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Politics of Identity and

Gandhi
DEC. 7, 2012

It is the irony of the day that most of the thinkers

are assuming that change in the system will
automatically bring about change in the individual.
But we have witnessed that the more we are laying
stress on having good governance and a democratic
system, the more corrupt, unconscious and
undemocratic individuals we are producing.
Opposing this, Gandhi said it is not the system
which will bring about change but it is the
conscious and self-realised individual who will
ensure all change. Gandhi insisted that we must put
our effort at the individuals sphere. If an individual
is good and conscious enough then the whole
society will automatically be transformed. Without
having good individuals we cannot even imagine

about constructing any societal set-up.

Issues of Debate
CONTEMPORARY thinkers like Amartya Sen
(Identity and Violence I) and Bhikhu Parekh (A
New Politics of Identity) have presented a notion of
Global Citizenship. For them, in this global world
order, our identity is neither universal nor local;
instead it is global. Bhikhu Parekh says that global
interdependence requires us to act in the spirit of
human solidarity and activate our human identity.
And this requires us to energise and consolidate
our shared humanity. For this, both of them with
equal voice raise their claim for global ethics and
global value system.
Amartya Sen writes: There is a compelling need in
the contemporary world to ask questions not only
about the economics and politics of globalisation,
but also about the values, ethics and sense of
belonging that shape our conception of global
world.1 This sense of global belonging can be
developed with the help of dialogue among

different identities. Sen assumes that democracy

may help us in this direction. He says democracy is
not just about ballots and votes, but also about
public deliberation. Democracy does not only mean
democratisation of institutions, but it also means
government by discussion. Democracy stands for
public reasoning. That is why in a democratic
global state, democracy is seen in terms of active
public participation. Global problems will be
discussed at the global floor and the approach will
make globalisation fairer. A dialogue between
societies at the economic, political and other levels
is the only way to deal with their conflicts, says
Bhikhu Parekh.2
But, we have seen, dialogue and discussion at the
global level (public reasoning) is not an easy task. It
has its own limits. And then, is it possible for
everyone to get global citizenship? How many of us
are global citizens? Who will take part in this global
discussion? Moreover, merely to hold a global
discussion is not enough. A sense of global
belonging is also required. And how many of us are
sensitively attached to global issues?

Modernist Descartes says: I think, therefore I am.

But postmodernist Baudrillard says: I consume,
therefore I am.3 In such a consumerists and
capitalist scenario, where 20 per cent countries are
dominating over 80 per cent of the world resources
,4 is it easy to develop this sense of belonging and
to conduct a smooth global discussion and public
participation? Is it possible to think about Global
Justice and Global Morality? I think we must see
farther than the objectives of Liberal Democracy.
Actually, the question of Identity, Global Morality
and Global Ethics must be discussed beyond the
mainstream of politics. The question of Identity is
not a subject of politics. And here lies the
importance of Gandhi. The way he talked about
inclusive and coherent identity has its own
relevance in the present world order.
Gandhi on Identity
IN fact, the notion of Identity in Gandhian
philosophy can be understood from three different
perspectives: Individual Identity, Social identity

and Spiritual Identity.

Individual Self: In Gandhian philosophy, the
formation of Individual Identity is a process, which
starts from birth and moves on throughout his life
unto his death. Unlike the postmodernist ideas of
death of man and end of metaphysical being,
Gandhi speaks about a conscious living being.
Gandhis subject must answer the questions: what
is he? What is the meaning of his life? And what is
the purpose of his being? Whether he confronts,
ignores, or remains unaware of these questions, an
individual cannot reject them as irrelevant. It is
mans destiny to find answers to these questions.
He cannot find answers in conformism or in
totalitarianism. The answers to these questions are
uniquely discovered by each individual as he gains
self-knowledge through self-transformation. The
central human concern is self-knowledge.
Contrary to the postmodernists notion, in
Gandhian philosophy there is no death of the
individual. Instead, there is a self-realised, selfconscious and autonomous individual who wants

to govern himself; resists any source of domination,

whether in the controlled tradition or in the
modern liberalised world order. Gandhis
individual is a very conscious being. Gandhi holds
no text and economic process can claim to possess
a truth that displaces the autonomy of the
individual.
Once Gandhi was asked: what is truth? [He replied]
A difficult question; but I have solved it for myself
by saying that it is what the voice within tells you.
How then, you ask, different people think of
different and contrary truths? Well, seeing that the
human mind works through innumerable media
and that the evolutions of the human mind is not
the same for all, it follows that what may be truth
for me may be untruth for another, and hence those
who have made these experiments have come to the
conclusion that there are certain conditions to be
observed in making those experimentsIt is
because we have at the present moment everybody
claiming the right of conscience without going
through any discipline whatsoever that there is so
much untruth being delivered to a bewildered

world.5
In clear terms Gandhi said that its not easy to hear
your inner voice. As the process of self-realisation,
which is the ultimate aim, is not easy. On Gandhis
account, it can be realised via two approaches:
either though social service or through spiritual
practice.
Relational Self: Gandhi talked about the relational
identity. In his concept, self and other is a
necessary structure of human consciousness, and
there is no self free from dynamic dialectical
relations with the other. That is why in a unique
structure of Gandhian society every movement is
around the individual self. In Gandhis terms, If
individual ceases to count, what is left of a society?
Individual freedom alone can make man voluntarily
surrender himself completely to the service of
society. If it is wrested from him he becomes
automation and the society is ruined. No society
can possibly be built on a denial of individual
freedom.6

For Gandhi, the individuals development and

societal development are both parallel to each
other. Gandhis individual is not the non-social,
anti-social individual. For Gandhi, the social is an
essential dimension of self-realisation and
developing a moral and spiritual political order of
constructive self-other relations. In his analysis of
Swaraj and Swadeshi, various constructive
programme were incorporated. Actually, Gandhis
idea of social service is not only limited to field
work and extension activities of these days.
Instead, he included communal unity, removal of
untouchability, prohibition of liquor, khadi, other
village industries, village sanitation etc. into the list
of social services. Even academicians are social
servants. As new or basic education, womens
education, education in health and hygiene,
learning of provincial languages, national
languages were also there in the list of constructive
programme. Economic equality and upliftment of
kisans, labourers, adivasis and lepers also have
their space in a part of the constructive
programme.

Intentionally, students were kept in the last

chapter. Gandhi had huge hope from students. In
his words, I know that they (students) waste a
great deal of time in idleness. By strict economy,
they can serve many hours. But I dont want to put
an undue strain upon any student. I would,
therefore, advice patriotic students to lose one year,
not at a stretch but spread it over their whole study.
They will find that one year so given will not be
moral and physical, and they will have made even
during their studies a substantial contribution to
the freedom move-ment.7 Gandhi said that the
constructive programme may otherwise and more
fittingly be called construction of Poorana Swaraj or
Complete Independence by truthful and nonviolent means. Gandhis individual is a social
relational self. Gandhi resists reducing the
individual to social analysis. Indeed, the
individuals inner voice is often posed against the
social. Gandhi wrote in India of My Dreams, The
greatest service we can render society is to free
ourselves8
All his 18 constructive programmes are full of

vision. Gandhi develops the constructive

programme where each and every unit of society
has its valuable role to play. And while performing
their duties they will realise their importance in the
development of society. Like a drop of the ocean an
individual feels proud to share the glory that he
keeps in his bundle of energy to make things
possible at the societal level.9 Thus, in Gandhian
philosophy the individual and society are not
different and contradictory to each other but they
are essentially comple-mentary. The mutual
development of both will serve the purpose. The
individual will serve and in return, automatically,
he will get recognition and identity.
Spiritual Self: Then, Gandhi moves towards the
second aspect of the self, that is, Spiritual Self.
Gandhi said that the identification of development
with that of self-realisation is clearly stated in
Bhagavadgita: Man is not at peace with himself till
he has become like unto God. The endeavour to
reach this state is the supreme, the only ambition
worth having. And this is self-realisation. This selfrealisation is the subject of Gita, as it is of all

scriptures. But its author surely did not write it to

establish that doctrine. The object of the Gita
appears to one to be that of showing the most
excellent way to attain self-realisation.10
Like a karmayogi, Gandhi believes that religion of
self or truth or God is possible only through service
of humanity. Contrary to the self-centric
materialistic, instrumental modern civilisation,
Gandhi believes that when an individual does duty
without any passion of gain or reward, then only he
could actualise the nature of god or truth or self in
the real sense of the term. Accordingly, God, Truth
and Love mean nothing but service and morality. In
Gandhis words: To me God is Truth and Love, God
is ethics and morality.11
For Gandhi, it is impossible to reach God, that is,
truth, except through love. Love can only be
expressed fully when man reduces himself to a
cipher. This process of reduction (to cipher) is the
highest effort man or woman is capable of making.
It is the only effort worth making, and it is possible
only through ever-increasing self-restraint. That is

why he said that the one seeking truth should be

humbler than the dust. The world crushes the dust
under its feet, but the seeker of truth should so
humble himself that even the dust could crush him.
Only then, and not till then, will he have a glimpse
of truth. That is why evening prayers were essential
in Gandhis various projects. Gandhi assumes that
prayer will make an individual more enlightened
and a sense of brotherhood will develop naturally
among the members of society. Thus, Gandhis
spiritual self believes in eternal oneness, that is, advaita. He says: I do not believe that an individual
may gain spiritually and those who surround him
suffer. I believe in ad-vaita (non-duality), I believe
in the essential unity of man and, for that matter, of
all that lives. Therefore, I believe that if one man
gains spiritually, the whole world gains with him
and, if one man falls, the whole world falls to that
extent.12
Since we are all sons of the same God, we are all
eternally attached to each other. Directly or
indirectly we are getting influenced by our fellowbeings and also influencing them. That is why

Gandhi believes in the principle of non-duality. In

his own words, The atman was the same in all men
and could not provide the principle of
individualisation. Although separate and distinct
human bodies were so many different anatomical
configurations of the identical material substance,
were subject to the same laws, displayed the same
basic properties and functioned in the same way.
The body was the seat of particularity not
individuality, a principle of numerical not
substantive or essential differentiation.13
Gandhi also believes that all of us are part of the
same soul. Though all of us are having different
outlook physically, yet spiritually the essence of our
life is one. God is the origin, source of all our
activities. It is only this spiritual force to which we
are bound. That was why Gandhi accepted the
power of spirituality in every movement of our life.
This is the reason why he used to say: The purpose
of life is undoubtedly to know oneself. We cannot
do this unless we learn to identify ourselves with all
that lives. The sum total of that life is God.14

This shows that either through social service or

through spiritual practice an individual can corelate himself with society. And in this process of
relative activity there will flourish a unique kind of
identity. This identity is not something which will
be given to an individual from any external
institution or discourse. This identity is not merely
a honour (given by the state), position (given by the
institution) or recognition (given by the
community). Rather, it is something beyond all
these. It is the yearning by an individual
throughout his life, from his birth to death.
Gandhis subject is neither like the modernist who
says, I think, therefore I am, nor like the
postmodernist subject who says, I consume,
therefore I am; rather Gandhis autonomous,
conscious and self-realised relative subject says, I
own, therefore I am.
Conclusion
THE project (not the politics) of identity is a huge
one where reconstruction of the whole civilisation

is required. It does not mean that it is a herculean

task. We can start right now with ourselves, with an
individual. But a change is mandatory. To have a
global system is not enough; an individual who is
continuously getting affected through this global
world scenario must also be changed. And it is not
possible merely through a global dialogue; rather
an effort for transformation of an individuals
instrumental nature into a self-realised consciousbeing is the crying need of the hour.
REFERENCES
1. See, Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, Penguin, London, 2006, p. 185.
2. See, Bhikhu Parekh, A New Politics of Identities:
Political Principles for an Independent World,
Palgrave Macmillan Publishers, 2008
(Introduction).
3. See, Jean Baudrillard, Simulations, Trans. Nicola
Dufresne, New York, Semiotext, 1983.

4. Baldev Raj Nair, The Geopolitics of

Globalisation. Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
2005, p. 40.
5. Krishna Kripalani (ed.), All Men Are Brothers, p.
94.
6. Harijan, 1-2-1942.
7. M.K. Gandhi, Constructive Programme: Its
Meaning And Place, Ahmedabad, Navajivan
Publishing House, 2006, p. 26.
8. M.K. Gandhi, India of My Dreams, Ahmedabad,
Navajivan Publishing House, 2001, p. 172.
9. Gandhis tendencies towards collectivism and
egalitarianism are beautifully expressed in the
following words: A drop torn from the ocean
perishes without doing any good. If it remains a
part of the ocean, it shares the glory of carrying on
its bosom a fleet of mighty ships. Harijan, 23-31947, p. 78.
10. Arne Ness, Gandhi and Group Conflict, p. 35.

11. Parelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase,

Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House, vol. 1,
1956, pp. 421-422.
12. Arne Naess, Gandhi and Group Conflict: An
Experiment of Satyagraha:Theoritical Background,
Oslo-Bergen-Tromso, Universitets for laget, 1974,
p.43.
13. Bhikhu Parekh, Gandhis Political Philosophy: A
Critical Examination, p. 93.
14.Raghavan Iyer, The Moral And Political Writings
of Mahatma Gandhi, Oxford University Press, New
York, 1986, p. 28.
Dr Upasana Pandey is an Assistant Professor,
Department of Political Science, Vasanta College
for Women (Krishnamurti Foundation India),
Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.

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