increases in welfare support programs
for the aged. More critical leisure research is needed that starts from the perspectives of a diverse
range of older adults, rather than an analysis of how older peoples leisure meets current
neoliberal policy definitions of active aging (Aberdeen & Bye, 2013; Asquith, 2009).

References
Aberdeen, L., & Bye, L. (2013). Challenges for Australian sociology: Critical ageing research
ageing well? Journal of Sociology, 49(1), 3-21. doi: 10.1177/1440783311413489
Asquith, N. (2009). Positive ageing, neoliberalism and Australian sociology. Journal of Sociology,
45(3), 255-269. doi: 10.1177/1440783309335650
Baker, J., Horton, S., & Weir, P. (Eds.). (2010). The Masters athlete: Understanding the role of
sport and exercise in optimizing aging. London: Routledge.
Blaikie, A. (1999). Ageing and popular culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dillaway, H. E., & Byrnes, M. (2009). Reconsidering successful aging: A call for renewed and
expanded academic critiques and conceptualizations. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 28(6),
702-722.
Dionigi, R. A. (2002). Empowerment and resistance through leisure: The meaning of competitive
sport participation to older adults. Society and Leisure, 25(2), 303-328.
Dionigi, R. A. (2005). A leisure pursuit that goes against the grain: Older people and competitive
sport. Annals of Leisure Research, 8(1), 1-2.
Dionigi, R. A. (2008). Competing for life: Older people, sport and ageing. Saarbrecken: Verlag
Dr. Mller.
Dionigi, R. A. (2010). Managing identity in later life through leisure: Interpreting the experiences
of older athletes. In B. Humberstone (Ed.), When I grow old... Third Age and leisure
research: Principles and practice (pp., 59-80). Eastbourne, U.K.: Leisure Studies
Association.
Dionigi, R. A., Baker, J., & Horton, S. (2011). Older athletes' perceived benefits of competition.
The International Journal of Sport and Society, 2(2), 17.
Dionigi, R. A., Horton, S., & Baker, J. (2013). Negotiations of the ageing process: Older adults
stories of sports participation. Sport, Education and Society, 18(3), 370-387.
Grant, B. C. (2001). You're never too old: Beliefs about physical activity and playing sport in
later life. Ageing and Society, 21(6), 777-798.
Gee, E. M. (2002). Misconceptions and misapprehensions about population ageing. Int J
Epidemiol., 31(4), 750-753.
Katz, S. (2000). Busy bodies: Activity, aging, and the management of everyday life. Journal of
Aging Studies, 14(2), 135.
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Mendes, F. R. (2013). Active ageing: A right or a duty? Health Sociology Review, 22(2), 174-185.
doi: 10.5172/hesr.2013.22.2.174
Moody, H. (2001). Productive aging and the ideology of old age. In N. Morrow-Howell, J.
Hinterlong & M. Sherraden (Eds.), Productive aging: Concepts and challenges (pp. 175
196). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University.
Neilson, B. (2006). Anti-ageing cultures, biopolitics and globalisation. Cultural Studies Review,
12(2), 149164.
Pike, E. C. J. (2010). Growing old (dis)gracefully?: The gender/ageing/exercise nexus. In E.
Kennedy & P. Markula (Eds.), Women and exercise: The body, health and consumerism (pp.
180196). London: Routledge.
Pike, E. C. J. (2011). The active aging agenda, old folk devils and a new moral panic. Sociology of
Sport Journal, 28(2), 209-225.
Tulle, E. (2008). Acting your age? Sports science and the ageing body. Journal of Aging Studies,
22(4), 340-347. doi: 10.1016/j.jaging.2008.05.005
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Weir, P. L., Baker, J., & Horton, S. (2010). The emergence of Masters sport: Participatory trends
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Towards a Culturally-Sensitive Understanding of Leisure within Hawaiian Language
Karen M. Fox, Lisa McDermott (University of Alberta)

Historically, Westernized leisure practices have operated as technologies of discipline and
normalization in colonial efforts to civilize Indigenous peoples. More recently, while leisure is
promoted as a positive and neutral avenue to increase their health and wellness, improve their
social relations and skills, and/or develop economic viability, it continues to be a mechanism
through which to govern the conduct of Indigenous peoples towards normative, neo-liberal
sensibilities of productive, healthy, and self-responsible citizens. In acknowledging the role of
leisure in colonizing efforts, the net effect of which has included the marginalization of
Indigenous conceptualizations of leisure and attendant practices, we argue an important starting
point for redressing such harms is to work with and from Indigenous documents and/or
languages in order to begin the process of piecing together disregarded ways of knowing and
doing leisure. Here we take our cue from the Kanaka Maoli (i.e., Native Hawaiian) scholar,
Noenoe Silva (2004), who argues that language is one of the most important sites of anti-
colonial struggles (pp. 4-5); language is not only a medium through which contested
knowledges are conveyed, but also reflects ways of looking at the world. Davis (2003) adds to
this understanding of language as a cultural artifact when he characterizes it as a vehicle
through which the soul of each particular culture comes into the material world. Every language
is an old-growth forest of the mind, a watershed, a thought, an ecosystem of spiritual
possibilities (p. 3). Attending to the import of both Davis and Silvas points, we maintain that
central to the analysis of Indigenous understandings of leisure is both a recognition of the
colonial forces that have shaped English interpretations of them and the importance of returning
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to primary Indigenous language documents to develop culturally-sensitive interpretations of
them.
The Hawaiian language is one of the few Indigenous languages consisting of words that
have been associated with leisure, notably manawa walea or manawa nanea. However,
colonialist orthographies, translations and interpretations are suspect because of the underlying
Calvinist religious and liberal humanist sensibilities (Schtz, 1994) that missionaries brought to
their categorization of leisure-like Kanaka Maoli cultural practices as idle, wasteful, and sinful.
Colonial policies, economic agendas, religious objectives, and racialized discourses have
permeated Westernized attempts to learn, translate, and document Indigenous languages,
including the Hawaiian one. The Hawaiian alphabet, for example, emerged from the efforts of
men connected to both the Yale Divinity School and the American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions who sought to translate the Bible for use in the Hawaiian Islands (Schtz,
1994). To this end missionaries exploited Kanaka Maolis interest in the printed word using it as
a medium to facilitate missionary objectives of converting and diverting Indigenous Hawaiians
from morally degrading activities such as heathen song and dance (Bingham, 1847). Given
such sensibilities, the missionaries arguably had little interest in understanding the many
concepts important to a Kanaka Maoli worldview, traditional myths, and practices; here we
would include the concepts of manawa walea or manawa nanea.

What Can We Glean About Manawa Walea and Manawa Nanea?
In undertaking the task of developing a culturally-sensitive understanding of Kanaka Maoli
leisure we are mindful that the degree of semantic isomorphism between any two societies
languages largely depends on the amount of overlap of their worldviews. In the case of the
Hawaiian language this is further complicated by its figurative, metaphoric, and hidden
meanings of its words and phrases (Pukui & Elbert, 1986; Schtz, 1994). Moreover, the
definition of a word does not necessarily equate with its translation due to its culturally-bound
nature. The Hawaiian language is not only deeply connected to specific natural spaces, but also
values ambiguity, metaphors, figures of speech, and idioms. Directness and clarity, hallmarks of
the English language, are in fact not valued in Hawaiian speech or writing. A single
interpretation of a word inescapably results in error since the language itself conveys double or
even triple meanings (Silva, 2009). Kimura (1983, p. 182) specifically stated that whenever
Hawaiian is translated into English, the English words used add cultural connotations to th eidea
conveyed, while eliminating intended connotations and meanings of the original Hawaiian. In
grasping a languages slipperiness, arguably multiple meanings were lost when missionaries and
others, determined to communicate a particular message, developed Hawaiian texts for their
purposes rather than engage in mutual and reciprocal understanding.
With this in mind, the translation (First Authors translation based upon Kanahele, 1986) of
manawa walea (literally lying in a shallow lagoon with water flowing over you absorbed, at
ease, contented or fascinated) as leisure is curious. This complex verb phrase conjures an image
of sensuous interactions of mind-body-spirit and interconnections of animals, plants, natural
forces, and humans. This starkly contrasts with Western definitions of leisure as a noun, thing, or
object: free time, state of mind, residual time, or activity. Such definitions rest in a liberal
humanist interpretation of the self as disembodied, rational, liberated, and autonomous; a self-
responsible and self-actualizing being defined as discontinuous to ones cosmos (Bordo, 1999).
A clear epistemological disjuncture between the two linguistically different constructions of
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leisure can thus be discerned, and open up questions to how Western leisure conceptualizations
have operated to marginalize Kanaka Maoli understandings of leisure practices.
Breaking this down even further, the individual words lead us into a complex world of
plants, ocean, chants, spirit, and reciprocal relationships where words had various definitions and
language was valued for its multiple interpretations. The meaning of manawa is grounded in The
Kumulipo (Beckwith, 1951), the creation story of the Kanaka Maoli, and its shaping of a space-
time concept as a lingering, gentle ebb of water across a tranquil bay (Kanahele, 1986, p. 166),
or as the space between two events or localities. Kanahele goes on to describe Kanaka Maolis
focus on the event or the content of time rather than times passing. Manawa also refers to
the fontanel which is interesting because in pre-Western Hawaii, the fontanel was the opening in
a person that connected the individual to the spiritual realm (Blaisdell, 1997). Weaving the
various layers of meanings for manawa, a dynamic understanding of time-space emerges that
values the quality of experience, relationships between people, nature, and cosmos, and specific
locations.
The words walea and nanea are as complicated as manawa. Both words refer to important
natural elements: walea is a fish and slime or sap used for making tapa, and nanea is a vine and
seaweed. Since the Hawaiian language is metaphorical, the qualities of these entities or activities
resonate with more abstract definitions: walea also means to (a) indulge in ease, dwell in quiet
free from care; (b) be satisfied with ones circumstance, or (c) be accustomed or habituated to a
thing, or do often, while nanea absorbing interest, interesting, fascinating, tranquility, relaxed,
amused, engaged with.
Dictionary definitions are the weakest form of understanding a concept or translating
languages. However, these various definitions suggest the association of manawa nanea and
manawa walea associated with Eurocentric leisure is problematic and obscures rich Kanaka
Maoli heritage. To respond to the call for a decolonization of research and scholarship about
Indigenous peoples, including Kanaka Maoli, entails exploring Indigenous perspectives that
parallel Eurocentric leisure concepts in order to articulate resonances, dissonances, effects of
colonization, and opportunities for resistance.
The Kanaka Maoli created an intellectual commons through Hawaiian-language
newspapers (1834-1948) that purposely sought to document and safeguard their culture and
soveriegnty, and negotiate encounters with Anglo-North American practices including that of
leisure (Nogelmeier, 2010). Similar to other colonised peoples experiences, mainstream
Hawaiian scholarship has ignored these native-language newspapers and by default the voices of
Kanaka Maoli. Indeed, the recorded history of Kanaka Maoli rests upon less than 0.1% of the
total Hawaiian-language documents (Nogelmeier, 2010). The recently digitalized Hawaiian
language newspapers provides an opportunity to explore these written documents so as to discern
and honour Kanaka Maoli constructions of leisure, to initiate a discussion around manawa walea
and manawa nanea, and to problematize the intersection and tensions that continue to emerge
between contemporary Indigenous and non-Indigenous leisures. Such research is particularly
important since there has been no historical work around Indigenous views of leisure. The
Hawaiian-language newspapers thus provide a unique occasion to work directly with the words
of the Kanaka Maoli over a substantial time period, to attend to and make sense of their
conceptualizations of leisure, and to redress the historical effects of Western ethnocentrism in
both leisure experiences and research.


356

Conclusion
Manawa nanea and manawa walea provide an opportunity to hear, within a Kanaka Maoli
worldview, how leisure may be conceptualized from an Indigenous perspective. This research
responds to the calls of Indigenous research for decolonizing research, a focus on Indigenous
epistemologies and ontologies, and identifying the diversity within Indigenous peoples related to
specific ecosystems and political histories. Given the intellectual commons created in
Hawaiian-langugage newspapers, there is the potential to gather glimpses of Kanaka Maoli
conceptualizations of manawa nanea and manawa walea, the processes of accommodating non-
Indigenous cultures, and negotiating globalizing forces that may support various Indigenous
perspectives and critiques of leisure as well as enrich theorizing about and decolonizing leisures.

References
Beckwith, M. W. (1951). The Kumulipo: A Hawaiian creation chant. Honolulu, HI: University
of Hawaii Press.
Bingham, H. (1847). A residence of twenty-one years in the Sandwich Islands; or the civil,
religious, and political history of those islands; comprising a particular view of the
missionary operations connected with the introduction and progress of Christianity and
civilization among the Hawaiian people. Hartford, CT: Converse.
Blaisdell, K. (1996). Historical and philosphical aspects of Lapaau; Traditional Kanaka Maoli
healing practices. Healthcare/In Motion Magazine. Accessed online:
http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/kekuni.html
Bordo, S. (1999). Selections from The flight to objectivity. In S. Bordo (Ed.), Feminist
interpretations of Ren Descartes (pp. 48-70). University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State
University Press.
Davis, W. (2009). The Wayfinders: Why ancient wisdom matters in the modern world. Toronto,
ON: House of Anansi Press Inc.
Kanahele, G. H. S. (1986). Ku Kanaka stand tall: A search for Hawaiian values. Honolulu, HI:
University of Hawaii Press.
Kimura, L. (1983). Native Hawaiian culture. In Report on the culture, needs, and concerns of
Native Hawaiians, vol I. Washington, DC: Native Hawaiians Study Commission.
Nogelmeier, M. P. (2010). Mai Paa I Ka Leo: Historical voice in Hawaiian primary materials,
looking forward and listening back. Honolulu, HI: Bishop Museum Press.
Pukui, M. K., & Elbert, S. H. (1986). Hawaiian dictionary: Hawaiian-English English-
Hawaiian. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press.
Schtz, A. J. (1994). The voices of Eden: A history of Hawaiian language studies. Honolulu, HI:
University of Hawaii Press.
Silva, N. K. (2004). Aloha betrayed: Native Hawaiian resistance to American colonialism.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press.







357

Le DLTA et le PNCE Comme Outils de Dveloppement Communautaire: Le Cas de
lAssociation Ontarienne dHaltrophilie (OWA).
Francois Gravelle, Daniel Robitaille (Universit dOttawa)

Contexte
En 2008 lAssociation ontarienne dhaltrophilie fait face un dfi de taille soit de relancer
lhaltrophilie style olympique au sein de la province. Pour ce faire le comit directeur de
lassociation dcide de se doter dun plan de redressement de cinq ans en plaant laccent tout
particulirement sur une stratgie de dveloppement communautaire centre sur lducation et la
formation de ses membres. On identifie ce moment un manque important de clubs, athltes,
entraneurs et officiels actifs.
Selon Karlis, Auger, et Gravelle (1997), une stratgie de dveloppement communautaire
responsabilit partage serait sans contredit la mieux adapte une relance dans le cas prsent.
Feng, Richards et Raheemi en 2009 suggrent de sappuyer sur des faits tangibles et mesurables
afin damorcer un processus de prise de dcisions et de relance viable. Parmi les domaines
mesurables et tangibles offerts lassociation ce moment se retrouvaient lducation et la
formation de ses membres. La littrature fait rfrence cette variable comme, tant un des
facteurs de dveloppement et de changement les plus efficaces (Morris, 2006; Stahley & Boyd,
2006; Logan, 2009; Barcelona & Young, 2010; Light, 2012).
Afin de diriger ses efforts de relance de lhaltrophilie style olympique en Ontario
lAssociation ontarienne dhaltrophilie (OWA) a retenu deux cadres de rfrence soit Le
Programme national de certification des entraneurs (PNCE) et le Dveloppement long
terme de lathlte (DLTA) .
Le Programme national de certification des entraneurs (PNCE), programme officiel de
formation des entraneurs au Canada est reconnu travers lensemble du pays. Durant les vingt-
cinq dernires annes, ce programme a fait lobjet dune collaboration entre le gouvernement
fdral et les gouvernements provinciaux, lAssociation canadienne des entraneurs (ACE) et les
organismes nationaux de sport (ONS). Jusqu prsent, plus de 1 million dentraneurs y ont
particip lchelle du Canada, dont environ 35 %, ou plus de 300 000 de ces entraneurs sont en
Ontario (http://www.mtc.gov.on.ca/fr/sport/coaching/inontario.shtml).
Au Canada, le sport cest pour la vie (ACSV) est un mouvement qui sintresse tout
particulirement la qualit du sport et de lactivit physique au Canada. Ce mouvement
shabilite rallier sport, ducation, rcration et sant, afin duniformiser les programmes
dintervention en milieux communautaires, provinciaux et nationaux. Le modle de
Dveloppement long terme de lathlte (DLTA) prsent par lACVS est une stratgie de
dveloppement structur en sept stades qui intgre lentranement, la comptition et la
rcupration, visant orienter lexprience de chaque personne en matire de sport et dactivit
physique de lenfance lge adulte. Ce programme constitue en soi un nouveau paradigme
dadministration et de livraison du sport et de lactivit physique au Canada
(http://www.canadiansportforlife.ca/fr).
En 2008, le comit excutif de lAssociation ontarienne, dhaltrophilie lOWA dont
faisaient partie les deux auteurs, sest donn comme mandat de relancer ce sport au sein de la
province. Une analyse initiale de la situation prsentait un tableau peu florissant de ltat de ce
sport en Ontario. Tel que le tmoigne les rsultats au tableau 1, lAssociation vivait une situation
peu enviable soit entre autres, un nombre peu lev dathltes, dofficiels, dentraneurs le tout
soumis un financement de survie de la part des instances gouvernementales.
358

La OWA dcide donc de se doter dun plan de relance de cinq ans. Sappuyant sur le
travail de Feng, Richards et Raheemi (2009), le comit reconnat le fait que tout processus de
prise de dcision implique une approche multidisciplinaire. Toujours selon ces auteurs, il est
plus facile de prendre des dcisions claires partir de donnes objectives.
Pour faire suite lanalyse de la situation, le comit directeur de lAssociation dcide
dappuyer son programme de relance sur la formation, la certification dentraneurs et dofficiels
sinspirant des principes la base des programmes du DLTA et du PNCE.
De faon plus prcise, lOWA sest inspire des six axes de redressement suggrs par le
DLTA, soit la formation des entraneurs; la formation dathltes; le leadership; lhoraire de
comptitions; la qualit des installations dentranement et de comptitions et la communication
(CWFHC, 2013). Le comit a dcid de porter surtout son attention vers les tapes 2 et 3 du
DLTA, soit Apprendre sentraner et Sentraner sentraner . Deux contextes de
formation des entraneurs PNCE Introduction la comptition , Instructeurs dbutants et
des formations plus avances des entraneurs prslectionns ont t retenus comme outils de
formation de nouveaux entraneurs. Des ateliers de certifications des officiels de niveau 4 ont
galement t offerts.

Stratgie dIntervention et Mthodologie
partir dune approche de recherche-action et de dveloppement communautaire
responsabilit partage (Karlis, Auger, & Gravelle, 1997) les chercheurs ont russi faire
cheminer la sous-culture de lOWA vers une plus grande autonomisation financire, une prise en
main du processus de formation des officiels et entraneurs et un accroissement marqu de
ladhsion de membres.
De faon plus prcise, cette dmarche qui sest chelonne sur une priode de cinq ans a
ncessit des rencontres mensuelles de planification et plus tard de gestion du projet impliquant
les membres du comit directeur de lassociation dont faisaient partie les chercheurs. Pour grer
le projet sur une base ponctuelle, un sous comit charg de lducation et de la formation dont
faisaient galement partie les chercheurs a t mis sur pied.
Dans un deuxime temps cinq formateurs certifis incluant les chercheurs ont t forms
selon les rgles du PNCE et du DLTA afin doffrir des ateliers de formation des entraneurs au
sein de la province. De plus des sessions de formation des officiels ont t mi sur pied travers
la province.
Les statistiques recueillies par lOWA, notamment en ce qui a trait au nombre de nouveaux
clubs comptitifs, entraneurs et officiels certifis ont fait foie de matriel empirique la base des
rsultats prsents ici. De plus, les chercheurs se sont appuys sur des rsultats empiriques de
performance lors de comptitions cibles.

Rsultats
Parmi les rsultats obtenus, prsents au tableau 1, notons que de 2008 2013 le nombre
de membres au sein de lAssociation est pass de 190 550, le nombre de clubs de 15 36, le
nombre dofficiels de 15 40 et dentraneurs certifis de 12 65. De plus, la participation
dathltes aux championnats nationaux juniors est passe de 25 70.
Depuis la restructuration, lOWA a vu son budget dexploitation saccroitre de 750 %, a
maintenant du personnel rmunr (grce des subventions supplmentaires octroy suite sa
soumission dun plan de dveloppement long terme et de haute performance sappuyant sur le
359

DLTA) et sest plac au deuxime rang en 2013 et au premier rang en 2014 chez les hommes au
classement lors des derniers championnats juniors nationaux.
Tableau 1 : Facteurs comparatifs de lvolution de la OWA de 2008 2013 prsents sous forme
de frquences
2008 2013
Membres 190 +550
Clubs enregistrs 15 36
Officiels 15 40
Entraneurs actifs certifis 15 65
Budget dopration $12,000.00 $90,000.00
Championnats provinciaux juniors 25 70


Conclusions et Recommandations
Pour faire suite lanalyse des rsultats, il est vident que les modles du DLTA et du
PNCE ont fourni au comit directeur de la OWA un cadre de rfrence permettant le
dveloppement et le cheminement de la communaut dhaltrophiles en Ontario. Bien que
dautres facteurs comme lengagement des membres du comit de direction, le travail des
officiels, entraneurs et des athltes ont grandement contribus cette russite; il nen reste pas
moins que le DLTA et le PNCE se sont avrs des outils stratgiques qui ont t instrumentaux
au succs de lOWA.
Grce au nouveau programme du PNCE il a t possible de mieux former et certifier un
nombre important dentraneurs qui ont par la suite cr de nouveaux clubs comptitifs
fournissant ainsi un lieu dappartenance de nombreux nouveaux athltes. Tel que le tmoigne
le tableau 1 bon nombre de nouveaux athltes, entraneurs et officiels certifis viennent assurer la
relve. Le fait doffrir des cours de certification des entraneurs a permis de jusqu quadrupler
le budget dopration obtenue par les subventions du gouvernement provincial. Cet
accroissement des revenus et du nombre dentraneurs certifis favoriss le lev dun vent de
renouveau au sein de lAssociation on a vue entre autres le nombre de clubs passer de 15 36, le
nombre dofficiel est passer de 15 40 notamment grce au fait que lassociation a russi
amasser les fonds pour mettre sur pied de stages de formation des entraneurs.
Le DLTA a donn lAssociation une stratgie de planification long terme permettant la
priorisation des trois premiers stades de dveloppement des athltes afin de rebtir une base la
pyramide menant lexcellence. Les rsultats obtenus notamment aux championnats nationaux
juniors tmoignent du succs de cette stratgie. Il est noter quen plus de se positionner dans
parmi les deux meilleures quipes au pays lassociation ontarienne a fourni au bas mot 80% du
nombre total dofficiels en 2014 et grer un championnat canadien deux annes conscutives.
Pour faire suite cette tude, les auteurs recommandent aux organismes de sports et
loisirs :
De considrer le DLTA comme outils de dveloppement communautaire fournissant aux organismes
un modle complet permettant la planification dactivits de dveloppement de leur organisation.
De considrer si ncessaire llaboration de modules de certification des entraneurs bass sur
lacquisition de comptences telles que le suggre le PNCE.
Dintgrer les principes du DLTA et du PNCE afin dobtenir un dveloppement intgral et durable au
sein dorganismes de sports et loisirs.
360

Rfrences
Barcelona, B. J., & Young, S. J. (2010). The role of municipal park and recreation agencies in
enacting coach and parent training in a loosely coupled youth sport system. Managing
Leisure, 15, 181197.
CWFHC (2012). Modle de dveloppement long terme des athltes en haltrophilie. Publi
par la Canadian Weightlifting Federation Haltrophile Canadienne (CWFHC).
Feng, X., Richards, G., & Raheemi, B. (2009). The road to decision-centric business
intelligence. Presented at the IEEE International Conference on Business Intelligence and
Financial Engineering, Beijing, China.
Gravelle, F., & Miller, J. (2013). Weightlifting context: Competition introduction & instructor
beginner, 660 pages (document de travail).
Karlis, G., Auger, D., & Gravelle, F. (1997). Three approaches to community development: A
model for recreation organizations. Journal of Applied Recreation Research, 21(2), 131-
141.
Light, R. (2012). The contribution of the New South Wales Primary Schools Sports Association
towards developing talent in Australian12-year-old female swimmers. Asia-Pacific
Journal of Health, Sport and Physical Education, 3(1), 77-89.
Logan, T. (2009). National golf in schools: Bringing golf to a school near you. Physical &
Health Education Journal, 75(3), p33 2p.
Morris, J. (2006). Education and professional development BASES into further education.
Sport & Exercise Scientist, 8, p26 1/2p.
Stahley, M. B., & Boyd J. (2006). Winning isnt everything: The paradox of excellence and the
challenge of organizational epideictic. Journal of Applied Communication Research,
34(4), 311-330.



Gender Inequality and Potential for Resistance in Womens Lightweight Rowing
Teresa L. Hill (Brock University)

Introduction
In 1972, the civil rights law Title IX was enacted, which stated that equal funding must go
to men and womens educational opportunities including athletics (Kennedy, 2010). Although
this is an American Act, the effect it has had on womens suffrage is mirrored in Canadian sport
as well. While the integration of Title IX has undoubtedly affected gender equality in a positive
way, women must still negotiate with opposing hegemonic constructions of femininity and
athleticism that constrict womens participation in sport (George, 2005). As George (2005)
stated, among all female sports there is a complicated relationship between athletic performance
and physical appearance for women (p. 318). Fundamentally, a conflict remains to extinguish
the mutual exclusivity between the terms female and athlete. With this said, women in sports
continue to struggle with the reality of representing both femininity and athleticism. Through a
feminist post-structural lens, I investigated both acceptable and contradictory gender and sport
performances that exist in the culture of rowing, in order to understand how identity is
constructed at the intersection of these discourses.
Reflecting on Butlers (1990; 1993) theory of gender performativity, the body is a site
upon which discourses are inscribed and routines are enacted; it is a cultural text (Bordo, 1993).
361

These gender discourses are so normalized within society that often they are regarded as
natural, and so too are their associated performances (Butler, 1990).I argue that there is the
potential for female athletes to resist normative discourses, however due to Panoptic surveillance
of gender performance, this opposition must remain bound within discourses of femininity
(Chapman, 1997; Mikosza & Phillips, 1999). Foucault (1990) also agreed with the plausibility of
resistant actions, stating, Where there is power, there is resistance (p. 95), but these actions are
bound by language-formed discourses. Post-structuralist thinkers argue that we can never get
outside of these social inscriptions, because as much as we are intertwined in the discourses, we
are also dependent on them (Hughes, 2012). Therefore, gender performativity is not a choice;
rather it is part of the regulating practices in society that are infused with hegemonic power
(Butler, 1990).
It is impossible to shed gender entirely even during times of resistance, as society is
dependent on the understanding of a normative gender dualism, and to wane from the grid of
intelligibility would be to enact a performance with punitive consequences from the
watchtower (Butler, 1990; Foucault, 1977) specifically those who maintain a gaze over
lightweight womens rowers. However, women in sports do have the ability, even within their
discursively produced gender identities, to question normative discourses that attribute multiple
contradictory meanings of femininity, slenderness, and athleticism (Chapman, 1997). Thus, the
purpose of this paper was to explore how lightweight women rowers in Ontario negotiate their
gender identity, and consider the possibility for resistance. My goal was to learn how human
experiences are shaped by discourses of power and resulting constructions of acceptable gender
attributes. This paper was framed through feminist post-structuralism, and relied on the theories
of Butler and Foucault.

Methods
The data draws on a purposeful sample of seven university lightweight women rowers who
were within the age range of 18-24. In order to be considered for this project, interested
candidates had to have participated on a competitive (racing) rowing team for at least two
seasons, with at least one of these seasons spent competing as a lightweight athlete. The reason
for this requirement was to ensure that the athletes were not novice rowers, and that they had
spent a considerable amount of time within the rowing culture. Individual, semi-structured
interviews were conducted in a variety of quiet, public locations, including a room on a
University campus, and within a coffee shop with one interview being conducted via Skype. A
researcher journal was also maintained throughout the process in order to encourage reflexivity,
and reflect on personal experience.
Questions included within the semi-structured interview guide included: Would you say
that lightweight womens rowing has its own culture? Describe this culture; would you say that
you are a typical lightweight rower? Why or why not?; would you say rowing is more of a
masculine or feminine sport? If masculine, how do you successfully integrate?; how does being a
lightweight rower impact your identity as a woman? Do you think that you would feel differently
about yourself if you were not a rower?; do you ever resist conventions of femininity?; and, what
does being a female athlete mean to you? These questions were used in order to purposefully
draw out information pertaining to the womens body and gender identity, as well as raising the
possibility of resistance within the sport.
Data analysis was guided by an inductive and reflexive approach to ethnography. I
encouraged the collaboration of meaning making between the participants and myself, with the
362

understanding that meaning is co-constructed during the interview process. It was neither my job
nor my intent to force these various narratives to cohere in order to suggest an overarching
Truth. Following the interview period, each of the interviews were rigorously organized and
coded, and themes and discourses were observed. I was specifically looking for themes related to
gender, including femininity and normative performances, as well as resistance. I attempted to
remain open to the womens multiple stories, rather than attempting to produce a singular,
unifying narrative about lightweight womens rowing.

Results
Analysis of the data from a post-structural perspective revealed the importance and
implications of considering individual understandings and lived realities of participation within
lightweight womens rowing. Three significant themes that reflect the womens experiences in
sport emerged.

Dissemination of Gender Performativity
Throughout multiple interviews, the women discussed pressures to appear feminine and
presentable, even on race days, while competing in lightweight rowing. As one woman stated,
yeah, I like to be presentable and look good. I mean, Im always sweating so Im like, might as
well try to colour co-ordinate or something. The women attempt to be presentable in order to
avoid accusations of transgressing their femininity, and to remain appropriately feminine.
Adding a further layer to this, Jody also stated that she does not try to appear too feminine (by
wearing makeup to practice) because she wants to be regarded as serious in her training,
implying that femininity may deflect attention from her performance as an athlete. A further
complication appears if participating on a team where men and women practice at the same time,
because while wanting to present herself as a serious athlete to the coach and teammates, there is
also the pressure of appearing heterosexual and desirable to men. As Jody describes, often
women express a desire to not want to be seen as butch or lesbian.

Discourses of Inequality
Throughout the interview process, the women provided stories of inequality, some of
which the women at times deemed justified, In some interviews the women would be discussing
their subordination within the realm of womens rowing, for example, Alex states that it is
the mens championships that are the big races. So for womens rowing its like Oh thats nice,
congratulations. But everyone stays to watch the heavy mens 8+, no one stays to watch the
champ womens 8+. What Alex, and many of the other girls acknowledged is that their
inequality does not stem simply from a lack of funding or equipment, but also from a lack of
interest in the sport from outsiders. One of the girls however viewed this as a justified inequality,
stating, There arent as many lightweight events because people want to watch the fastest boat
go down the course. The fastest boat is a heavyweight mens boat. What differentiates these
interpretations of equality are the womens individual understandings of power. As Foucault
(1990) identified, when analyzing relationships of power, it is not as important to seek its
foundation, but rather to examine how power relationships are used, rationalized, and
internalized; such as they are within the womens experiences.



363

Complicating Resistance
I questioned the women on their weight making habits, while they stated that they eat
healthy to get down to lightweight, many of them also admitted to occasionally sneaking
inappropriate junk foods when they should be dieting, as well as using unhealthy tactics to lose
weight quickly, such as laxatives or going in the sauna. Additionally, when I questioned Alex,
while she may not have recognized it, the normalization of herself as an athlete who just
happens to be female is a re-signification and resistance to traditional discourses surrounding
who and what an athlete is. Resistance may be an appropriate avenue for breaking down
barriers and encouraging opportunities to participate in leisure activities, such as womens
competitive sports, as resistance emphasizes leisure as a site where the personal is closely tied
to the political (Shaw, 2006, p.541). The fact that women are attempting to resist normalized
discourses speaks volumes to the future of women, as well as the great ability for sport to act as a
catalyst for social equity.

Discussion and Implications of the Work Related to Conference Theme
This study examined the numerous performative practices of gender, and discourses of
inequality that exist within lightweight womens rowing. Through the use of interviews, I
considered how lightweight women negotiate their gender performances within sport. As Butler
(1990) contends, gender performativity posits no ontological value outside of the various acts
that comprise and maintain its legitimacy. Gender however, remains upheld in society through
the reification of hegemonic discourses and the upholding of social hierarchies that deem gender
performances as natural, therefore positioning women to present themselves as feminine,
particularly when they are participating in activities, such as sport, that call into question their
natural gender. Additionally, this research questioned womens participation in sport,
particularly via lightweight rowing, as a potential arena for resistance. Embedded throughout this
research was the understanding from each of the participants that gender equality is a fable, and
that women are permitted to exist as athletes, only as long as their femininity reigns. Those who
display large scale resistance to heteronormative woman performances are subject to social
critique, and therefore only small acts of opposition are permitted. These findings raise the
question of whether grand acts of resistance are feasible through recreation activities.
This research project will add to the growing body of literature surrounding applied
womens studies, as well as creating a meaningful link between womens studies and recreation
and leisure studies. With this project focused on women competing in lightweight rowing, there
is the potential to further complicate and critique the maintenance of normative gender
performances. Moreover, within recreation and sport based research, resistance is often
considered, but by observing womens everyday lived realities, this research cements the
actuality of inequality, and rationalizes the importance of critiquing gendered power relations as
they exist in sport.

References
Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, western culture, and the body. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity. New York, NY:
Routledge.
Butler, J. (1991). Disorderly women: A review. Transitions, 53, 86-95.
364

Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter: On the discursive limits of sex. New York, NY:
Routledge.
Chapman, G. (1997). Making weight: Lightweight rowing, technologies of power, and
technologies of the self. Sociology of Sport Journal, 14, 205-223.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. Michigan: Knopf
Doubleday.
Foucault, M. (1983). The subject and power. In H. L. Dreyfus & P. Rainbow (Eds.), Michel
Foucault, beyond structuralism and hermeneutics (pp. 208-226). Chicago, IL: University
of Chicago Press.
Foucault, M. (1990). The History of sexuality volume 1: An introduction. New York, NY:
Vintage Books.
George, M. (2005). Making sense of muscle: The body experiences of collegiate women athletes.
Sociological Inquiry, 75(3), 317-345.
Hughes, C. (2012). Developing reflexivity in research. In Teaching research process, University
of Warwick Department of Sociology. Retrieved from
http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/sociology/staff/academicstaff/chughes/hughesc_index/
teachingresearchprocess/reflexivity/.
Kennedy, C. (2010). A new frontier for womens sports (Beyond Title IX). Gender Issues, 27,
78-90.
Malcolm, N. (2003). Constructing female athleticism. American Behavioural Scientist, 46(10),
1387-1404.
Mikosza, J. & Phillips, M. (1999). Gender, sport, and the body politic. International Review for
the Sociology of Sport, 34(1), 5-16.
Shaw, S. (2006). Resistance. In C. Rojek, S. M. Shaw, and A. J. Veal (Eds.), Handbook of
leisure studies. (pp. 533-545). New York, NY: Palgrave.



Revisiting Secondary Data Analysis: Does It Have a Place in Leisure Research?
Tristan D. Hopper, Jerome F. Singleton (Dalhousie University)

Introduction
Leisure researchers have used a variety of frameworks from historical analysis to single
subject design to approach their research questions. The use of secondary data among leisure
researchers is another method to access data. As Hyman (1972) discusses what Newton said in
the 16
th
century If I have seen farther, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants (p.2). Now in
the 21
st
century, leisure researchers can also be described as standing atop a giant mountain of
data, from which they may see farther than the eye can see. The trend of BIG DATA has the
potential to empower leisure scholars to understand how leisure or lack of leisure influences a
persons life. Although a relatively new area of scholarly investigation, the world of leisure
research has a vast amount of data available from studies completed by leisure scholars. Utilizing
data already gathered can be an effective way to economize on time and budgets and should be
of consideration for leisure researchers. The purpose of this paper was to determine the extent to
which secondary data was being utilized in leisure research and to determine if it still has a place
in leisure scholarship. Further, a critique of the reviewed literature was presented in order to
365

demonstrate the gaps of secondary data analysis within leisure research and how the secondary
data literature can be presented in a cohesive manner using Singletons (1988) criteria.

Methodology
For the purpose of this paper, literature was reviewed using a definition revised by
Singleton (1988), which stated secondary data analysis is the use of existing data, by another
researcher in a way in which the primary researcher had not intended(p. 233). To evaluate the
articles selected, the following criteria were used Singleton (1988, p.233): (a) was the
population/sample described? (b) were the sampling procedures outlined? (c) were the data
collection procedures outlined? (d) was the instrument described? and (e) was the primary data
set identified? These criteria were selected to evaluate the articles based on the observation that
secondary data analysis is dependent upon the initial researchers procedures (Singleton, 1988).
A total of 150 articles were reviewed and utilized the key words; secondary data,
secondary analyses, leisure, sport, recreation, and play. 25 articles were found to fit the criteria
standards set for this research. The articles were gathered from other peer reviewed journals
harvested from Dalhousie Universitys library database that included Cinahl Full Text, Psych
Info, and Sport Discus. Of those 25, 12 were harvested from the Journal of Leisure Research.
The Journal of Leisure Research was selected for this study in order to accurately revisit
Singletons (1988) study. The process used to review the articles can be found in Figure 1.

Findings
Although this study was limited to specific databases at Dalhousie University and the
Journal of Leisure Research, it appears that secondary data analysis was found in leisure
research. However, it was demonstrated that the researchers who did use secondary data were
not adequately presenting the secondary data set in their articles. These in fact are the same
issues Singleton (1988) identified as areas of concerns in the use of secondary data.
Trends that immerged in the review included lack of discussion around sampling
procedures and population, clear connection between original data set and current research and
questions from original survey.
The authors of the literature reviewed had a consensus on the reasoning for using
secondary data set, which was that it had survey questions that were relevant to their area of
study. These consensuses are not in much variance from what Singleton discovered in 1988
during his review of the Journal of Leisure Research. It appears researchers using secondary data
sets are not acknowledging original data set samples and how they were collected.
A manual search of the Journal of Leisure Research was conducted in order to find a larger
number of data sets. The reason it was so difficult to locate relevant literature could be for a
number of reasons; first, it was rare that the author identified secondary data analysis in their title
of the article. Identifying the use in the title would make searching for such articles simpler.
Secondly, a small handful of authors identified secondary data as a key word in their publication.
Again, identifying secondary data analysis as a series of keywords would simplify searches for
leisure researchers using this modality. In return, incorporating secondary data in the title of an
article and as a series of key words may increase the number of results when investigating its
use.
In reviewing the literature for this paper, it appeared that secondary data sets were utilized
for a variety of benefits. In particular, authors utilized secondary data sets that included
variables that are otherwise difficult to gather and measure. This is particularly true for
366

government data sets (see Keyes, 2012; Jackel & Wollsheid, 2007). Governmental-based data
sets often include variables, that are not able to be collected without the funding and resources a
governmental department may have. Which leads to the next benefit, secondary data sets can be
a way to economize a study that may be limited in funding (Hyman, 1972). Developing surveys
and collecting large data sets can be exhaustive to funding and resources. Utilizing data that may
apply to the scope of your research question and allow you to look at the data through a different
lens is an appropriate way to gain new insights. This benefit should be considered for
researchers who want to examine a new theoretical framework or students who want to examine
a research question using a larger data set.

Conclusion
In Singletons (1988) article he outlined five key guidelines that a researcher should use in
presenting their secondary data. These guidelines still hold relevance in the use of presenting
secondary data in leisure research. For the most part, the literature reviewed utilized at least one
of the guidelines. However, there still appears to be a disconnect. When identifying if the
authors had presented their research using the above criteria, it became apparent that there was
another important criteria that would aid in the presenting of the data. So, it is proposed that
another guideline be added, which is the rationale 0for selecting the data set used over other data
sets. Why did the author choose to utilize this data set versus another? How do the questions in
the original survey align with their research question? By doing so, this would close the gaps
and questions a reader may have in the authors selection of data set. Providing this explanation
will also reduce the scrutiny that peers may present over the choice of data set. The proposed
revised Singleton (1988) secondary data presentation general guidelines would read as such:(a)
identify data source in article, (b) present data set using the same method as the initial
investigation, (c) identify the question or questions used from the data, (d) identify the
demographics of the study and compare them to the demographics of present study, (e) if using
multiple data sets, present the analysis using the above steps, and (f) provide an explanation to
your reader why you chose this data set for your research question versus other data sets. Why
did the author select the data set and what questions were selected (Hopper, 2013)?
Secondary data analysis continues to be of unfamiliar territory for leisure scholars, while
demographers and epidemiologists use it extensively. Despite technology available to access
resources, finding literature that utilized secondary data was not simple. Hyman (1972) discusses
the implications the future would hold on secondary data by stating the future will weigh
heavily on pollsters as they see their surveys being deposited in archives and being held for
secondary analysts to utilize(p.17). With the large quantity of electronic journal subscriptions
housed at a University, the search for secondary data in leisure came up short.
Overall, there appears to be gaps in the utilization of secondary data, which this paper
supported. In most cases, it was presented inconsistently from the guidelines in which it should
have been. In return of a large number of quantitative data sets in leisure research, it would be
expected that more than 25 articles would have been harvested. It was learned that through the
use of these guidelines, secondary data could be utilized effectively and presented in a manner
that is easily interpreted by all readers. Thus, secondary data should continue to have a place in
leisure research and build on our capacity for knowledge using the guidelines proposed in this
paper. It should be collaboration from all scholars to share previously collected data that may
foster a wealth of knowledge that was not originally considered.

367

Figure 1
Author Year Sampling Population Sampling Procedures
Measurement
Instrument Primary Data Set
Iso-Ahola, S. E.,
Weissinger, E.
1990 * * * *
Jackel, M.,
Wollscheid, S.
2007 * ? * *
Keyes, C.L.M., et
al.
2012 * *. * *
Agahi, N.,
Silverstein, M., &
Parker, M.G.
2011 * * * *
Simpkins, S.D.,
Delgado, M.Y., &
Price, C.D.
2012 * * * *.
White, P.G.,
Lambert, R.R., &
Curtis, J.E.
1989 * * * *
Azaiza, F.,
Croitoru, T.,
Rimmerman, A.,
& Naon, D.
2012 * ? * *
(* Indicates Present) (? Indicates Absent)

References
Agahi, N., Silverstein, M., & Parker, M. G. (2011). Late-life and earlier participation in leisure
activities: Their importance for survival among older persons. Activities, Adaptation &
Aging, 35, 210-22.
Azaiza, F., Croitoru, T., Rimmerman, A., & Naon, D. (2012). Participation in leisure activities of
jewish and arab adults with intellectual disabilities living in the community. Journal of Leisure
Research, 44(3), 379-391.
Hyman, H. H. (1972). Secondary analysis of sample surveys: Principles, procedures and
potentialities. New York, NY: John Wiley and Sons Inc.
Iso-Ahola, S. E., & Weissinger, E. (1990). Perceptions of boredom in leisure: Conceptualization,
reliability and validity of the leisure boredom scale. Journal of Leisure Research, 22(1), 1-
17.
Jackel, M. R., & Wollscheid, S. A. (2007). Time is money and money needs time? A secondary
analysis of time-budget data in Germany. Journal of Leisure Research, 39(1), 86-108.
Keyes, C. L., Eisenberg, D. V., Perry, G. S., Dube, S. R., Kroenke, K., & Dhingra, S. S. (2012).
The relationship of level of positive mental health with curren mental disorder in predicting
suicidal behaviour and academic impairment in college students. Journal of American
College Health, 60(2), 126-133.
Simpkins, S. D., Vest, A. E., Delgado, M. Y., & Price, C. D. (2012). Do school friends
participate in similar extracurricular activities?: Examining the moderating role of
Race/Ethnicity and age. Journal of Leisure Research, 44(3), 332-352.
Singleton, J. F. (1988). Use of secondary data in leisure research. Journal of Leisure Research,
20(3), 233-236.
368

White, P. G., Lambert, R. D., & Curtis, J. E. (1989). Work activity and leisure physical activity:
Analyses for males in English Canada and French Canada. / Activite de travail et activite
physique de loisir: Cas des hommes au Canada francais et au Canada anglais. Journal of
Sport Behavior, 12(1), 23-40.



Word of Mouth Communication (WOM) and Decision Making: An Experiment
Ron McCarville, Kristin Levy, Luke Potwarka (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
Word of Mouth (WOM) communication represents informal, person-to-person
communication between a perceived non-commercial communicator and a receiver regarding a
brand, a product, an organization or a service (Harrison-Walker, 2001, p. 63). It may include
interactions with members of ones social and professional network usually by talking to
family members, friends, relatives, fellow customers and the like. (Zeelenberg & Pieters, 1999,
p. 89). There is an extensive and longstanding literature suggesting that WOM communications
are perhaps the single most influential form of communication among decision makers. We bring
this simple insight to the study of decision making regarding leisure choices. Those hoping to
enjoy leisure services are typically confronted with a variety of offerings, locations, and
schedules. Options must be considered; decisions must be made. In many cases, participants
will seek the insight of others before making these decisions. This study focuses on the role of
WOM communication within this decision making process.
We sought to explore the process consumers undertake to use WOM communication when
making a purchase decision. The focus was on understanding conditions which lead consumers
to collect interpersonal communication. Familiarity and risk conditions were manipulated.
Personal variables like susceptibility to personal influence and the need for cognition were
monitored. Tendency to seek WOM communication was then explored. This study is guided
generally by information processing theory (Dawes, 1988). Information processing theory
suggests that decision makers may be unwilling or unable to reflect on the relative merits of a
given course of action. Instead, they rely on easily accessible strategies to reduce the cognitive
demands they face as they ponder that decision. WOM offers one such strategy. People seek the
advice of trusted others to aid them in assessing options. The general appeal of WOM
communication emerges largely from two conditions. The first is the uncertainty inherent in
decision making. Decision makers are faced daily with calls for action but they must act with
incomplete information. They must choose between various options in order to fulfill the
various requirements of everyday living. They must choose one activity over another, one
product over another. While some of these decisions are straightforward, others are more
complex (Schiffman & Kanuk, 1997). Complex decision making, the focus of this study,
represents a multi-stage process including information gathering, evaluation of alternatives, and
an eventual decision (Rickwood & White, 2009). WOM communication is generally viewed as a
means of reducing uncertainty in each of these stages.
Decisions involving greater perceived risks are more likely to be characterized as complex
decisions. In particular, purchase decisions involving higher costs or greater uncertainty add to
the complexity of the decision. In such situations decision makers may be willing to devote
greater time and energy to gathering information. Consequently, decision makers involved in
369

high(er) risk ventures may be more likely to engage in WOM to address concerns and evaluate
options. In this way they may hope to reduce the risk they have encountered (Bansal & Voyer,
2000).
The second condition, thought to enhance the appeal of WOM communication, is
perceived objectivity. Unlike promotional materials offered by providers, WOM
communications are thought to be objective and hence more reliable. There is a perception that
the WOM communication is unbiased (Bansal & Voyer,, p. 167). Decision makers are therefore
more likely to seek out and attend to information provided by fellow users. They assess it as
more trustworthy. It is perhaps little wonder that WOM communication has been characterized
as one of the most powerful forces in the marketplace and highly persuasive (Bansal &
Voyer, 2000, p. 166). The search for WOM may also be influenced by predispositions of the
decision maker. The literature suggests that decisions makers need for cognition, their
knowledge/expertise, or their degree of self-confidence/self-efficacy may all influence the degree
to which WOM is sought (Bearden, Netemeyer, & Teel, 1989). For example, low levels of self-
confidence may enhance the desire to seek WOM. Those more likely to question their own
capacity to make informed decisions may look to others to aid them in the decision making task.
Similarly, high need for cognition may also encourage decision makers to seek input from others
(Bearden et al.). The desire to collect WOM communication may be exacerbated when the
individual has little experience with a particular purchase situation.

Methods
Over a six day period, we sampled parents/caregivers who were observing children
registered in various aquatic programs offered within a municipal recreation facility. Using an
experimental design, we provided all participants a control message regarding a hypothetical
purchase decision. Specifically, they were told to consider enrolling a child in a swim program.
Participants were then randomly assigned to one of four treatment messages. The treatment
messages offered (1) low or high familiarity conditions and (2) low or high (risk) conditions. In
this case, risk was monetary based upon the cost of program registration. We monitored the
effects of these variations on likelihood the participants would seek word of mouth
communication in making this program decision. This likelihood was reported as a percentage.
We also gathered information on self-confidence, perceptions of risk, need for cognition and
susceptibility to influence when making purchase decisions.

Results
Between 42 and 52 participants were assigned to each group. We initially used one way
ANOVA to monitor the effect of our treatment messages. Differences were present (F=3.74;
p=.006). Duncans post hoc tests suggest that the high familiarity/low risk group reported less
likelihood to seek WOM (m=38.02%) than all other groups including the control group. Scores
for the other groups ranged from the control (m=52.02%) to the low familiarity/high risk
(m=61.64%) but these scores were not statistically significant. The results suggest very clearly
that, generally, when consumers are faced with a high familiarity/low risk purchase decision,
they are less likely to seek WOM communication. This result is intuitively appealing. With low
risk and adequate information, decision makers are unlikely to devote the cognitive energy
required to seek the help of others. We were uncertain, however, why the other treatment groups
failed to influence response patterns. We should first acknowledge that this pattern may have
been an artifact of our methods. We conducted a manipulation check ensuring that respondents
370

had attended to the treatment message. Those who failed this check were dropped from further
analyses. However, it may have been difficult for consumers to relate to the hypothetical nature
of the message. Specifically, almost all (89.3%) reported being very knowledgeable with local
recreation programs 89.3% (N = 269). Further, 87.4% (N = 263) indicated they had previously
registered a child for a similar program. They may simply have ignored the message in favour of
their own personal experience/knowledge base. More than that, the messages focused on swim
instruction, a very familiar program offering. Less predictable/ familiar offerings may have
achieved different results. It was also possible, though, that response patterns were less a
function of the purchase situation and more an issue of personal preference. Consequently, we
considered the role of personal variables in the search for WOM communication. Initial t-tests
suggested no sex differences in (1) susceptibility to influence (t=-0.78; p=.436), (2) self-
confidence (t=.0.56; p=.571), or need for cognition (t=1.73; p=.086). Nor were age differences
present. However, in all treatment groups, susceptibility to influence was positively related to
likelihood to seek WOM. This tendency was highest in the low familiarity/high risk treatment
group. The only discrepancy was in the high familiarity/high risk group. In that case none of
these three variables offered much insight. This suggests that high familiarity can overwhelm
even susceptibility to influence. This is perhaps surprising given that this was the case even
within a high risk scenario. In all cases, self-confidence was negatively correlated with the
desire to seek WOM communication but not to a significant extent. Finally, most (69.4%) of
these participants reported that they were likely or very likely to read on-line reviews of products
they planned to purchase on-line.

Conclusions
We know that leisure providers typically communicate with community members through
traditional means (brochures, flyers, on-line descriptions). These participants seemed ready to
consider an alternative (WOM) to these formal means of communication as they pondered their
options. This was particularly the case when participants lacked familiarity with the program
they were considering. This is an important insight for leisure providers. New or unfamiliar
programs present decision makers with a problem. They are unsure how best to proceed and are
more likely to seek assistance before moving forward. WOM aids in this process. Providers
should seek to provide clear and open communications to both enhance understanding of
unfamiliar programs but also to guide and direct WOM communications. In that way, they are
more certain that accurate and complete communication is being passed between consumers. It
was also evident that decision makers own preferences were influential in their eventual use of
WOM communication. Those who were susceptible to influence sought WOM communication
in almost every condition we provided. Providers might create opportunities for users to offer
and exchange WOM communication. The provider can then collect useful feedback on client
response to program characteristics. Recall that most of these participants reported that they
were likely or very likely to read on-line reviews of products they planned to purchase on-line.
This is striking. The emergence of on-line WOM communication (often called WOF-word of
finger) offers a conundrum. It has traditionally been assumed that WOM was built on trust and
such trust was thought to build over time. How do the WOF dynamics play out when the source
of the communication is an anonymous stranger? The trust we traditionally assume to be part of
WOM communication seems very much present in the WOF environment yet we are uncertain
as to why. Clearly, traditional word of mouth processes (face to face communications) seem to
be changing. These individuals were willing to accept advice from strangers through on line
371

reviews. What dynamics are at work when clients seem so willing to offer and seek advice and
comment on line? A key question for future research could focus on the role shared experience
plays in the evolution of trust between strangers.

References
Bansal, H. S., & Voyer, P. A. (2000). Word-of-mouth processes within a services purchase
decision context. Journal of Service Research, 3(2), 166-177.
Bearden, R., Netemeyer, J., & Teel, J. (1989). Journal of Consumer Research, 15(3), 473-481.
Dawes, R. M. (1988). Rational choice in an uncertain world. Toronto, ON: Harcourt, Brace,
Jovanovich, Publishers.
Harrison-Walker, L. J. (2001). The measurement of word-of-mouth communication and an
investigation of service quality and customer commitment as potential antecedents. Journal
of Service Research, 4(1), 60-75.
Rickwood, C., & White, L. (2009). Pre-purchase decision-making for a complex service:
Retirement planning. Journal of Services Marketing, 23(3), 145-153.
Schiffman, L. G., & Kanuk, L. L. (1997). Consumer behavior, 6
th
Edition, Upper Saddle River,
NJ: Prentice Hall, 503.
Zeelenberg, M., & Pieters, R. (1999). Comparing service delivery to what might have been
behavioral responses to regret and disappointment. Journal of Service Research, 2(1), 86-
97.



Increased Social and Identity Involvement in LGBT-focused Sport Group Participation
Enhances Commitment
Steven E. Mock (University of Waterloo)
Background
Although there have been advances toward equality for sexual minorities (i.e., those with
sexual orientations other than heterosexual) in Canada (Nicol & Smith, 2008), homophobic
stigmatization persists (Morrison, Morrison, & Franklin, 2009; Rye & Meaney, 2009).
Consistent with symbolic interaction theory (Stryker & Statham, 1985), stereotypes, prejudice,
and negative evaluation from others expressed in personal interaction become internalized and
lead to negative self-evaluation by sexual minorities and a desire to conceal sexual minority
identity. These processes contribute to negative mental health outcomes for sexual minority
adults are known as minority stress (Meyer, 2003).
Sexual minority-focused sport groups are a growing phenomenon (Jones & McCarthy,
2010) that offer social support and opportunity to pursue sports interests without the homophobic
stigmatization sometimes found in sport settings (Anderson, 2002). Support from others who
share the stigmatized identity enhances well-being for those with concealable stigma (Frable,
Platt, & Hoey, 1998) due to provision of informational support, sense of belonging to the
stigmatized group, and enhanced identity acceptance (McKenna & Bargh, 1998). Social
integration and social support are key reasons why sport and physical activity contribute to
psychological well-being (Browne & Mahoney, 1984; Mannell, 2007), making sexual minority-
focused sport participation a promising context for counteracting minority stress. Although
some research on
372

In the present study, the role of social involvement and identity support and expression in
enhancing commitment to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) focused sport group
participation is examined. Further, the effect of identity support and social involvement on
identity disclosure is also tested. Drawing on the minority stress model, it is expected that
identity support and social involvement will increase the attraction and centrality of LGBT sport
group involvement will be a particularly important resource for helping participants to disclose
their sexual orientation identity in everyday life.

Method
Participants were recruited from sexual minority-focused sport groups in a large Canadian
city. Participation involved completion of a web-based survey that assessed degree of
involvement in the groups and management of sexual orientation identity. Among the 320
baseline participants, average age was 37 (SD = 9.91; min = 20, max = 68). Approximately 60%
of the participants were male, 37% were female, 0.6% were transgender, and 1.6% gave diverse
responses (e.g., genderqueer, not defined). Approximately 67% identified as gay, 27% as
lesbian, 2% as bisexual, 2% were heterosexual, and the remainder as unlabeled or not defined.
Participants took part in a variety of individual and team sports. A follow-up survey was
administered approximately 9 months later and 224 people took part.
Predictor variables were assessed with subscales drawn from a larger leisure involvement
measure (Kyle et al., 2007), including the social bonding subscale (e.g., Most of my friends are
in some way connected with this sport group), the identity affirmation subscale (e.g., When I
participate in this sport group, I can really be myself) and the identity expression subscale (e.g.,
Participating in this sport group says a lot about who I am). Two dependent variables was
measured with the attraction subscale (e.g., Participating in this sport group is one of the most
enjoyable things I do) and the centrality subscale (e.g., I find a lot of my life is organized
around participating in this sport group). Disclosure of sexual orientation identity was the mean
of three items denoting degree of disclosure (e.g., no one knows to most people know) across
multiple domains (e.g., work/school, family, friends). All predictor and outcome variables were
assessed at both time points. Longitudinal analyses were conducted with linear regression
analyses controlling for time one demographics then focusing on time two variables, but
controlling for time one values of predictors and outcomes. This method models change in
predictors and outcome variables over time (Cronbach & Furby, 1970).

Results
Increases in social bonding and identity expression predicted increases in sport group
centrality (B = .45, SE = .08, p < .001 and B = .25, SE = .08, p < .01, respectively). Similarly,
increases in social bonding and identity expression predicted increases in sport group attraction
(B = .39, SE = .09, p < .001 and B = .18, SE = .09, p < .05, respectively). Finally, increased
identity affirmation in the context of the LGBT sport group predicted increased sexual
orientation identity disclosure in everyday life (B = .15, SE = .07, p < .05).

Discussion
These analyses with longitudinal data suggest causal associations between social bonding
and identity expression with increased centrality of the sport group in participants lives and
increased attraction to those sport groups. In addition to meeting fundamental social and identity
needs that potentially counteract the minority stress process, these findings also suggest how and
373

why LGBT sport group participation may become serious leisure for some (i.e., through
increased commitment; Stebbins, 1982). Finally, the sport group provided an identity affirming
forum that increased the disclosure of sexual orientation identity with potential relief from the
negative psychological consequences of concealment and self-monitoring.

References
Anderson, E. (2002). Openly gay athletes: Contesting hegemonic masculinity in a homophobic
environment. Gender & Society, 16, 860-877.
Browne, M. A., & Mahoney, M. J. (1984). Sport psychology. Annual Review of Psychology, 35,
605-625.
Cronbach, L. J., & Furby, L. (1970). How we should measure changeOr should we?
Psychological Bulletin, 74, 6880.
Frable, D. E. S., Platt, L., & Hoey, S. (1998). Concealable stigmas and positive self-perceptions:
Feeling better around similar others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74
909-922.
Jones, L., & McCarthy, M. (2010). Mapping the landscape of gay mens football. Leisure
Studies, 29, 161-173.
Kyle, G. T., Absher, J. D., Hammitt, W. E., & Cavin, J. (2006). An examination of the
motivationinvolvement relationship. Leisure Sciences, 28, 467-485.
Mannell, R. C. (2007). Health, well-being, and leisure. World Leisure Journal, 49, 114-128.
McKenna, K. Y. A., & Bargh, J. A. (1998). Coming out in the age of the Internet: Identity "de-
marginalization" through virtual group participation. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 75, 681-694.
Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual
populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 674-
697.
Morrison, M. A., Morrison, T. G., & Franklin, R. (2009). Modern and old-fashioned
homonegativity among samples of Canadian and American university students. Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 40, 523-542.
Nicol, N., & Smith, M. (2008). Legal struggles and political resistance: Same-sex marriage in
Canada and the USA. Sexualities, 6, 667-687.
Rye, B. J., & Meaney, G. J. (2009). Impact of a homonegativity awareness workshop on attitudes
toward homosexuality. Journal of Homosexuality, 56, 31-55.
Stebbins, R. A. (1982). Serious leisure: A conceptual statement. Pacific Sociological Review,
25, 251-272.
Stryker, S., & Statham, A. (1985). Symbolic interaction and role theory. In G. Lindzey & E.
Aronson (Eds.), Handbook of social psychology (pp. 311-378). New York: Random House.








374

Imagining Alternative Leisure Spaces: A Lefebvrean Analysis of the Shambhala Music
Festival
Kelci Mohr (University of Alberta)

Introduction
Carnivals and festivals have a rich history as communal leisure forms (Ehrenreich, 2006).
These events are a celebration of collective joy, and often involve music, dancing, food, and
other revelries. Electronic music festivals are modern-day versions where young people celebrate
communitas (Johner, 2011). Collective experiences that are creative, marginal and transgressive
can be full of meaning, critique, freedom, and excitement (Riches, 2011). In this exploratory
research project, Henri Lefebvres theories of the production of space and the politics of the
encounter are used to analyze open-ended interviews conducted with young people who have
attended electronic music festivals (1991, 2004). Data analysis revealed the importance of
encountering within the lived experience of the Shambhala Music Festival. Specifically,
attendees encountered strangers, re-encountered friends and family, and finally, encountered
themselves. This paper details how and why encounters in festival spaces have the potential to
change attendees lives. Research about leisure on the margins may reveal important details
concerning what young people may be seeking by engaging in alternative leisure (Fox, Riches &
Dubnewick, 2011). Quests for meaning and spirituality in leisure may be self-created responses
by young people to address mental, emotional, and physical health issues. If we can begin to
comprehend how young people use these experiences to enhance their lives, we may better
understand how we could support their positive processes and outcomes.

Literature Review
There has been some research on electronic music as it relates to rave culture (Fatone,
2003; Gerard, 2003), and festivals in general have been given some attention in tourism
scholarship (LeBlanc, 1998; Macleod, 2006; Robinson, Picard & Long, 1998). Previous research
has identified a need for leisure scholarship to pay greater attention to popular music forms (Fox,
Riches, & Dubnewick, 2011), and especially as they relate to alternative and marginalized
communities (Fox & Lashua, 2010). To date, there has been some academic focus on the iconic
Burning Man festival in Nevada, USA. These scholars have examined Burning Man from a
sociological and organizational perspective (Chen, 2012), focused on expressions of spirituality
(Gilmore, 2010), and discussed how regular attendees form a countercultural neotribe (Jones,
2011). Little research has been done on more local festivals that attract regular and loyal
participants because of location, sensory experiences, and relationships. In leisure studies, the
margins have been identified as sites of diversity, innovation and creativity through the
resistance and transgression of normative ideals (Fox, Riches, & Dubnewick, 2011). In addition,
encountering and engaging with extremes on the margins may transform how people think, act,
and see the world (Fox, Riches, & Dubnewick, 2011). There is a need to engage with the senses
in leisure scholarship, as well as paying attention to the rhythms that are present in the lived
experience of life (Humberstone & Fox, 2013). This study enhances the existing research
repertoire on alternative leisure spaces by exploring these ideas within the context of a Canadian
festival.
Lefebvres theory of the production of space postulates that spaces emerge from multiple
interacting elements that vary spatially, temporally, and individually (1991). If the city creates
everything because it centralizes social interactions (Merrifield, 2012), then music festivals may
375

be seen as temporary re-creations of an urban city space. Lefebvre discusses the urban as a
center that attracts life (Prigge, 2008). As Shambhala is decidedly urban, Lefebvrean theories are
used to articulate how encounters occur within this leisure space.

Festival Description
The Shambhala Music Festival takes place on the Salmo River Ranch, a privately owned,
500-acre cattle farm in the Salmo River Valley. The festival occurs over 5 days in early August,
and is spatially isolated from large urban centers. Shambhala is a substantial gathering of people,
comprising 10,000 ticket holders with some 2,000 volunteers, artists, production crews and
support staff. Shambhalas website boasts that the festival becomes the largest city in the West
Kootenays over the five days of the event. This particular city exists in order to bring people
together in encounter and celebration. Since every interviewee spoke at length about the
importance of his or her experience at the Shambhala Music Festival in comparison to any other
music festival, this event became the focal point of the research.

Sample
Shambhalas website describes how the festival has grown by word of mouth, with no
corporate sponsorship or advertising. To emulate this process of connecting through familiarity,
the author interviewed attendees that she knew and that had attended one or more electronic
music festivals. The existing relationship supported trust between the researcher and participant
when discussing personal experiences. Five interviews were collected in Edmonton, Alberta.

Method
A qualitative approach using narrative inquiry was used to guide data collection.
Storytelling gives people the chance to re-present their experiences in a sequential and personally
meaningful way, as well as display transformation or change (Squire, 2008). Narratives have
been conceptualized as one way that people make sense of themselves and the world. Open-
ended interviews were designed to unfold organically, and attendees were prompted to tell
personally relevant stories about their perceptions, conceptions, and lived experiences within
festival spaces. They were further prompted to discuss emotions, sensations, rhythms, physical
spaces, and encounters. Interviews were recorded on an audio-recording device, transcribed
verbatim, coded for themes, and analyzed using Lefebvres theories (1991, 2004).

Findings
Analysis revealed the importance of the encounter in the lived experience of the
Shambhala Music Festival. Three types of encounter emerged as significant: encountering
random strangers, re-encountering friends and family, and self-encounter. Encounters at
Shambhala helped people to see the possibilities within the familiar and the everyday. They also
began to understand how people could connect deeply in a world that has increased technological
connectivity, yet often a lack of face-to-face or personal interaction.

Encountering Strangers
The conception of Shambhala as a safe and welcoming space facilitated the
encountering of strangers because attendees felt more open to the possibility. Encountering
strangers helped attendees to consider alternative perspectives, gain new awareness of how they
usually interacted with others, and re-imagine how their everyday interactions could be. These
376

encounters were often ordinary moments that occurred through meeting different people and
engaging them in conversation. As Brad remarked, Everybody was there to help each other and
have a good time, and to make sure that everybody else had a good time. And it opened my eyes
up to that, because I didnt think people were capable of that.

Re-encountering Friends & Family
All interviewees experienced Shambhala for the first time with people with whom they
already had a pre-existing relationship. Spending time with one another in an environment that
they perceived to be emotionally and socially liberating allowed an experience of empathy and
bonding. This occurred because attendees felt they were able to break down social barriers and
share their feelings about their importance to one another. Brad notes that between the friends
Ive gone to music festivals with, I have a way deeper connection and an easier time talking to
them about anything than the friends I havent gone to music festivals with. () Your family is
who you make your family to be.

Self-Encounter
Through encountering others in the festival space, attendees experienced personal
exploration and transformation. They examined and questioned their thought patterns, because
the festival space was removed from everyday rhythms and threw ordinary routines into greater
relief. Autumn demonstrates this idea when she says that Shambhala was the first time Ive ever
been able to push down [my] walls and just be like, this is me. It was definitely life-changing.
This particular lived experience allowed individuals to suspend the conceptions they held of
themselves in their home environments, question themselves, and consider how they could bring
these realizations back into their everyday lives.

Conclusion
Just as alienation reflected an absence, a moment empty of critical content, the
Lefebvrean moment signified a presence, a fullness, alive and connected (emphasis in original;
Merrifield, 2008, p.182). The Lefebvrean moment of embodied presence was experienced as
profound for attendees, because the festival deliberately opened up a space where people could
step outside of everyday rhythms, obligations, and preconceptions. Festivals are places that
people create and generate for themselves (emphasis in original; Ehrenreich, 2006, p.95).
Electronic music festivals have emerged as an increasingly popular alternative leisure form
where young people explore connection, meaning and transformation through encounter. At the
Shambhala Music Festival, attendees expressed their capacity for collective joy and were
prompted to re-consider their pre-existing beliefs about strangers, their friends, and themselves.
They questioned many things they considered to be normal or absolute, and often returned with a
shifted perspective on the possibilities of everyday life. With mental, emotional and physical dis-
ease on the rise, how young people enrich their lives and find meaning within alternative leisure
experiences is highly valuable to understand. Bringing insights back from music festivals may
help to build a foundation for creative additions and alternatives to what currently exists in
recreation and leisure programming. Ultimately, this exploratory research has identified that
leisure scholarship would benefit from more extensive knowledge on how electronic music
festivals have the potential to facilitate experiences that some young people use to successfully
navigate their lives. Integrating this knowledge into existing frameworks for leisure will better
support these experiences in everyday life. This research was conducted under the direction of
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Dr. Karen Fox with the support of the 2013 Roger S. Smith Undergraduate Research Award. I
intend to further explore this preliminary project in Master of Arts program at the University of
Alberta in the fall of 2014. My proposed research will explore how spaces are produced at
electronic music festivals, and how these alternative leisure spaces may inspire experiences of
personal exploration and transformation (Lefebvre, 1991, 2004; Merrifield, 2012). Utilizing
Lefebvres spatial triad, rhythmanalysis, and Merrifields politics of the encounter, my research
will more thoroughly map how spaces of electronic music festivals are conceived, perceived, and
lived by individuals. The qualitative research will connect the importance of sensory
embodiment to meaning making within leisure spaces and encounters, and deepen academic
understanding about the role that music festivals might play in enriching the lives of those people
that attend them.
References
Chen, K. K. (2012). Charismatizing the routine: Storytelling for meaning and agency in the
Burning Man organization. Qualitative Sociology, 35(3), 311-334.
Ehrenreich, B. (2006). Dancing in the streets: A history of collective joy. New York, NY:
Metropolitan Books.
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metal scenes, and questioning public recreation/leisure services. MUSICultures, 38, 88-103.
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Angeles, CA: University of California Press.
Harrop, P., & Njaradi, D. (2013). Performance and ethnography: Dance, drama, music.
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Jones, S. (2011). Tribes of Burning Man: How an experimental city in the desert is shaping the
new American counterculture. San Francisco, CA: CCC.
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sciences, 28, 267-283.
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Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Trans. D. Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Blackwell.
Macleod, N. E. (2006). The placeless festival. In D. Picard & M. Robinson (Eds.), Tourism and
social change: Remaking worlds, 222-237. Clevedon, UK: Channel View Publications.
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Milgrom, R., & Schmid, C. (Eds), Space, difference and everyday life: Reading Henri
Lefebvre, p. 176-190. New York, NY: Routledge.
Merrifield, A. (2012). The politics of the encounter and the urbanization of the world. City:
Analysis of urban trends, culture, theory, policy, action, 16(3), 269-283.
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Prigge, W. (2008). Reading The Urban Revolution: Space and representation. In Goonewardena,
K., Kipfer, S., Milgrom, R., & Schmid, C., (Eds.), Space, difference and everyday life:
Reading Henri Lefebvre. New York, NY: Routledge.
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for Cultural Research, 15(3), 315-332.
Robinson, M., Picard, D., & Long, P. (1998). Festival tourism: Producing, translating, and
consuming expressions of culture(s). In B. E. Wicks (Ed.), Event management: An
international journal, 8(4), 187-189. New York, NY: CCC.
Squire, C. (2008). Experience-centered and culturally-oriented approaches to narrative. In M.
Andrews, C. Squire, & M. Tamboukou (Eds.), Doing narrative research, 4163. Los
Angeles, CA: Sage.



Coping With Everyday Stressors in Adiposis Dolorosa: Is There a Role for Leisure?
Urmi Mukherjee, Rebecca Genoe (University of Regina)

Introduction
The onset of a chronic ailment can trigger a host of physical, emotional, psychological, and
social changes. Although there have been studies on the experiences of individuals with chronic
illness, the subjective experiences of individuals with a rare chronic illness called Adiposis
Dolorosa (AD) is yet to be investigated. AD, also known as Dercums disease, is a progressive,
debilitating chronic condition, and one of the ten rarest diseases and second most painful disease
in the world (National Organization for Rare Disorders - NORD, 2012). The etiology of AD is
unknown, and currently no cure or treatment exists. The literature on AD dates back to the 18th
century, but negligible research has explored this illness since then. Little is understood about the
daily living and coping experiences of individuals with AD and their quality of life. Amidst these
challenges, leisure may help in coping and self-management. The purpose of this conceptual
discussion is to explore how individuals with AD experience this illness and what role leisure
may play in their lives, especially in relation to coping with everyday stressors and the traumatic
life events that result from the diagnosis of a chronic illness.

Adiposis Dolorosa
AD is characterized by multiple painful fatty deposits (benign lipomas) that mainly occur
on the trunk, upper arms, and upper legs (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2012).
Although it is up to 20 times more common in women, men comprise 16% of the reported cases.
Persons affected with AD experience varied symptoms such as neurotic pain, chronic fatigue,
brain fog, and cognitive impairments. Depression, immobility, and multiple organ dysfunction
are not uncommon (Hansson, Svensson, & Brorson, 2012). Other symptoms associated with AD
include breathlessness, migraines, anxiety, heartburn and insomnia, making everyday living
exigent and agonizing (Wortham & Tomlinson, 2005). Since the etiology and cure for AD are
unknown, patients are restricted to treating individual symptoms with substantial risk of side
effects due to high intake of multiple medications (NORD, 2012). Dealing with the emotional,
mental, and physical complications of AD on a daily basis can be a burdensome task, impacting
the overall quality and productivity of life (Wortham et al., 2005). As AD progresses into its later
stages and the lipomas multiply and increase in size, performing simple daily activities that
379

include physical movement (such as chores, bathing, leisurely pursuits, hobbies, and
employment) become difficult to accomplish (Kosseifi, Anaya, Dronovalli, & Leicht, 2010).
Limited research on AD is affecting medical knowledge and awareness, rendering
diagnosis to be a major medical challenge as the majority of the symptoms remain unknown
amongst health care practitioners (Kosseifiet et al., 2010). Combined with a lack of financial or
market incentives to treat or cure rare diseases, this poses a serious danger to the public health
care system and the lives of individuals affected by a rare chronic disease (NORD, 2012).
Furthermore, to our knowledge, researchers have not explored the lived experiences of
individuals with AD. Gaining a better understanding of how individuals with AD experience and
manage this illness in the absence of adequate support and information is required to better meet
the needs of those living with the illness. Moreover, considering the complex nature and multiple
symptoms associated with this condition, how individuals with AD cope with the negative
impact of AD on their daily living and how they self-manage the physical, emotional and mental
stress associated with AD has not been considered. To broaden our understanding of the nature
of AD, how people living with AD cope with this illness in the midst of everyday challenges
such as movement restrictions, unequal access to health care and social consequences
accompanying progression of the illness is vital. Investigations into the everyday lives of persons
living with AD and the role of leisure in coping with this illness may lead to increased
understanding of non-medical, alternative self-management approaches. Research into the
experience of chronic illness such as AD may provide insights into promotion or maintenance of
meaningful living and wellbeing. Furthermore, such research may assist organizations such as
the NORD, Canadian Organization for Rare Disorders (CORD), the medical community and
persons suffering from AD and their loved ones to gain further insight in to this baffling disease.

Leisure and Coping
Leisure is defined as preferred, enjoyable and meaningful activities that are pursued in free
or discretionary time (Kleiber, 1999). Kleiber and Hutchinson (2010) describe leisure as a source
of positive distraction to manage daily stress, an escape from negative emotions, a source of
hope (when reminded of the goodness in their lives, their strengths, capabilities and enthusiasm
to look forward to things), a source of self-restoration (by providing reassurance, space, alternate
activities and validation), a source of strength and support (by focusing on self-determination,
endurance and companionship), and a source of personal transformation (encouraging self-
expression, filtering the negatives out, controlling the mind and embracing positive thoughts).
Recently, research has highlighted the therapeutic nature of leisure, especially in coping with
stress and negative life events. Participation in leisure activities can improve mood and moderate
the relationship between stress and psychological wellbeing (Iwasaki & Mannell, 2000). There is
also evidence that leisure can be an effective coping resource for people living with chronic
conditions or disabilities (Hutchinson, Loy, Kleiber, & Dattilo, 2003; Shannon & Bourque,
2006). Despite growing evidence of the benefits of leisure for coping, researchers have not, to
our knowledge, focused on leisure based coping for individuals with rare chronic illnesses.
Amidst a wide scope of leisure based studies, this discussion will explore the potential role of
leisure in coping with a rare chronic illness AD, and attempt to broaden our understanding of
leisure in our society.



380

The Role of Leisure in Adiposis Dolorosa
Persons with AD may face numerous daily challenges and at some point come to terms
with the fact that they have a lifelong condition. Embracing a host of physical, mental, emotional
and socio-economic changes that are taking place can be a slow, self-motivated process
involving considerable adjustment and effort. Recovering from the trauma associated with the
diagnosis of a rare chronic illness requires healing and positive transformation. Recovery
usually involves a holistic, person-centered, strengths based approach that focuses on self-
direction, respect, hope, connectedness, peer support, empowerment, spiritual fulfillment and
meaningful life that includes education, employment and leisure (Sells et al., 2006). Leisure may
provide persons living with AD with the time, autonomy and opportunity to focus on all the
above through reflections on past achievements, storytelling, sharing experiences on support
networks, pursuing a hobby, developing new skills and creating or reshaping their identities by
promoting active engagements that assist them to move beyond the silhouette of chronic illness.
Leisure can create several less physically demanding avenues for expressive, creative, social,
spiritual and cultural pursuits that help AD patients cope with their condition (Iwasaki, Coyle, &
Shank, 2010). Leisure can also provide opportunities for individuals experiencing disabilities to
pursue socially valued normal activities and develop new meaningful relationships or
reshape/create new roles for themselves by engaging in activities that satisfy the urge of going
out and being productive (Hutchinson, Bland, Kleiber, McCormick, & Iwasaki, 2008). The
relationship between AD and leisure may be important because in peoples quest for a
meaningful life, leisure can contribute to remedying the bad (e.g. coping with/healing from) as
well as enhancing the good (e.g. advancing quality of life, focusing on satisfaction) by
optimizing positive emotions, promoting self-awareness and enlightenment, developing
harmonious connections and creating or reshaping identities (Iwasaki, 2008). Kleiber,
Hutchinson, and Williams (2002) identify effects of leisure in coping with negative life events
such as distraction, adaptation, stress, and vulnerability arising from challenging conditions such
as disabilities, illnesses, trauma, injury, relocation, loss of a spouse, empty nest syndromes and
failed relationships. They identify four functions of leisure in transcending negative life events:
developing patterns of stability, control and deflection to encourage patterns of self-protection;
exercising choice and freedom to separate the stressors (and hence use leisure as a buffer); use of
leisure time to generate optimism and hope about the future; and directing leisure activities
towards self enhancement, restoration and personal transformation by being reflective and letting
go of things and situations that do not help the individual grow. Additionally, leisure activities
can be a focal point when life becomes difficult or threatening for individuals with AD (Kleiber
& Hutchinson, 2010). Amidst daily challenges, leisure activities may assist persons living with
AD by helping them preserve or restore their positive self-perceptions by reaffirming or
validating personal beliefs or values, by allowing them to express enduring personal
characteristics and preferences, by locating convenient substitute activities, by reinstating the
belief that they are fundamentally still the same before the onset of AD, and by providing them
the social space to be themselves (Kleiber & Hutchinson, 2010). Leisure can therefore be a
strong, non-medical, humanistic, holistic, capability-based and cost effective practical
application that is a voluntarily undertaken by people living with AD as an alternate heath care
approach.



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Directions for Research, Policy and Application
Since rare chronic illnesses have not, to our knowledge, been considered within the context
of leisure, a better understanding of what individuals with Adiposis Dolorosa experience and the
multidimensional role of leisure will pave the way for researchers and health care practitioners to
acknowledge the challenges of living with a condition that is devoid of specific treatment and
cure. This could, in turn, improve provision of health care by increasing sensitivity around the
challenges of living with AD. Research into leisure and coping with AD may be used as a
foundation to encourage further interest into the understanding of rare chronic illnesses. It could
assist the medical community to create a more humanistic, holistic and patient-centered
environment where the claims of patients suffering from unheard diseases are not dismissed on
grounds of ignorance. Moreover, a better understanding of the role of leisure in coping may offer
alternative, non-medical routes leading to self-management and greater autonomy amongst
patients. Additionally, leisure can also provide avenues for coping through opportunities to
socially network, develop bonds through participation, create channels for emotional regulation,
provide opportunities to focus on meaningful activities thereby revitalizing life and restoring
depleted energies, sustain coping efforts, and learn new coping strategies.

References
Hansson, E., Svensson, H., & Brorson, H. (2012). Review of Dercums disease and proposal of
diagnostic criteria, diagnostic methods, classification and management. Orphanet Journal
of Rare Diseases, 7(1), 1-15.
Hutchinson, S. L., Bland, A. D., Kleiber, D. A., McCormick, B. P., & Iwasaki, Y. (2008).
Leisure and stress-coping: Implications for therapeutic recreation practice. Therapeutic
Recreation Journal, 42(1), 9-23.
Hutchinson, S. L., Loy, D. P., Kleiber, D. A., & Dattilo, J. (2003). Leisure as a coping resource:
Variations in coping with traumatic injury and illness. Leisure Sciences, 25(2-3), 143-161.
Iwasaki, Y. (2008). Pathways to meaning-making through leisure-like pursuits in global
contexts. Journal of Leisure Research, 40(2), 231-249.
Iwasaki, Y., Coyle, C. P., & Shank, J. W. (2010). Leisure as a context for active living, recovery,
health and life quality for persons with mental illness in a global context. Health
Promotion International, 25(4), 483-494.
Iwasaki, Y., & Mannell, R. C. (2000). Hierarchical dimensions of leisure stress coping. Leisure
Sciences, 22(3), 163-181.
Kleiber, D. A. (1999). Leisure experience and human development. New York: Basic.
Kleiber, D. A., & Hutchinson, S. L. (2010). Making the best of bad situations: The value of
leisure in coping with negative life events. In L. Payne, B. Ainsworth, & G. Godbey
(Eds.), Leisure, health, and wellness: Making the connections, 155-164. State College,
PA: Venture.
Kleiber, D. A., Hutchinson, S. L., & Williams, R. (2002). Leisure as a resource in transcending
negative life events: Self-protection, self-restoration, and personal transformation.
Leisure Sciences, 24(2), 219-235.
Kosseifi, S., Anaya, E., Dronovalli, G., & Leicht, S. (2010). Dercum's Disease: An unusual
presentation. Pain Medicine, 11(9), 1430-1434.
National Human Genome Research Institute. (2012, June 27). Learning about Dercum disease.
Retrieved from: http://www.genome.gov/17516629
National Institutes of Health. (2010). Fact Sheet, Rare Disease Clinical Research Network.
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National Organization for Rare Disorders (NORD). (2012). Dercums Disease. Retrieved from:
http://www.rarediseases.org/rare-disease-information/rare-
diseases/byID/490/printFullReport
Sells, D., Borg, M., Marin, I., Mezzina, R., Topor, A., & Davidson, L. (2006). Arenas of
recovery for persons with severe mental illness. Archives of Andrology, 9(1), 3-16.
Shannon, C. S., & Bourque, D. (2006). Overlooked and underutilized: The critical role of leisure
interventions in facilitating social support throughout breast cancer treatment and
recovery. Social Work in Health Care, 42(1), 73-92.
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2006). Transforming mental healthcare in
America. Federal Action Agenda: First Step. Author, Rockville, MD.
Wortham, N. C., & Tomlinson, I. P. (2005). Dercum's disease. SKINmed: Dermatology for the
Clinician, 4(3), 157-162.



Negotiations of Subcultural Authenticity and Belonging for Female Metal Fans
Gabby (Gabrielle) Riches (Leeds Metropolitan University)

Introduction and Theorization: Womens Participation in the Extreme Metal Scene
Extreme metal comprised of subgenres such as thrash, death metal, black metal, and
grindcore remains on the edges of traditional heavy metal culture. Marginal forms of heavy
metal are considered by some to be the most dynamic, artistically diverse, and transgressive
(Kahn-Harris, 2007). Kahn-Harris (2007) views all forms of extreme metal as being equally part
of a marginal, underground scene where individualism, bodily and sonic transgression and anti-
conformity are privileged over the commercial interests of mainstream heavy metal. Although
the metal community prides itself on being a welcoming space for outsiders and a transgressive
subculture that challenges mainstream ideals and norms, it retains practices and performances
that are exclusionary to women. For Weinstein (2000) womens absence within heavy metal
scenes reflects the ideologies and shared values of metal music, since the musics aesthetic is
founded on notions of power and power is culturally coded as a masculine trait (p. 67).
Kahn-Harriss (2007) maintains that women who aspire to become involved in the extreme metal
scene are more limited than men in how they are able to define and express themselves. Women
are caught up in a double bind in terms of wanting to exhibit a feminine identity (highly visible
but viewed as less serious) whilst being recognized as a legitimate subcultural member (less
visible and usually adhering to masculine codes of behaviour). On the other hand, for some
scholars masculine aesthetics are negotiable insofar as female fans are willing to step outside
traditional constrictions of gender identity (Walser, 1993, p. 132, emphasis added). When
women do adhere to masculine forms of subcultural identification they garner subcultural
recognition and legitimacy by their male peers (Leblanc, 1999; Krenske & McKay, 2000;
Mullaney, 2007). Thus, it remains dubious whether womens construction of gender
subjectivities within a male dominated space can ever be performed on its own terms (Vasan,
2010).
The intersections between authenticity, gender and performance are important when
examining womens involvement in extreme metal. Authenticity is something that is made and
fought for within a cultural and historical position (Rubidge, 1996). Within music subcultures
authenticity is not only inscribed on and conveyed through the body by way of dress, but is
383

ascribed to particular performances and practices (Driver, 2011; Moore, 2004; Williams, 2006).
For many women to be considered authentic members within the extreme metal scene they
have to conform to the androcentric codes and practices such as moshing and stagediving or else
risk further marginalisation (Krenske & McKay, 2000; Vasan, 2010). Despite some notable
examples that illustrate how women actively maintain subcultural legitimacy by resisting
conventional performances of femininity, these discussions have remained contextually limited
and were not central to the research project (Mullaney, 2007; Vasan, 2011).
Feminist poststructuralist theory recognises gender and gendered experiences of leisure to
be situated, temporal and contextual while remaining attentive to the ways in which relations of
power are constructed (Aitchison, 2000). Poststructural theories of subjectivity capture the active
process of taking up certain subject positions in an ongoing process of becoming; thus,
subjectivity is open for reconfiguration because discourses, as part of a network of power
relations, are never fixed and closed but fracture at various points and create spaces for
alternative constructions of subjectivity (Jackson, 2004, p. 674). Ideas of multiple identities,
reflexivity, the breakdown of clear divisions, and the ambiguous and contradictory aspects of
postmodern existence are aspects that are taken up in feminist poststructual analyses of gender
research. However, the tension between recognition of diversity and multiple identities and the
idea of commonality of experience among women reflects the contradictory notion of social life
(Henderson & Shaw, 2006). Utilising a poststructural lens, then, this paper focuses specifically
on female identity construction within two extreme metal scenes. It explores the contradiction of
women asserting that they are attracted to extreme metal because of its transgressive and
aggressive aesthetics yet deny other womens desires to be part of the scene. And as women
position themselves as authentic members they remain uncritical of their own positionalities
within the scene. Lastly, the research acknowledges the fluidity of heavy metal identities and
pays attention to the ways in which women negotiate multiple subjectivities with extreme metal
to achieve subcultural recognition.

Methodology: Music and Ethnography
Cohen (1993) asserts that an ethnographic approach to popular music increases knowledge
of music processes, practices and discourses while also allowing researchers to experience
different relationships, views, values and aesthetics, or to view familiar contexts from an
alternative perspective (p. 135). For Grazian (2004) ethnographic methods are complimentary
to understanding how people engage with and experience musical practices within particular
spatial contexts across time and space. For many feminist scholars, ethnography is a suitable
methodology to account for the multifaceted ways in which subjects are produced through the
historical categories and context in which they are placed and which they precariously inhabit
(Skeggs, 2007, p. 433). Feminist ethnography is concerned about processes and experience of
participants on the margins. Scotts (1992) account of experience is that it is not individuals who
have experience, but subjects who are constituted through experience. Female metal fans
subjectivities are produced and actively reworked through their everyday experiences in the local
extreme metal scene.
This paper offers a cross-cultural analysis of female metal fans participation and
positioning within two extreme metal music scenes: Edmonton, Canada and Leeds, United
Kingdom. Within existing popular music and heavy metal scholarship there have been very few
cross cultural case studies, even less with a gendered focus. Cross cultural analyses of
subcultural scenic life are important because they highlight the symbiotic relationship between
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the local and the global (Kahn-Harris, 2000). The Edmonton and Leeds extreme metal scene are
predominantly masculine, white, and heterosexual with very few women holding musicianship
and leadership roles. The first ethnographic research project was conducted from April 2008-
August 2008 and 11 female heavy metal fans were interviewed. The second research project
consisted of 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork (February 2012- August 2013) in Leeds where
12 female metal fans who actively engaged in extreme metal fandom practices such as moshing
were interviewed. The fieldwork consisted of over 1000 hours of participant observation, open-
ended interviews, extensive field notes and journaling. Interviewees of both research sites
answered questions regarding their entrance into the local metal scene, their attraction to heavy
metal, bodily experiences within the scene in terms of their engagement in subcultural practices
such as moshing and headbanging, if they thought metal venues were welcoming to women,
what contributes to a sense of belonging, and pressures around performances of metal
femininities and masculinities. The interview data was analysed through a framework informed
by the research questions, common themes, and theoretical review.

Results and Discussion
The use of a cross-cultural analysis illustrates the importance of heavy metal experiences at
a local level and how it connects and is part of the larger global metal scene (Kahn-Harris, 2000).
Local extreme metal scenes are particularly important because they reflect and are influenced by
larger social and cultural structures. For example, participants from both Edmonton and Leeds
commented that the metal scenes provided limited gender roles for women because their social
environments were conservative, behind the times, and backwards. Subcultural authenticity
was predicated on dressing masculine, demonstrating independence and strength through
participating in moshpit practices, and exhibiting an extensive knowledge of heavy metal music.
When examining gender dynamics and relations, the majority of the heavy metal literature
focuses on how women are treated by men but little attention has been paid to how women
marginalise other female metal fans. There was a common preconception amongst all the women
interviewed that other female metal fans were posers, one respondent admitted that when she
sees other women at metal gigs she automatically assumes oh she shouldnt be here, shes a
poser. My research also explores the ways in which women internalise and implement sexist
discourses to position themselves as authentic subcultural members. One woman bluntly
summarised her views about other female metal fans: dont talk s*** about what you dont
know and dont be a c***and if you dont belong dont pretend that you do. This statement
provides a more critical perspective to heavy metal scenic life by highlighting how that even
though women are drawn to heavy metal because of its transgressive, rebellious characteristics
they are actually participating in and (re)producing an oppressive environment, one that they
were initially seeking to escape from through heavy metal (Krenske &McKay, 2000). And even
though the participants strongly positioned themselves as heavy metal fans and moshpit
participants many of them asserted that most women are only into metal to look at the blokes
and that because moshing was seen as unfeminine it was therefore inhospitable to women. Some
women also condemned normative performances of femininity from other women, yet, wanted to
retain their own femininity. One respondent from Edmonton claimed that if a woman arrives at a
gig wearing feminine clothing such as a skirt and low cut top that they would not be taken
seriously compared to somebody who just looks like one of the guys while others suggested
that appearances dont matter as long as you are a fan of metal.

385

Conclusion and Implications
Extreme metal as an alternative leisure space and practice remains an important context to
analyze constructions of gender identities and question how subcultural membership and feelings
of belonging are negotiated within a masculine domain. Leisure spaces are understood to be sites
of struggle, negotiation, challenge and resistance to hegemonic definitions of gender which in
turn can further marginalise women. Hill and Spracklen (2010) argue that with increasing
academic interest in heavy metal, scholars are opening up dialogues about what we can learn
about metal and what we can learn from metal (p. vii). Similar to poststructural ideas around
space, practices, and subjectivities, extreme metal is always in a state of flux, between obscurity
and popularity, between unison and fragmentation, between resistance and conformity. For many
heavy metal scholars extreme metal teeters on the edge while remaining enmeshed within larger
social structures and cultural transformations (Kahn-Harris, 2007). My cross-cultural research
contributes to an increased focus on lived experiences in subcultural life centred on the detail of
experiences that engagement with distinct subcultural forms and practices give rise to
(Hodkinson, 2012, p. 565) while also highlighting the everyday tensions and contradictions of
seeking authentic membership for female metal fans.

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subculture. Gender, Place and Culture, 7(3), 287-304.
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Vasan, S. (2011). The price of rebellion: Gender boundaries in the death metal scene. Journal for
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Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.



Enactments of Othering in the Context of Sport and Recreation-Based Development
Programs
Erin K. Sharpe (Brock University)

Introduction
Policymakers, organizations, and in some cases entire nations have begun to implement
sport and recreation-based development (SRD) programs for purposes of social intervention,
crime prevention, and risk reduction (Coalter, 2007; Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011; Kay, 2009), in
both international and community development contexts. In these realms, sport and recreation
are considered effective developmental tools, first for their pro-social character and secondly, for
their ability to hook hard to reach young people, who through the sporting context become
engaged in other activities that foster physical, social, or economic well-being (Spaaj, 2009).
Indeed, research has confirmed that in particular contexts sport and recreation-based programs
can contribute to important outcomes including improvements in social mobility (e.g., Spaaj,
2009), community social capital (e.g., Schinke et al., 2010), and young womens empowerment
(e.g., Kay, 2009). This scholarly work has affirmed the place of sport and recreation in the
broader development agenda.
At the same time, a scholarly dialogue has raised critical questions as well as produced
evidence to suggest that the excitement surrounding sport and recreation and tools for
development may need to be tempered. While concerns have been raised about program
instability (Coakley, 2011) and difficulty in measuring program outcomes (Coalter, 2007),
perhaps the most damaging has been the critiques brought forward by post-colonial scholars,
some of which all into question the entire endeavour of SRD programming. The post-colonial
critique is concerned about the potentially harmful unintended consequences of SRD programs
(Kelly, 2012); that rather than produce benefits for their intended beneficiaries, SRD programs
might in fact contribute to deepening inequalities and exacerbate the very conditions the
initiatives are trying to improve (Pitter & Andrews, 1997, p. 98). For example, concerns have
been raised related to how SRD programs Other and pathologize their participants as at risk
and in need (Bauder, 2002), fuel stigmatizing processes (Kelly, 2012), and reify social
387

divisions (Pitter & Andrews, 2012). In light of these debates, it can become difficult to make
sense of the SRD program. Are these programs beneficial to their intended participants and
communities? Or do they cause more harm than good?
This paper offers further consideration of the post-colonial critique of othering in the
context of SRD programs. Specifically, this paper considers the how how might the other be
enacted in the context of SRD programs? As Kirchner (2012) noted, we come to know the other
but we deemphasize the processes that work to produce the other. Considering other as a verb
allows us to attend to the ways in which we enact and perform the other, and accordingly, how
we might undo or attenuate such enactments. After first reviewing key ideas of the notion of
othering, the paper offers some tools for analyzing othering, and then considers the ways that
othering might be, and has been noted to be, enacted in the SRD context.

Theoretical Framework: Othering and its Enactments
Othering is a process that serves to mark and name those thought to be different from
oneself (Weis, 1995). It is, as Schwalbe (2000) describes, the defining into existence of a
group of people who are identifiable, from the standpoint of a group with the capacity to
dominate, as inferior (p. 777). Othering defines and secures ones own identity by distancing
another; it is a process that enacts and creates a distinction between us and them. As a
process, othering is thought to be problematic for how it tends to produce alienating and
marginalizing effects. As Schwalbe (2002) describes, othering as a prerequisite to exploitation;
as the marking of others as different easily leads to disempowerment, domination, and
colonization.
Othering is enacted through a range of closely related and mutually influential practices.
One practice is essentializing; essentializing involves making overgeneralizations about
behavior, values, or practices based on thing such as culture, race, location, or social background
(Johnson et al., 2004). These overgeneralizations tend to be ahistorical and abstracted from the
broader economic, cultural, political, and historical issues that have an influence (Allen, 1999).
Drawing on and reinforcing stereotypes, essentializing explanations operate as sense-making
devices that differentiate and distance the identity of the self from the other. The use of
essentializing explanations is not confined solely to members of the dominant culture (Johnson et
al., 2004).
Another practice is bordering. Bordering is the construction and institutionalization of
differences in space; in other words, borders simultaneously construct difference and
homogeneity by locating us here and them there. As Van Houtum and Van Naerssen (2002)
note, the making of a place must be understood as an act of purification, as it constitutes a
bounded cohesion of people and their activities in space, which can then be compared and
contrasted to other spatial entities (p. 126). Bordering takes place at different spatial scales. At a
broad scale, worlds (e.g., developed /developing) are bordered. At smaller scales, borders, and
thus differences, are constructed and fixed at local levels such as cities or neighbourhoods.
A third othering practice is making hypervisibile the everyday practices of the other. As
Shuman and Bohmer (2012) conceptualize, visibility is intricately tied to othering and
stigmatization. Hypervisibility produces enstrangement; it reinforces notions of the other as not
like us. Hypervvisibility also produces unequal power relations among who has the power to
gaze upon the other and whose lives are penetrated by the gaze. Indeed, this sense,
hypervisibility is a form of surveillance, and as such a tool for discipline and control (Foucault,
1977). As Ericson and Hagerty (2006, p. 14) note, surveillance is not a mechanism that is applied
388

equally: different populations are subjected to different levels of scrutiny according to the logic
of particular systems.

Enactments of Othering in Sport and Recreation-Based Development Programs
Understanding SRD programs as a context for othering requires close examination of the
activities of the SRD programs themselves for example, in the interactions between program
leaders and program participants as well as in the broader logic and discourses that surround
and articulate with SRD programs. SRD programs are more than the activities themselves; they
are also entities that produce and reproduce notions of difference through such mechanisms as
program promotion, as well as their adherence to the ideologies of broader policies or
development strategies.
Although the scholarly literature is lean, there have been some investigations of SRD
programs that offer insight into the ways that othering is enacted. For example, Pitter and
Andrews (1997) considered the ways in which the common practice of offering sport and
recreation-based development programs to predominately black young men in their home
neighbourhoods produced, rather than reduced, social inequality. Indeed, in this example, one
can identify multiple enactments of othering including essentializing (black men are in need of
intervention), bordering (differentiating a neighbourhood as troubled), and hypervisibility
(through media attention directed toward the program). The authors go so far as to suggest,
perhaps provocatively, that the ongoing practice of targeting specific groups and areas for
development programming is producing two distinct streams of recreation provision bounded by
racial and class identities and spatial location. One stream, delivered to the majority mainstream
population, emphasizes recreation a means to healthy bodies and their associated status. For the
other stream, recreation is positioned as an intervention. Thus, what is nurtured is not only a
stigmatization of the poor suburb, instantaneously associated with social problems, but also
notions of the residents as being the source of them (Castro & Lindbladh, 2004, p. 264).
Analyses of the promotional materials used by SRD programs in the international context
have also illustrated enactments of othering. Analyses of imagery and text used by sport and
recreation-based development programs to recruit volunteers and attract funders identified
enactments of essentializing and bordering (worker as white adult Westerner; beneficiary as non-
white child from developing country) and hypervisibility (through widespread use of imagery)
(Tiessen, 2011). construction notions of the volunteer and development worker as the heroic
and and draw on paternalistic and deeply racialized discourses of otherness (Darnell, 2007).
Scholars have also noted how the ways in which SRD programs are organized and funded
may also amplify enactments of othering. As Coakley (2001) observed, sport and recreation-
based development programs are dependent on corporate or government grant and other forms of
soft money that is, for the most part, contingent. Indeed, it is the norm for SRD programs to
operate in a climate of operational insecurity (Kelly, 2012). Kelly (2012) argues that this
operational climate has consequences for the ways that program beneficiaries are represented. As
she notes, the pressure for organizations to demonstrate impact and organizational effectiveness
in order to secure funding can lead agencies to overemphasize the riskiness of their target
groups and participants, and engage in promotional activities promoting the good work of the
organization and program-based success stories (Kelly, 2012). In such practices, program
participants are both essentialized and made hypervisible (Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011).
Interestingly, Grahame (1998) noted that funding agencies seem to show a preference for
constructions that reproduce dominant understandings of race and class.
389


Discussion
The aim of this paper is to inform the debate in the SRD field by offering a theoretical
exploration of the relationship between sport and recreation-based development programs and
stigmatization. It also intended to call greater attention to the unintended consequences that
may arise in the context of sport and recreation-based development programs. While sport and
recreation may serve as an important context for development, as Spaaij (2009) cautioned, it is
important to avoid naive and unrealistic generalizations about [their] transformative capacity
(p. 1266). It is essential that scholars and practitioners examine closely the relations of power
underlying sport-based interventions, and attend to the ways that sport-based interventions may
in fact reproduce conditions of marginalization (Kay, 2009). However, the intent of scholarship
in this area is also to inspire change and encourage an undoing of enactments of othering.

References
Allen, D. G. (1999). Knowledge, politics, culture, and gender: A discourse perspective.
Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 30, 227-234.
Bauder, H. (2002). Neighbourhood effects and cultural exclusion. Urban Studies, 39(1), 85-93.
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young adults living in a Swedish urban poverty zone. Health & Place, 10, 259-272.
Coakley, J. (2011). Youth sports: What counts as positive development? Journal of Sport and
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development through sport. Sport in Society, 10(4), 560-579.
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Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish. New York: Vintage.
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Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media, Politics, 12(9), 1177-1191.
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unintended consequences of targeted youth programmes in England. Youth Justice, 12(2),
101-117.
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psychoanalytic clinic and an inclusive classroom. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical
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Pitter, R., & Andrews, D. L. (1997). Serving Americas underserved youth: Reflections on sport
and recreation in an emerging social problems industry. Quest, 49(1), 85-99.
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reserve. Journal of Physical Activity & Health, 7(2),156166.
390

Schwalbe, M. (2000). The elements of inequality. Contemporary Sociology, 29(6), 775-781.
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Economische en Sociale-Geografie, 93(2), 125-136.
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Educational Foundations, 9(1), 17-33.



Between Rocks and a Hard Place: A Case Study of Children's Free Play
Dwayne P. Sheehan (Mount Royal University), Sue Scott, Cynthia Watson (Canadian Academy
at Cardel Place for Healthier Generations), Casey Gray (Childrens Hospital of Eastern Ontario
Research Institute), Kim Nagan (Canadian Academy at Cardel Place for Healthier Generations)

Safety should be taken into account in childrens play; however, making injury prevention
the priority may come at the expense of important developmental and health outcomes
(Alexander, Frohlich, & Fusco, 2014; Ginsburg, The Committee on Communications, The
Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child, & Health, 2007). In this abstract we describe a
case between a provincial health authority and a recreation centre that brings into question the
way public policy influences play, child development, and injury prevention.
Cardel Place was built by the City of Calgary as a public facility and has been operated by
a not-for-profit, charitable organization committed to healthy living, innovation and community
building in the city of Calgary, Alberta. Housed within the lobby of Cardel Place is a sculptural
feature consisting of approximately twenty sandstone rocks. The rocks are a static display
approximately 8m (25 feet) long by 4m (12 feet) wide and less than 1m (2-3 feet) high. The
original intent of the rocks was to a) pay homage to the natural landscape surrounding the facility
and b) create a landmark for customers to gather and socialize. Although not a formal play
structure, the rocks have been a place that children naturally gravitate to as a place to climb and
jump.
In Alberta, the safety of play areas is evaluated and enforced by Alberta Health Services
(AHS). Since AHS is also the health service provider in the province, there is a dual function to
ensuring that playgrounds are safe: public safety and lower treatment costs. Playgrounds are
routinely checked to ensure that they are in accordance with Canadian Standards Association's
(CSA) guidelines specifying play space design and maintenance. Areas where children play that
are not necessarily playgrounds are only inspected in response to a complaint. In 2012, a
complaint was filed with AHS by a Cardel Place customer who reported observing children
falling from the lobby rocks leading to a formal investigation by AHS.

The Issue from Cardel Places Perspective
Since the rocks were installed in 2004 only three minor injuries have been reported to
Cardel Place staff and recorded in the internal accident tracking system: one child tripped, one
lost his or her balance, and one got his or her foot stuck. Cardel Place continues to be of the
391

opinion that the rocks pose limited risk to its customers, and that the level of such risk is no
greater than those encountered in the ordinary course of their use of the recreation facilities in
Cardel Place. As such, Cardel Place believes that it is appropriate for the rocks to be subject to
the same Facility Supervision Policy and standards of practice implemented for the rest of the
facility. As is the case with all activities and facilities available at the recreation centre, Cardel
Place believes it is appropriate for parents and responsible persons supervising children to be
accountable for determining the degree of risk that they are willing to accept when providing
their children with recreational opportunities, including climbing on the rocks.

The Issue from AHSs Perspective
During the AHS investigation into the complaint, five concerns were raised:
1. The rock structure is on the concrete floor and does not have proper protective surfacing
around the structure.
2. The rock structure contains openings where a child's foot or leg may fall into the opening.
A child could easily twist or even break a limb in these openings.
3. The rocks are piled on top of each other and some have sharp edges. A child could
be seriously injured if they fell from one rock onto another.
4. The rocks do not have a non-slip surface; therefore slipping on the rocks is possible.
5. The placement of some of the smaller rocks on the structure is posing a tripping hazard.
Based on these conclusions, AHS issued an Executive Order instructing Cardel Place to
either stop allowing the lobby rocks to be used by children as a play structure or dismantle the
rock display. Over the course of several months, Cardel Place worked with AHS to find a
suitable compromise that could maintain customer safety without having to dismantle the rock
structure. Trial measures included posting a sign cautioning that the rocks were not a play
structure, increasing staff supervision to advise that the rocks were off limits, instructing children
not to climb and encouraging more parental supervision. Despite these efforts, children
continued to play on the rocks and staff supervision of the area during all building hours was not
a feasible option. AHS and Cardel Place came to an impasse in the attempt to find a suitable
compromise and AHS mandated Cardel Place to fully enclose or dismantle the rock structure.

The Child Development Perspective
Free play, or natural movement, is intrinsically motivated behaviour that lacks goals and
external structure (Pellegrini, 2009, Sheehan & Katz, 2011). The main types of free play
identified by Smith (2005) are active play (e.g., running, jumping, climbing), object play (e.g.,
puzzles, building blocks), and pretend play (e.g., fantasy, make-believe); each contributing in an
important way to child physical, emotional, social and cognitive development. Children use play
as an important strategy to learn about the environments in which they live and how to adapt to
these environments (Pellegrini, Dupuis, & Smith, 2007). In fact, the idea of learning through
play is so fundamental that the WHO redefined health promotion to include play as a part of the
process (WHO, 1986). Developing competency and confidence in basic skills such as crawling,
climbing, walking or pedaling inevitably makes children more likely to run, jump, and throw
with proficiency (Higgs, et al., 2008).
Honing natural movement and the more complex skills that follow can be achieved in any
environment, although some may be better than others. Playgrounds with structures that allow
for climbing, swinging, sliding and jumping are common venues for this skill development to
take place. Natural environments however, offer play spaces that challenge motor activity in
392

children (Fjrtoft, 2001) and allow them to develop a relationship with nature through their own
behaviour (Malone & Tranter, 2003). For example, realizing that some trees are good for
climbing while others are good for hide-and-seek are important for social and motor play
(Fjrtoft, 2001). In contrast, manufactured playgrounds do not afford the same degree of creative
play because each piece of equipment is pre-designated by the playground designer, limiting
opportunities for exploration and discovery.
Children view the natural environment through a functional lens known as affordance
(Gibson, 1979) a visual clue to the function of an object. For instance, if a stone is small
enough to fit the hand, it is perceived as throwable; it affords throwing. Similarly, if a rock is
sizeable enough to stand on, it is perceived as a climbable; it affords climbing. As such, it is
natural for children to gravitate toward certain objects and structures and use them in this basic,
functional way, even if they are not intended for such a use.
Taking all of this into consideration, questions arise from the perspective of the three key
stakeholders:
1. How do community recreation facilities aimed at promoting play and active living
encourage childrens freedom to explore when a regulatory system is intent on preventing
children from becoming injured at all cost?
2. When objects that are not intended to be used as play structures become such, should
children be encouraged to continue to play, or should they be dissuaded due an inherent
risk?
3. Should those natural structures also be held to the safety standards of manufactured
structures like playgrounds?

The Decision
Cardel Place filed an appeal and the case was brought before a Public Health Appeal Board
for a decision on whether the rocks could remain in place. After extensive preparations and a
full-day hearing on May 14, 2013, the Public Health Appeal Board decided to direct AHS and
Cardel Place to explore further solutions. Subsequent dialogue and counter-proposals resulted in
a compromise some 18 months after the original complaint was launched. The agreed upon
solution was to rescind the original Executive Order to remove the rocks or make the rocks
inaccessible and re-issue a different Order that would result in posting AHS signage which reads:

This is not a play structure.
Serious or even life threatening injury may occur as a result of playing on
this structure.

The two parties have come to the mutual understanding that it does not seem reasonable to
define the rocks a formal play structure as the intent was for the rocks to be a natural
decorative element; therefore play structure guidelines would not be applicable in this case. AHS
understands the need for personal choice and freedom; however their perspective is that the
public does not always fully understand the risk. Although the negative, fear instilling message
is not ideal, Cardel Place sees this as a small victory for advocating free play. Cardel Place
believes that installing the signage set out above is an appropriate way to remind its customers of
the potential risk posed by the rocks so that parents and responsible persons may make an
informed decision regarding whether or not to allow their children to engage in such activities.
This case study is but one example of why physical activity levels in Canadian children are
the lowest ever (Active Healthy Kids Canada, 2013) and most likely elicits more questions than
393

answers. Where is the tipping point between play being a part of healthy development, and
creating safe environments as a part of healthy development? Is our society guilty of bubble
wrapping children in an effort to create a risk free society? And finally, is it necessary to regulate
spaces to be 'as safe as possible' instead of simply expecting them to be 'as safe as necessary'?

References
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promotion to examine the emerging public health position on children's play. Health
Promotion International, 29(1), 155-164. doi: 10.1093/heapro/das042
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play activities in pre-primary school children. Early Childhood Education Journal, 29(2),
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An Investigation of the Role of Recreation in Mentoring Relationships
Simone Spears, Mary Sweatman (Acadia University)

Introduction
Youth are strongly influenced by their environment. Therefore, a positive environment is
imperative for positive youth development and engagement. It has been found that a relationship
with an adult mentor has been able to foster this positive environment and is fundamental in
creating a positive change in the life of the youth (Larson, 2006). A large body of research
supports that relationships in youth at risks lives can have prominent positive impacts on their
394

behavior (Brendtro et al 1990; Keating et al, 2003; McGrane, 2010). The literature is thorough in
terms of the benefits to the youth, but there are indeed gaps in terms of the benefits experienced
by the mentor and the role that recreation and leisure play in natural mentoring relationships.
Therefore this study will investigation the role in which recreation and leisure play in mentor-
mentee relationships from the perspective of the mentor. Questions around the mentors
motivation to become a mentor, as well as the benefits they experienced were the main foci for
the interview schedule.
Stebbins 2006 study describes mentors as serious leisure volunteers, who express their
small-scale altruism by allowing their mentee to benefit from their advice and guidance,
therefore establishing a reciprocal effect. As most literature is looking at the benefit of the
natural mentor to the mentee, Larson (2006) has began to study the importance of having some
form of benefit to both the mentor and the mentee for mentorship to be successful. Larson states
that the new paradigm for mentoring is that youth development and mentoring has moved away
from a strictly linear approach where it is simply the adult mentoring the youth.

Methods
The research for this study was of a qualitative nature, as data was collected through face-
to-face semi structured in-depth interviews with participants. The sample for this study was
limited to natural mentors of a youth(s) who are attending an alternate education program in
Nova Scotia. Alternate education programs are specialized education programs that have an
experiential nature due to the needs of the youth that attend them. These schools are usually
better set to handle behavioral issues, (Simonse & Sugai, 2013) and include youth in custody of
the Nova Scotia Justice System. The programs are of an experiential nature, using outdoor and
adventure education as part of their everyday curriculum while also addressing the academic
needs of the students.
Ten participants, all staff in alternate education schools in the province for at least one
year, were found through the snowball sampling method (Patton, 2002; Turner, 2010). At the
request of participants some interviews were conducted in groups of two or three, as it allowed
them to feel more comfortable. This was found to be an effective method of data collection, as it
allowed for some participants to feed off each others experiences. Direct conversations with the
participants allowed for more powerful insight into the questions, as well as the opportunity to
probe for responses by the researcher. The interviews were then transcribed verbatim and data
was then analyzed through a method of open coding (Patton, 2002).

Results
The purpose of the study was to distinguish if mentors perceived that recreation and leisure
affected the development and overall sustainability of their relationships with their mentees.
Supporting questions were used in the interview schedule to gain background information on the
participants. Some of the findings from those questions were as follows. Participants varied in
describing their mentoring role in the lives of the youth. Most perceived that they filled a
parental role, while others felt more like a friend or support person. When asked if they found
mentoring to be a leisure or work orientated experience most participants felt it was a mix of
both, while the others felt it was always work orientated. Finally, when asked about their
motivation to be a mentor, the majority of participants felt that the relationships were
spontaneous and of an altruistic motivation, while the remaining felt it was more of a distinct
effort and consequently more of a self-fulfilling motivation.
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From the data four main themes emerged, which are briefly explained below:

Theme 1: Recreation and Leisure Provide an Environment for Natural Mentoring
Relationships to be Developed
Recreation and leisure was perceived as a tool by participants to foster relationships with
their mentees. Although the forms of recreation and leisure varied among participants, there was
a clear consensus. All ten participants felt that recreation and leisure were important in the
formation and sustainability of their relationships. As Participant 5 explains, I think it all starts
in the same way, through the adventure education. Each school starts off the year with two days
of team building and through those activities is where it starts. It is not in the classroom, it is too
late then.

Theme 2: Participating in Recreation and Leisure Simultaneously Breaks Down
Barriers Which Otherwise Could Hinder Relationships to be Fostered With Youth and
Allows Mentors to Build Rapport With Their Mentee
It was evident from the data that all participants felt that their relationships with their
mentees were enhanced through recreation and leisure. Participants felt that society (adults)
distanced themselves to far away from the pendulum of interaction with youth at risk. It was
also described that society has really hindered natural relationships from happening through
judgmental views of the youth. Participants see recreation as a tool to break down barriers and
allow these relationships to be fostered. It was noted that this was more effective when
participation happens simultaneously. Participant 8 described this:
The youth are nervous and defensive, that's how they keep people away from them. You
have to make a certain effort to understand, to do case work and see where the baggage is
coming from and start removing those barriers. Once you make those connections through
the canoe and hiking trips and other outdoor or adventure activities, the barriers break
down, and then you find out more about the person and that is where the real success
begins. (Participant 8)

Theme 3: Recreation and Leisure Aids in Reciprocity
It was evident from the interviews that all participants felt that their relationships with their
mentees were enhanced through recreation and leisure. All participants felt that their
relationships with their mentee benefited their own life positively and likewise the relationship
satisfied needs in their own life. Common feelings among all participants were that they felt the
relationships fostered strength and courage in both themselves and their mentee. Participant 1
explains the benefits they had while having a shared recreational experience with their mentee:
Swimming from New Brunswick to PEI was new for me and sharing that experience with
her was amazing. It was a challenge for me, and her as well. I couldnt show any fear, so it
gave me strength because I had to be strong for her! Where as, if I had a friend doing her
job I may have been more apt to be nervous, but I would never show that for her. So it does
provide strength both ways.

Theme 4: Reciprocity Allows for Sustained Mentorship for Both the Mentor and Mentee
Mentors felt that the benefits of mentoring outweighed any negative effects they
experienced due to the same position. They felt that the benefits were so numerous and fulfilling
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that it allowed for both sustained mentorship with their current mentees, but also their openness
to mentor in the future.

Discussion
As the results section revealed, the study did find interesting data to support that recreation
and leisure play a monumental role in mentoring relationships with youth. Although participants
engaged in different activities with their mentees, the consensus was consistent. Recreation and
leisure provide an environment for relationships to develop and be sustained, therefore allowing
the relationship to have a reciprocal effect in terms of benefits experienced by the mentor and
mentee. This is supported by Larson (2000) as he states that leisure is a social system that youth
engage and experience interpersonal relationships with adults, and through participation both the
youth and the non-parental adult benefit from the relationship (Dworkin, Larson, & Hansen,
2003; Larson, 2000).
The themes found in this study are interconnected and therefore were used to develop a
model, see Figure 1. This model depicts the process that occurs in mentoring relationships, to
encourages adults to not hinder mentoring relationships with youth who are thought to be at
risk, as there are mutually beneficial elements. This is important for service providers, as they
too may distance themselves from the pendulum of interaction with youth. Spencer (2006)
describes this phenomenon in terms of need. Due to the decreasing amount of natural
opportunity for youth to form relationships with caring adults, assigned mentoring programs are
growing at an exponential rate (Spencer). Assigned mentoring programs or formal mentoring
programs have been proven to be less authentic and
successful (Dubois & Silverthorn, 2005). Therefore
service providers must take advantage of the
opportunities to form these natural relationships with
youth to have the greatest impact.
This study, although successful still left many
questions unanswered. Therefore the implications for
further research include investigating if recreation would
have the same impact on relationships that were not
limited to the mentees being youth at risk. It would also be
interesting to revisit this study and gain the mentees
perspective on the topic.

References
Brendtro, L. K., Brokenleg, M., & Van, B. S. (1990). Reclaiming youth at risk: Our hope for the
future. Bloomington, Ind: National Educational Service.
Denault, A. S., & Poulin, F. (2008). Associations between interpersonal relationships in
organized leisure activities and youth adjustment. Journal of Early Adolescence, 28(4),
477-502.
DuBois, D. L., & Silverthorn, N. (2005). Natural mentoring relationships and adolescent health:
evidence from a national study. American Journal of Public Health, 95(3), 518-24.
Dworkin, J. B., Larson, R., & Hansen, D. (2003). Adolescents accounts of growth experiences
in youth activities. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 32(1), 17-26.
Keating, L. M., Tomishima, M. A., Foster, S., & Alessandri, M. (March 08, 2003). The effects of
a mentoring program on at-risk youth. Adolescence, 37(148), 717-734.
Figure 1: Mentorship Model

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Larson, R. (2006). Positive youth development, willful adolescents, and mentoring. Journal of
Community Psychology, 34(6), 677-689.
Larson, R. (2000). Toward a psychology of positive youth development. American Psychologist,
55, 170-183.
McGrane, G. (2010). Building authentic relationships with youth at risk: effective strategies.
Clemson, SC: National Dropout Prevention Center/Network.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. London: Sage publications.
Spencer, R. (2006). Understanding the mentoring process between adolescents and adults. Youth
& Society, 37(3), 287-315.
Stebbins, R. A. (2006). Mentoring as a leisure activity: On the informal world of small-scale
altruism. World Leisure Journal, 48(4), 3-10.
Stebbins, R. A. (2006). Serious leisure: A perspective for our time. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine
Transaction.
Turner, D. W. (2010). Qualitative interview design: A practical guide for novice investigators.
The Qualitative Report, 15(3), 754-760. Retrieved from
http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR15-3/qid.pdf



Serious Leisure: A Case Study of Volunteerism and Personal Growth
Mary Sweatman, Roxanne Seaman, Alan Warner (Acadia University)

Introduction
Volunteering and meaningful community engagement are important experiences for young
people, as they help with the transition to adulthood, and to global citizenship. Global
citizenship, in this paper, is defined as an awareness that we are citizens of the world and
therefore have responsibilities at the global level (Tiessen, 2005, 15). The service-learning
literature suggests that outside of the formal classroom, in the real world experience of service-
learning, students moral development and commitment to social justice are enhanced (Ehrlich,
1997; Kraft, 1997; Rubin, 2000; Sax & Austin, 1997, Tiessen, 2005). Service-learning involving
meaningful and challenging activities, such as helping others, has been associated with higher
levels of life satisfaction (Wong & Csikszentmihalyi, 1991). Therefore, participating in a
community-based volunteer program, as a leisure experience, can be quite beneficial to the
individual as well as the world (Stebbins, 1998). The two principle motives behind volunteering
are altruism and intrinsically-rewarding self-interest, linking volunteering to leisure (Stebbins,
1998). This freely chosen and intrinsically rewarding experience can be connected eloquently to
a re-envisioned definition of serious leisure proposed by Gallant, Arai, and Smale (2013). Their
definition states:

[T]he committed pursuit of a core leisure experience that is substantial, interesting and
fulfilling, and where engagement is characterized by unique identities and lead to a variety
of outcomes for the person, social world, and communities within which the person is
immersed (p.104).

This definition allows serious leisure to be linked not only to the individual experience, but
to the interplay between individual and community, which from a community-based volunteer
398

experience is most helpful. If the process of volunteering as a transition to adulthood and a
caring society can be defined as serious leisure, it is valuable then to look for programs that seem
to be successful in producing these experiences. The purpose of this study was to begin to
understand the connection between community-based volunteer programs, serious leisure and
global citizenship for university students. This preliminary study investigated one unique and
successful adapted physical activity program at a small liberal arts university. Reflections given
by current and past volunteers were the focus of this studys interpretations, in the context of
serious leisure theory. Gallant et al.s (2013) re-envisioned definition of serious leisure will be
used as a framework to understand the adapted physical activity programs volunteer experience.

Research Methodology
This study is based on on-going qualitative, interpretive research that has been designed to
understand the volunteer and cultural phenomenon of a university community-based adapted
physical activity program. Acadia Universitys S.M.I.L.E (Sensory Motor Instructional
Leadership Experience) Program, which has a 30 year history, involves partnering university
student volunteers with children and youth from the community with varying ability levels. The
goal of the program is to foster fundamental motor development in a unique physical activity
experience. Throughout 16-weeks of the academic year, this program is offered to approximately
280 children and youth with disabilities who are given one-on-one physical activity instruction
by one of nearly 400 Acadia University student volunteers over four program days each week.
The student volunteers do not receive credit for their participation.
For the purpose of this preliminary piece of the larger study, the focus was on the
university student volunteer experience as a serious leisure experience, based on their reflective
posts on a S.M.I.L.E. community blog. The participants for the study were individuals who had
been or who are presently volunteering for the Acadia S.M.I.L.E. Program. The present
volunteers identified an interest in participating when he/she completed the volunteer registration
form for the program. The past volunteers self-identified after learning about the blog through
the S.M.I.L.E. newsletter that is shared with past volunteers bi-weekly. In total, there were 23
present program volunteers and 17 past program volunteers whose blog posts were included for
analyses. The inclusion criteria were that the volunteers participated in the program for more
than 3 semesters.
The data analysis used in this study was that of line-by-line thematic analysis to identify
common themes that were shared by the participants (van Manen, 1997). The data were read by
each researcher independently. Themes were identified based on themes outlined in the
literature. The researchers then worked together by discussing the independently identified
themes to ensure the data were similar to an identified theme or if it deemed its' own
structure within the theme. The researchers were aware of the narratives that were shared by
recent volunteers or volunteers who had been involved several years ago. Any similarities or
differences were discussed and noted regarding the experiences based on the time that the
volunteer had been involved with the S.M.I.L.E. Program.

Results
It is not uncommon to hear an Acadia University graduate, who volunteered with
S.M.I.L.E, say that this experience was the highlight of her or his university career. Using
Gallant et al.s serious leisure as a framework, this poster will highlight two themes that emerged
from the data: (1) fulfilling community connections and (1) volunteer commitment.
399


Fulfilling Community Connections
Many of the volunteers who have reflected on their connection to S.M.I.L.E. describe it as a
community in which they feel a strong sense of belonging. One past volunteer wrote elegantly
about his sense of community by stating:

You will become part of a community and part of a childs life in a capacity that is
unexplainable. You have the opportunity to spend one-on-one time with a young child who
will adore you from the minute you step into that gym or pool. You are the one person in
their life that they can call their own. They have to share parents, teachers, friends, but
their S.M.I.L.E. buddy is their own. I can promise that your S.M.I.L.E. buddy will make as
much a difference in your life as you do in theirs.

This connects to Gallant et al.s (2013) definition of serious leisure, as it reveals a
volunteer experience that is substantial, interesting and fulfilling, with outcomes that extend
beyond the individual to families and broader communities (p.104). This experience connects
these young people to a social world that is bigger than their university experience, and makes
them feel at home in what many describe as the S.M.I.L.E. family. This experience can also be
related to Stebbins (2001) sixth original defining trait of serious leisure by connecting to the idea
that the serious leisure pursuit creates a special social world, which brings those committed to the
pursuit together to form a distinct subculture.

Volunteer Commitment
This sense of community would not exist if the S.M.I.L.E. volunteers did not feel
committed to their buddy and the organization. Volunteers reflections discussed their
commitment and belief in the S.M.I.L.E. program. Many participants state that it is the best part
of their week, and that their life has been positively enhanced by the experience. One current
participant describes his commitment in a leadership role:

This year, I'm very thankful to be in a leadership role within the program. Having the
opportunity to give back to the program and help facilitate the weekly events that take
place for the Friday Night group is truly a privilege. I look forward to each Friday, not
because it's the weekend, but because I get to go to S.M.I.L.E.!!!

Gallant et al.s (2013) definition of serious leisure uses the words committed and
immersion implying the experience is associated with strong personal interest, nurturing highly
engaging social worlds and identities (p. 104). S.M.I.L.E. volunteers certainly reflect on their
commitment to the program, even upon graduation. This connects also to Stebbins (2001) fifth
serious leisure trait, which can be distinguished by the quality of identifying strongly with the
chosen pursuit (p.7).
The reflections of the volunteers can be used to understand their experience as serious
leisure. They are committed and immersed into the social world of S.M.I.L.E., a community
many of them reflect as their core leisure experience at university. Many of them reflect that the
S.M.I.L.E. experience is unique and has led them to pursue outcomes (such as careers) that they
would not have pursued otherwise in the social world which they are immersed upon graduation.
One of the past volunteers summarized this well by writing, (t)his program truly changed my
400

life and is the greatest influence on the path that I have taken in my life. I will forever feel part
of the S.M.I.L.E. family.

Discussion and Recommendations
By using serious leisure as a framework for understanding S.M.I.L.E. volunteers, one can
start to understand the type of volunteer that engages in S.M.I.L.E., but perhaps more
importantly the environment that creates volunteer opportunities that attract young people to be
highly committed and engaged. The volunteers experiences have lead the researchers to
believe that they are motivated less by monetary recompense or by academic prestige, then by
altruism and intrinsic rewards the true meaning of leisure. The future implications for research
are immense. More detail, through an in-depth-interview process, is needed to understand why
current S.M.I.L.E. volunteers are so fulfilled by and committed to this community, and why past
volunteers give so much credit to their S.M.I.L.E. family. Further research is needed to
understand the connections between community-based volunteer programs like S.M.I.L.E. and
global citizenship, which was limited in the data in the current study. This preliminary research
in general has lead the researchers to want to further investigate the S.M.I.L.E program as a
potentially transformative learning experience (Mezirow, 2006), as the current data implies that
the experience changes the volunteers lives.
References
Desforges, L. (1998). Checking out the planet: Global representations/local identities. In T.
Skelton & G. Valentine (Eds.), Cool places: Geographies of youth culture (pp. 175-192).
New York, NY: Routledge.
Ehrlich, T. (1997). Civic learning: Democracy and education revisited. Educational Record,
78(3-4), 57-65.
Gallant, K., & Arai, S., & Smale, B. (2013). Celebrating, challenging and re-envisioning serious
leisure. Leisure/Loisir, 37(3), 91-109. doi: 10.1080/14927713.2013.803678
Kraft. R. J. (1997). Closed classrooms, high mountains, and strange lands: An inquiry into
culture and caring. In R. J. Kraft & J. Kielsmeier, (Eds.), Experiential Learning in Schools
and Higher Education. Boulder, CO: The Association for Experiential Education.
Mezirow, J. (2006). An overview of transformative learning. In P. Sutherland & J. Crowther,
(Eds.), Lifelong Learning: Concepts and contexts. NY: Routledge.
Rubin, S. (2000). Developing community through experiential education [Electronic Version].
New Directions for Higher Education, 109, 43-50.
Sax, L. J., & Austin, A. W. (1997). The benefits of service: Evidence from undergraduates.
Educational Record, 78(3-4), 25-32.
Stebbins, R. A. (1998). After work: The search for an optimal leisure lifestyle. Calgary, AB:
Detselig Enterprises Ltd.
Stebbins, R. A. (2001). New Directions in the Theory and Research of Serious Leisure.
Queenston, ON: The Edwin Mellen Press.
Tiessen, R. (2005, June). Promoting global citizenship through NetCorps: Government mandates
and youth experience. Paper presented at the Canadian Association for Studies in
Development (CASID) Conference, London, ON.
van Manen, M. (1997). Researching lived experiences: Human science for an action sensitive
pedagogy. London, ON: The Althouse Press.
Wong, M. M., & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1991). Motivation and academic achievement: The
effects of personality and the quality of experience. Journal of Personality, 59, 539-574.
401



Exploring the World of Bodybuilding as a Novice and Competitor
Megan Topalovic, Ron McCarville (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
Leisure pursuits often represent a central life interest for their participants (Stebbins, 2011).
As such, leisure pursuits are often linked to participants sense of self (Kelly, 1983). Indeed, we
may even describe ourselves to others in terms of our most cherished leisure pursuits (as a
reader, fitness junkie, athlete, climber, long-boarder, surfer and so forth). This auto-ethnographic
account explores my own exploration of a central life interest. Specifically, I will explore fitness
as a central leisure pursuit. More than that, I will chronicle and reflect upon my preparation for a
bodybuilding championship. Fitness represents a central life interest of mine and fitness junkie
is how I would describe myself to others. I view the pursuit of fitness in a positive way. It
enhances my sense of well-being. For me, fitness is consistent with Stebbins description of
serious leisure, an activity that captivates its participants with its complexity and many
challenges. (Stebbins, 2001, p. 54). As Stebbins points out, it is an activity that can be deeply
meaningful to the participant. This meaning offers sense of purpose and in my case, the pursuit
of fitness necessitates my immersion in a highly regimented daily routine. My preparation for
competition will necessitate daily exercise, a specialized diet, and a lifestyle that is both
structured and demanding. My daily regimen will demand knowledge and commitment. While
the path I have chosen can be characterized as demanding, inflexible and stress ridden, for me,
its benefits are deep-rooted and extend far beyond a casual leisure activity. I wish to explore the
world of competitive body building within that context. My experience suggests that the activity
is deeply positive, yet it is both demanding and inflexible. What is the source of the profound
satisfaction I enjoy from this activity? More than that, the competive world I plan to enter is new
to me. I understand the body building world as a non-competitive participant. How will this
world change for me as I enter the competitive milieu? The expectations, norms, and demands
placed on the participant this sport are both demanding and intense. It is a world where physical
appearances dominate. It will place me in a a competitive environment in which comparisons
(both to a socially constructed standard and to fellow competitors) are explicit. I enter this
competition as a novice. While I understand body building, competitive bodybuilding promotes
norms and values are relatively unknown to me. I plan to chronicle my journey through this
world and my reflections as I prepare for a body building competition. My sense is that it will be
completely different than the world of fitness as I know and understand it. My own
background though has focused on competitive endeavours showcasing athletic prowess so, I
feel some confidence that I can survive, if not thrive, in this new milieu.

Literature Review
Recent bodybuilding became popularized in carnivals and sideshows that referred to
bodybuilders as strongmen (Murray, 1984). Note the reference to both strength and men refer
to a state or condition (strength). These concepts are deeply rooted in the body building
community. In 1972 a documentary film crew travelled to Southern California hoping to capture
the lives of several competitive bodybuilders. Inspired by the book Pumping Iron written by
Charles Gaines and George Butler, the docudrama highlights the lives and journeys of
International Figure and Body Building (IFBB) professionals, and most notably, the life and
402

journey of Arnold Schwarzenegger. This docudrama offered an inside look at the lifestyle of a
bodybuilder and a glimpse of the subculture. This lifestyle now embraced by Hollywood, has fed
into the constructs of strength and power that surround the masculine world of bodybuilding.
We have all seen how the influence of action movies and Hollywood has promoted a heavily
masculine image of the bodybuilding community. With the help of action films in the 1980s
(Rambo, Terminator, Predator, Rocky III, IV) we can see the dominant theme of what it means
embody masculinity.
Yet today, body building is now a sport undertaken by both men and women. We now
distinguish between the traditional strong man and the bodybuilder. Bodybuilding seems less
about being male or female and more about celebration of being a participant. It no longer
focuses on an outcome like strength. Rather, it refers to an activity. For the purposes of this
narrative, I will be referring to bodybuilding as a pursuit of a muscular physique through a
regime of weight training and a tailored programme of nutrition (Mosley, 2009, p. 191). This
suggests both the participant focus within the sport and the serious leisure component that I
noted above. It suggests the need for long-term and consistent commitment to a process
through a variety of means and procedures. This activity requires exertion, knowledge, and
expertise. It is not surprising, therefore, that it has been described as an obsession, a living (for
a few), and a way of life (Murray, 1984, p. 195). Body building can be demanding of its
participants. Indeed, competitive body building is brutally demanding in many ways. It required
considerable engagement involving lifestyle.
This very demanding way of life can have a profound effect upon its participants sense of
identity. As Blackshaw (2010) notes, identity is something that we share with others and as
something that is defined explicitly (p. 113). Like any serious leisure adherents, bodybuilders
may share a common identity. This identity can be presented through, not only physical stature,
but also through ongoing discourse and the display of the items of clothing and workout
paraphernalia. I am interested in how these expressions of membership play out among my
fellow body builders. Brown (1999) suggests that body builders dont seek acceptance as much
as confirmation in order to construct the social identity of bodybuilder (Brown, 1999, p. 87).
They look to others to confirm their membership in this demanding club. They must learn the
shared meanings, values; norms, and language of the larger group (Stebbins, 2001).
Participants must also deal with potentially negative perceptions among those not involved
in the activity. The results of body building can be physically transformative. As a result, even
casual observers may be able to recognize participants in the body building club. I use club in
quotations because generally the sport of bodybuilding can be seen as a members only group. If
you do not ascribe to the rules and regulations set forth by the ones who have come and lifted
before you, then you will remain an outsider. You will fail to gain the sense of confirmation and
identity suggested by Brown (1999).
Such confirmation is not without its costs however. Perceptions of body building are
heavily nuanced by societal expectations. David Matza and Gresham Sykes (1961) discuss how
the values promoted within this particular subculture are regularly scrutinized and even
stigmatized by the broader culture and larger scope of society. Recall that the body building
community is heavily influenced by notions of masculinity. It is also characterized as a culture
that emphasizes homosexuality, in the sense that many homosexuals [like] to look at well-
developed male bodies (Stovkis, 2006, p. 469). With this particular view of the sport some
researchers (Klein, 1993; Dyer, 1992; Randall, Hall, & Rogers, 1992) believe that bodybuilding
has become hypermasculine (Klein, 1993 p.269). Male bodybuilders were identified as
403

femiphobic which is the fear of being too feminine or looking like a female (Klein, 1993).
These stigmas and stereotypes are socially constructed (Wesely, 2001, p. 167) and
considerable scrutiny may result. Perhaps, as a response, the language of the bodybuilding
lifestyle, often focuses on size and power. Failure to meet such standards is particularly
problematic in the competitive arena.

Questions to be Explored
I have depicted body building as a complex yet generally positive leisure activity; one
capable of offering considerable emotional and physical benefit to the participant. As I immerse
myself in the bodybuilding world I must also acknowledge the potentially dark side of that
world. Bodybuilding, by definition, involves the intentional development/ sculpting of ones own
body. Consistent with the notion of specialization, activities within the bodybuilding community
are directed toward creating an ideal or moving toward an accepted standard (Bryan, 1977,
2000; McCarville, 2007). Issues of body image, social stereotyping, and perceptions of self, for
example, all become starkly relevant when one enters the world of body building. Body image
influences everything from first impressions to friendship formation, to employment
opportunities (Cash, 2004). In this case, the bodybuilding community will, in a very formal way,
be judging my appearance according to a standard that is both valued (by that community) and
difficult to attain. How will that play out in terms of my own sense of self? Cash observes that
individuals own subjective experiences of their appearance [a]re often even more
psychosocially powerful than the objective or social reality of their appearance (p. 1). How
will taking part in this competition influence my own subjective experience? Does this external
event change my experience with body building? Will the demands it places on me influence the
nature and character of my daily experience? Serious leisure offers meaning to the lives of
participants (Shaw, 1985). What happens to this very personal pursuit when any progress
made during that pursuit, is judged by others?
As I engage with the body building community, I also wish to explore the experience of
others who are taking part with me. Why do people want to commit themselves to such a
rigorous routine? What is the catalyst for this type of leisure activity? How do they describe their
own experience? How do they express their membership in this rather unique club? Will they
be supportive of my choice to compete? Will they share with me their experience and their
insight? These are the issues I wish to explore.

References
Barnett, L. A. (2013). What people want from their leisure: The contributions of personality
facets in differentially predicting desired leisure outcomes. Journal of Leisure Research,
45(2), 150-191.
Blackshaw, T. (2010). Key concepts in community studies. London: Sage Publications Ltd.
Brown, D. (1999). Male bodybuilders and the social meaning of muscle. Auto/biography, 7(1),
83-90.
Cash, T. F. (2004). Body image: Past, present, and future. Body Image: International Journal of
Research 1, 1-5.
Kelly, J. R. (1983). Leisure identities and interactions. London: George Allen & Unwin
Publishers Ltd.
Klein, A. (1993). Little big men. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
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Klein, A. (2001). Pumping irony: Crisis and contradiction in bodybuilding. Contemporary Issues
in Sociology of Sport, 413-426.
Matza, D., & Sykes, G. S. (1961). Delinquency and subterranean values. American Sociological
Review, 26(5). 712-719.
McCarville, R. (2007). From a fall in the mall to a run in the sun: One journey to an Ironman
Triathalon. Leisure Sciences, 29, 159-173.
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The Role of Leisure in Recovery from Mental Illness
Lauren Torok, Colleen Hood (Brock University)

Introduction/Purpose
Leisure is a domain of life that is likely to be perceived as relatively free from external
pressures, that is likely to generate positive emotion, and that can help people identify personal
strengths, interests, and talents (Carruthers & Hood, 2007; Kleiber, 1999). Leisure, well used,
has the potential to contribute significantly to the creation of meaningful social networks,
community connections and a sense of enjoyment in life (Carruthers & Hood, 2007). The
benefits of leisure are based on the assumption that participants have the biological,
psychological, social and environmental resources to engage in leisure that is personally
meaningful and supportive of their well-being.
The purpose of this research is to examine the ways in which individuals with mental
illness create a life of purpose, satisfaction and meaning. This project seeks to explore the
problem of mental illness, to critically examine the potential role of leisure in recovery and to
explore how individuals living well with mental illness conceptualize and incorporate free time
engagements (leisure) into their lives as a means of creating meaning. Through an exploration of
current literature, it is my intention to highlight the connection between leisure and the
supportive role it could play in facilitating individuals with mental illness living well. Through
the implementation of a heuristic methodology, this research narrates the concepts of leisure as it
pertains to the establishment of personal meaning within the lives of the participants.
Recovery from mental illness involves a reduction in clinical symptoms, neutralization of
internal conflicts and resolution of disruptive external tensions (Davidson, 2006). Accordingly,
there are five domains that influence an individuals potential for recovery: personal psyche,
vocation/education, family, social and recreation. Leisure provides a setting within which an
individual has the freedom to choose activities that are personally significant and that help them
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to ascribe meaning to their lives. However, in order for leisure to enhance ones well being,
leisure choices and practices must be physically, socially, cognitively or emotionally engaging
(Hood & Carruthers, 2007). Within the context of well being, Hood and Carruthers (2007)
identify literature to support leisure as an effective coping mechanism for stress, a source of
positive emotion, supportive development for personal strengths and capacities, and an
opportunity to develop friendships and social connections.
The role of leisure in the lives of individuals with mental illness who are socially
connected, satisfied with their lives and demonstrating success in educational/vocational pursuits
has not been examined and this gap in the literature frames this exploratory, heuristic study. It is
through this study that I hope to understand the thoughts, perceptions and experiences of
individuals living well with mental illness in an attempt to demonstrate the value of leisure in
recovery. By exploring how participants describe the experience of mental illness and its impact
on daily living and leisure, as well as the strategies employed by individuals to support living
well, this research will seek to answer the primary research question: how do individuals live
well with mental illness?

Literature Review
In Canada, mental illness is the second leading cause of human disability and premature
death (Dewa, Chau, & Dermer, 2010). According to Health Canada (2002), one in five
Canadians will experience a mental illness in their lifetime, and the remaining four will have a
friend, family member or colleague who will. However, according to Statistics Canada (2002)
only one-third of individuals in need of mental health support services will actually receive them.
Yet, the Government of Canada (2006) reports mental health to be a leading cause of disability
in the country, accounting for thirty percent of disability claims and seventy percent of total
costs. As a result, it is evident that mental illness has become pandemic across our nation.
In Canada, at both the provincial and federal level, mental illness is often discussed in
terms of financial expenditure and allocation of resources within budgets. However, this project
illustrates the consequence of mental illness as it extends beyond the health care system and
transcends throughout all aspects of ones life, creating challenges that may include
underemployment, low social economic status, increased isolation, increased boredom and self
medication (Drake, Bond, Thornicroft, Knapp, & Goldman, 2012; Health Canada, 2002; The
Government of Canada, 2006). However, leisure provides an opportunity for transcending
negative life events and provides context for freedom of self-expression and self-directed
development (Kleiber, 1999). Leisure, well used, could provide an outlet of self-acceptance for
individuals with mental illness that could work combatively towards recovery and living well
despite the stigmatization that exists within society. In addition, leisure may also provide an
opportunity for social connections, further supporting the acquisition of happiness and resilience
in daily living.
This project incorporates the concepts of the Leisure and Well-being Model of Therapeutic
Recreation (Hood & Carruthers, 2007) as a framework for the exploration of the role of leisure
as it pertains to the establishment of personal meaning within the lives of individuals with mental
illness. This model identifies the key components of well-being as positive experience and
emotion in daily life, and the use and development of personal strengths and capacities. Hood
and Carruthers (2007) further suggest that leisure is central to increasing positive emotion and
supporting the development of strengths. Thus these three concepts become foundational to this
study.
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A focus on positive emotion and strengths is supported by the work of Davidson et al.
(2006), who proposed that positive life experiences promote resilience and adaptation and
through play and pleasure individuals with mental illness build up their restorative power, self-
efficacy and social agency which contribute directly to an overall sense of well-being. Leisure is
a means through which individuals can experience positive emotions that are central to ones
well-being and positive emotion contributes to increased levels of physical, emotional and social
health (Carruthers & Hood, 2007).
Davidson, Haglund, et al. (2001) examined the impact of leisure engagements on
individuals with mental illness and found that ongoing purposive activity in daily living provides
participants with a sense of normalcy within a life that is otherwise dominated by treatment
appointments. In addition to respite, this research identified that leisure engagements provide
individuals with mental illness the opportunities for connectedness, increased sense of hope and
savouring. With this project I propose, leisure may also be a technique of distraction that
provides an opportunity for the individual to escape from the incongruency of trying to accept
the identity of being an individual with a mental illness. When engaged in optimal leisure
experiences individuals are less likely to think about the negative experiences associated with
their symptoms. As a result, leisure could provide a space of respite from a life that is otherwise
consumed by medical appointments that emphasize ones deficits (Kleiber, 1999). Over time,
through leisure, one could begin to form new meaning and regain a sense of purpose outside of
their mental illness. Hood and Carruthers (2007) suggest that a sense of meaning facilitates the
management of emotional distress and assists in the development of a revised narrative that
incorporates values aspects of the past self with a realistic assessment of the post-diagnosed self.

Methods
This project utilizes a heuristic methodology to examine the lived experiences of six
participants. Heuristic methodology is a form of phenomenology that incorporates an auto
ethnographic component and is designed to determine the lived experiences of participants.
Within this framework the participants are recognized as co-researchers with voices to be heard.
This phenomenological approach is particularly useful for research on sensitive topics as it
empowers the strengths and experiences of the participants and allows them to articulate their
own perspectives on their lives (Moustakas, 1990). My own experiences with mental illness and
my subsequent journey of creating a life of meaning provide a context for this study, as my own
story becomes part of the data. In addition, my experience makes the choice of heuristic
methodology appropriate.
Participants were recruited through non-probably chain sampling and two semi-structured
personal interviews were employed as the primary method of data collection. Participants met
the following criteria; (1) had received a formal diagnoses of mental illness from a
physician/psychiatrist, (2) self-identified as living well with mental illness (the notion of living
well was described as some combination of full engagement in daily life activities, ongoing
experiences of positive emotion, hopefulness and a future orientation, social connectedness, and
a self-story that includes mental illness but is not defined by it), (3) were comfortable engaging
in open dialogue about their experiences with mental illness, treatment and recovery.

Results
The preliminary findings supports the identification of four common themes: (1) The
power of leisure in activation, providing the opportunity for individuals to engage in an active
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lifestyle that supports the regulation of physical and emotional health and assists in the reduction
of sedentary behaviours. (2) The power of leisure in resiliency, people who engage in meaningful
leisure experience higher levels of positive emotion and build up a restorative power that assist
in buffering the negative symptoms associated with chronic mental illness. (3) The power of
leisure in identity, leisure provides opportunities for individuals to establish and maintain a
multifaceted narrative. (4) The power of leisure in reducing struggle; leisure most often exists in
a space that highlights ones best self and gives individuals reason to get well, stay well and as a
result becomes central to the process of recovery from mental illness.
Through an exploration of the experience of having a mental illness, this project supports
that leisure provides therapeutic benefits that transcend through negative life events. Once the
data analysis phase is complete, it is anticipated that the preliminary findings will be further
validated and this work will provide evidence for the contribution of leisure in living well with
mental illness. If individuals with mental illness can learn to engage in pursuits that inspire
development and support positive experiences in daily living, it is anticipated that they may be
able to envision ways to become more engaged in their communities and in society.
This Masters study, Flourishing in the face of mental illness: A heuristic examination of
the contribution of leisure to creating a meaningful life, was honored by an Ontario Graduate
Scholarship due to the potential it has to significantly contribute to the positive psychology,
social psychology, sociobehaviour, mental health and leisure studies literature, as well as the
potential it has to enhance therapeutic recreation and mental health services regionally,
provincially and nationally.
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Use, 5(4), 314-327.
Carruthers, C. P., & Hood, C. D. (2007). Building a life of meaning through therapeutic
recreation: The leisure and well-being model, Part I. Therapeutic Recreation Journal,
41(4), 276-297.
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408

employment status as a continuum. American Journal of Community Psychology, 32, 9-20.
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120.
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build theory of positive emotions. American Psychologist, 56, 218-226.
Hood, C. D., & Carruthers, C. P. (2007). Enhancing leisure experience and developing resources:
The leisure and well being model, part II. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 41(4), 298-325.
Kleiber, D. (1999). Leisure experience and human development. New York, NY: Basic Books.
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Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
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population. Social Psychiatry, 58(5), 488-495.
Shahar, G., & Davidson, L. (2009). Participation-engagement: A philosophically based heuristic
for prioritizing clinical interventions in the treatment of comorbid, complex and chronic
psychiatric conditions. Psychiatry, 72(2), 154-176.
Winstanley, E. L., Steinwachs, D. M., Stitzer, M. L., & Fishman, M. J. (2012). Adolescent
substance abuse and mental health: Problem co-occurrence and access to services. Journal
of Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse, 21, 310-322.



Picturing Ego Involvement: Runners Lifetime Retrospectives
Tristin Vogel, Mark E. Havitz (University of Waterloo)

Introduction and Literature
Over a lifetime individuals will take part in many leisure activities. Some will take their
leisure to a more competitive level such as those that participate in a varsity sport. This research
focuses on how cross-country runners from two universities feel ego involvement associated
with running over their lifetime. The leisure and sport literature on ego involvement (EI) with
activity has been dominated by crosssectional study, with relatively little attention given to
longitudinal research. Snelgrove and Havitz (2010) argued that this short-term perspective
represents a serious limitation in the extant literature, as little is known about the enduring nature
of these involvements and commitments (p. 338). Our research explored lifelong running and
jogging participation patterns among a sample of one-time competitive distance runners. It is part
of a larger project built on Baltes (1987) assumptions that development is a lifelong process
imbedded in age-based contexts, that it is multidimensional and multidirectional, and influenced
by life history and environment. More recently, Baltes, Lindenberger, and Staudinger (1998)
spoke to three components of individual development: 1) individual communalities, 2) individual
differences, and 3) intraindividual development. The focus of this paper is on the latter in that it
explores change, or lack thereof, in the respondents EI with running over their post-university
lifespans without making explicit between respondent comparisons. Butts and Pixley (2004)
describe life history as an interval graph formalism represented by a number of important
subintervals. These subintervals define the life history through the relations among them over the
lifetime. They use sequence analysis to evaluate comparisons and differences amongst the
subintervals. This technique offers itself best to whole-life comparisons among strings of life
409

data. Stockard, Carpenter, and Kahle (2014) noted that continuity and change in adulthood have
long fascinated both scholars and the lay public. Some suggest that there are significant
continuities in individuals personalities, perspectives and values, especially after early
adulthood, supporting what has been called the age-stability hypothesis (p. 2). Limited
longitudinal leisure involvement research has been conducted in that realm (Havitz & Howard,
1995; Naylor and Havitz, 2013), none which was designed to test the age-stability hypothesis.
Therefore, our study is significant because it is the first to test stability of EI, a construct
inextricably intertwined with leisure behaviour, over the adult life course.
Leisure involvement research is rooted in the EI literature. Sherif et al. (1973) argued that
"self [ego] is conceived as a system of attitude structures which when aroused by on-going
events, are revealed in more characteristic and less situation-specific behaviors toward objects or
classes of objects" (p. 312). Social judgment theory suggests that enduring traits of EI influence
activity choice by setting individual latitudes of acceptance and rejection which guide behavior.
Multiple streams of EI research have evolved over the past eight decades building on seminal
conceptual work in mainline social psychology in the 1940s (e.g., Allport, 1943, 1945; Sherif &
Cantril, 1947). Perhaps the most widely referenced stream in sport psychology is the one
developed by Duda and colleagues (Chi & Duda, 1995; Duda, 1988, 2007) which focuses on task
orientation and ego orientation. That line of research has been especially important in advancing
understanding of goal setting in competitive sport. The present study is rooted in another line of
EI research (Laurent & Kapferer, 1985; Selin & Howard, 1988; Zaichkowsky, 1985) which
stresses facets of personal relevance and has been extensively applied in a broad range of
primarily non-competitive sport and recreation contexts (Funk & James, 2001; Havitz &
Dimanche, 1990, 1999; Havitz & Howard, 1995; McIntyre & Pigram, 1992; Siegenthaler &
Lam, 1992). This choice was deemed relevant because a good portion of respondents, even those
who continued to run post-graduation, de-emphasized the competitive aspects of their adult
participation and instead focused on experiential and health related aspects of participation.

Methods
EI was measured in the running specific context using 14 items from Kyle, Absher,
Norman, Hammitt, and Jodices (2007) 15-item Modified Involvement Scale (MIS), based on a
five-point Likert scale where 5 = total involvement and 1 = minimal involvement. Kyle et al.
developed the MIS with the intent of measuring five facets attraction, centrality, social, identity
affirmation, and identity expression widely discussed in the literature to date, EI scores were
condensed into a single mean for at least three and as many as nine time points measured roughly
on a decade by decade basis. This condensation, though inconsistent with recommendations of
many researchers (e.g., Baltes, 1987; Havitz & Dimanche, 1997) was done to facilitate
interpretation for this pioneering retrospective EI research. Respondents were 262 former varsity
cross country runners from an American and a Canadian university. Respondents average age
was 49 (SD = 17.28) and ranged from 24 to 91 years old. Nearly seventy percent (69.7%) of the
sample was male and the remainder were female. All respondents over 55 were male as varsity
cross country was not offered for women at those universities until the 1970s. In university EI
scores are considered the common baseline among respondents given that they were all varsity
athletes. In addition, a before university measure was included, recognising that most
university distance runners pick up the sport during their teen years. The third EI data point was
in your late 20s, and as many as six additional data points beginning with in your 30s and
ending with in your 80s were collected depending on the age of each respective respondent.
410

Results
Data are presented descriptively in visual format. Although respondents differed
significantly with respect to ego involvement with running over their life spans, distinct patterns
emerged when individual EI scores were plotted over time. Ten distinct groups of runners are
described below. Seven of the ten groups were further delineated into two subgroups each. A
prototypical visual graph is presented for each of the ten primary groups. As well, a short
description is provided for each group, and if applicable, various subgroups.

Steep Drop: Group 1 had a slight increase in EI from high school into
university usually reaching a level 5-ego involvement, then a steady
decline post university to 3.0 or below. 8.7% of respondents fell within
this category.

Delayed Drop: Group 2 had the same high level of EI, from high
school into university. This high level persisted a decade or more post-
graduation before dropping in later decades. 14.1% of respondents fell
within this category.

Swoop: Group 3 profiles started with high EI levels in high school
before slightly declining then levelling out at mid-range levels or rising
slightly again. 14.1% of respondents fell within this category.

Valleys: Group 4 had a significant EI decline out of university before
coming back close to the peak in mid-life. In some cases this dip
continued along a roller coaster pattern especially among the oldest
runners. 16.3% of respondents fell within this category.

Steady Climb: Group 5 had a mid to low EI in high school that rose
and peaked just after university. Many are young, and this pattern was
common among Canadians, perhaps because of lower university sport
relative to the US. 7.6% of respondents fell within this category.


Hill Top: Group 6 had mid to high level EI coming out of high school
before peaking in university. Some plateaued for at least one decade
after university, before their involvement dropped to mid level again.
4.3% of respondents fell within this category.


Z Type: Group 7 had high EI from high school into university and a
moderate to steep decline following university that plateaued at a mid
to low level EI later in life. Some had a late in life rise in EI, but most
maintained lower EI. 14.1% of respondents fell within this category.


S Shape: Group 8 started with a low to mid range EI in high school and
university, then rose to a mid-range or high EI into middle age. 4.3% of
respondents fell within this category.

411


Early Peak: Group 9 had low to mid-level EI in high school, peaked in
university before declining steadily after university. Most of the older
members went through a couple of peaks and valleys. 8.7% of
respondents fell within this category.


Lifetime High: Group 10 had high, relatively stable levels of EI over
their lifetimes. Some fluctuated slightly, but never more than 1.0 on the
5-point scale. 8.7% of respondents fell within this category.
Discussion and Implications for Research and Practice
These data illustrate diversity among an aging sample which held almost universally high
EI as teens and young adults. Yet few respondents EI levels, even those who had ceased running
dropped below 3.0 on a 5-point scale, suggesting that EI levels remain relatively high among this
group and sustain potential for returning to the activity even after prolonged periods of inactivity.
The data support Stockard et al.s (2012) age stability hypothesis in that EI levels remained
above the mid-point on the scale throughout adulthood among over 82 percent of the sample and
nearly a fifth of those with scores below the mid-point returned above it at some point. As well,
data suggested that unidirectional EI patterns were extremely rare and that EI levels were prone
to fluctuate both up and down within some limits throughout the life course. Consistent with
suggestions from Butts and Pixley (2004) these data should also be explored with inferential
statistics, and within the moderating context provided by psychological commitment on manifest
behavior (Iwasaki & Havitz, 1999; 2004) because EI has generally been cast as a predictor of
both leisure participation and well-being rather than an end in itself. As well, influence of life
events should be explored in the context of these quantitative data (Carpenter & Stockard, 2012;
Tsang & Havitz, 2014), some of which may profoundly impact on physical activity over time.

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A New Direction for Tourism Development in China - the Concepts of Slow
Nanxi Yan (University of Waterloo)

When the economys development accelerates our life, the philosophies of fast dominate
our world. People cook their meals in a microwave for less than three minutes; ATMs allow
people withdraw or transfer money in less than five minutes; cable cars shorten travelers transit
time up a mountain. The philosophy of fast brings effectiveness, efficiency, and controlled
quality, but at the same time it also gives rise to globalised homogenization, homogenized food,
commoditized landscapes and similar issues (Nilsson et al, 2007).

Slow Movements
The earliest movement held against the philosophy of fast happened in 1986. In that year,
slow food movement was founded by Carlo Petrini to protest the first McDonalds opening in the
Piazza di Spagna, in Rome. The protest aimed to counter the rise of fast food; it also aimed to
counter the fast life which overlooks the local food traditions and the enjoyment of food (Slow
travel, n.d.). The slow food movement also initiated the slow city movement, the movement
appeals to people to respect the authenticity of a city, such as traditions, religious, cultures and
quality of life (cittaslow, 2013). Slow travel movement also launched after the initiation of slow
food and slow city movements. Slow travel encourages travelers to respect and engage more in
the local culture and travel in an environmental friendly way (Molz, 2009, p. 272).
In all, slow food is always about treasuring local food and industry (slow food, n.d), and
slow travel highlights the environmental friendly way of travel and eat (slow travel, n.d), while
for slow city, local culture and quality of life is underscored (cittaslow, n.d.). Although the three
movements apply to different realms, the stresses on protecting environment, local culture and
quality of life are of great importance to all.
413

The Fast Development of Tourism Industry in China
The tourism industry is regarded as an effective means of achieving development in
especially underdeveloped countries (Jenkins, 1991). In developing countries, such as China and
Brazil, rapid development of tourism without proper management often leads to problems which
include environmental deterioration, foreign exchange leakage and cultural alienation (Brohman,
1996). China, as a third world country, sees fast growth of its tourism industry. Before 1978,
there existed almost no tourism, but now the tourism industry contributes 4% of the countrys
GDP (Travel China Guide, 2013).
However, we found that, although the fast tourism development in China indeed brings
many benefits, it at the same time also generates some negative issues: excessive exploitation
caused environmental destruction (Liu, 1995), gradually increased destination planning
McDonaldization (Liu & Geng, 2012), as well as labor and investment related tourism leakages
(Min & Wall, 2002; World Travel and Tourism Council, 2012).

Slow Tourism Strategies
Rooted in local sustainability, the slow movements can address the relationships among the
environment, the economy and the equity (Mayer and Knox, 2006). Zhu and Zhen are the earliest
scholars in China who argued that the slow concepts could be applied to tourism planning; they
thought the slow concepts provide ideas for tourism planners to make the destination both more
diversified and attractive (2010). In 2011, Yaxi became the first slow city in China; the concepts
of both slow travel and slow city are applied to develop the city. This is the first time slow
concepts are utilized in China. Huang (2012) thought the establishment of the first slow city in
China achieved a success and it will lead the transformation of China tourism development
concepts. In terms of the past plagued tourism problems in China, the following strategies are
proposed:

1) Involving the slow travel concepts in managing natural resources.
2) Involving slow city concept in managing authenticity of ethnic minorities areas.
3) Involving slow food concepts in controlling tourism leakage in remote areas.

Conclusion
In China, the rapid development of tourism reduces poverty, increases job opportunities
and accelerates economy, but also yields many issues. These problems include excessive
exploitation of natural resources caused environmental destruction; the mcdonaldized tourism
planning which contributes to destinations loss of authenticity. Moreover, the overreliance on
foreign tourism companies and labor produced tourism leakage that made local people lose
control over resources and tourism earnings. Such problems stress that increased tourism revenue
should not be the only goal of tourism development. To achieve efficient tourism development,
the concepts of slow movement is useful. The goal of the slow movements appeal to the whole
industry to slow down a little bit and to incorporate the benefits of local community, natural
environment and the region in tourism strategies. It is possible that by involving the concepts of
slow in tourism, the country may avoid many of the problems that caused by fast development.
In addition, by applying the concepts of slow to address Chinas tourism problems, the paper
also hopes to make senses for other developing countries future tourism planning.


414

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Mayer, H., & Knox, P. L. (2006). Slow cities: Sustainable places in a fast world. Journal of
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Hospitality Research, 3(3), 257-275.
Molz, J. G. (2009). Representing pace in tourism mobilities: Staycations, slow travel and The
Amazing Race. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 7(4), 270-286.
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Zhu, X., & Zhen. F. (2011). Enlightenment of Slow City Movement to the Construction of
Livable City in China, Modern Urban Research, (9), 7-13.


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Symposium: Feminist Leisure Studies in a Postfeminist Society
Karla A. Henderson (North Carolina State University)
Panelists: Rylee Dionigi (Charles Sturt University), Rasul Mowatt (Indiana University), Sheila
Scraton (Leeds Metropolitan University), Dorothy Schmalz (Clemson University), Charlene
Shannon-McCallum (University of New Brunswick), Anne-Marie Sullivan (Memorial
University), Susan Tirone (Dalhousie University), Dawn Trussell (Brock University)

2013 marked a publishing coalescence of multiple ideas about leisure, women, gender, and
feminist research. These publications were underway prior to 2013, but the volume of literature
that became accessible in 2013 was not inconsequential. The edited book by Freysinger, Shaw,
Henderson, and Bialeschki (2013) included 31 chapters by contributing scholars. Parry and
Fullagar (2013) edited a special issue of Journal of Leisure Research that highlighted the
research of seven researcher/research teams that explored contemporary meanings of feminist
leisure research pertaining to gender. Henderson and Gibson (2013) published an integrative
review that was the fifth such review conducted about the women and leisure literature since
1980. Finally, Henderson (2013) contributed a chapter to the Handbook of Leisure Studies,
which focused on the origins, accomplishments, and prospects of feminist leisure studies. This
chapter also summarized the themes of the content about womens leisure that occurred over the
past thirty years.
Each of these publications offered a plethora of insights about feminist research and its
influence on the study of leisure, gender, and women. Although the theme of transforming
patriarchal culture and society (Parry & Fullagar, 2013) framed this scholarship, the approaches
presented offer a variety of possibilities for the future. The backgrounds of authors also
demonstrated the interests and commitments that leisure scholars have to social justice. Although
different terminology is sometimes evident, the feminist leisure scholarship represents multiple
approaches to bridging to the future in a new leisure society.
The authors and editors of these 2013 articles and chapters acknowledged the
complexities, continuities, and contradictions within feminism (Parry & Fullagar, 2013, p.
574). However, the tone of most of the articles also emphasized a politics of hope (Denzin, 2000;
Parry, 2003; Parry, Johnson, & Stewart, 2013). The possibilities for the future were summarized
in several ways. Parry and Fullagar pointed to the interconnectivity in leisure that can highlight
hegemonic discourses of knowledge and also emphasized the value of a range of methodologies,
as was evident in the special issue. Freysinger et al. (2013) structured their edited book around
the idea of the matryoska, the female Russian stacking doll, and suggested that girls/womens as
well as boys/mens lives are represented by individual, social-historical, cultural, and political
layers. They also called for a variety of theories and methods, the acknowledgment of the voices
that have been missing in talking about leisure, women, and gender, and the need for social
change and social justice. Henderson (2013) in summarizing thirty years of feminist leisure
research noted the ongoing contributions as well as challenges related to epistemology and
methodology, globalization, intersectionality, and equity and social justice. Aitchison (2013)
concluded that gender justice is the framework needed to inform theory and practice/policy into
the 21
st
century.
In this recent literature, ideas are offered to further leisure research about women and
gender. The missing voices of men in examining gender is slowly emerging as evidenced by
chapters in the Freysinger et al. (2013) book (i.e., Hibbins, 2013; Johnson, 2013; K. D. Lyons,
2013) as well as Parry and Fullagars (2013) special issue of the Journal of Leisure Research
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(i.e., Barnett & Johnson, 2013; Mowatt, French, & Malebranche, 2013). Although scholars from
North America, the United Kingdom, and Australia/New Zealand have been prominent in the
literature about leisure, women, and gender, the voices of scholars from Eastern and Southern
regions of the world have yet to find a place in the feminist literature, at least literature in the
English language. The range of methods and use of creative analytic practice in portraying data
also has gained further visibility in recent publications (e.g., Berbary, 2013; K. J. Lyons, 2013;
Pavlidis, 2013). Although some scholars have argued that feminist leisure research from its
inception was focused on social justice (e.g., Henderson, 2013), this emphasis and particularly
the ways that power relations are scrutinized have moved to the center of the discourses
(Aitchison, 2013; Parry & Fullagar, 2013). Further, in discussing the phases of feminist leisure
research over the years, Parry (2003) advocated for a sixth phase related to the politics of hope
while Henderson and Gibson (2013) suggested that intersectionality may be the next important
phase for future feminist leisure research.
Although the past literature can be described (e.g., Henderson & Gibson, 2013) and the
politics of hope as well as intersectionality can be used to inform the potential transformation of
the everyday lives of women and men, more discussions are necessary regarding how this
feminist leisure research can be conducted and embodied relative to the important and often
difficult questions yet to be examined. Further, the conduct of collaborative transformative
research requires greater exploration.
The purpose of this panel/symposium session for the 2014 Canadian Congress on Leisure
Research is to provide a forum for discussing the future of feminist leisure studies. The recent
literature described in this abstract will be used as a springboard for moving discussions forward.
Panelists have been invited to this session who have with a diversity of backgrounds related to
geographical representation, founding mothers as well as emerging scholars, and varied
research topical interests pertaining to feminist leisure studies. Panelists will each give brief
comments, but the session will be moderated to assure that all attendees are empowered to offer
perspectives.
The panelists include the following individuals:
Rylee Dionigi is Associate Head of School of Human Movement Studies, Charles Sturt
University, Australia and Adjunct, Graduate Program in Kinesiology and Health Science, York
University, Canada. Her research focuses on older women participating in physically demanding,
competitive sport and how these leisure experiences fit within the context of culture, discourse,
and dominant ideologies of sport, aging, and gender.
Karla Henderson (Moderator of Session) is a Professor in the Department of Parks, Recreation,
and Tourism Management at North Carolina State University. Her research explores leisure
behavior, diversity issues, physical activity by choice, and organized camps.
Rasul Mowatt is an Associate Professor in the Department of Recreation, Park, and Tourism
Studies in the School of Public Health at Indiana University. His research addresses the need to
integrate Cultural Studies and Race Studies into Feminist Leisure Research to address the hyper-
invisibility and/or hyper-visibility of Women of Color.
Sheila Scraton is Emeritus Professor at Leeds Metropolitan University, England and was
formerly Pro Vice-Chancellor of Research and Professor of Leisure and Feminist Studies. She
has been involved with feminist leisure studies since the 1980s with a particular interest in social
analyses of gender inequalities, feminist theories, women and aging, and the intersections of
gender, class and race/ethnicity.
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Dorothy Schmalz is an Associate Professor in the Department of Parks, Recreation, and
Tourism Management at Clemson University. Her research interests include stereotypes of
gender and weight on women's leisure and recreation experiences.
Charlene Shannon-McCallum is an Associate Professor teaching within the Recreation and
Sport Studies degree program at the University of New Brunswick. Her research focuses on
exploring mothers roles and experiences in facilitating active leisure for their overweight
children and understanding adolescent girls experiences with competitive dance.
Anne-Marie Sullivan is an Associate Professor in the School of Human Kinetics & Recreation
at Memorial University of Newfoundland. She explores how mothering impacts women's leisure
as well as the experience of young international women who have relocated to pursue post-
secondary education.
Susan Tirone is the Associate Director of the College of Sustainability at Dalhousie University.
Her academic interests include teaching and evaluating educational approaches that address
social and environmental sustainability.
Dawn Trussell is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Recreation and Leisure Studies at
Brock University in Ontario, Canada. Her research focuses on gender issues related to constructs
of family, rurality, and organized youth sport as well as the complexities of non-traditional
family structures and the nexus of public policy and leisure for women as they experience
motherhood.

References
Aitchison, C. C. (2013). Gender and leisure policy discourses: The cultural turn to social justice. In
V. Freysinger, S. Shaw, K. Henderson, & D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender
(pp. 521-540). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Barnett, J. T., & Johnson, C. W. (2013). We are all royalty: Narrative comparison of a drag queen
and king. Journal of Leisure Research, 45, 677-694.
Berbary, L. A. (2013). Sorority spaces: Discipline of gendered reputation in public leisure. In V.
Freysinger, S. Shaw, K. Henderson, & D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender
(pp. 151-166). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Denzin, N. K. (2000). Aesthetics and the practices of qualitative inquiry. Qualitative Inquiry, 6,
256-265.
Freysinger, V. J., Shaw, S. M., Henderson, K. A., & Bialeschki, M. D. (2013). Leisure, women,
and gender (3rd. edition). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Henderson, K. A., & Gibson, H. E. (2013). An integrative review of women, gender, and leisure:
Increasing complexities. Journal of Leisure Research, 45(2), 115-135.
Henderson, K. A. (2013). Feminist leisure studies: Origins, accomplishments and prospects. In T.
Bradshaw (Ed.), Handbook of leisure (pp. 26-39). Oxon, UK: Routledge.
Hibbins, R. (2013). Reconstructing masculinities, migration, and transnational leisure spaces. In V.
Freysinger, S. Shaw, K. Henderson, & D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender
(pp. 451-464). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Johnson, C. W. (2013). Feminist masculinities: Inquiries into leisure, gender, and sexual identity.
In V. Freysinger, S. Shaw, K. Henderson, & D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and
gender (pp. 245-258). State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
Lyons, K. D. (2013). Reflections on the role of men in a feminist leisure studies. In V. Freysinger,
S. Shaw, K. Henderson, & D. Bialeschki (Eds.), Leisure, women, and gender (pp. 51-62).
State College, PA: Venture Publishing.
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Lyons, K. J. (2013). Cycles, ceremonies, and creeping phlox: An autobiographical account of the
creation of our garden. Journal of Leisure Research, 45, 624-643.
Mowatt, R. A., French, B. H., & Malebranche, D. A. (2013). Black/Female/Body hypervisibility
and invisibility. Journal of Leisure Research, 45, 644-660.
Parry, D. C. (2003). Towards a politics of hope: Advocating a sixth phase of feminist leisure
research. Society and Leisure/Loisir et Societe, 26, 49-67.
Parry, D. C., & Fullagar, S. (2013). Feminist leisure research in the contemporary era. Journal of
Leisure Research, 45, 571-582.
Parry, D. C., Johnson, C. W., & Stewart, W. (2013). Leisure research for social justice: A response
to Henderson. Leisure Sciences, 35, 81-87.
Pavlidis, A. (2013). Writing resistance for roller derby. Journal of Leisure Research, 45, 661-676.



Symposium: Challenging the Leisure Discourse: Building an Evolving Theory for the Next
Generation
Tristan Hopper (Dalhousie University), Caleigh Ellis (Vancouver Island University), Beth
Hagarty (Dalhousie University), Lauren Torok (Brock University), Karen Gallant (Dalhousie
University)

Introduction
The term leisure has been defined by a variety of scholars (Rojek, Shaw, & Veal, 2007). In
general leisure has be defined and considered in three ways: leisure as free time, leisure as
recreation or non-work activity and leisure as a state of mind (Russel, 2013). Leisure is an
umbrella term that refers to freely chosen non-work engagements (Kleiber, 1999). Thus, these
terms have been used to operationalize the experience of individuals that scholars have studied.
The characteristics of the term leisure have allowed for a broadening scope of leisure theory
providing insight for future generational leisure scholars.
The purpose of this session is to provide a collaborative opportunity for graduate students
and faculty members to engage in a discussion surrounding key concepts and theories they have
taken away from the course content presented at their respective universities. The discussion
throughout this symposium will be guided by the following concepts; Deviant leisure, leisure and
well-being, leisure and sustainability, and play, recreation and leisure. All participants will be
encouraged to share their thoughts and insights surrounding these key concepts in an effort to
challenge conventional leisure theory.
The following is a description of insights and post-reflections from discussions gathered
from graduate level leisure theory experiences, which will act as a framework for discussions
during the symposia. Participating authors, who are all graduate level students, were invited to
present on their areas of research interest and to highlight the theoretical foundations of this
work. Authors will act as facilitators in the discussions and will discuss contributed sections.
Through topics, we had the opportunity to discuss the changing of margins around the
leisure discourse. For example, discussion around leisure and wellbeing (Hood & Carruthers,
2007; 2013), leisure and sustainability (Crompton, 2008), the loss of the term play,
recreation and leisure in the study of opportunities for individuals (Bishop, 2013) and
deviance as leisure (Williams, 2009; Spracklen, 2013) were key concepts that addressed the
widening of margins. Rather than marginality as negative and alienating, we considered its
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potential for nurturing diversity and the challenging of dominant discourses. Leisure and
wellbeing and its incorporation into discussions around leisure theory challenges the term leisure
and its inherently good contributions to health; which presents itself as a dominant lens
through which we look at leisure.

Dark or Deviant Leisure
Although the discussions on deviant forms of leisure have been around for a long time, our
discussion is that we considered the positive aspects of deviance. Deviant leisure, or dark leisure
as it is commonly referred to is a type of leisure activity that is typically viewed as behaviour that
violates criminal and non-criminal moral norms (Williams, 2009). The dominant discourse on
leisure studies has typically been that of a Eurocentric and North American influence (Williams,
2009). When individuals engage in activities that the dominant discourse has determined to be a
deviation from the norm, they are automatically mentally ill, or a shift from what Williams
(2009) considered badness to sickness. Deviant leisure has the potential to push the margins of
what is an idealistic concept of leisure activity. What is not acceptable in some social spaces may
be considered acceptable in others. This theory calls for a change in how leisure studies
conceptualize dark leisure.
As an example of deviant or dark leisure, we offer the concept of Vampire communities. In
these communities individuals do not necessarily believe they are of the non-human kind, but
rather more closely identify with fictional vampire characters that like to take in an extra source
of energy once and awhile (Williams, 2009). The activity of being apart of a vampire community
to a typical leisure activity is considered quite obscure. However, there has become a paradigm
shift among some leisure scholars around what constitutes healthy leisure activities. In our
opinion, as future leisure scholars and practitioners, the dominant discourse of leisure studies
does not have a place in deeming what constitutes healthy and non-healthy leisure. This raises a
critical question of who defines the terms leisure, healthy and non-healthy? If the scholar defines,
then the terms such as dark, deviant and unhealthy are applied. If the person defines the terms,
then words such as enjoyment, freely chosen and health emerge. As such, dark leisure is liminal
and transgressive. These dark leisure spaces are attractive for some just for the reason that it
allows them a sense of escape from everyday life, a place to break rules (Spraklen, 2013). Dark
and deviant leisure has the potential to challenge some of the margins set by the dominant leisure
discourse.

Leisure and Wellbeing
Leisure has the potential to cultivate pleasure, autonomy, social connections, hope and a
sense of identity and thus could support individuals in living well (Hood & Carruthers, 2007;
2013). However, to suggest that leisure is universally good, denies the intimacy of the experience
as multifaceted, individualistic and unique. It is through leisure that many individuals employ
negative coping strategies and thus leisure could manifest opportunities to relive or perseverate
over negative life events (Griffin, 2005). As a result we need to critically explore the concept of
leisure as it pertains to the attainment of wellbeing and highlight the contribution it makes to the
establishment and maintenance of ones wellbeing (Klieber, 1999).
Leisure is an evolving concept that encompasses the experiences that occur in our
discretionary time and provides us with freedom from work (Klieber, 1999; Brightbill, 1960).
Leisure delivers choice, supports development, empowers and enables us. It is through leisure
that we permit ourselves to give up the necessity of being occupied and explore our most
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authentic self (DeGrazia, 1962). However, there are two sides: true leisure and forced leisure
(Brightbill, 1960). It is within this concept that we present the negative side to leisure as it
pertains to therapeutic recreation. According to Brightbill (1960), true leisure is the engagement
in experiences that are not imposed on the individual but rather freely chosen and therefore
provide the greatest potential for recovery from the stress of daily living. However, within an
institutional setting, recreation therapists program leisure opportunities for clients in an effort to
support their recovery. As such, therapeutic recreation service cannot facilitate truly authentic
opportunities in that the interventions align themselves closely with the concept of forced leisure.
In fact, Brightbill (1960) suggests that forced leisure primarily happens as a result of illness and
therefore forced leisure involves opportunities that are not self-initiated. As a result, although
recreation therapy may focus on client aspirations, support positive emotion, generate hope for
the future, encourage self-acceptance, facilitate choice, mobilize strengths and promote
activation and engagement in life, therapeutic recreation is simply an artery through which
individuals can begin to gain insight into their interests and develop the necessary skills to
support themselves within community living.

Leisure and Sustainability
Having a resilient community is an important step to the creation of a sustainable
community. One of the key requirements to creating a resilient community is fostering a sense of
place. Recreation contributes to resiliency and sustainability through the creation of physically
vibrant and attractively designed recreation facilities and parks (Crompton, 2008). The way in
which a community develops and manages its resources is directly related to the quality and
sustenance of community life. Public Park and recreation organizations have a large amount of
potential power in changing the lifestyle patterns that improve the long-term livability and
sustainability of our communities (Lankford, 1993).
In more affluent times, diverse types of public and private facilities were constructed
throughout Canada leading to a sophisticated inventory of recreation amenities but these
facilities now require major renovation and replacement (Reid, 2009). Investment in recreation
and parks are viewed by elected officials as being relatively discretionary, additional expenses on
amenities which are nice to have if there is enough money left over after the important essential
services (Crompton, 2008). The considerable long term economic value of parks and natural
areas in preserving natural ecological systems is typically disregarded because it is not
articulated in market values and is difficult to measure. Recreation provides cost benefits to
healthcare by improving community health through obesity reduction and mental health, the
justice system, through engagement of youth, and offering opportunities for gainful employment,
through construction, maintenance, and programming (Crompton, 2008; Reid, 2009). It can also
stimulate urban renewal, which will increase property values and tax revenues (Crompton,
2008a). There is an obvious disconnect between the research being conducted and the ability for
that research to be used in a practical community setting. A challenge for future leisure
professionals will be to acknowledge and explore ways to close the gap between research and
practice.

Play, Recreation and Leisure
The understanding of how Leisure, Recreation and Play vary for individuals has presented
itself as an important paradigm. The value of unstructured leisure is becoming increasingly
evident. At the same time, we are realizing that play is becoming largely obsolete in our society,
421

and its not often considered of value. What does that mean for the role of Leisure professionals
(Buswell, et al., 2012; Shaw, 2010)? Although play is easily to recognizable, it can be much
harder to understand. This has resulted in a history of problems related to defining play,
challenges with differentiating it from other types of behavior, and patterns of uneven conceptual
and theoretical development (Yarnal, Chick, & Kerstetter, 2008).
Multiple, interdependent relationships happen between play, childhood, and family, and
the affect they have on play, overall development, and wellbeing of children (Frost, 2012). For
children, society tends to value structured experiences (i.e. extracurricular activities). Play is no
longer being seen as unstructured activity and is often viewed as the alternative to structured
activities. If a child does not have a full schedule, he or she can be found inside, disconnected
from and uninterested in nature, spending time participating in social media or playing video
games (Bishop, 2013). As well adults are rarely heard referring to their leisure activities as
play. Instead they use play as a verb to describe their activities. For example, they play board
games or play drop-in hockey. Often adults value work over leisure and play time. Generation Y
challenges the traditional forms of work but they also challenge traditional or common forms of
leisure through the rejection that play is only for children. They are said to be the most
adventurous generation to have lived thus far and are more drawn to flexible and less structured
recreational activities (Bishop, 2013). As leisure professionals, how can we help the field adapt
from the structured programming to the creation of opportunities for unstructured, spontaneous
and flexible leisure pursuits?

References
Bishop, R. (2013). Go out and play, but mean it: Using frame analysis to explore recent news
media coverage of the rediscovery of unstructured play. The Social Science Journal, 50(4),
510-520.
Brightbill, C. K. (1960). What is leisure? In The challenge of leisure (pp. 3-15). Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Buswell, L., Zabriskie, R. B., Lundberg, N, & Hawkins, A. J. (2012). The relationship between
father involvement in family leisure and family functioning: The importance of daily
family leisure. Leisure Sciences, 34, 172-190.
Chiesura, A. (2004). The role of urban parks for the sustainable city. Landscape and Urban
Planning, 68(1), 129-138.
Crompton, J. L. (2008). Empirical evidence of the contributions of leisure services to alleviating
social problems: a key to repositioning the leisure services field. World Leisure Journal,
50(4), 243-258.
DeGrazia, S. (1962). The background of leisure. In Of time work and leisure (pp. 11-34). New
York, NY: The Twentieth Century Fund.
Frost, J. L. (2012) The changing culture of play. International Journal of Play, 1(2), 117-130.
Griffin, J. (2005). Recreation therapy for adults survivors of child abuse: Challenges to
professional perspectives and the evolution of a leisure education group. Therapeutic
Recreation Journal, 39(3), 207-228.
Hood, C. D., & Carruthers, C. P. (2007). Enhacing leisure experience and developing resources:
The leisure and well-being model, part II. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 41(4), 298-325.
Hood, C. D., & Carruthers, C. P. (2013). Facilitating change through leisure: The leisure and
well-being model of therapeutic recreation practice. In T. Freire (Ed.), Positive leisure
science: From subjective experience to social contexts (pp. 121-140). New York, NY:
422

Springer.
Kleiber, D. (1999). Leisure experience and human development. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Lankford, J. K. (1993). The Role of Parks and Recreation in Sustainable Community
Development. World Leisure & Recreation, 35(2), 13-17.
Reid, D. G. (2009). Rational choice, sense of place, and the community development approach to
community leisure facility planning. Leisure/Loisir, 33(2), 511-536.
Rojek, C., Shaw, S. M., & Veal, A. J. (Eds.). (2007). A handbook of leisure studies. New York:
Palgrave MacMillan. (pp. 1-21).
Russel, R.V. (2013). Meanings of Leisure. In Pastimes: The Context of Contemporary Leisure.
Urbana: IL: Sagamore. (pp. 1-37).
Shaw, S. M. (2010). Diversity and ideology: Changes in Canadian family life and implications
for leisure. World Leisure Journal, 52(1), 4-13.
Spracklen, K. (2013). Dark leisure. In Leisure, sports, & society (pp. 203-214). New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Williams, D. J. (2009). Deviant leisure: rethinking the good, the bad, and the ugly. Leisure
Sciences, 31, 207-213.
Yarnal, C. M., Chick, G., & Kerstetter, D. L. (2008). I did not have time to play growing up
so this is my play time. It's the best thing I have ever done for myself: What is play to
older women? Leisure Sciences, 30(3), 235-252.



Symposium: Leisure Education: Possibilities and Challenges for our New Leisure Society
Susan Hutchinson (Dalhousie University), Hlne Carbonneau (Universit du Qubec Trois-
Rivires), Charlene Shannon-McCallum (University of New Brunswick), Jacquelyn Oncescu
(University of Manitoba), Shannon Hebblethwaite (Concordia University)

Introduction
According to Mundy (1998) the goal of leisure education is to enable individuals to
enhance the quality of their lives through leisure. In many countries around the world, leisure
education is being promoted as a way to ensure that vulnerable persons, families and
communities are able to experience the health, well-being and developmental benefits of leisure
and recreation participation(including participation in physical activity, sport, social, cultural,
arts and outdoor-oriented programs and environments). Recent position papers regarding the role
of leisure education in promoting healthy development and well-beingincluding a special issue
of World Leisure Journal devoted to leisure education highlight the potential role leisure
education can play in addressing contemporary social and health problems. It is important to
examine the possibilities and challenges of leisure education in preparing people and
communities to survive and thrive in our new leisure societies.
In order to better position leisure education as a viable resource in community, education
and health systems, there is a need to identify advancements in the study and practice of leisure
education, as well as gaps in our understanding. What models of leisure education exist and how
have these models evolved? Have models been tested and validated (and what are the
opportunities for doing this)? What is the basis for convincing others of the value added
associated with leisure education interventions (and how can we collaborate to do this)? Do we
have much in the way of experimental designs to demonstrate impact? What do we know about
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the processes within leisure education determined to be most effective in facilitating sustainable
change in leisure-related attitudes, beliefs and behaviours?
This symposium will provide opportunities for delegates to interact with others to examine
opportunities and gaps in leisure education, practice and research. The overall goal of this
symposium is to enable a sharing of lessons learned and, potentially, emerging consensus on
models for best practices and research priorities for leisure education across the lifespan and in
a variety of contexts. Following an introduction, a social ecological model of leisure education
will be presented by Drs. Jacquelyn Oncescu and Charlene Shannon-McCallum (20 minutes).
Through the lens of social ecological theory, examples of innovations in leisure education
practice and research will be shared by four panelists (15 minutes each):
Dr. Jacquelyn Oncescu: Leisure education with rural families
Dr. Charlene Shannon: Parents as leisure coaches for children with obesity
Dr. Shannon Hebblethwaite: Peer leisure supports in stroke recovery
Dr. Hlne Carbonneau: Leisure education with caregivers of persons with dementia
Facilitated discussion between symposium delegates will provide opportunities for: sharing
examples of research/practice related to leisure education, identifying commonalities and gaps in
knowledge and understanding related to leisure education, and identifying next steps in
advancing research and practice related to leisure education. The following is a brief review of a
social ecological framework for leisure education that will frame this symposium.

Social Ecological Framework
A social ecological framework highlights social and environmental factors that need to
change in order to influence an individual behaviour change (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1994).
Social ecological theories/frameworks (SET) have been developed to explain individual
behaviour, but also pinpoint sources of intervention that influence behaviour change. A general
covenant of SET is that it treats individuals as active agents who constantly shape, and are
shaped by, their environments (Loundsbury & Mitchell, 2009, p. 215). SET emphasizes an in-
depth understanding of the dynamic interplay between and among individuals, groups, and their
socio-psycho surroundings through multiple levels (Stokols, 1996). McLeroy, Bibeau, Steckler,
and Glanz (1988) adapted Bronfenbrenners (1979; 1994) SET and defined five factors of
influence on individual behaviour: intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional and organization,
community, and policy factors.
Thinking in terms of McLeroy et al.s (1988) SET model, the five influential factors can
also be points of intervention for leisure education. For example, leisure education interventions
at the intrapersonal level focus on change to an individuals knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
skills related to leisure. Historically, TR has developed and delivered person-centred leisure
education programs for individuals who experience barriers to recreation participation as a result
of a disease, illness or disability; however, these types of programs need to be developed outside
of TR and within the broader community. Opportunities exist for the creation of leisure
education programs aimed at individuals going through major life transitionswhen individuals
roles, relationships or ecological contexts change (Raymore et al., 1999).
Interventions at the interpersonal level are designed to create change in social
relationships, and focus on changing the attitudes, knowledge, and beliefs of an individuals
immediate social group (e.g., parents, partners/spouses, other family members, peers). Shannon
(2012) conducted a leisure education program with parents of children who were overweight or
obese. The study focused on educating parents about leisure, their role as facilitators, and how to
424

create not only physically active leisure opportunities but also leisure experiences that would
help children develop enhanced self-esteem, confidence, and improve their skills in activities that
were of interest (e.g., skating, swimming).
Organization and institutional settings provide another level for leisure education
intervention and address the question, how can organizations and institutions be used to support
leisure education programs that could influence individual leisure behaviour change?
Organizations and institutions can create direct and indirect opportunities to educate individuals
about leisure. For example, organizations can incorporate elements of leisure education by
encouraging children and youth to explore their leisure interests through activity sampling rather
than focusing on just one sport or activity. Developing programs that focus on creating leisure
beyond the program can strengthen leisure skill and knowledge. For example, teaching children
and youth how to incorporate the leisure activities they learn in the program at home could
accomplish this. Utilizing organizations and institutions as sources for leisure education not
helps create leisure education awareness, but also influences policies and institutional capacity in
terms of leisure education (Golden & Earp, 2012).
Potentially, recreation professionals and organizations could develop community-wide
leisure education forums, workshops, and promotional campaigns focused on education for and
about leisure, with an emphasis on collaborations between public agencies and non-profit
organizations. A community level leisure education intervention could include increasing
coordination of leisure education advocacy among community recreation agencies and
organizations, and coalition building to influence community leisure education awareness and
policy development (McLeroy et al., 1988). This could include a collective social media
campaign to increase citizens awareness of the facilities and outdoor spaces that exist in the
community, or providing information on programs and events. Connecting leisure education to
policy has best been described by Dieser (2013) as a means to preventing or remedying social
problems through various levels of policy including: local, provincial/state, national, binational
and transnational policies. Regardless of the policy level, leisure education as means to remedy
social problems in a reactive or proactive manner is warranted, especially when addressing an
array of social issues related to obesity, poverty, mental health issues, and juvenile delinquency.
For example, recreation and leisure professionals can advocate for policies that increase leisure
education content in school physical education curriculum to help increase awareness and
interest in various physical activities. Policies could also be created around the development of
leisure education in restorative justice programs to help reduce youths criminal behaviour and
positive leisure development.

Conclusion
There have been important developments in the advancement of scholarship related to
leisure education. Research has focused on the role of leisure education to address the needs of
diverse populations such as families of overweight and obese children (Shannon, 2012), family
caregivers (Carbonneau, Caron, & Desrosiers, 2011), persons living with mental illness
(Snethen, McCormick, & Van Puymbroeck, 2012), stroke (Desrosiers et al., 2007; Nour,
Desrosiers, Gauthier, & Carbonneau, 2002) or traumatic brain injury (Carbonneau, Andr,
Martineau, & Dawson, 2011) and older adults (e.g., Searle, Mahon, Iso-Ahola, Sdrolias, & van
Dyck, 1998). Other leisure scholars have recommended expanding leisure educations focus
beyond serious leisure to recognize the value of relaxation and other forms of casual leisure for
broadening perspectives on life and leisure (Kleiber, 2011) and to embrace the potential role of
425

leisure education in fostering social policy change (Dieser, 2013).
Mundy (1998) cautioned that merely providing information about programs or leisure
benefits in social marketing campaigns is insufficient to develop peoples leisure literacy and, in
a commissioned paper written for a national recreation summit held in Canada in 2011,
Brimacombe argued that for citizens to reap the benefits of recreation and community
participation they need to be engaged and that engagement emerges when people are leisure
literate, motivated, and confident. Hutchinson and Robertson (2012) suggested that
repositioning leisure education as a component of service delivery in communities, where
people live the majority of their lives, is needed (emphasis in original, p. 131).
Conceptualizing leisure education within a social ecological framework offers researchers
and practitioners a framework for incorporating or advocating for leisure education within the
broader community at various levels of influence. It creates the opportunity to extend leisure
education activities beyond TR settings and help both individuals and those who facilitate leisure
for community members (e.g., parents, caregivers) to consider the role and meaning of leisure,
the benefits of leisure, barriers to leisure, and strategies for enhancing leisure. Applying leisure
education initiatives in the community cannot happen in isolation but rather in partnerships with
allied professionals that have common goals and objectives. Forming partnerships with schools,
local recreation organizations, non-profit agencies and/or academic institutions that specialize in
leisure education training can create the capacity needed to develop, implement, and research
community-based leisure education initiatives.

References
Brofenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and
design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1994). Ecological models of human development. In T. Husen & T. N.
Postlethwaite (Eds.), International encyclopedia of education (2nd ed., vol. 3, pp. 1643-
1647). Oxford, England: Pergamon Press.
Brimacombe, D. (2011). Fulfilling the promise: Canadas municipal parks and recreation
sector. Prepared for the National Recreation Summit, Lake Louise, AB.
Carbonneau, H., Andr, M., Martineau, E., & Dawson, D. (2011). Enhancing leisure experiences
Post-TBI: A pilot study. Brain Impairment, Special issue, 12(2), 140-151.
Carbonneau, H., Caron, C., & Desrosiers, J. (2011). Effects of an adapted leisure education
program as a means of support for caregivers of people with dementia. Archives in
Gerontology and Geriatrics, 53(1), 31-39.
Desrosiers, J., Noreau, L., Rochette, A., Carbonneau, H., Fontaine, L., Viscolgliosi, C., & Bravo,
G. (2007). Effect of a home leisure education program after stroke: A randomized
controlled trial. Archives of Physical Medicine & Rehabilitation, 88(9), 1095-1100 and
1126-1227.
Dieser, R. (2013). Leisure education: A person-centered, system-directed, social policy
perspective. Urbana, IL: Sagamore.
Golden, S. D., & Earp, J. A. L. (2012). Social ecological approaches to individuals and their
contexts twenty years of health education & behavior health promotion interventions.
Health Education & Behavior, 39(3), 364-372.
Hutchinson, S. L., & Robertson, B. (2012). Leisure education: A new goal for an old idea whose
time has come. Pedagoga Social: Revistainteruniversitaria, 19, 127-139.
426

Kleiber, D. A. (2011). Taking leisure seriously: New and older considerations about leisure
education. World Leisure Journal, 54(1), 5-15.
Lounsbury, D. W., & Mitchell, S. G. (2009). Introduction to special issue on social ecological
approaches to community health research and action. American Journal of Community
Psychology, 44(3-4), 213-220.
McLeroy, K. R., Bibeau, D., Steckler, A., & Glanz, K. (1988). An ecological perspective on
health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly, 15, 351377.
Mundy, J. (1998). Leisure education: Theory and practice (2
nd
ed). Champaign, IL: Sagamore.
Nour, K., Desrosiers, J., Gauthier, P., & Carbonneau, H. (2002). Impact of a home leisure
education program for stroke elderly people. Therapeutic Recreational Journal, 34, 48-64.
Raymore, L., Barber, B., Eccles, J., & Godbey, G. (1999). Leisure behaviour pattern stability
during the transition from adolescence to young adulthood. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence, 28(1), 79-103.
Searle, M. S., Mahon, M. J., Iso-Ahola, S., Sdrolias, H., & van Dyck, J. (1998). Examining the
long term effects of leisure education on a sense of independence and psychological well-
being among the elderly. Journal of Leisure Research, 30(3), 331-340.
Shannon, C. S. (2012). Leisure education within the context of child obesity intervention
programme: Parents experiences. World Leisure Journal, 44(1), 1625.
Snethen, G., McCormick, B. P., &Van Puymbroeck, M. (2012). Community involvement,
planning and coping skills: Pilot outcomes of a recreational-therapy intervention for adults
with schizophrenia. Disability & Rehabilitation, 34(18), 15751584.
Stokols, D. (1996). Translating social ecological theory into guidelines for community health
promotion. American journal of health promotion, 10(4), 282-298.

____________________________________________________________________________

Framing Community-Based Leisure Education: A Social Ecological Exploration of Leisure
Education
Jacquelyn Oncescu (University of Manitoba), Charlene Shannon-McCallum (University of New
Brunswick)

Despite the vast array of recreation and leisure programs, events, activities, and places in
our communities, a number of individuals struggle to create meaningful experiences during their
leisure time or facilitate these experiences for others. Scholars have discussed that lack the
knowledge, skills and competence to participate in leisure, or lack of leisure literacy as
Hutchinson and Roberston (2012) refer to it as the cause of this struggle with free time (e.g.,
Caldwell, Baldwin, Walls, & Smith, 2004; Cohen-Gewerc & Stebbins, 2007; Leitner & Leitner,
2012; Robertson, 2001; Shannon, 2012). Leisure education is essential to enhance leisure
literacy.
Leisure education is a process that creates intentionally designed programs that focus on
helping individuals create meaningful recreation and leisure opportunities. Leisure education
also supports the development of a broad repertoire of skills to address the challenges they
encounter in their day-to-day lives, and to be engaged in their homes, families, and communities
(Caldwell, 2002; Robertson, 2007). Leisure education helps individuals develop the attitudes,
knowledge and skills needed to make positive leisure choices (Robertson, 2007). More
specifically, leisure education is a process that focuses on enhancing an individuals leisure
427

functioning by assisting individuals to: a) identify needs, b) problem solve to overcome barriers
to taking action, and c) develop the confidence and competence in their abilities to take action.
Historically, leisure education has been delivered within the area of Therapeutic Recreation
(TR). In this context, the focus is on working with individuals who experience barriers to
recreation participation as a result of a disease, illness or disability (Hutchinson & Robertson,
2012; Sivan & Stebbins, 2011). Most leisure education programs have been isolated to clinical
healthcare settings to meet the needs of the populations they serve. Typically delivered through a
person-centred approach, (sometimes referred as an individualistic approach), leisure education
focuses on developing the self rather than the group or environment in which the individual
interacts (Dieser, 2013).
In contrast, community recreation and leisure professionals have focused on the provision
of programs and facilities and has limited leisure education to teaching skills for activity
participation (Dieser, 2013; Hutchinson & Robertson, 2012; Mundy, 1998). The inattention to
leisure education has resulted in a faulty assumption that possessing physical activity skills and
having access to opportunities will engage people in healthy leisure lifestyles (Hutchinson &
Robertson, 2012). Consequently, it may be that community recreation professionals are teaching
people how to exercise for their healthbut not how to attain leisure; to follow our place and
enrol in our schedule programsbut not how to make their own leisure decisions and plans
(Mundy, 1998, p.2). A broader application of leisure education is needed as the gap between the
benefits of recreation and leisure for individuals wellbeing is widening due to the social
problems facing our families and communities today (Hutchinson & Robertson, 2012).
To address the gap of leisure education in the community, scholars are advocating the
repositioning of leisure education as a component of service delivery in communities (Dieser,
2013; Hutchinson & Robertson, 2012). The purpose of this paper is to conceptualize a broader
approach to leisure education within the community. Using the social ecological theory (SET),
this paper discusses how community recreation professionals can utilize leisure education to
influence social and environmental change that can have a positive impact on leisure behaviour.

Theoretical Framework
Moving leisure education beyond a person-centred approach involves a holistic approach.
Dieser (2013) recommends a system-directed change or social ecological approach to leisure
education. More specifically, a social ecological framework highlights social and environmental
factors that need to change in order to influence an individual behaviour change
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979; 1994). Social ecological theories/frameworks (SET) have been
developed to explain individual behaviour, but also pinpoint sources of intervention that
influence behaviour change. A general covenant of SET is that it treats individuals as active
agents who constantly shape, and are shaped by, their environments (Loundsbury & Mitchell,
2009, p. 215). SET emphasizes an in-depth understanding of the dynamic interplay between and
among individuals, groups, and their socio-psycho surroundings through multiple levels
(Stokols, 1996).
McLeroy, Bibeau, Steckler, & Glanz (1988) adapted Bronfenbrenners (1979; 1994) SET
and defined five factors of influence on individual behaviour: intrapersonal, interpersonal,
institutional and organization, community, and policy factors. Intrapersonal factors include
individual characteristics such as knowledge, attitudes, behaviour, self-concept, skills, etc.
Interpersonal factors consist of formal and informal social networks and social support systems,
including family, work group, and friendship networks. Institutional/organization factors include
428

social institutions with organizational characteristics, formal and informal rules and regulations
for operation, and organizations in the private, public, and non-profit sectors. Community factors
comprise community-wide social networks, norms and standards that informally govern
individuals, groups, and organizations. Finally, policy factors are related to local, provincial, and
national laws and policies, at the broadest level of influence on individual behavior. These
factors are not separate from one another, but are interrelated (McLeroy et al., 1988).

Discussion
Thinking in terms of McLeroy et al.s (1988) SET model, the five influential factors can
also be points of intervention for leisure education. For example, leisure education interventions
at the intrapersonal level focus on change to an individuals knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
skills related to leisure. Historically, TR has developed and delivered person-centred leisure
education programs for individuals who experience barriers to recreation participation as a result
of a disease, illness or disability; however, these types of programs need to be developed outside
of TR and within the broader community. Opportunities exist for the creation of leisure
education programs aimed at individuals going through major life transitionswhen individuals
roles, relationships or ecological contexts change (Raymore et al., 1999). Leisure experiences
can be disrupted during transition because of individual and contextual factors (Jackson, 2005).
For example, recent immigrants, new parents, parents who become single parents, widows or
widowers, or high school students transitioning into college/university or the workforce may
experience new patterns of behaviour that could negatively influence their ability to create
meaningful leisure experiences. Changes they are experiencing could cause a conflict among
priorities including priorities for leisure. Yet, research suggests that leisure can be important
during times of transition. Leisure education programs could be designed to help individuals
within community experiencing these transitions to maintain leisure during major life transitions.
Interventions at the interpersonal level are designed to create change in social
relationships, and focus on changing the attitudes, knowledge, and beliefs of an individuals
immediate social group (e.g., parents, partners/spouses, other family members, peers). Shannon
(2012) conducted a leisure education program with parents of children who were overweight or
obese. The study focused on educating parents about leisure, their role as facilitators, and how to
create not only physically active leisure opportunities but also leisure experiences that would
help children develop enhanced self-esteem, confidence, and improve their skills in activities that
were of interest (e.g., skating, swimming).
Organization and institutional settings provide another level for leisure education
intervention and address the question, how can organizations and institutions be used to support
leisure education programs that could influence individual leisure behaviour change? An
example of a direct leisure education program is Time Wise, a school-based leisure education
program designed for middle school youth to prevent substance abuse (Caldwell et al. 2004).
Time Wise focuses on the notion that youth need to develop positive interests and take personal
responsibility for engaging in healthy leisure activities. Organizations and institutions can also
create indirect opportunities to educate individuals about leisure. For example, organizations can
incorporate elements of leisure education by encouraging children and youth to explore their
leisure interests through activity sampling rather than focusing on just one sport or activity.
Developing programs that focus on creating leisure beyond the program can strengthen leisure
skill and knowledge. For example, teaching children and youth how to incorporate the leisure
activities they learn in the program at home could accomplish this. Utilizing organizations and
429

institutions as sources for leisure education not helps create leisure education awareness, but also
influences policies and institutional capacity in terms of leisure education (Golden & Earp,
2012).
Since a number of leisure and recreation programs are developed and delivered by
community recreation centres, public agencies and non-profit organizations, a collaborative
intervention could be developed and delivered. A community level leisure education
intervention could include increasing coordination of leisure education advocacy among
community recreation agencies and organizations, and coalition building to influence community
leisure education awareness and policy development (McLeroy et al., 1988). This could include a
collective social media campaign to increase citizens awareness of the facilities and outdoor
spaces that exist in the community, or providing information on programs and events.
Potentially, recreation professionals and organizations could develop community-wide leisure
education forums, workshops, and promotional campaigns focused on education for and about
leisure.
Connecting leisure education to policy has best been described by Dieser (2012) as a
means to preventing or remedying social problems through various levels of policy including:
local, provincial/state, national, binational and transnational policies. Regardless of the policy
level, leisure education as means to remedy social problems in a reactive or proactive manner is
warranted, especially when addressing an array of social issues related to obesity, poverty,
mental health issues, and juvenile delinquency. For example, recreation and leisure professionals
can advocate for policies that increase leisure education content in school physical education
curriculum to help increase awareness and interest in various physical activities. Policies could
also be created around the development of leisure education in restorative justice programs to
help reduce youths criminal behaviour and positive leisure development.

Conclusion
Conceptualizing leisure education within a social ecological framework offers researchers
and practitioners a framework for incorporating or advocating for leisure education within the
broader community at various levels of influence. It creates the opportunity to extend leisure
education activities beyond TR settings and help both individuals and those who facilitate leisure
for community members (e.g., parents, caregivers) to consider the role and meaning of leisure,
the benefits of leisure, barriers to leisure, and strategies for enhancing leisure. Applying leisure
education initiatives in the community cannot happen in isolation but rather in partnerships with
allied professionals that have common goals and objectives. Forming partnerships with schools,
local recreation organizations, non-profit agencies and/or academic institutions that specialize in
leisure education training, can create the capacity needed to develop, implement, and research
community-based leisure education initiatives.

References
Brofenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and
design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1994). Ecological models of human development. In T. Husen & T. N.
Postlethwaite (Eds.), International encyclopedia of education (2
nd
Ed., Vol. 3, pp. 1643-
1647). Oxford, England: Pergamon Press.
430

Caldwell, L. (2002, April). Integrating leisure education into after school programs. Symposium
presented at the California Park and Recreation Society annual conference. Los Angeles,
CA.
Caldwell, L. L., Baldwin, C. K., Walls, T., & Smith, E. (2004). Preliminary effects of a leisure
education program to promote healthy use of free time among middle school adolescents.
Journal of Leisure Research, 36(3), 310-335.
Cohen-Gewerc, E., & Stebbins, R. A. (2007). The nature of leisure education. In E. Cohen-
Gewerc & R. A. Stebbins (Eds.), The pivotal role of leisure education: Finding personal
fulfillment in this century (pp. 33-50). State College, PA: Venture.
Dieser, R. (2013). Leisure education: A person-centred, system-directed, social policy
perspective. Urbana, IL: Sagamore Publishing.
Golden, S. D., & Earp, J. A. L. (2012). Social ecological approaches to individuals and their
contexts twenty years of health education & behavior health promotion interventions.
Health Education & Behavior, 39(3), 364-372.
Hutchinson, S., & Robertson, B. J. (2012). Leisure education: A new goal for an old idea whose
time has come. Pedagoga Social. Revista Interuniversitaria, 19, 127-139.
Jackson, E.L. (Ed.). (2005). Constraints to leisure. State College: Venture Publishing.
Leitner, M. J., & Leitner, S. F. (2012). Leisure education: Vital to the well-being of society. In
M. J. Leitner & S. F. Leitner (Eds.), Leisure enhancement (4
th
ed.; pp. 17-38). Urbana, IL:
Sagamore Publishing.
Lounsbury, D. W., & Mitchell, S. G. (2009). Introduction to special issue on social ecological
approaches to community health research and action. American Journal of Community
Psychology, 44(3-4), 213-220.
McLeroy, K. R., Bibeau, D., Steckler, A., & Glanz, K. (1988). An ecological perspective on
health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly, 15, 351377.
Mundy, J. (1998). Leisure education: Theory and practice. (2
nd
ed). Champaign, IL: Sagamore
Publishing.
Robertson, B. J. (2001). The leisure education of incarcerated youth. World Leisure Journal,
43(1), 20-29.
Shannon, C. S. (2012). Leisure education within the context of a childhood obesity intervention
programme: Parents experiences. World Leisure Journal, 54(1), 16-25.
Sivan, A., & Stebbins, R. A. (2011). Leisure education: definition, aims, advocacy, and
practicesare we talking about the same thing (s)? World Leisure Journal, 53(1), 27-41.
Stokols, D. (1996). Translating social ecological theory into guidelines for community health
promotion. American journal of health promotion, 10(4), 282-298.
Raymore, L., Barber, B., Eccles, J., & Godbey, G. (1999). Leisure behaviour pattern stability
during the transition from adolescence to young adulthood. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence, 28(1), 79-103.
Robertson, B. J. (2007). The leisure education manual. Wolfville, NS: Leisure Experience
Associates of Canada.






431

Symposium: Our New Leisure and Aging Society
Jerome Singleton (Dalhousie University)
Rylee Dionigi (Charles Sturt University & York University), M. Rebecca Genoe (University of
Regina), Steven Mock, Kristin Masson, Devan McNeill (University of Waterloo)

The world will be confronted with a new age wave in 2050 when approximately 25 per
cent of global society will be over the age of 65. The question arises what will be the salient
issues for individuals who are aging over the next 25 years? Aging historically has often been
viewed negatively, but with the increasing percentage of society being over the age of 65, a new
lens has emerged from disempowerment of older persons to empowerment of peoples health,
economics and social involvement across the life course. The European Union initiative, Silver
Economy, has initiated this discourse with the current demographics of viewing an aging society
not as an economic drain but potentially as an economic generator. Are we ready for this
transformation as researchers, policy makers and consumers? Industrial societies were not ready
for the boomers. Will societies be ready for Generation X, Generation Y when they turn 65?
Individuals who will be turning 65 in 2050 were born in 1985, individuals who turn 80 in 2050
were born in 1970. How will the generation born in 1970 or 1985 define Leisure and the
experience of Aging in this New Global Society? How will we prepare for this new Leisure
and Aging society to provide opportunities for individuals to remain independent and add life
to years versus years to life? Each generation creates its own perception of self and each
generation is replaced by the next generation by its perceptions of their lived experiences. How
do we begin understanding these shifting perceptions for Seniors in Training (SIT), Generation X
and Y in relation to Leisure and Aging? Generation X and Y differ from the Boomers.
Societies did not prepare for the Boomers. What lessons can we gain from current research to
prepare for this next age wave. The purpose of these three papers in this symposia is to provide a
forum for Leisure and Aging Research scholars to build capacity for the next generation of
scholars to develop research based upon Generation X and Y who in 2050 will shape the terms
Leisure and Aging. This symposium will provide the opportunity to built capacity from a)
papers presented, b) brainstorming about collaboration (special issues, conference panels) and c)
develop a mentorship network for emerging scholars in the area of Leisure and Aging.

The following papers will be presented in this symposia:

Sport as Leisure for Older Adults: Critical Reflections and Recommendations
Rylee Dionigi (Charles Sturt University & York University)

Meaning-focused Coping Through Leisure in Later Life
M. Rebecca Genoe (University of Regina)

Leisure With Family and Friends and Reduced Loneliness: An Exploration of Mediation
by Social Support
Steven E. Mock, Kristin Masson, Devan McNeill (University of Waterloo)

The symposia will provide the opportunity to reflect on the words we use in research and
build capacity for current scholars and future scholars in the area of Leisure and Aging.
Building Capacity for Seniors in Training (Scholars, Policy and Demographic changes)
432


1. Pit falls and insights presenting work in progress.

2. How to develop collaborative efforts that engage researchers and policy makers in
knowledge translation and utilization.
(Brainstorming about collaborations (special issues, conference panels, etc.)

3. How to seek and create mentorships.
How to support next generation of scholars in changing demographics

The three presenters will provide insights into their research and provide tips and suggestions
related to the three objectives identified. The opportunity will be provided to develop a network
of participants at the symposium to build capacity for the current and next generation of scholars
in Leisure and Aging.

References
Darcey, S., & Singleton, J. F. (Co-editors) (2013). 'Cultural life', inclusion and citizenship:
Moving beyond leisure in isolation. Annals in Leisure Research,16(3),183-192.
Genoe, R., Cripps, D., Singleton, J. F., (2013) Leisure across the life course. In McCarville, R.,
& MacKay, K. (Eds.), Leisure for Canadians, (2
nd
edition) State College: Venture
Publications.
Genoe, R., & Singleton, J. F. (2009). World demographics and their implications for therapeutic
recreation. In Stumbo, N. J. (Ed.), Professional issues in therapeutic on competence and
outcomes (pp. 31-42). Champaign, Illinois: Sagamore.
Godbey, G., Caldwell, L., Floyd, M., & Payne, L. (2005). Implications from leisure studies and
recreation and park management research for active living. American Journal of Preventive
Medicine, 28, 2S2, 150-158.
Hebblethwaite, S., & Singleton, J. F. (2011). Intergenerational programming (Chapter 15). In
Stumbo. N., & Wardlaw, B., Leisure education and facilitation techniques in therapeutic
recreation services. State College:Venture Publication
Harvey. A. S., & Singleton, J. F. (2009). Time use and balance. In Matuska, K. & Christianson,
C. H. (Eds.), Life balance: Multidisciplinary theories and research, 95-113. Thorofare, NJ:
Slack.
Nimrod, G. (2011). The impact of leisure activity and innovation on the well-being of the very old. In L.
W. Poon & J. Cohen-Mansfield (Eds.), Understanding the well being in the oldest-old, pp. 240-
257. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Nimrod, G., & Janke, M. C. (2012). Leisure across the later lifespan. In Gibson, J., & Singleton,
J. F. (Eds.). Leisure and aging: Theory and practice, pp.95-109. Champaign, IL: Human
Kinetics.
Leitner, M., & Nimrod, G. (2012). Recreation program evaluation and research. In Michael J.
Leitner & Sara F. Leitner (Eds.), Leisure in later life, 4th Edition, pp. 151-165. Urbana,
IL: Sagamore.
Payne, L., Mowen, A., & Montoro-Rodriguez, J. (2006). The role of leisure in the
relationship between arthritis severity and perceived health. Journal of Leisure Research,
38(1), 20-45.
Payne, L., Orsega-Smith, E., Godbey, G., & Roy, M. (2005). The relationship between personal
health and park use among adults 50 and over: Results of an exploratory study. Journal of Park
and Recreation Administration, 23(2), 1-20.
433

Singleton, J. F. (Editor) (2013). Special Issue on Leisure, Tourism and Caregiving, Recreation
and Society in Africa, Asia & Latin, 4(1), 1-5.
Singleton, J. F. (2012). The World Leisure Commission on Access and Inclusion, World Leisure
Journal, 54(3), 297-300.


Sport as Leisure for Older Adults: Critical Reflections and Recommendations
Rylee Dionigi (Charles Sturt University & York University)

Introduction
Prior to the 1960s the participation of older adults, particularly women, in physically
demanding, competitive sport (called Masters sport in this paper) was not available, expected or
encouraged rest and passive leisure were virtues of older age (Dionigi, 2008; Blaikie, 1999;
Grant, 2001). Now, older adults live in a time when physical activity is highly encouraged
through active aging discourses in media reports, government policies and in the sport/exercise
sciences, and opportunities to participate in structured physical activity/exercise, such as Masters
sport, are readily available across many Western countries. Since the 1990s, active aging
policies, which reflect the current push for older adults to remain active and productive, have
become more prominent in documents associated with social policies for the aged, especially in
the United States (USA) and United Kingdom (UK) (Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009; Pike, 2001). This
paper uses the talk of sport participants (aged 60 years and over) to critically reflect on the
possible effects of this Masters sport movement in the broader context of neoliberalism and the
active aging agenda. For the purpose of this reflection, a neoliberal society is a context in which
(but not limited to):
... social order is seen as being dependent on individual responsibility: governments are
deregulated, social programs are cut and/or privatized, and social problems have to be
solved by individual, private solutions. In this context, older people are required to provide
for their own needs while they should simultaneously avoid burdening welfare services, a
central tenet of the active aging agenda. (Pike, 2011, p. 210).
Specifically, in this paper we argue that a neoliberal context has heightened a particular way
of thinking about aging and older people, and that this way of thinking is reflected in the moral
talk of older adults who regularly participate in sport. We show how this way of thinking/talking
can have real life consequences for current and future older adults who engage in leisure pursuits
that do (and do not) align with the active aging agenda and associated neoliberal discourses.
Background
The Emergence of Masters Sport and the Active Aging Agenda
In the late 1960s Masters track and field emerged in the USA as a space for people to
compete in events against others of their same age-range, including women (Weir, Baker, &
Horton, 2010). By the mid 1970s Masters track and field championships were being held across
North America, Europe and Australasia. The first World Masters Athletics Championships took
place in Toronto, Canada with 1,400 competitors over the age of 35 years (Dionigi, 2008; Weir et
al., 2010). The Masters movement has expanded over the past 45 years to include other individual
and team sports, such as swimming, tennis, basketball, volleyball and hockey, with participants
competing in 5- or 10-year-age bands, and multi-sport events like the World Masters Games
(WMG) have emerged (Dionigi, 2008; Weir et al., 2010). Today Masters events are held regularly
across North America, Australia, Japan, New Zealand and Europe at local, state, national and
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international levels (Baker, Horton, & Weir, 2010). In 2009 there were over 28,000 participants at
the WMG in Sydney. Although Masters competitors can range in age from 22 years (gymnastics)
to over 100 years (e.g., swimming, track and field), Masters sport provides space to examine the
talk of participants aged 60 years and over and reflect on their talk in the broader context of social
and economic concerns of aging populations.
In 1969, at the General Assembly of the United Nations, the social concerns of the Worlds
Aging Population was brought to our attention (Pike, 2011). Since then, the idea of finding ways
to keep older people active and productive to address the problem of rising numbers of people
aged over 60, has been legitimised (Katz, 2000; Pike, 2011; Tulle, 2008). When the aging
population is constructed as a problem, older adults (and the aging body) are positioned as an
economic and social threat, so, encouraging older people to remain physically active (and
continue consuming) has become part of the solution to these problems (Moody, 2001; Neilson,
2006; Pike, 2010; Tulle, 2008). Gee has argued that rising health costs can be attributed to the
increasing costs for pharmaceuticals, cost increases associated with new technologies, an excess
of physicians and shifts in prescribing more expensive medications without scientific evidence of
therapeutic benefit, more so than the aging of populations (2002, p. 752). Nevertheless, an
assumption underlying the active aging agenda is that keeping oneself physically active can
prevent or delay age-related decline and disease and consequently lower health costs; however,
this view is problematic due to the inevitability and unpredictability of aging (and social
inequities).
In this climate older people are expected (or made to feel obligated) to take responsibility
for their health by making certain leisure and lifestyle choices, and a moral viewpoint is
constructed through bipolar conceptions of good and bad aging (Pike, 2011). This simplistic
view of aging is reinforced by experts (and private businesses) in physical activity and aging, as
well as in policy documents and media reports, who/that offer recommendations (and paid-for
services) on how to age well as part of the active aging agenda (Mendes, 2013; Pike, 2011).
Certainly, older adults leisure choices and the types of leisure services made available to this
cohort are influenced by these ideologies the rising number of older adults in sport is just one
example of this occurrence. At the same time, active aging discourses can be used to justify cuts
in welfare support and health care programs for aged, as evident in the USA and UK (Dillaway &
Byrnes, 2009; Pike, 2011).
Methods
Qualitative interviews (30 minutes 2 hours) were conducted collectively across multiple
studies (by the authors over the past 13 years) with 135 men and women (6094 years) about their
past and current sporting experiences, the meaning of sport and the perceived benefits of their
participation. The interviewees were participants of the World Masters Games or the Australian
Masters Games. Interviews were audio-recorded and conducted on-site at a Games event or
within 2 months after an event in the participants home. The interviewees competed in various
individual or team sports and were primarily white. These older people typically represent a
somewhat privileged group because they can afford registration fees, sports equipment,
rehabilitation services, international or national travel and accommodation expenses for a period
of up to 10 days (when at a Games) and they have the physical ability to compete in sport.
While the findings from our collective research has shown that competing in sport in later
life can have numerous physical, mental and social benefits, as reflected in participant stories of
empowerment, resistance and identity management, such findings have been published elsewhere
(Baker et al., 2010; Dionigi, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2010; Dionigi, Baker, & Horton, 2011; Dionigi,
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Horton, & Baker, 2013). When reanalysing the transcribed interviews (via coding, comparative
and thematic analyses; van Manen, 1998) through a critical lens, a concerning, yet recurring,
theme was identified across our data a story of morality. That is, highly active older people tend
to mobilize the simplistic notions of what constitutes good and bad aging, that underpin active
aging and neoliberal agendas, when talking about sport, leisure and aging; which has the potential
to reproduce ageism and blame inactivity for disease possible effects of the Masters sport
movement.
Findings
A Story of Morality
The story of morality that emerged as a prominent theme in the talk of these older athletes
had several dimensions. First, it implied that older people should keep active in the community
and should not be confined to their homes. For example, Marilyn a 60-year-old track and field
participant expressed the value of keeping physically, mentally and socially active in later life:
I know people who are 60 who are very old because they dont keep up with the local
events. They dont come out of their house a lot of the times, maybe because theyre
frightened...everybody should have some activity outside their house...
Such talk reflects the sense of obligation that older athletes impose on themselves, and other older
people, in regard to civic engagement. What if people enjoy the tranquility of home-life?
Second, their stories of morality reflect a society that values physical activity and
productivity in later life and disparages other ways of aging, such as sitting around or
watching television, the latter of which many older people regard as leisure. For instance,
Kenneth, an 89-year-old runner and walker believed:
Just to sit aroundyour muscles gokeep goingif I was to sit aroundId get rusty
like a lot of old people dotheyre sitting at home getting around in their pajamas. I
know one fellowhe retiredjust given everything awayhe didnt last very long.
Similarly, Janet, an 80-year-old swimmer said:
well, I had a friendand all she did was sit in a lounge chair and watch TV, and shed
say, But I cant, I cant walkSee, she wasnt active it is important to keep yourself
active, even if you just walk around the yard, or just walk up and down the streetyouve
got to do it! And then, of course she died at home no good.
This way of thinking reinforces the moral viewpoints embedded in the active aging agenda that
there is a good/bad or right/wrong way to age. It also blames inactivity for ill-health (or death),
which supports the self-governance and responsibilization agendas of neoliberalism that blame
the individual for aging poorly (Asquith, 2009). Positioning activity as a means to age well, and
as the cure to the problem of an aging body, despite the lack of robust scientific evidence of a
direct link between inactivity and most age-related diseases, can make people feel that they must
keep active to avoid disability and disease (Tulle, 2008). This way of thinking can perpetuate
individual and cultural fear of ill health in old age (Dionigi, 2008) and position exercise in old age
as an anti-aging project, or a form of ageism, rather than as a celebration of aging in all its forms
(Tulle, 2008).
Third, as also shown in the above quotes, there was an understanding that how you age is
primarily a matter of choice. This way of thinking ignores social constraints and inequities (as
well as the inevitability of physical decline in old age and uncontrollability of most diseases) and
further marginalizes those who do not have the means, desire or ability to be active. It positions
older adults who do not engage in active leisure as lazy, immoral or a burden on society, and
those who keep active and remain independent as moral citizens who are doing their duty for
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society (Katz, 2000). Perhaps many highly active older people understand themselves as moral
citizens when they talk about not wanting to be a burden on society; for example, Arnold, a 71-
year-old swimmer, said:
we see these units and things old people are moving into [e.g., retirement villages, aged
care homes], you knowso thats a bit of motivation to keep fit as well, keep active and
independent as long as possiblewe dont want to be a burden on our kids.
We argue that the story of morality that is mobilized in older athletes talk seems heightened
in a neoliberal context and that this narrow way of thinking about aging can work to (a)
perpetuate a fear and denial of ill health in old age that may make the final stages of life
(mentally) unbearable for some; (b) create a social disconnect among individuals who do keep
active and those who do not, by not accepting differences in aging and (c) widen the gap between
those who have the means, ability and desire to compete in sport as leisure and those who do not,
especially if this uncritical way of thinking about aging is used to defend cuts in welfare support
for the aged.
Recommendations for Policy and Service Delivery
Our research has highlighted the need for policy-makers, practitioners and scholars to open
up multiple, inclusive ways of aging or, as Pike puts it, increase the acceptable ways to grow
old (2011, p. 221). Potential risks of framing highly active older adults as the ideal (under the
active aging banner) include disparaging other ways of aging, blaming disease on individual
inactivity and stigmatising non-participation in sport or activity. Older athletes in this study
explicitly criticised what they see as the moral inferiority of others who do not keep active. While
participation in sport (and health promotion in general) is a laudable goal, caution is necessary
due to the many personal, cultural and historical factors affecting older adults inclusion.
Increases in active aging programs must be matched with increases in welfare support programs
for the aged. More critical leisure research is needed that starts from the perspectives of a diverse
range of older adults, rather than an analysis of how older peoples leisure meets current
neoliberal policy definitions of active aging (Aberdeen & Bye, 2013; Asquith, 2009).

References
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45(3), 255-269. doi: 10.1177/1440783309335650
Baker, J., Horton, S., & Weir, P. (Eds.). (2010). The Masters athlete: Understanding the role of
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Blaikie, A. (1999). Ageing and popular culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dillaway, H. E., & Byrnes, M. (2009). Reconsidering successful aging: A call for renewed and
expanded academic critiques and conceptualizations. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 28(6),
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Dionigi, R. A. (2002). Empowerment and resistance through leisure: The meaning of competitive
sport participation to older adults. Society and Leisure, 25(2), 303-328.
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sport. Annals of Leisure Research, 8(1), 1-2.
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of older athletes. In B. Humberstone (Ed.). When I grow old... Third Age and leisure
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stories of sports participation. Sport, Education and Society, 18(3), 370-387.
Grant, B. C. (2001). You're never too old: Beliefs about physical activity and playing sport in
later life. Ageing and Society, 21(6), 777-798.
Gee, E. M. (2002). Misconceptions and misapprehensions about population ageing. Int J
Epidemiol., 31(4):750-753.
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Aging Studies, 14(2), 135.
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Routledge.


Meaning-focused Coping Through Leisure in Later Life
M. Rebecca Genoe (University of Regina)

Introduction
Increasingly, leisure researchers are drawing on aspects of positive psychology to better
understand and explain the role of leisure in building and sustaining well-being (e.g. Carruthers
& Hood, 2004; Kleiber, 1999; Hutchinson, Yarnal, Stafford-Son, & Kerstetter, 2008; Liechty,
Ribeiro, & Yarnal, 2009;). Meaning-focused coping (Folkman, 2001, 2008) is one aspect of
positive psychology that may lend insight into the ways that older adults cope with age-related
changes and stressors. A third component added to Lazarus and Folkmans (1984) stress-coping
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model along side emotion- and problem-focused coping, meaning-focused coping highlights the
concomitant experience of both positive and negative emotions among people coping with
difficult situations (Folkman, 2001).
With our aging population, incidence of chronic conditions and disabilities will likely rise.
For example, incidence of Alzheimers disease and related dementias is expected to increase to
1.4 million people by 2031 in the absence of a cure (Alzheimer Society of Canada, 2014).
Creative approaches to care and support are required to maintain and improve quality of life
among older adults who are coping with stressors, such as illness, disability, or providing care.
The purpose of this presentation is to consider how leisure can contribute to meaning-focused
coping among older adults living with chronic stressors. Exploration of leisure within the
context of memory loss from a meaning-focused coping lens may provide insight into how older
adults cope, as well as how they can be better supported to participate in leisure pursuits that lead
to the experience of positive emotions. Based on research findings reported elsewhere (Genoe,
2013; Genoe & Dupuis, 2011a), leisures contribution to meaning-focused coping within the
context of early stage memory loss will provide an example for further discussion.

Coping With Memory Loss
Persons living with memory loss draw on both problem and emotion focused coping when
they receive a diagnosis and experience the changes associated with dementia. Problem-focused
coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) involves identifying the problem, determining solutions, and
then acting. Persons with dementia often engage in problem-focused coping to cope with
forgetting, such as use of calendars, timers, and reminders from loved ones (Beard, Knauss, &
Moyer, 2009; Parsons-Suhl, Johnson, McCann, & Solbert, 2008; Preston, Marshall, & Bucks,
2007). Emotion-focused coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), such as avoiding or reappraising a
situation, is also frequently used within the context of dementia (Beard et al., 2009; Clare,
Rowlands, Bruce, Surr, & Downs, 2008; Genoe & Dupuis, 2012; Parsons-Suhl et al, 2008;
Preston et al., 2007).
However, engagement in meaningful leisure can contribute to positive emotions that lend
themselves to coping in different ways. Phenomenological research regarding the experience of
leisure within the context of memory loss revealed that participants experienced increased
confidence, were reminded of strengths, and appreciated simple things in life (Genoe, 2013).

Meaning-focused Coping Within the Context of Memory Loss
Folkman (2008) defines meaning-focused coping as appraisal based coping whereby
individuals draw on their beliefs and values to maintain their well-being. She has identified five
aspects of meaning focused coping, including benefit-finding, benefit-reminding, adaptive goal
processes, reordering priorities, and finding meaning in everyday occurrences. Meaning-focused
coping is particularly useful for leisure researchers to consider, given leisures contribution to
positive emotions (Hutchinson et al., 2008; Liechty et al., 2009). Indeed, positive feelings
resulting from leisure are related to adaptation to constraints as well as positive support networks
(Kleiber, Nimrod, & Hutchinson, 2011).
Research reveals that persons living with memory loss can experience many positive and
negative emotions at the same time (Genoe, 2013). For example, participants reported
experiencing feelings of embarrassment, guilt, grief, and frustration, alongside feelings of hope,
pride, joy, and gratitude. Furthermore, engagement in meaningful leisure contributed to all five
aspects of meaning-focused coping, through opportunities for experiencing pleasure and
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enjoyment, trying new things, using remaining abilities, replacing lost roles and activities, and
diversions from stress and feelings of gratitude for simple pleasures (Genoe, 2013). Through
leisure activities, participants acknowledged the benefits of having to cope with dementia,
reminded themselves of these benefits, and adapted their leisure related goals in order to achieve
them. Leisure became a higher priority in their lives because of its benefits, and participants
reported finding meaning in day-to-day occurrences that were previously taken-for-granted.

Discussion and Conclusion
Implications for Our New Leisure and Aging Society
With recent developments in leisure research that have resulted in positioning of the field
in relation to positive psychology (e.g. Carruthers & Hood, 2004; Liechty et al., 2009) combined
with our aging population, the consideration of meaning-focused coping within the context of
memory loss is timely. As noted in the symposium abstract, our society is ill-prepared to deal
with the aging baby boomers, and may subsequently be ill-prepared for future generations of
older adults. Yet, positive images of aging, a focus on strengths instead of limitations, and
consideration of leisures role in maintaining quality of life are becoming crucial in our society.
Service providers, whether commercial, not-for-profit, or governmental (e.g. health care) can
better support our aging population by acknowledging the co-existence of negative and positive
emotions among older adults coping with ongoing stressors. Recognizing leisures role in
experiencing positive emotions and as a means of coping through the five aspects of meaning-
focused coping may better prepare our professionals, older adults, and our new leisure society to
view aging as an opportunity for confidence, growth and meaning through positive leisure
experiences.

References
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http://www.alzheimer.ca/en/Get-involved/Raise-your-voice/Dementia-in-canada
Beard, R.L., Knauss, J., & Moyer, D. (2009). Managing disability and enjoying life: How we
reframe dementia through personal narratives. Journal of Aging Studies, 23, 227-235.
Carruthers, C. P., & Hood, C. D. (2004). The power of the positive: Leisure and well-being.
Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 38(2), 225-245.
Clare, L., Rowlands, J., Bruce, E., Surr, C., & Downs, M. (2008). The experience of living with
dementia in residential care: An interpretative phenomenological analysis. The
Gerontologist, 48(6), 711-720.
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Coping, 21(1), 3-14.
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Hannson, W. Stroebe, & H. Schut (Eds.), Handbook of bereavement research:
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Association.
Genoe, M. R. (2013). There is life after diagnosis: Leisure, dementia, and meaning-focused
coping. Recreation and Society in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, 4(1), 1-23.
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Dementia, 11(4), 428-450.doi: 10.1177/1471301212447028
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Genoe, M. R., & Dupuis, S. L. (2011a, March). Meaning-focused coping in early stage
dementia. Paper presented at the 26
th
Annual Conference of Alzheimers Disease
International, Toronto, ON.
Genoe, M. R., & Dupuis, S. L. (2011b). Im just like I always was: A phenomenological
exploration of leisure, identity, and dementia. Leisure/Loisir, 35(4), 423-452.doi:
10.1080/14927713.2011.649111.
Hutchinson, S., Yarnal, C., Stafford-Son, J., & Kerstetter, D. (2008). Beyond fun and friendship:
The Red Hat Society as a coping resource for older women. Ageing and Society, 28(7),
979-999.
Kleiber, D. (1999). Leisure experience and human development: A dialectical interpretation.
New York: Basic Books.
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illness in later life: Emotional and behavioral strategies. International Journal of
Disability and Human Development, 10(2), 131-137.
Lazarus, R. S., & Folkman, S. (1984). Stress, appraisal, and coping. New York: Springer
Liechty, T., Ribeiro, N. F., & Yarnal, C. M. I traveled alone but never felt alone: An
exploration of the benefits of an older womens group tour experience. Tourism Review
International, 13, 17-29.
Parsons-Suhl, K., Johnson, M., McCann, J., & Solbert, S. (2008). Losing ones memory in early
Alzheimers disease. Qualitative Health Research, 18(1), 31-42.
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with dementia: A qualitative study. Aging & Mental Health, 11(2), 131-143.


Leisure with Family and Friends and Reduced Loneliness: An Exploration of Mediation
by Social Support
Steven E. Mock, Kristin Masson, Devan McNeill (University of Waterloo)

Background
Caregiving in later life is an increasingly common experience with both positive and
negative experience of caregivers emotional, physical and psychological wellbeing. For
example, caregiving in later lifeis associated with feelings of companionship, fulfillment,
enjoyment, and the satisfaction of meeting an obligation and providing quality of life to a loved
one (Cohen, Colantonio, &Vernich, 2002). On the other hand, caregiving has also been linked to
negative physical health (weight loss/gain) (Marks, Lambert, Jun, & Song, 2008), negative
emotional states (sadness) (Kang, 2006) and psychological distress (depression, lower life
satisfaction) (Carruth, Tate, Moffett, & Hill, 1997). Schulz and Beach (1999) found adults who
experience caregiver strain have significantly higher levels of depressive symptoms, higher
levels of anxiety, and lower levels of perceived physical wellbeing. Jones and Peters (1992)
found that loneliness was a dominant factor associated anxiety and depression and ultimately
poorer wellbeing. Shankar, McMunn, Banks, & Steptoe (2011) found that factors such as social
isolation and loneliness do in fact independently influence health behaviors impacting social
support and social cues for behavior choices. In particular, Giummarra, Haralambous, Moore,
and Nankervis (2007) study found older adults associated loneliness with a strong perception of
poor overall health. In addition, loneliness can lead to poor health and wellbeing of older adults
(Victor et al., 2000). The results of a study by Cornwell et al., (2008) suggest that the oldest
441

adults (80 to 85 years) have smaller social networks and are not as close to the members of their
social networks when compared to other adults (57-80 years). They also have fewer non-
primary-group ties. Social networks seem to get smaller as adults age. The factors affecting the
size of a social network was surprisingly not affect by health or life-course (Cornwell et al.,
2008).
In addition to size of network, perceptions of social connectedness and social activity are
strongly associated with overall health of older adults (Giummarra, et al., 2007). Having a
diverse range of support sources or performing multiple roles in the community and the family is
idyllic for greater mental health (Fiorio, Antonucci, & Cortina, 2006). Coleman (1988) suggests
that having a many social connections gives people access to valuable resources such as
information, social support, financial connectedness, or cultural connectedness through
connections to experts. Those who have larger networks and frequently interact with their
networks have better access to such resources that impact wellbeing and can serve to improve
quality of life (Cornwell, Laumann, & Schumm, 2008). Receiving social support may protect
caregivers from pathogenic effects of life stress and burden, as well as improving caregivers
perceived health status (Rodakowski, Skidmore, Rogers, & Schultz, 2012). Losada, et al. (2009)
examined the effects of leisure on caregivers burden and mental health, finding that leisure time
has a significant impact on caregivers psychological wellbeing and is an important factor in
buffering caregiver distress. However, a number of factors may lead to reduced participation in
leisure activities such as but not exclusive to, lack of time, experiencing too much stress and the
dependent having relatively high care demands (Dunn & Strain, 2001). Although older adults
participate in less leisure activities than younger adults, they are more satisfied with their social
contacts (Toepoel, 2012). Some older adults have extensive social networks yet they may still
feel lonely (Findlay, 2003). Of the existing social support networks of older adults, dominance is
placed with family and a few close friends (Adams, Sanders, &Auth, 2004; Victor, Scambler,
Bond, & Bowling, 2000). Cornwell, Laumann, and Schumm (2008) predicted that older adults
interactions with their social networks are U-shaped as they age. Their interactions start to
decline in their 50s and 60s but increase in their late 60s and early 70s as people re-define or
re-evaluate their social roles and start to make connections (Cornwell, Laumann, & Schumm,
2008). Older people have less social gatherings and close contacts, and experience feelings of
loneliness more often. On the other hand, older people are more satisfied with their social
contacts, and even feel more connected to other people (Toepoel, 2012, p. 365).
Scott, Roberto, and Hutton (1986) found that having family members available for support
provided caregivers with socialization through visits. This also allowed the caregiver to leave the
care recipient with family members allowing them to take trips, rest, and even run errands. Most
importantly is the positive impact family support provides for increasing participation in social
activities which helps prevent the feeling of social isolation (Scott, Roberto, & Hutton, 1986).
Although family relations and support had positive impacts of relieving stress among caregivers,
family relations and support were found not to be as important as friendships (Fiori et al., 2006).
Fiori et al. (2006) suggest that the obligatory nature of a family relation, compared to an optional
nature of a friendship, brings about feelings of autonomy and control which positively affects
mental wellbeing.

Rationale
Past research has identified the growing importance of focusing more studies on informal
older adult caregivers, as demographic trends suggest the growing importance of older adults
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providing care (Vlachantoni, Evandrou, Falkingham, & Robards, 2013). Adams et al., (2004)
found that as social networks decreased in size, higher prevalence to loneliness was seen in older
adults, but not to depression. Depression and loneliness were seen as two separate variables in
the study (Adams, et al., 2004). Available evidence suggests that interventions that target
specific groups, such as caregivers, tend to be more effective (Grenade & Boldy, 2008). Thus,
we begin with an examination of the association of frequency of leisure participation with family
and friends with loneliness. To better understand any links between leisure with family and
friends and loneliness, we examine the role of diverse forms of social support as mediators.

Method
Data were drawn from the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS), 2008-2009. The
purpose of this national survey was to focus on healthy aging and the factors, influences, and
processes that contribute the healthy aging of Canadians. We focused on caregivers who were
retired and 60 years of age or older (n = 1,248). The majority of the caregivers were female
(72.20%). Leisure involvement with family and friends was assessed with a single item (e.g., In
the past twelve months, how often have you participated in activities with family or friends?; 1
= at least once a day to 4 = at least once a year, reverse scored). Loneliness was assessed with a
three item scale (e.g., How often do you feel isolated from others?; 1 = hardly ever to 3 =
often; = .80) . Social support was assessed with a standard instrument (MOS Social Support
Scales) and we included the affection, emotional support, positive social interaction, and tangible
support sub-scales in our analyses. Regression analyses controlled for total household income,
level of education, and level of functioning (ADLs). Mediation analysis was conducted with a
bootstrapping method (Hayes, 2009).

Results
Greater frequency of leisure with family and friends was associated with lower degrees of
loneliness (B = -.22, SE = .06, p< .001). This association was fully mediated by some facets of
social support but not all. In particular, the indirect path through social support was statistically
significant (Estimate = -.18, SE = 0.05) as was the indirect path through tangible support
(Estimate = -.04, SE = 0.02). The indirect paths through affection and emotional support were
not significant. A contrast analysis also showed that the indirect path through social support was
more important than the one through tangible support (Estimate = -.14, SE = 0.05).

Conclusion/Recommendations
Although social support and tangible support were both explanatory factors for the
association between socializing with family and friends and decreased loneliness, social support
more fully explained the nature of that association. As suggested by Grenade and Boldy (2008)
networking and cooperation between communities, governments, and researchers are essential
for appropriate interventions to counter isolation for older adults (Findlay, 2003). Future
programs aimed at reducing social isolation should have evaluation built into them at inception
(Findlay, 2003).

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444

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Symposium: The Contribution of Leisure to Wellbeing: An Introduction to the Canadian
I ndex of Wellbeing
Bryan Smale (University of Waterloo), Margo Hilbrecht, Robbie Shifman, Steven Mock, Emily
Schryer (University of Waterloo)


The Contribution of Leisure to Wellbeing: An Introduction to the Canadian I ndex of
Wellbeing
Bryan Smale (University of Waterloo)

Introduction
Increasingly, researchers and policy-makers have been questioning the veracity of the
relationship between economic prosperity and wellbeing (Broadbent Institute, 2012; Forgeard et
al., 2012; Kroll, 2011; Policy Horizons Canada, 2011). The target for much of the criticism has
been Gross Domestic Product (GDP), a widely utilised indicator of the economic progress of
nations; yet, GDP is not a measurement of a societys progress or wellbeing, nor was it meant to
be. As early as 1934, Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets recognised that The welfare of a nation can
scarcely be inferred from a measurement of national income such as that defined by GDP
(Kuznets, 1934, p. 7). GDP does not measure how well we are doing in a variety of economic,
social, health, and environmental contexts that shape our communities and everyday lives.
In response, a global movement has emerged over the past several years to devise a better
means of assessing societal progress that focuses on those aspects of peoples lives that reflect
wellbeing in its broadest terms (Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009). Many of these initiatives use
approaches that measure wellbeing on such things as community and civic engagement, the
environment, health, education, and typically, some indicators of leisure and the arts. Indeed,
overwhelming evidence can be found in the literature citing leisure as for a key contributor to the
wellbeing of individuals, communities, and our broader society, and that these effects can be
sustained over time (e.g., Caldwell, 2005; Mannell, 2007; Pagano, Barkhoff, Heiby, & Schlicht,
2006; Reid, Dyck, McKay, & Frisby, 2000; Sacker & Cable, 2005).
The purpose of this paper is three-fold. First, the development of the Canadian Index of
Wellbeing (CIW), a citizen-driven initiative leading to the measurement of the social progress of
Canadians quality of life beyond the economy is described. Second, the process through which
the specific indicators reflecting leisure and cultures contribution to wellbeing is detailed. Third,
after compiling data for the years 1994 to 2010, trends in indicators reflecting the contribution of
leisure and culture to wellbeing are described and implications for social policy suggested.


445

Development of the Canadian I ndex of Wellbeing
Essentially, the development of the CIW occurred using three overlapping stages between
2001 and 2010: (1) the identification of the key domains associated with quality of life and
wellbeing, (2) the identification of indicators that were directly associated with wellbeing in each
domain and the compiling of relevant data, and (3) the consolidation of a composite index for
each domain and the composite index for the CIW, drawing together all of the domains and their
constituent indicators. The overall process was guided by and built upon a foundation of solid
empirical evidence and research (Hagerty et al., 2001).
At the first stage, consultations were undertaken with the Canadian public in several focus
groups conducted across the country; advice was sought from experts on quality of life and on
indicator development; discussions were held with practitioners, government officials, and
potential users (Canadian Policy Research Network, 2001); and research teams from across
Canada were enlisted to compile evidence that identify those factors most strongly linked to
higher or lower wellbeing. Based on all of the discussions and consultations, on the various
reports submitted for the domains, and on an ongoing environmental scan that monitored and
considered other initiatives undertaken internationally, the final eight domains that would
comprise the CIWs conceptual framework were identified. The domains comprising the CIW
are: (1) Community Vitality; (2) Democratic Engagement; (3) Education; (4) Environment; (5)
Healthy Populations; (6) Living Standards; (7) Time Use; and critically, (8) Leisure and Culture,
which reflects activity in the very broad area of leisure and culture that involves all forms of
human expression, in particular in the more focused areas of the arts and leisure and recreational
activities.

Identifying Indicators of Wellbeing in the Leisure and Culture Domain
The identification of the key indicators representing each of the eight domains was
undertaken by research teams enlisted from 2005 to 2010. Guided by what was essentially a
social determinants of health model (Raphael, 2009), the teams: (1) completed comprehensive
reviews of literature establishing direct links between various aspects of a domain and wellbeing;
(2) identified indicators emerging from the literature review that were the most valid and relevant
measures consistently related to wellbeing; (3) identified nationally-representative sources of
data for the selected indicators that were reliably gathered over several years; and (4) based on
the previous three steps, recommended eight key indicators to define the domain. A conceptual
framework was developed to define how leisure and culture contributed to the wellbeing of
Canadians at a variety of scales: the individual, the family, community, and society as a whole;
and at the local, regional, and national levels (Smale et al., 2010). The framework distinguished
the means by which leisure and culture could contribute to wellbeing: (1) through active
engagement (i.e., participation), (2) through the places and spaces in which leisure and culture
were created (i.e., opportunity), (3) through the ways in which leisure and culture provided
meaning in peoples lives (i.e., experience), and (4) through the ways in which people perceived
valued outcomes from their engagement (i.e., perception).
As the literature review was proceeding, potential indicators were selected based on the
amount of compelling evidence demonstrating the direct links of an aspect of leisure and culture
to wellbeing, whether at the individual, community, or societal level. Once a list of indicators
had been generated, the process of narrowing the list down to the eight key indicators by
evaluating each on according to a set of four criteria: (1) validity; (2) quality; (3) reliability; and
(4) feasibility. The eight best indicators chosen reflected an appropriate mix of indicators and
446

included different forms of participation, different means of measurement, and a range of
different data sources. Pragmatically, indicators were selected for which national datasets were
available that tracked these measures since 1994 (i.e., the reliability and feasibility criteria for
selection). The final eight indicators comprising the Leisure and Culture domain are: (1) time
spent in social leisure activities; (2) time spent in arts and culture activities; (3) number of hours
volunteering for culture and recreation organisations; (4) participation in physical activity; (5)
attendance at performing arts performances; (6) visitation to National Parks and National
Historic Sites; (7) nights away on vacation trips; and (8) household expenditures on culture and
recreation.

Trends in the Leisure and Culture Indicators and Domain Index from 1994 to 2010
With these eight indicators in place, the next stage involved compiling all of the available
data for the years 1994 to 2010 and establish trends for each indicator and the domain overall.
The eight leisure and culture indicators were drawn from seven different data sources, all but one
of which (i.e., Parks Canada) were administered by Statistics Canada. Among the data sources
used were the various years and cycles of the General Social Surveys, the Canadian Community
Health Surveys, and the Canadian Survey of Giving, Volunteering, and Participating. To allow
for direct comparisons among indicators measured in different units, a simple algorithm was
created to estimate percentage changes since 1994, which was set to 100. This strategy not only
facilitated direct comparisons, but set the stage for compiling the indicators into a single index
representing the domain for each year (i.e., the mean score of the changes within each year for all
eight indicators) and for monitoring trends over the entire study period (Michalos et al., 2011).
Percentage changes for all eight domains were determined in this way to facilitate
comparisons of trends among domains and indicators within domains. Hence, three different
means of describing how Canadians wellbeing had changed for better or for worse from
1994 to 2010, were devised, thereby facilitating descriptions and understanding of contributions
single domains and each of its indicators made to wellbeing. Further, an overall composite index
for the CIW could be calculated, reflecting the contribution of all eight domains and their
constituent indicators to wellbeing. This composite measure, which reveals annual changes in
wellbeing since the base year of 1994, can be held up for comparison with GDP. In principle, if
Canadians wellbeing had been improving to the same degree as GDP, we would expect to see
similar rates of change in the trends of both composite indices.

Results and Discussion
From 1994 to 2010, Canadas GDP grew by a robust 28.9%, but increases in Canadians
wellbeing grew by a considerably smaller 5.7%. During years of significant economic growth,
similar gains in our overall quality of life were not realised, and since 2008, we have seen a
considerable backslide in Canadians wellbeing. Only two domains, Education and Living
Standards, came close to growing at the same rate as GDP, while other domains, such as Healthy
Populations, Time Use, and especially the Environment and Leisure and Culture, have shown
little growth since 1994 and since 2008, are showing signs of even greater decline.
Other than the Environment, Leisure and Culture is the only domain to show an overall
decline from 1994 levels (down 7.8%), and it reveals a number of troubling trends that continue
up to 2010. Even though we are participating more in physical activities (up 24.0%) and
enjoying slightly longer vacation trips (up 7.2%), we also are showing continuous declines in the
amount of time spent engaged both in social leisure activities (down 19.7%) and in arts and
447

culture activities (down 8.5%). We volunteer less for culture and recreation organisations (down
21,9%), and visits to National Parks and National Historic Sites have fallen dramatically (down
28.7%). After years of relative stability, household expenditures on culture and recreation
dropped between 2008 and 2010 (down 4.1% overall). This is especially troubling because
Canadians have traditionally protected that part of their total household expenditures devoted to
culture and recreation regardless of shifting economic times. It appears that, since the recession,
Canadians are less able to do so. Coupled with the declines in amount of time engaged in social
and arts activities, Canadians appear less able to protect a part of their lives that they most value
and by which they are most enriched.
Between 1994 and 2008, we went through one of the most economically prosperous
periods in our history, yet it did not lead to our engaging more in the activities we enjoy. When
we compare the trends in leisure and culture with those in Time Use, we see many Canadians
may simply be too caught up in a time crunch to enjoy leisure and culture activities in the
company of friends and family. Part of the solution to enhancing wellbeing might involve not
only addressing aspects of leisure and culture, but also working towards more balanced time use,
ensuring better living standards to create more opportunities beyond employment, and building a
stronger sense of community where citizens are more engaged and mutually supportive.

References
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Mannell, R. C. (2007). Leisure, health and wellbeing. World Leisure, 3, 114-127.
Michalos, A. C., Smale, B., Labont, R., Muharjarine, N., Scott, K., Moore, & Hyman, I.
(2011). The Canadian Index of Wellbeing: Technical Report 1.0. Waterloo, ON: Canadian
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Pagano, I. S., Barkhoff, H., Heiby, E. M., & Schlicht, W. (2006). Dynamical modeling of the
relations between leisure activities and health indicators. Journal of Leisure Research, 38,
61-77.
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Raphael, D. (Ed.). (2009). Social determinants of health: Canadian perspectives (2
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Smale, B., Donohoe, H.M., Pelot, C., Auger, D., & Croxford, A. (2010). The leisure and culture
domain: Final report. Waterloo, ON: Canadian Index of Wellbeing and University of
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Stiglitz, J. E., Sen, A., & Fitoussi, J.-P. (2009). Report by the Commission on the Measurement
of Economic Performance and Social Progress. Paris: The Commission. Retrieved from
www.stiglitz-sen-fitoussi.fr/en/index.htm


Two Sides of the Story: Health, Wellbeing, and the Contribution of Leisure
Margo Hilbrecht, Robbie Shifman (University of Waterloo)

Background Context
Health and wellbeing are often treated synonymously in everyday language, but they are,
in fact, separate constructs. Although definitions of wellbeing vary, it is generally understood as
a multi-dimensional concept encompassing both individual and environmental factors (Diener,
1984). This complexity is recognized by the Canadian Index of Wellbeing (CIW), which
conceptualises wellbeing as: The presence of the highest possible quality of life in its full
breadth of expression, focused on but not necessarily exclusive to: good living standards, robust
health, a sustainable environment, vital communities, an educated populace, balanced time use,
high levels of democratic participation, and access to and participation in leisure and culture
(CIW, 2012). This definition supports the CIW conceptual framework, where each of these
aspects is identified as a separate domain that plays an essential role in overall wellbeing.
The inclusion of leisure and culture in the CIW framework recognizes the beneficial
contribution of leisure to wellbeing, and that leisure both influences and is influenced by other
domains. Leisure can increase psychological and physical health on both a short and long-term
basis (Mannell, 2007). Leisure participation can help individuals cope with stressful work
situations (Iwasaki, 2003; Joudrey & Wallace, 2009), with time pressure and job instability
(Cartwright & Warner-Smith, 2003), and with chronic stressors (Hutchinson & Kleiber, 2005). It
is also associated with greater happiness and life satisfaction (Iso-Ahola, 1997). Additionally,
spending time with family, friends, and neighbours is known to enhance subjective wellbeing
(Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). Satisfaction with leisure may be even more important than
participation rates. In a study of personal wellbeing, leisure satisfaction explained a greater
proportion of subjective wellbeing than factors such as health and perceived safety (Hribernik &
Mussap, 2010).
The CIW uses mainly objective measures of wellbeing at the national level, but recent
community wellbeing surveys based on the CIW framework use additional subjective measures.
As outlined by Noll (2002), perceptions of wellbeing can be positive at the subjective level even
449

when objective measures suggest that the quality of living conditions should have a detrimental
effect. Using both objective and subjective factors to assess residents wellbeing may allow local
organizations and governments to more effectively support programs and policies that are likely
to enhance quality of life. Since leisure is one area where local policies and community services
may be more readily adapted to respond to residents needs, we examine the contribution of
leisure to the both the wellbeing and health of community residents. Guided by the CIW
conceptual framework, we address the following questions:
What factors influence both health and wellbeing among community residents?
To what extent do relationships to CIW domains differ for health and wellbeing?
Finally, what aspects of leisure experiential, behavioural, or perceptual are most
important to communities for understanding the health and wellbeing of residents?

Methodology
This study uses data from the CIW Community Wellbeing Surveys, which were collected
during 2012 and 2013 from individuals aged 18 years and older living in randomly sampled
households in three mid-sized Ontario cities (N=3,292). The survey was structured around eight
domains classified by the CIW as central to wellbeing: living standards, health, environment,
community vitality, education, time use, democratic engagement, and leisure and culture. A
subsample of 2,761 working age adults (18 to 64 years old) was drawn, in order to ensure a
greater likelihood of commonality of experience among community residents.
To investigate the wellbeing and health of community residents, selected measures were
used to represent specific CIW domains. Wellbeing was measured using a mean of 13 indicators
including both internal and external wellbeing factors (=.92). Self-assessed health was
comprised of the mean score of both self-reported physical and mental health (=.71). Sense of
community (=.90) was measured by combining 11 items themed around social bonds and needs
fulfillment (Prezza, Pacilli, Barbaranelli, & Zampatti, 2009). A mean of 5 items asking about
monetary-related living conditions represented perceived financial adequacy (=.81). Three
instruments measured leisure at the experiential, perceptual, and behavioural levels. Experiential
aspects of leisure were measured by the Leisure Satisfaction Scale (Beard & Ragheb, 1980)
(=.91). Perceived access to leisure facilities (=.76) was assessed using the mean based on 5
items, while leisure facility usage (=.75) was assessed by calculating the mean of 11
participation questions.
Analyses began with descriptive statistics, followed by bivariate correlations to measure
the strength of relationships between wellbeing, self-assessed health, and each domain. To
further explore these relationships, two hierarchical regression analyses examined factors
affecting overall wellbeing and self-assessed health. Both models initially controlled for gender,
age, partner status, age of youngest child, education, and income. Next, sense of community,
time adequacy, self-assessed health, financial adequacy, and leisure satisfaction were added as
domain measures. In the wellbeing model, self-assessed health was also used as a predictive
factor at this stage. Finally, facility access and facility usage were included in the models.

Results
More than half of the subsample was female (60.6%), and the mean age was 48.4 years
old. Three-quarters were married or cohabiting (75.6%). Most residents had at least some post-
secondary education (82.9%) and 77.9% were employed. Just over half (51.4%) had an income
at or above $80,000. Correlations between wellbeing, sense of community, time adequacy, self-
450

assessed health, financial adequacy, leisure satisfaction, facility access, and facility usage all
garnered significant results (p.001) with all depicting strong correlations (r.35).
Both regression models were highly significant (Adj. R
2
=.68 for wellbeing; Adj. R
2
=.20
for self-assessed health). In the wellbeing model, all control variables were significantly related
to wellbeing. In the next stage, the domain indicators were all significant at the p<.001 level, but
partner status was the only control variable that remained significant. In the final stage, being
partnered and having a higher income were significant (=.05, p<.001, and =.03, p=.030,
respectively). All domain indicators including sense of community (=.25), time adequacy
(=.37), self-assessed health (=.26), financial adequacy (=.19), leisure satisfaction (=.07),
were significant at the p <.001 level. Perceived access to leisure facilities (=.10, p<.001) was
also positively associated with wellbeing. Notably, use of leisure facilities was not significant.
For self-assessed health, having a higher education and income were significant control
variables throughout all stages of the model. Once the domain indicators were added, having a
child under 20 years old was positively associated with better health, while age was negatively
related. All domain indicators were significant at the p <.001 level (sense of community, =.11;
time adequacy, =.16; financial adequacy, =.10; and, leisure satisfaction, =.23). With the
addition of facility access and facility use, the magnitude of the domain indicator coefficients
remained virtually the same. Neither perceived access to leisure facilities nor the use of leisure
facilities, however, was significantly associated with health.

Discussion and Implications
The results show that demographic factors, in particular, have a stronger effect on self-
assessed health compared to wellbeing, and that demographic factors are less critical to
wellbeing when other factors are taken into consideration. When assessing wellbeing,
demographic and domain indicators accounted for more than two-thirds of the outcome,
compared to self-assessed health where only one-fifth of the outcome was accounted for by the
same factors. This provides a clear indication that at the community level, assessments of health
and wellbeing are dependent upon different elements, or may rely on the same elements, but to a
varying extent. It also suggests that some factors related to decreased wellbeing, such as age or a
lower level of education, could be overcome, to a degree, if residents can capitalize on other
resources such as a supportive community or more satisfying leisure experiences.
Having a spouse or partner was a significant predictor of better wellbeing, consistent with
other quality of life studies (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). Of the domain indicators, time
adequacy had the strongest association with wellbeing, followed by self-assessed health and
sense of community. Having an income at or above the median was associated with better
wellbeing, but to a lesser extent than subjective perceptions of financial adequacy. This supports
Nolls (2002) earlier findings that both objective measures and subjective perceptions of
conditions related to wellbeing may vary, and confirms that each type of measurement is
important.
By contrast, levels of self-assessed health were more reliant on demographic factors. Not
surprisingly, more education predicted better health, whereas being older was linked to poorer
health. Those with children at home also had better health, perhaps due to parents of younger
children more often being in a younger age group, or possibly engaging in more physically active
family leisure pursuits. Comparing self-assessed health and wellbeing, the strength of the
relationships to domain measures varied. Better self-assessed health was most closely associated
with leisure satisfaction, followed by time adequacy and sense of community. Both subjective
451

and objective measures of income showed that better health was related to higher income, as has
been reported in many other studies.
Although the experiential aspect of leisure satisfaction was significantly related to both
health and wellbeing, the behavioural component, measured by frequency of participation, was
unrelated to either outcome. Of note is that perceptions of accessibility to leisure programs and
services were associated only with feelings of better wellbeing, and not with self-assessed health.
For practitioners, this implies that it may be helpful to focus more attention on understanding
perceptions of accessibility and their root causes, and taking steps to eliminate any constraints
whether real or perceived. While practitioners can play a role in enhancing leisure satisfaction
for community members, they also may be effective in improving wellbeing by addressing
accessibility to programs, facilities, and services.

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Prezza, M., Pacilli, M. G., Barbaranelli, C., & Zampatti, E. (2009). The MTSOCS: A
multidimensional sense of community scale for local communities. Journal of
Community Psychology, 37(3), 305-326.


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Decreased Leisure Facility Use for Caregivers: Testing Leisure Attitudes as a Buffer
Steven Mock, Emily Schryer (University of Waterloo)

Background
With the aging of the Canadian population, more adults in midlife and later life are
providing care to parents, spouses, family members and friends (Sinha, 2013). Higher levels of
caregiving are associated with increased rates of depression, lower life satisfaction, work-family
conflict and poorer health (Adams, 2008; Duxbury et al., 2011; Grant et al., 2000; Vitaliano et
al., 2002). However, leisure participation may be an important buffer in that caregivers who
report being more satisfied with their leisure opportunities typically report higher wellbeing
(Losada et al., 2010). Further, research on leisure education suggests enhanced knowledge about
leisure options and benefits of leisure helps to enhance wellbeing and a sense of competence and
autonomy among older adults (Searle, Mahon, Iso-Ahola, Sdrolias, & van Dyk, 1998).
Research on the role of leisure in maintaining the wellbeing of adult caregivers has
generally focused on leisure satisfaction (e.g. Losada et al., 2010). More broadly, research on
social ecology suggests that public spaces have an important impact on wellbeing (Cattell et al.,
2008). There are several reasons why community facility use enhances wellbeing including
opportunities to engage in leisure in a social environment leading to a sense of community
engagement that is important for wellbeing (Helliwell & Putman, 2004). Attitudes towards
leisure play an important role (Bedini & Guinan, 1996). Caregivers who perceive leisure as a
valuable aspect in their lives may have a higher motivation to use those facilities and then gain
potential benefits from leisure opportunities.

Research Questions
In the current research we examined the association of caregiving hours with use of leisure
facilities among a sample of caregivers aged 40+. We also studied the role of attitudes towards
leisure as a potential buffer (i.e., moderator) of the relationship between caregiving hours and
leisure facilities use. Our goal in this research was to test to what extent higher (e.g., 10 hours
and greater per week) vs. lower (less than 10 hours) caregiving hours were associated with
leisure facility use and the potential role of positive leisure attitudes as a buffer against potential
decreased use of leisure facilities.

Method
Data were drawn from the Canadian Index of Wellbeings Community Wellbeing Survey.
In this survey, data were collected on eight domains of wellbeing from a sample of adults aged
18+ in three communities in Ontario, Canada (N = 3,292). Caregiver status (whether the
individual spent time caring for an older or dependent adult), and number of hours spent giving
care in a typical week, were also measured. Participants for the current analyses were selected
from those individuals aged 40+ who reported being a caregiver to an adult or older friend or
family member (n = 454). Included in the survey were measures of leisure facility use (e.g., use
of parks, arenas, libraries), and attitudes towards leisure (e.g., attitudes about potential benefits,
social integration offered by leisure participation; Beard & Ragheb, 1980). We used a
combination of hierarchical linear regression and moderation analyses (Hayes, 2013) to examine
the association of higher levels of caregiving hours with facility use and then test attitudes
towards leisure as a potential buffer (or moderator) of any negative association found.

453

Results
In the first model which controlled for age, gender, immigration status, and income, we
found that those with 10 or more caregiving hours per week reported less leisure facility use per
week than those with fewer than 10 caregiving hours (B = -.11, SE = .05, p < .05). In the second
model, the leisure attitudes variable was added and was positively associated with leisure facility
use (B = .16, SE = .03, p < .001). In the final model, we added a caregiver hours by leisure
attitude interaction term which was statistically significant (B = -.12, SE = .06, p < .05). To
interpret the nature of this interaction, we calculated with simple slopes of the association of
caregiving hours with leisure facility use at low (M-1SD) vs. high (M+1SD) levels of leisure
attitudes. Rather than showing a typical buffering pattern, the simple slopes suggest facility use
is low, but relatively stable among those with less positive leisure attitudes (b = .02, SE = .06, p
= n.s.) and that facility use declines with higher caregiving hours among those with more
positive leisure attitudes (b = -.19, SE = .07, p < .01).
Thus, the current research suggests that for those with less positive leisure attitudes, facility
use is low regardless of number of caregiver hours. This suggests a potential opportunity for
leisure education for this group whether their caregiving demands are low or high. However,
leisure facility use declines for those with more positive attitudes at higher levels of caregiving
demands. This likely reflects constraints due to time or other resources, but may suggest the
need for further examination. In particular, for those with more positive leisure attitudes,
decrease of their typically high use of public leisure facilities may represent a significant loss for
them. Overall, these findings offer evidence of the complex interaction between increasingly
prevalent caregiving roles and use of community-based leisure infrastructure and that leisure
attitudes may play an important role in patterns of use and highlight potential disruption of
typical patterns for those with high caregiving hours and positive leisure attitudes.

References
Adams, K. B. (2008). Specific effects of caring for a spouse with dementia: Differences in
depressive symptoms between caregiver and non-caregiver spouses. International
Psychogeriatrics, 20, 508-520.
Beard, J. G., & Ragheb, M. G. (1980). Measuring leisure satisfaction. Journal of Leisure
Research, 12, 20-30.
Bedini, L. A., & Guinan, D. M. (1996). If I could just be selfish: Caregivers perceptions of
their entitlement to leisure. Leisure Sciences: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 18, 227-239.
Cattell, V., Dines, N., Gesler, W., & Curtis, S. (2008). Mingling, observing, and lingering:
Everyday public spaces and their implications for well-being and social relations. Health
and Place, 14, 544-561.
Duxbury, L., Higgins, C., & Smart, R. (2011). Elder care and the impact of caregiver strain on
the health of employed caregivers. Work, 40, 29-40.
Grant, J. S., Bartolucci, A. A., Elliot, T. R., & Giger, J. N. (2000). Sociodemographic, physical
and psychosocial characteristics of depressed and nondepressed family caregivers of stroke
survivors. Brain Injury, 14, 1089-1100.
Hayes (2013). Introduction to mediation, moderation, and conditional process analysis. New
York: Guilford Press.
Helliwell, J. F., & Putnam, R. D. (2004). The social context of well-being. Philosophical
Transactions of the Royal Society (London), Series B, 359, 1435-1446.
454

Losada, A., Prez-Pearanda, A., Rodriguez-Sanchez, E., Gomez-Marcos, M., Ballesteros-Rios,
C., Ramos-Carrera, I., & Garca-Ortiz, L. (2010). Leisure and distress in caregivers for
elderly patients. Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics, 50, 347-350.
Searle, M. S., Mahon, M. J., Iso-Ahola, S. E., Sdrolias, H. A., & van Dyk, J. (1998). Examining
the long term effects of leisure education on a sense of independence and psychological
well-being among the elderly. Journal of Leisure Research, 30, 331-340.
Sinha, M. (2013) Portrait of caregivers, 2012. Spotlight on Canadians: Results from the General
Social Series. Ottawa, ON: Statistics Canada, Minister of Industry.
Vitaliano, P. P., Scanlan, J. M., Zhang, J., Savage, M. V., & Hirsch, I. B. (2002). A path model
of chronic stress, the metabolic syndrome, and coronary heart disease. Psychosomatic
Medicine, 64, 418-435.


The Use of Paid Vacation Time by Canadians: The Relationship to Wellbeing
Margo Hilbrecht (University of Waterloo)

Background Context
Much attention has been given to the daily allocation of time to leisure activities, but fewer
studies address longer periods of leisure time, such as annual paid leave. Vacations are an
essential component of the tourism industry, and can have beneficial effects on health and
wellbeing. They provide a respite from work demands, and are associated with fewer health
complaints, improved mood, less exhaustion, and less effort fulfilling daily work activities
during the post-vacation period (de Bloom et al., 2011; Fritz & Sonnentag, 2006; Westman &
Eden, 1997). Time off work for longer than a day or two enhances physiological recovery from
work (Caruso, 2006), and creates opportunities to participate in meaningful leisure activities,
which aid in reducing anxiety and depression (Joudrey & Wallace, 2009). In addition, vacations
allow people to reconnect with family and friends, and create long-lasting memories that
contribute to family narratives and identities (Hilbrecht, Shaw, Havitz, & Delemere, 2008; Shaw,
Havitz, & Delamere, 2008). In recognition of the contribution of vacation time to wellbeing, the
Canadian Index of Wellbeing (CIW) includes an indicator that monitors the average number of
nights/vacation trip during the past year to destinations 80 km from home.
Despite the potential benefits, some employees may be reluctant to use their allotted
vacation time. Perceived or real impediments may include work schedules, supervisory
responsibilities, or concerns about job security (Maume, 2006). Not taking a vacation may
compromise wellbeing, since limited access to vacation time can result in increased work-life
conflict, particularly for those with children (Skinner & Pocock, 2013). Work-life conflict has
become a more pressing issue for Canadians. Indeed, of the 11 indicators included in the OECD
Better Life Index, among Canadians, work-life balance rates the lowest (Mira d'Ercole &
Boarini, 2013). This suggests that Canadian workers could benefit from more time off, or at least
from taking their full vacation leave. The purpose of this study is to examine the extent to which
Canadians are using their allotted paid vacation time, and how vacation time is related to feelings
of wellbeing.
In Canada, workers are entitled to two weeks paid vacation after one year of continuous
employment. Vacation policy varies by province, leading to national discrepancies in minimum
paid vacation length, extension of vacation time based on employment tenure, or the option to
trade vacation time for pay (Saint-Cyr, 2012). In addition, some organizations may grant longer
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vacation periods, or unlimited vacation contingent on getting the work done, while others may
structure vacation policy according to occupational class and seniority so that those in lower
level positions are granted less vacation than managers (Altonji & Usui, 2007). These factors
have led to wide variation in the number of paid vacation days available to employees, which
raises questions about the use of paid vacation time by Canadian workers.
The conservation of resources theory provides a framework to guide this study. Based in
the stress literature, it suggests that stress levels increase when people are faced with a loss of
resources such as time, energy, and social support systems (Hobfoll, 1989). Drawing on pools of
strong resources creates a cycle of gain and positive energy, which mitigates against potential
resource loss. In the context of paid vacations, time off from work can halt work-related resource
loss cycles, decrease stress, and contribute to enhanced wellbeing (Westman & Eden, 1997).

Methods and Results
This study uses data from Statistics Canadas 2010 General Social Survey (GSS), Cycle
24. The GSS monitors social changes and trends among Canadians, and includes questions
related to time use, employment characteristics, and quality of life. A subsample of 3,451 full-
time employees was drawn from the 15,390 participants. Analyses begin with descriptive
statistics, followed by correlations, and hierarchical regression with mediation testing.
More than half of the participants were male (59.0%), 68.2% were partnered, and 39% had
a child less than 19 years old. Most were educated beyond the high school level (80.5%). The
mean number of paid vacation days was 13.8; however, 36.0% of participants reported fewer
than 10 paid vacation days. Included in this group, are 20.6% who had no paid vacation at all in
the previous year. Employees with fewer than 10 vacation days were compared to those with 10
days or more (as mandated by federal legislation). Married or partnered participants were
significantly more likely to report at least 10 paid vacation days than singles (
2
= 112.78, df = 1,
p < .001). Those with children at home had significantly more vacation time (
2
= 24.98, df = 1,
p < .001), as did employees with a higher income level (
2
= 100.77, df = 1, p < .001). Work
sector was strongly associated with paid vacation time (
2
= 145.08, df = 9, p < .001). Three-
quarters of employees in management occupations had 10 days or more, compared to primary
industry where just 28.4% of workers reported 10 or more paid vacation days. Vacation use also
varied by geographic region. The Prairies reported the most vacation days, likely due to the 15
day minimum paid leave policy in Saskatchewan, whereas British Columbia had the fewest paid
vacation days, possibly related to the high number of employees in primary industry.
Wellbeing was measured by feelings of life satisfaction (range 1-10), a commonly used
measure of wellbeing (OECD, 2013), and self-assessed health (range 1-5), a CIW indicator in the
Healthy Populations domain. More paid vacation days were related to greater life satisfaction
and to better health (r = .085, p < .001, for both measures). Two hierarchical regression models
further explored the relationship between the amount of paid vacation time and wellbeing,
controlling for gender, age, income, education, partner, flexible schedule, and weekly work
hours. Based on the assumptions of the resource conservation model, mediation analysis
(Preacher & Hayes, 2008) included four factors that might inhibit or enhance feelings of
wellbeing: satisfaction with work-life balance, perceptions of stress, self-assessed mental health,
and time pressure an additional CIW indicator found in the Time Use domain.
Both models were significant. Of the control variables, being male, partnered, and having a
higher income was positively associated with life satisfaction. Time pressure and stress were
negatively related to life satisfaction, while better mental health and work-life balance were
456

linked to enhanced life satisfaction. In the test of mediation, the direct effect of vacation time on
life satisfaction was significant (B = .009, SE = .003, p < .001), and the indirect effect showed
that the model was fully mediated (B = .004, SE = .002, p = .054). Employees with more paid
vacation days experienced less time pressure (point estimate = .0015, SE = .0005, LLCI = .0006,
ULCI = .0025), better mental health (point estimate = .0019, SE = .001, LLCI = .0004, ULCI =
.0033), and more satisfaction with work-life balance (point estimate = .0013, SE = .001, LLCI =
.0004, ULCI = .0023), which led to greater life satisfaction. Feelings of daily stress were not
significant.
For self-assessed health, being male, having higher levels of income and education, and
being younger were significantly related to better overall health. More vacation days, better
mental health, and greater satisfaction with work-life balance were also positively associated
with better overall health, whereas the relationship with time pressure was negative. In mediation
analysis, the direct effect of vacation time on overall health was significant (B = .004, SE = .001,
p = .001). With the addition of the mediators, the indirect effect remained significant (B = .003,
SE = .001, p = .037). The relationship between vacation time and overall health was mediated by
feelings of time pressure (point estimate = .0003, SE = .001, LLCI = .0001, ULCI = .0006),
satisfaction with work-life balance (point estimate = .0002, SE = .001, LLCI = .0001, ULCI =
.0005), and better mental health (point estimate = .0014, SE = .001, LLCI = .0003, ULCI =
.0025), but not by daily stress. In other words, employees with more paid vacation days had less
time pressure, more satisfaction with work-life balance, and better mental health, all of which
were linked to better overall health.

Discussion and Implications
Using nationally representative data, this study shows that more than one-third of all
organizationally employed workers did not take the full 10 days of vacation to which they were
legally entitled, and one in five employees had no paid vacation at all. Although workers cannot
take vacation leave until they have worked for one year, it is unlikely that this would account for
the large proportion of workers with reduced or non-existent vacation time. Unfortunately, the
GSS does not allow further probing of the reasons for not taking a vacation, nor does it explore
the quality of vacation time or with whom it is spent; however, it is apparent that there are
discrepancies based on occupational sector and, likely, workplace culture. The lack of uptake is
similar to that seen in Australia, where workers often cited difficulties taking vacation because of
workload or not being able to schedule a vacation when they wanted it (Skinner & Pocock,
2013). Family stage does make a difference though. It appears that for employees who are
partnered and/or have children, vacations likely remain a valued opportunity to spend time
together, and to get away from daily routines and pressures.
The association between paid vacation time and wellbeing supports other research on
mental and physical health benefits of extended periods of time off work (e.g., see de Bloom et
al., 2011; Fritz & Sonnentag, 2006). More specifically, the benefits to wellbeing of longer
vacation times are directly related to decreased time pressure, greater satisfaction with work-life
balance, and better mental health. With respect to the resource conservation theory, having time
to replenish these resources acts as a buffer against daily stressors and resource loss, which
creates a cycle of gain. Of interest is that self-assessed stress was not as influential as the other
factors in understanding the relationship of vacation time to wellbeing. It could be that focusing
on workplace stress may be more salient to the vacation time and wellbeing relationship, rather
than the broader measure of daily stress used in the GSS.
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When considering strategies to improve worker wellbeing, vacations can play an important
role. Managers could be more proactive in ensuring that employees take their full vacation
allotment, and actively resist workplace cultures where taking vacation is seen as a lack of job
commitment or, worse, perceived by employees as a threat to job security. Provincial
governments could work toward more consistency in vacation policies ensuring that, for
instance, vacation time is uniformly extended based on length of employment tenure. Additional
research on the reasons why vacation time is not used would be helpful in informing policy
decisions.
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