Slums and Squatter Areas as Entrepots for

RuralUrban Migrants in a Less Developed

Society*
MICHAEL A. CO S T EL L O, X av ier Univ ersity , Philippines
A bstract
Cities in the less-dev eloped w orld are f requently characteriz ed by high rates of
inmigration, as coupled w ith a w idespread prolif eration of slum and squatter
areas. A s such, a number of observ ers hav e suggested that rural-to-urban mi-
grants are disproportionately lik ely to settle in low -income neighborhoods immedi-
ately on their arriv al in the city This paper presents migration data f rom a Phil-
ippine city w hich do not support this generaliz ation. Ov erall, migrants are
neither heav ily segregated in certain districts of the city nor particularly lik ely to
settle in a slum community , w ith these f indings persisting ev en w hen the sample
w as restricted to low er-status, rural urban migrants. These patterns are chief ly
attributable to heav y rates of inmigration among y oung unmarried persons (espe-
cially f emales), many of w hom reside in nonslum neighborhoods as serv ants, lodg-
ers, or ex tended relativ es.
The Problem
Discussions of urbanization patterns in Third World countries have fre-
quently been based upon a number of commonly accepted premises. Less-
developed nations, it is asserted, are characterized by high rates of urban
population growth, heavy rural-to-urban migration, and by a rapid expan-
sion of urban slum and squatter communities, as existing housing facili-
ties prove inadequate to fill the increasing demand for low-cost dwell-
ing space. Macro-level data provide a fair amount of evidence to support
*Research reported in this paper was supported by a grant from the Population Center Foun-
dation of the Philippines. An earlier version was presented at the General Conference of the
International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, Manila, 1981. I am grateful for the
helpful comments of Marilou Palabrica-Costello, Robert Johnson, and two anonymous refer-
ees.
Address correspondence to the author, Research Institute for Mindanao Culture, Xavier
University, Cagayan de Oro City, Philippines.
1987 The University of North Carolina Press
427

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428 ISocial Forces Volume 66:2, December 1987
these points. For example, between 1950 and 1975 the number of persons
living in urban areas of Southeast Asia grew from 23 to 72 million, while
net migration to urban places in this region averaged over a million per-
sons per year between 1970 and 1975 (Goldstein 1978). In addition, it has
been estimated that anywhere from a quarter to over a half of all the
inhabitants of such major Asian cities as Colombo, Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur,
and Manila are living in slum or squatter districts and that such areas are
growing more rapidly than are those characterized by higher-status resi-
dents (Laquian 1979; Salih 1982). Similar findings have also been reported
for Africa (Muwonge 1980) and Latin America (Sudra 1982; Turner 1968).
Given these facts, a number of observers have been led to suggest
that slum and squatter areas function as entrepots or "zones of transition"
for individuals who are migrating from the countryside to the city. Ac-
cording to this viewpoint, a high proportion of such migrants first enter
the city by taking up residence in slum communities. It is only later, per-
haps, that a transition to a more attractive living area can be made. Thus,
one noted economist (Richardson 1977) has argued that "squatter settle-
ments remain the predominant first destination areas for (cityward) mi-
grants" (p. 46), while a recent review article on the topic (La Greca 1977)
has focused on
those millions of people who have migrated to the major cities of the developing
nations. In Cairo they are simply called the 'have pots; in Lima, their residential
area is labeled pueblos jov enes, in Rio de Janiero, they live in the f av elas. The 'they'
represent one of the major social problems of modem manthe new migrants to
the cities of the developing nations. Most agree that these migrants end up living
in some of the worst slums imaginable, and most also recognize that they have a
most difficult time in gaining steady employment and income. Many of the mi-
grants' shantytowns are on the periphery of the city, which makes the delivery of
water and sanitation services most difficult (p. 66).
Other observers are even less dispassionate, as evinced by Lerner's depic-
tion of this phenomenon as involving a "suffering mass of humanity dis-
placed from the rural areas to the filthy peripheries of the great cities"
(1967, p. 33).
Some empirical evidence does exist for these assertions. In the first
place, studies of slum and squatter areas in cities of the less-developed
world have typically found that a high proportion of the residents of such
communities have inmigrated to the city (e.g., Hollnsteiner 1972; Ulack
1976). Of course, a high proportion of residents in other areas of the city
may also be inmigrants, especially insofar as research on the topic
is in-
creasingly identifying migrants as a fairly high status and upwardly mo-
bile group. Comparative statistics on migrant status distributions for all
separate subareas of a city, or for a random sample of these, thus become
especially relevant in this context. One analysis providing such data is
Muwonge's (1980) study of low-income settlement patterns in Nairobi. As

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 429
based on a sample of 1,480 household heads living in ten districts of the
city, this author found evidence that new migrants to Nairobi were con-
centrated disproportionately in that city's squatter zone.
At least two testable propositions may be derived from the argu-
ment that cityward migrants in the developing world initially take up resi-
dence in slum or squatter communities. The first is that migrants should
tend to be segregated residentially from nonmigrantsthat is, that certain
districts of the city should have disproportionately high proportions of
recent inmigrants. Second, there should be an inverse correlation between
neighborhood socioeconomic status and the proportion of its adult popu-
lation who are migrants. It will be the purpose of this paper to test these
two hypotheses empirically.
Should migrants indeed tend to congregate in slum and squatter
areas, this would have important implications for their adjustment to ur-
ban life. Such neighborhoods have typically been found to suffer from a
lack of urban services. Health levels are often poor, due to the lack of
access to safe water supplies and inadequate disposal services for human
wastes and garbage (Laquian 1979). Fire and police protection may be
virtually nonexistent, thus compounding the feelings of insecurity which
are attendant on a move from the village to the big city. Unemployment
and underemployment rates are likely to be high, especially in the newer
slum communities which may be located far from urban job opportunities
(Ulack 1978). As such, the impact of the slum community on the newly
arrived migrant may be an essentially negative one.'
Conversely, reference is also made in the literature to "slums of
hope" (Stokes 1962). This has been offered as a contrasting model to the
more stereotyped image of slums as the breeding ground of poverty and
social disorganization. Here, too, the assumed tendency for migrants to
flock to lower-class districts is interpreted as affecting their adjustment to
city life, chiefly by softening or "ruralizing" the impact of the urban milieu
on the newcomer (e.g., Abu-Lughod 1961). One resulting implication is
that cityward migration may have little ability to modernize an individual.
Thus, Poethig argues that
Many rural migrants have not been absorbed in the process of urbanization; in-
stead, they have congregated in squatter communities, preserving their regional
prejudices and customs. The establishment of these pockets of rural migrants acts
as a restraining influence upon the urbanization process. This is particularly true
of unskilled rural migrants ... (1971, p. 224).
Similarly, Goldstein observes that return migrants in the developing world
may be unlikely candidates for the role of rural change agents or modern-
izers. "The problem," he notes, "is that many of those who do return may
be the less successful, and that many, because of the strong rural ties they
have maintained
and the isolated residential patterns adopted in the city have in
fact participated minimally, in urban life" (1978, p. 16; emphasis added).

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430 / Social Forces Volume 66:2, December 1987
Some evidence exists, however, which indicates that the strong em-
phasis accorded in the literature to slum and squatter areas as receiv-
ing stations for cityward migrants may be inappropriate. In particular, it
should be stressed that many rural-to-urban migrants do not set up their
own household immediately on arrival in the city. Rather, most such mi-
grants are unmarried, with a heavy concentration in the young adult ages
(cf. Browning 1971 for a literature review). As such, they tend to take up
positions as peripheral members in preexisting urban households.
Agood example of this pattern is provided by the case of migrants
who initially stay with their relatives upon their arrival in the city. Various
field studies have shown that this happens frequently in the less-devel-
oped world (Adem 1982; Banerjee 1983). Indeed, many migrants assert
that they chose their particular community of destination precisely be-
cause their relatives were already living there (Browning 1971; Lee et al.
1985). Similarly, demographic studies have frequently found that cities
in the developing world are characterized by fairly high proportions of
extended-type households, higher even than in more "traditional" rural
areas (Kanjanapan 1980; Stinner 1977). Many of these empirical findings
have now been summarized by the household decision-making model, as
proposed by sociologists/anthropologists, and economists (Stark 1984).
This model views the migration process as one in which individuals shut-
tle back and forth between larger kin groupings in order to increase, not
so much their own individual utility, but that of their household of origin.
One implication of such patterns is that the financial deterrents
against residing in a high-rent neighborhood may not be particularly strong
for many incoming migrants, even the poorer ones. Indeed, if one is go-
ing to stay with relatives, the logical course of action would be to choose
those who have attained some degree of financial stability in the city and
who are for that reason unlikely to be residing in a slum area. Conversely,
the limited financial resources and dwelling space found among lower-
class urban households will make it difficult for them to provide much in
the way of help to incoming relatives from the countryside.'
Asecond, and perhaps more powerful, mechanism for integrating
lower-class migrants from rural areas into middle- or upper-class residen-
tial districts is the institution of the live-in servant. Avariety of analy-
ses of rural-to-urban migration in the Philippines (Eviota & Smith 1981;
Hart 1971; Palabrica-Costello 1984) have shown that the migration of do-
mestic servants to urban areas of the country represents a major compo-
nent of cityward migrant streams. Live-in servants are found much more
frequently in middle- or upper-status homes than in the lower lasses
(Liu, Rubel & Yu 1969). Thus, for this numerically important group of
ruralurban migrants, we would expect a general tendency to first settle in
nonslum areas in the city.
In sum, the goal of this paper is to provide a range of empirical
evidence on the extent to which rural-born migrants to a single Philip-

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 431
pine city have actually entered the urban milieu through an initial resi-
dence within a neighborhood characterized by a high proportion of inmi-
grants and lower-class residents. The existence of such urban entrepots or
"zones of transition" has been frequently commented on in the litera-
ture, most typically in connection with discussions of slum and squatter
areas. As our review of earlier studies of differential migration patterns
has shown, however, there is reason to believe that this widely held image
is in need of some qualification. Should this prove true, we may expect
that some concomitant alterations will also be needed in the assumptions
which underlie a number of social science models of the adjustment pro-
cess undergone by ruralurban migrants in the less-developed world.
Data and Methods
All findings presented in this paper are based on a secondary analysis of
data collected by a "dual records" population estimation project carried
out by the Research Institute for Mindanao Culture, Cagayan de Oro City,
Philippines. The project was operational between September 1971 and July
1975 and was chiefly concerned with the measurement of vital events in
Cagayan de Oro City and in a nearby rural community.
Only data from the urban sample of this project will be analyzed
herein. This was a 75 percent, one stage, cluster probability sample drawn
from Cagayan de Oro's urban core, or poblacion. The dusters used were
enumeration districts from the 1970 Census of the Philippines. Data on all
persons living within a total of 41 enumeration districts were gathered for
the urban sample. The survey analyzed in this paper was carried out in
July 1975, at which time about 25,000 people were found to be living in the
urban sample areas.
Surveys carried out in the course of the dual records study were
conducted every six months in order to provide relatively rapid feedback
on changes in the city's vital rates, as well as to allow for methodological
experimentation in gathering such data. This characteristic of the study's
research design is of particular interest for the present study insofar as it
has allowed for an analysis of the quality of the project's migration data.
By comparing household listings from two consecutive surveys, it was
possible to identify all cases of persons who moved into or out of the
sample areas during the six-month interval between surveys without be-
ing correctly identified as a migrant. When such an analysis was under-
taken (Palabrica-Costello 1980), the results showed a fairly high level of
underenumeration of outmigrants, a group which has not been analyzed
in this paper. Among inmigrants, however, over 95 percent of such cases
were correctly identified, thus leading to the conclusion that estimates for
this category are sufficiently reliable for our purposes.
For the purposes of this study, inmigrants have been defined as

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432 / Social Forces Volume 66:2, December 1987
persons who moved into the city from a municipality other than Cagayan
de Oro during the six-month period preceding the survey (i.e., persons
moving between the seventh and eighth survey rounds). Persons who
had not yet stayed in the city for at least three months as of the survey
date and who did not intend to stay for that long were excluded from the
analysis. Students attending colleges or high schools in the city were not
considered residents unless they were living with their families. As such,
acts of in- or outmigration by members of this highly mobile group were
not included by the original study. The same is true for members of insti-
tutional populations.
Analyses (Madigan & Herrin 1977; Palabrica-Costello 1980) of the
characteristics of persons found by the project to have migrated to Caga-
yan de Oro fit well with previous Philippine studies on this topic. On bal-
ance, migrants were composed disproportionately of young adults (ages
15 to 24), females, and unmarried persons. Among males, migrants held
somewhat higher levels of educational attainment and occupational sta-
tus than persons already living in the city, while the opposite pattern was
found to prevail (somewhat more strongly) among females. The great bulk
of all migrants did not travel a long distance in their move to the city; in
fact, a little more than half of all moves were intraprovincial in character.
Cagayan de Oro is an intermediate-sized port city in the Southern
Philippines. As of 1975 it was the tenth largest city in the country, with an
urban population of approximately 120,000 inhabitants. The city serves as
a commercial and administrative center for the Northern Mindanao re-
gion. There is also a fairly large industrial zone which is located on the
outskirts of the city . Both the Northern Mindanao region and the city of
Cagayan de Oro have grown rapidly during the past three decades, due in
large part to the influx of migrants from the nearby, and more densely
populated, Visayan islands. During the 1970s, Cagayan de Oro was grow-
ing at a rate of over 6 percent per year (Republic of the Philippines 1982,
Table 2A).
The city's poblacion district represents a mixture of residential and
commercial functions. Residential segregation by socioeconomic status is
not extreme, though there are a number of identifiable slum and squatter
areas, located chiefly in neighborhoods adjacent to the public market and
in low-lying, swampy areas (Costello & Palabrica-Costello 1984; Ulack
1978). There is no major industrial establishment nor any planned, upper-
class residential district within the poblacion proper.
The 41 enumeration districts analyzed in this paper may be thought
of as consisting largely of individual city blocks. In some cases, smaller
blocks lying adjacent to one another were combined to form a single enu-
meration district. The number of residents per district ranged between 106
and 539 adult (aged 15 and over) inhabitants, with an average of 315 adult
residents.

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 433
Before analyzing the survey data, the sample of persons identified
as recent inmigrants to Cagayan de Oro was further delimited. First, all
persons aged 14 and under were eliminated, as this group was assumed to
consist mainly of dependent children. Second, the sample was limited
solely to persons who had inmigrated to the city from rural communities
in Misamis Oriental (the province in which the city of Cagayan de Oro is
located) or the nearby island province of Camiguin. Rural areas of these
two provinces are characterized by high agricultural densities and by a
long history of net outmigration. One can thus feel confident in asserting
that all migrants in the analysis came originally from "push"-like rural
communities, as specified by most of the theoretical propositions cited in
the introductory section of the paper. The number of migrants remaining
in the sample after these restrictions had been imposed was still large
enough (1,244 cases) for statistical analysis.3
The first question to be studied concerns the extent to which mi-
grants are disproportionately concentrated in specific "receiving areas" of
the city. This topic may be analyzed by means of an index of residential
segregation, as computed for the residential distributions of migrants and
nonmigrants in Cagayan de Oro. Two measures of residential segregation
are used in this paper. The first is the unadjusted index of segregation, as
described initially by Duncan and Duncan (1955). This index is a measure
of displacement and may be interpreted as showing the proportion of
subgroup members who would have to move to a different district of the
city in order to achieve perfect residential integration.
One drawback of the unadjusted index of segregation is that this
measure is constructed in such a way as to compare actual patterns of
residential segregation against an "ideal" standard of complete integra-
tion. To some extent, such an approach is unrealistic, since residential
patterns may be better viewed as a process which is subject to random
variation. Even if both migrants and nonmigrants were assigned randomly
to the various subareas of a city, we would expect some departure from
complete integration due merely to the operation of chance factors. The
likelihood that this will occur tends to increase either when one of the two
subgroups represents a small proportion of the total population of the city,
or when the population sizes of the various subareas of the city are small.
As a way of dealing with this problem, Cortese, Falk, and Cohen
(1976) have proposed a method for estimating the expected level of segre-
gation between two groups in a city, allowing for random fluctuations.
This, in turn, may be used to obtain an adjusted index of residential segre-
gation which is calculated by subtracting the expected segregation level
from scores on the conventional segregation index (Winship 1977).
The second major question of the paper deals with the extent to
which recent inmigrants are settling disproportionately in lower-class dis-
tricts of the city. This topic will be analyzed by investigating ecological

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434 / Social Forces Volume 66:2, December 1987
Table 1. INDEXES OF SEGREGATION () AND
ADJUSTED INDEXES OF SEGREGATION (/ADJ) BETWEEN
IN-MIGRANTS AND RESIDENTS, BY SEX, FOR OVERALL
SAMPLE AND FOR LOWER-STATUS RESPONDENTS:
CAGAYAN DE ORO CITY, 1975
Sex a d j
A. Overall Sample
M ales 226
Females 164
T o t a l 144
B. Lower-Status
Res pondents
M ales 266
Females 266
T o t a l 16
3
correlations between inmigration rates and socioeconomic status levels in
the 41 enumeration districts covered by the dual records survey.
Migrant Nonmigrant Segregation Patterns
The top panel of Table 1 gives information on segregation levels which
were found to be prevailing between all recent inmigrants to Cagayan de
Oro and the overall sample of persons who had already been residing in
the city as of January 1, 1975. In general, these data do not support the
thesis that rural-to-urban migrants tend to be concentrated in a few highly
segregated enclaves. This is particularly true for migrant females, only 16
percent of whom would have had to move to another enumeration district
in order to achieve perfect integration with female nonmigrants. The com-
parable statistic for males is 22, which is also not particularly high. Fur-
thermore, most of the residential similarity between migrants and nonmi-
grants can be accounted for by purely random factors. This is shown by
the very low values found for both males and females (6 and 4, respec-
tively) on the adjusted index of segregation.
As an explanation for the above findings, it might be claimed that
the sample of migrants analyzed in Table 1, limited though it has been to
persons coming from economically depressed rural areas near Cagayan de
Oro, is still too inclusive to represent Lerner's (1967) "displaced persons"

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 435
or Poethig's (1971) "unskilled rural migrants." Given the fact that cityward
migrants are usually found to be better educated than the persons left
behind in rural communities, it is not inconceivable that many of these
migrants are of high enough status to afford residences in middle- or
upper-lass areas of the city. In order to take this possibility into account,
we again limited our sample of migrants, in this case focusing only on
those who were employed in low-status (semiskilled or unskilled) occupa-
tions.h These data are shown in the bottom panel of Table 1. In this case,
segregation levels between migrants and nonmigrants are only slightly
larger than those shown in the previous table. Also of interest in these
figures is the fact that segregation levels for the two sexes taken together
are clearly lower than those obtained when either males or females are
analyzed separately. This seems to indicate that, while some segregation
of lower-class inmigrants to the city is taking place, inmigrating males and
females are gravitating to different types of receiving areas with such sex-
specific patterns balancing one another out.
In sum, there does not appear to be a strong tendency for newly ar-
rived inmigrants to Cagayan de Oro to cluster together residentially in
segregated enclaves. Segregation levels between migrants and nonmi-
grants are not high in an absolute sense, and can be chiefly attributed
to random factors in residential allocation. This conclusion persists even
when the analysis is limited to migrants employed in low-status occupa-
tions.
Neighborhood Socioeconomic Status and Levels of Inmigration
In order to investigate the extent to which slum and squatter areas in
Cagayan de Oro are functioning as entrepots for rural-to-urban migrants, it
was first necessary to estimate the extent to which inmigrants were differ-
entially attracted to each of the 41 enumeration districts included in the
sample. This was done by calculating the percentage distribution, by sub-
area of the city, of all residents aged 15 and over in the sampled enumera-
tion districts. These figures represent the expected percentage of inmi-
grants which should be found in each district, assuming no tendency for
migrants to disproportionately select some enumeration districts rather
than others. The actual percentage distribution, by subarea, of all inmi-
grants to the city was computed next, with this figure then being divided
by the expected percentage. The resulting estimates, termed the "migrant
attractiveness index," show the extent to which each subarea of the city is
serving as a zone of transition for newcomers to the city.
Estimates of the socioeconomic status of each subarea of the city
were obtained by calculating the proportion of household heads who were
holding low-status (semiskilled or unskilled) jobs at the time of the survey.

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T a b l e 2. ZERO-ORDER CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN
"MIGRANTATTRACTIVENESS INDEX" AND PERCENT OF ALL RESIDENT
HOUSEHOLD HEADS IN LOW-STATUS OCCUPATIONS, OVERALL AND BY
AGE AND SEX: CAGAYAN DE ORO, 1975
Se x15-19
Age
20 and O v e r T o t a l
Ma l e .15 .51*** .40**
(112) a
(251) (363)
Fe ma l e - . 56*** .05
-.36*
(449) (432)
(881)
T o t a l -.38*
.28
-.03
(
561) (683) (1,244)
a Sa mpl e size s (Ns) re fe r t o t he numb e r
in t he pa rt icul a r a ge *se x ca t e go ry und e r
e xa mina t io n. In a l l ca se s t he numb e r o f
o b se rva t io ns (i.e ., e nume ra t io n d is-
t rict s) use d in co mput ing t he signifi-
ca nce o f t he co rre l a t io n co e fficie nt is
41.
Significa nt a t : * .
05, **
.01, *** .001
This variable ("percent low-skilled") was found to correlate, in the ex-
pected direction with the two other indicators of neighborhood socioeco-
nomic status which were available from the dual records data.
5
Zero-order correlation coefficients were then calculated between
each subarea's "migrant attractiveness index" and its percentage of house-
hold heads employed in low-skilled jobs. These data are shown in Tables 2
and 3. In interpreting these data it is useful to keep in mind that positive
coefficients show a tendency for migrants to settle in lower-class areas,
while negative coefficients indicate the opposite.
The data shown in Table 2 provide only mixed support for the hy-
pothesis that newcomers to the city are particularly likely to settle in
lower-class districts. For all migrants aged 15 and over the correlation be-
tween the migrant attractiveness index and the percentage of household
heads working in lower-status jobs is negligible (- .03). This finding fails
to support the hypothesis that rural-to-urban migrants are disproportion-
ately attracted to slum districts in Cagayan de Oro.
Findings for the overall sample mask a high degree of variation
among age and sex subgroups. For younger (aged 15-19) and female re-

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 437
Table 3. ZERO-ORDER CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS BETWEEN "MIGRANT
ATTRACTIVENESS INDEX" AS CALCULATED FOR MIGRANTS IN LOW-STATUS
OCCUPATIONS AND PERCENT OF ALL RESIDENT HOUSEHOLD HEADS IN LOW-
STATUS OCCUPATIONS, OVERALL AND BY AGE AND SEX: CAGAYAN DE ORO,
1975
Sex 15-19
Age
20 and Over Total
M ale .12 .60*** .49**
(7 7 ) a (152) (229)
Female
-.58*** -.21 -.52***
(358)
(202) (560)
Total -.49** .23 -.28*
( 435) (354) (789)
a See Tab le 2.
Significant at: * .1 0 , ** .0 1 , *** .0 0 1
spondents there appears to be a dear tendency for migrants to gravitate
disproportionately to higher-status neighborhoods, as shown by the corre-
lation coefficients for these two groups of .38 and .36. In contrast, the
opposite pattern is found among males and persons aged 20 and over.
Migrants in these categories do appear to be pulled initially to the poorer
areas of the city. This supports the earlier observation that whatever resi-
dential segregation does occur among inmigrant males to the city is con-
centrated in somewhat different neighborhoods from that of females.
Again, we may wish to direct our attention specifically to low-
skilled migrants from rural areas. Table 3 shows comparable data for the
subsample of migrants working in lower-status jobs. These results provide
even weaker support for the entrepot hypothesis. That is, lower-status in-
migrants appear to be even more attracted to well-to-do neighborhoods of
the city than are migrants in general. The overall correlation coefficient for
the low-status sample is .28, which comes close to attaining statistical
significance, as compared to the value of .03 obtained for the sample
as a whole. As in the preceding instance, this pattern is limited chiefly
to young migrants and females, with older respondents and males still
showing evidence, among this select group of lower-status migrants, of
differential preference for lower-class districts of the city. Indeed, a com-
parison of the correlation coefficients for males of all ages shows that, for
men, the lower-status migrants are even more likely than are male mi-
grants in general to settle in such areas.

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The finding that lower-status female migrants are even more likely
to move to higher-status neighborhoods in Cagayan de Oro than are fe-
male migrants in general is undoubtedly linked to the fact that a high
percentage of women who are employed in low-status jobs in Cagayan de
Oro work as domestic servants. Since most such servants live with their
middle-class or upper-class employers, they tend to reside disproportion-
ately in nonslum areas.
We have argued that a major reason why inmigrants to Cagayan de
Oro are not disproportionately attracted to slum or squatter districts is
the urban Filipino household's ability to absorb peripheral members, such
as servants, lodgers, and extended kin. Further evidence in support of
this point may be had by again correlating neighborhood socioeconomic
status with the migrant attractiveness measure, this time using a sample
of ruralurban migrants who arrived in the city as heads of their own
household. For this particular group housing costs should indeed be a
salient issue, thus causing them to gravitate disproportionately to lower-
class areas of the city. This pattern should be especially noticeable among
the lower-status household heads. Data from the present study fully bear
out these expectations. In this case the correlation coefficient between the
migrant attractiveness index and the percentage of household heads en-
gaged in low-status occupations is + .34 for migrant household heads in
general and + .59 for low-status migrant household heads.6 Since house-
hold heads tend overwhelmingly to be older males, this finding helps to
explain the strong positive correlations found for this subgroup in Tables
2 and 3.
Thus, slum districts are indeed functioning as receiving stations for
these types of ruralurban migrants. Again, though, it must be stressed
that the typical person coming from a rural community to Cagayan de Oro
is not a head of the household. The "typical" (or modal) migrant is, in
fact, an unmarried female less than 25 years of age. One implication of
this finding is that the disproportionate emphasis which has heretofore
appeared in the literature on inmigration to slum and squatter communi-
ties may be due in large part to the fact that most previous analyses of
cityward migration have focused on inmigrating males, in particular on
inmigrating male household heads.
Also worthy of comment is the fact that younger migrants, espe-
cially younger female migrants, are particularly unlikely to take up resi-
dence in a lower-class district upon their arrival in the city. As shown
in Tables 2 and 3, the correlation coefficients for females aged 15 to 19
were strongly negative ( .56 and .58, respectively) for both the overall
sample and for the lower-status subsample. This pattern has undoubtedly
been influenced by the high mobility patterns prevailing among domestic
servants, since domestic helpers in the Philippines are overwhelmingly
female and heavily concentrated in the adolescent and young adult ages.

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 439
In some ways, though, the age factor could be playing a more direct
causal role in residential allocation. This would be the case, for example, if
the parents of these young ruralurban migrants were to insist that their
children only be allowed to move to the city if they can be assured of
fmding residence in a relatively safe (i.e., middle- or upper-class) neigh-
borhood. This hypothetical tendency should be particularly true for the
parents of young female migrants.
Most lower-status, rural parents cannot, of course, afford to pay the
rentals required for housing in a nonslum district. The option of working
as a domestic servant, however, represents one solution to this dilemma.
Thus, the role played by the institution of domestic service in facilitating
the inmigration of young women from the countryside to the city lies not
only in the fact that this type of job ensures that their basic subsistence
needs will be covered (Jelin 1977) but also in the fact that its associated
living conditions are viewed as offering a more protected atmosphere for
the urban neophyte.
Discussion
Recent research on internal migration in the less-developed world has
served to emphasize the complexity of this phenomenon. Such concepts
as "stage," "return," "temporary," and "chain" migration illustrate this
point, as do such phenomena as nomadic movements, refugee mobility,
and planned resettlement programs. In still other cases, exploitive social
institutions may act to restrict population mobility, thus resulting in popu-
lation "immobilization" (Standing 1984). This variety of migrant types and
the resulting heterogeneity of migrant adjustment patterns should be kept
in mind in evaluating the generalizability of the findings presented in this
paper.?
At the same time, however, the major emphasis accorded by re-
searchers to ruralurban movements and the growth of urban slum areas
in the LDCs remains clear. While there is a self-evident link between these
two phenomena at a macro level, the purpose of this paper has been to
demonstrate that the image, so frequently found in the literature, of rural-
to-urban migrants passing into the urban milieu through an initial resi-
dence in a slum or squatter area may need some qualification. Indeed, we
have found evidence that, in the Philippine city of Cagayan de Oro, rural-
born migrants are every bit as likely to first take up residence in a middle-
or upper-class neighborhood as in a predominantly lower-status district.
Further, these findings were replicated, and even strengthened somewhat,
when the analysis was confined exclusively to migrants from rural areas
who were working in low-status occupations. When sex was controlled, a
clear pattern of differential migration among men and women was found,

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440 / Social Forces Volume 66:2, December 1987
with females tending to gravitate to nonslum districts while the opposite
was the case for males. Finally, little support was obtained for the proposi-
tion that migrants, whether male or female, were highly segregated in a
few migrant receiving zones in the city.
Anumber of important implications can be derived from these find-
ings. First, the emphasis typically accorded to the adjustment problems
encountered by migrants to cities in the developing world may be some-
what inappropriate. Rather than being "neither housed, nor trained, nor
employed, nor serviced" (Lerner 1967, p. 33) a large proportion of mi-
grants may be able to experience reasonably adequate living conditions
upon their arrival in the city . Of course, persons working as domestic
servants or helpers in small stores or shops may find many drawbacks
inherent in their position, but these are more likely to be of a subjective
nature (low prestige, little personal freedom) than a matter of grossly
substandard diets or unhealthy environmental conditions. Conversely, it
would also seem that many of the new arrivals may have to do without
those neighborhood ties of ethnicity and common rural origin that are said
to facilitate the transition to urban life.
Second, and in contrast to those observers (e.g., Turner 1968) who
have emphasized the means by which more successful urban migrants
may be able to save money and move to better neighborhoods after an
initial residence in a squatter area, our results would seem to hint at the
possibility that a fair proportion of migrants may actually move to less
adequate housing some time after their initial arrival in the city. Domestic
service is not a lifelong career and few extended relatives can hope to live
permanently with their urban kin. When the time comes to move on to
something else, where do these people go?Many, no doubt, will become
return migrants to their village of origin (Palabrica-Costello 1984). In other
cases, though, a move may be made to a poorer district of the city. One
example of such a pattern could be found for married migrants who move
on their own to the city and who stay temporarily with relatives while
they search for a job. At a later date, after employment has been found
and some savings acquired, these persons will be able to send for their
families and to set up their own household, often enough as squatters or
as renters in the poorer sections of the city. The same will also be true for
at least some of the young men and women who come to the city as
servants, boarders, or extended relatives and who subsequently marry
and set up their own independent residence. In evaluating such "down-
wardly mobile" moves, however, it is well to keep in mind that in many
cases they will represent the achievement of subjectively important goals,
even as objective housing conditions deteriorate.
Nor is it that clear that the urban squatter population of the less-
developed countries will consist solely of the very poorest and most mar-
ginal members of these societies. Squatting, as urban anthropologists

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Slums and Squatter Areas / 441
have long observed, serves the crucial economic function of reducing or
eliminating rental costs for poorer households. Afair amount of competi-
tion may thus take place among persons interested to live within these
areas, with the outcome of this struggle tending to be determined by the
individual's access to urban-based information channels, moderate finan-
cial resources, and informal social contacts. Since none of these scarce
resources are likely to be characteristic of migrants who have only recently
arrived from the countryside, it could well be the case that most squatter
households are headed by persons who were either born in the city or
who have lived there for a relatively long period of time (for evidence on
this point cf. Costello, Leinbach & Ulack forthcoming).$
Two additional implications for urban policy in the less-developed
world may be mentioned. The first refers to attemptstypically carried
out on a neighborhood basisto organize the urban lower classes, in or-
der to help alleviate their impoverished economic situation and to inte-
grate them more fully into the political decision-making process (Holln-
steiner 1974). While this approach is the most practical one in many re-
spects, our findings may be taken to indicate that the neighborhood, or
community based strategy should not be regarded as being completely
comprehensive. In Cagayan de Oro, as in a number of other Third World
cities (e.g., Abu-Lughod 1980) fairly large numbers of low-income persons
may be found to be residing in nominally middle-class or well-to-do resi-
dential enclaves. Perhaps some thought should also be given to means by
which these individuals may be helped to participate more fully in the
social and political organizations which transcend the boundaries of kin
and friendship (for evidence on the very low political participation of Phil-
ippine domestic servants cf. Palabrica-Costello 1984).
Our results also hold some implications for the thorny issue of gov-
ernment accommodationist policies v is--v is urban squatters. From a social
justice and human capital perspective, it makes good sense to provide
members of this group with such basic services as potable water, elec-
tricity, schools, and sanitation facilities. The point is sometimes made,
however, that such policies serve to intensify the urban crisis by attract-
ing additional inmigrants to the already overcrowded cities of Third World
countries. Our data, however, do not lend much support to this perspec-
tive. For ruralurban migrants (chiefly household heads) who do move
initially to neighborhoods which are likely to be "upgraded" by public
housing programs or sites and service schemes, the required monthly
rentals of such devices are likely to prove too high for their participation
(e.g., Doherty 1985). In other cases, some of the downwardly mobile mi-
grants from middle-class neighborhoods, as discussed above, may be able
to afford the rentals for programs of this sort, but such persons may in
any event be expected to have already committed themselves to an urban
future. It is thus to be doubted if urban accommodationist policies would

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play much of a role in the initial decision to move from the countryside to
the city.9
In a broader sense, the findings of this paper suggest the need for
new approaches to the study of migration adjustment patterns in urban
areas of the developing world. The predominant emphasis accorded in the
literature to inmigrating males and household heads is particularly salient
in this regard, since our data appear to indicate that persons not falling
into these categories may undergo quite different experiences upon their
arrival in the city (for a discussion of male bias in migration research cf.
Morokvasic 1984; Thadani & Todaro 1979). It would seem that, in addition
to the many studies of slum and squatter communities which have hereto-
fore been conducted in the developing world, research projects are also
needed which are geared specifically to low-skilled migrantssuch as
maids or extended relativeswho first enter the city through residence in
more presentable surroundings.
Notes
1.Early analyses of dtyward migration in the LDCs placed heavy emphasis on this type of
outcome. Thus, Hauser argued that "the inmigrant often finds that his area of first settle-
ment is the shanty town, in which ... there may be severe problems of health and nutrition,
and of extreme poverty and squalor in living conditions. In such a setting, the inmigrant
frequently displays personal disorganization as the subjective aspect of social disorganiza-
tion" (1964, pp. 249-50).
2.Confirming evidence for this conclusion is to be found in Hackenberg's analysis of a squat-
ter community in Davao City, Philippines, which noted that there was a "comparative ab-
sence of adults other than the head and the spouse in the households of which the village is
composed" (1973, p. 9).
3.Overall, the survey identified 2,436 migrants aged 15 and over, thus indicating that our
analytical sample contained slightly over half of all such cases. As such, it should be empha-
sized that the subsample analyzed in this paper did not differ radically from that formed by
the larger aggregate of all inmigrants to the city. Separate tabulations of the data have shown
the not-unexpected finding that very long distance migrants (chiefly from the Metro Manila
area) did include a disproportionately large number of males and higher-status individuals.
This group, however, constituted only 4 percent of the total sample and, as explained in the
text, was eliminated from the study as not fitting the entrepot thesis, as formulated by most
previous observers.
4.The comparison group in this instance remained the general population of adult non-
migrants already living in the city as of January 1975. Occupational data refer to the person's
job on his or her arrival in the city. By "semi-skilled and unskilled jobs" is meant manual
occupations in which the degree of training required to carry out the job is low. Some major
examples of semiskilled and unskilled jobs include waitresses, barbers/beauticians, jeepney
drivers, market vendors, sweepstakes ticket sellers, domestic servants, and salesgirls. In
contrast, "skilled" blue collar jobs (not included in this analysis) include policemen, electri-
cians, tailors/dressmakers, and the like.
5. These two indicators were, first, the percentage of household heads in the enumeration
district who had a grade school level of education or lower and, second, the percentage of
dwelling units in each district made from "light" building materials (i.e., shanties, as ad-
judged by the interviewer). Correlation coefficients between these two indicators and the
percent low skilled were, respectively, .81 and .23.

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6.
These coefficients are significant at .05 and .001, respectively. This finding helps to explain
the apparently conflicting results obtained by Muwonge. As noted earlier, this author ana-
lyzed a sample of inmigrating household heads. If his sample had been expanded to include
peripheral household members such as servants and extended relatives, it is possible that
rather different results would have been forthcoming.
7.It should also be noted that our findings should not be generalized uncritically to other
Third World countries. Certainly, though, a number of parallelse.g., the relatively high
mobility levels found among women and domestic servantscan be found for the other
major countries of Southeast Asia (cf. Shah & Smith 1984). Indeed, it appears likely that
females, despite having been ignored for so long in the literature, represent a large propor-
tion of ruralurban migrants in virtually all countries of the less-developed world (Morok-
vasic 1984).
The extent to which the contrast between our findings and those of earlier analyses
may be due to differences in the operationalization of migrant status is also worthy of some
comment. As noted earlier, our definition of this term includes all persons who had moved
to the city during the six-month period preceding the survey. Other studies have more typi-
cally used a longer time period than this (e.g., mobility during the past year) or have focused
on lifetime migration patterns.
I would contend that the definition used herein is most appropriate for the present
study problem, since we are concerned with the ecological setting into which ruralurban
migrants initially move. In contrast, residential patterns found among migrants who have
stayed in the city for longer periods of time will inevitably be distorted by subsequent in-
tracity moves. It should be pointed out, however, that use of the shorter interval also implies
a greater representation of temporary migrants, who tend to not be household heads. This
means that somewhat weaker (though not necessarily more valid) results would have been
obtained if a longer time period had been used. It is likely, though, that our overall conclu-
sions would have nevertheless remained unaltered, even in this case. Thus, Janet Abu-
Lughod's (1980) analysis of settlement patterns among lifetime inmigrants to Rabat, Morocco,
which came to my attention only as this article was being revised, found two very similar
empirical patterns. These were, first, that inmigrating males in Rabat tend to be attracted to
areas other than those to which inmigrating females gravitate and, second, that areas with a
high proportion of inmigrating females tend to be characterized by higher levels of socioeco-
nomic status. Abu-Lughod also found a bimodal pattern of association between neighbor-
hood socioeconomic status and inmigration levels (i.e., migrants tended to cluster in both
the lowest- and highest-status neighborhoods). This finding, too, appears to be highly com-
patible with our results.
8.In one comparative study of the squatter populations of three Latin American cities, the
average time lived in the city varied (among household heads) between 15 and 34 y ears
(Sudra 1982).
9.Asimilar point is made by Muwonge who used survey data to illustrate that, among slum
dwellers in Nairobi, "better housing did not rank as a top priority among residents, who
often felt that other needs were more important" (1980, p. 611).
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