Negotiating Efficiencies:

Human Sacrifice, Karma and Asceticism in Jantus Tale of the

Mahbhrata*

Philipp A. Maas, University of Vienna

To be published in:
Marcus Schmcker and Sven Sellmer (eds.),
Fate, Freedom, and Prognostication in Indian Traditions.
Vienna 2014.

1. Recent research has shown that the religious history of late Vedic and early
classical South Asia was dominated by the intellectual interaction of two religious
complexes that in their earlier phases of development had been largely independent
of each other.1 One of these complexes is the religion of Vedic Brahmanism that
developed in the north western part of South Asia from around ca. 1000 BCE. This
religion was practiced by the descendants of nomad tribes that had entered the subcontinent in successive waves of immigration ca. 500 years before, as well as
among enculturated ethnicities. Vedic Brahmanism was based on the belief that the
world we live in, as well as the post-mortem fate of man, can be manipulated by
means of complicated sacrificial rites. The rituals had to be performed by religious
specialists, the Brahman priests, who recited and sang the Vedic hymns composed
*

The core of this article, i.e. my interpretation of Jantus Tale as establishing a hierarchy of

competing religious causalities, was for the first time presented thirteen years ago in a paper that I
read at the 28. Deutscher Orientalistentag in Bamberg on 28 March 2001. The presentation of more
elaborate versions of different aspects of the present paper followed at two consecutive workshops
with the title Fate, Freedom, and Prognostication in Indian Traditions at the International
Consortium for Research in the Humanities, Friedrich-Alexander University of Erlangen-Nrnberg
on 1 February 2012 and 4 December 2013. Many thanks to the respective audiences for the fruitful
and thought provoking discussions of different aspects of my presentations. I would also like to
express my gratitude to Thomas Oberlies for his valuable comments on the paper I presented in
Bamberg and to Elisa Freschi and Dominik Wujastyk for helpful and thought provoking suggestions.
Needless to say, all errors are my own.
1

See, also for the following part of section 1.1 and 1.2, Lubin 2005, Bronkhorst 2007: 13-172,

Samuel 2008: 39-190, and Bronkhorst 2011.

in Vedic Sanskrit, on behalf of the master of sacrifice. It was believed that the
master of sacrifice, i.e. the sacrificer, and not the officiating priest or priests, would
experience the result of the ritual, i.e. material wealth and success in battle, rich
progeny, or a pleasant existence in heaven after death.2
From the available sources it appears that within the complex of Vedic Brahmanism
new forms of sanctioned life-styles as well as new religious practices were designed
from the eighth century BCE onwards.3 Brahmans employed ascetic techniques like
fasting, sexual abstinence and the enduring of heat in connection withor as as
internalized forms ofVedic sacrifices in order to gain power that they used for
pragmatic purposes. In due course, even people who did not permanently practice
an ascetic lifestyle were believed to participate in the power accumulated by Vedic
ascetics, if they visited hermitages or other sanctuaries on tours of pilgrimages.4
1.1. The second religious complex in the early history of South Asia of which we
know comprises the ramaa religions that originated in the region of Greater
Magadha at the time of the second urbanisation of South Asia around 500 BCE, of
which Jainism and Buddhism have survived to the present time. These ramaa
religions are based on world views that are markedly different from the world view
of the Vedic Brahmanism. A significant shared characteristic of the religions of
Greater Magadha is their common belief in karma and rebirth. South Asian karma
theories vary widely in their forms and contents as well as in the purposes for
which they were employed.5 In spite of this diversity, it is possible to state a lowest
common denominator of karma theories in the early ramaa religions, which
comprises the following views:
a) The conviction that the world is a cycle of rebirths, a beginningless stage for
successive births of beings on earth, in heavens or in hells.

For a more details of the Vedic theory of ritual agency see below, chapter 3.3.2., p. 15.

Bronkhorst (2011: 74-97) argues that the institution of the hermitage (rama) was invented as an

adaptation of the institution of shelters and monasteries of ascetics in the ramaa religion of
Greater Magadha. On Vedic asceticism see Bronkhorst 2007: 80-85.
4

See Shee 1986: 322-326, especially 325f.: On the whole, one might designate the connection

between srama and trtha ... as a kind of magical feedback-effect: tapas happens at an especially
suitable place, which becomes even more effective by means of the tapas that is practiced. My
translation; the German original reads as follows: Im ganzen knnte man den Zusammenhang
zwischen srama und trtha als eine Art magischen Rckkopplungseffekt bezeichnen: tapas
findet an einem hierfr besonders geeigneten Ort statt, der seinerseits wiederum durch das
praktizierte tapas noch wirksamer wird.
5

See Halbfass 1991: 294-297 and Halbfass 2000: 28.

b) The belief that the realm of rebirth and the quality of experiences during every
existence are determined by the quality of actions (karman)which involve the
free will of the acting individualin former lives as well as in the present
existence. Good actions cause well-being in this and in future lives, whereas bad
actions lead to pain and suffering.
c) The religious notion that within the cycle of rebirths suffering is inevitable.
Therefore it is desirable and possible, at least for some human beings, to stop (for
themselves) the process of further rebirths and to gain final liberation.
1.1.1. Soon after their foundation, the religious communities of Jains and the
Buddhists managed to secure patronage and economic support from royal courts
and influential town citizens.6 This support facilitated their spread over large parts
of South Asia and, in the case of Buddhism, far beyond. In consequence of this
patronage, ramaa religions became the dominant religions in South Asia for the
next almost seven hundred years.
1.1.2. The hegemony of ramaa religions in South Asia was first challenged in the
first century CE by foreign rulers in South Asia, some Scythian and Kua kings,
who allied themselves with the brahmanical priesthood of their kingdoms in North
India. It appears that the priesthood offered the new rulers two assets; first, a legitimation for their rule over a region that the followers of Vedic Brahmanism
claimed to be their own natural territory, and second, control over powerful rituals
that were designed to support and perpetuate the rule.
An important instrument in the hands of the Brahmins is their knowledge of
the Veda, a collection of texts that the vast majority of the population was not
even allowed to hear recited, much less study. It is their often secret
knowledge that gives them the power to work for the good of the kingdom, its
ruler and its population. It also allows them to do the contrary, and this is an
important reason to humour them (Bronkhorst 2011: 52).
The alliance of rulers with the brahmanical tradition was tightened in the fourth
century CE. At this time the Guptas founded the second pan-South Asian empire,
established a strong patronage for the Brahmanical religion, and promoted the
flourishing of what became to be the classical Sanskritic culture.
The Brahmanical religion that was supported by the Scythians, the Kuas and the
Gupta rulers was, however, not a simple continuation of the Vedic religion, but a
6

See, also for the following section, Lubin 2005. It appears that the Jains in particular were initially

supported by lay followers much more than by royal courts. See Dundas 2006: 391.

new form of Brahmanism that had developed over several hundred years in
constant contact and conflict with the ramaa religions of Jainism, Buddhism and
others. It is this religion that was much later called Hinduism. The development
from Vedic Brahmanism to Hinduism is quite well documented in inscriptional and
literary sources, of which the late Vedic literature, the Sanskrit epics, the Dharma
literature and a whole range of other normative and scientific literatures figure
prominently.
2. Among these sources, it is difficult to overestimate the importance of the Mahbhrata, the great Sanskrit epic consisting of ca. 75.000 stanzas in its critically
edited version that narrates the story of the struggle between two antagonistic
groups of cousinsthe Pavas and the Kauravasfor kingship over the realm of
Kuru. This work stands out not only for its comprehensiveness,7 but also because
the time span in which it was compiled and composed by anonymous authors (in an
oral form that was later put into writing) agrees roughly with the time during which
the historical developments sketched so far took place. The oldest strata of the
Mahbhrata may go back to the time of ca. 400 BC, which is approximately the
time in which the ramaa religions of Jainism and Buddhism were founded,8
whereas the final redaction of the great epic may have taken place at the time of the
Gupta dynasty around ca. 400 CE.9 It is therefore a priori probable that the
Mahbhrata reflects the intellectual rivalry between Vedic Brahmanism and the
ramaa religions to a considerable extent. Moreover, the work was developed and
expanded into its final form by means of a long and thorough revision and redaction
from a Brahmanical perspective.10 Therefore, the Mahbhrata contains a large
amount of propaganda for the efficiency of Brahmanical rituals that was designed
to create acceptance for these rituals among the audience of the Mahbhrata,

For a brief summary of the plot of the Mahbhrata see Brockington 1998: 28-34.

Traditionally Prvantha is believed to have lived 250 years before Mahvra Vardhamna, but

in actuality the chronological distance between the two teachers may have been much less than two
and a half centuries (Dundas 2002: 32 with reference to Dhaky 1997: 3-4, which, however, was not
available to me).
9

This is the time span for the development of the Mahbhrata that was first suggested by Hopkins

in 1901, which by and large agrees with the state of research presented in Brockington 1998: 130158. Hiltebeitel (2005) argues, however, that the Mahbhrata was composed in writing during a
few generations in the time span between 150 BCE and the year zero. Although I agree with
Hiltebeitel in that the Mahbhrata should be studied as a literary work that is the result of authorial
and redactorial intentions, I find the time span that Hiltebeitel proposes for the development of the
Mahbhrata too short in order to account for the developments in the history of South Asian
religions that the epic mirrors.
10

See Fitzgerald 2006.

which will have consisted in part of the warrior nobility with which the Brahmans
were eager to ally.
2.1. The literary material that is contained in the Mahbhrata is heterogeneous in
nature. Interlaced in the main plot we find, for example, parts of the epic that
belong to two different literary genres, namely to the so-called didactic parts and to
the narrative parts. The didactic parts, which are generally taken to belong to a quite
late textual stratum of the Mahbhrata, contain extensive monologues that are
intended to instruct the audience on religious, philosophical and other learned
topics, whereas the narrative parts consist of legends and other narratives that were
introduced in the main plot in order to entertain, to keep the arc of suspense, or for
other literary reasons. However, at least in the case of narratives dealing with
ascetics and asceticism, education, instruction or propaganda are additional
important motives for the introduction of narratives into the main plot.
Every narrative is silently committed to a certain intention, which is the
reason for its being told. ... [T]he narrative parts of the epic ... are ... in a
certain sense definitely didactic, because they serve in an open or hidden
fashion the purpose of instruction. In this way, every ascetic narrative
contains a punchline, a moral that it propagates (Shee 1986: x).11
In the following parts of the present paper, I shall analyse one of these ascetic
narratives, Jantus Tale (i.e. the Jantpkhyna of MBh 3.127f.), and argue that
the message of this narrative is to negotiate the efficiency of causalities that
determine post-mortem fates. In my view, Jantus Tale, like, for example, the story
of the Contrary Mongoose discussed by Hegarty (2012: 7-13), allows for the
staging of a religious debate by narrative means.12 Interpreted in this way, Jantus
Tale turns into a vital witness for the process of the integration of important aspects
of ramaa religions into Brahmanism, which eventually leads to the
transformation of Vedic Brahmanism into classical Hinduism.
3. Jantus Tale is one of nine narratives that occur in the third book of the
Mahbhrata, the rayakaparvan, or more precisely in the Trthaytraparvan the
tour of the sacred sites (3.80-153), which is our earliest textual evidence for the

11

Hinter jeder Geschichte steht unausgesprochen eine bestimmte Absicht, derentwegen sie

erzhlt wird. ... [D]ie erzhlenden Partien des Epos ... sind ... in einem gewissen Sinne durchaus
didaktisch, denn in offener oder versteckter Form dienen sie der Belehrung. ... Auf diese Weise
erhlt jede Asketen Geschichte eine eigene Pointe, eine Moral, die sie propagiert. My
translation.
12

Hegarty 2012: 9.

practice of pilgrimage.13 This section of the Mahbhrata narrates the events

during a journey to sacred sites that four of the Pava brothers undertook with
their common wife Draupad under the guidance and protection of the heavenly
seer Lomaa. The pilgrimage happened after the Pava brothers had failed to
assert their rule over the kingdom of Kuru and had to go into exile. Arjuna travelled
to heaven in order to secure a decisive advantage for the Pdavas in their future
fight against their enemies by obtaining heavenly weapons from his father Indra. In
the meantime, his four brothers and their wife visited sacred places all over the
South Asian sub-continent in order to ritually empower themselves.14 The
destination of their journey was mount veta, located in the Himlaya, where the
five Pava-brothers reunited.
During their travel, Lomaa narrated to Yudhihira the foundational myths that are
connected with the sacred places they visit. These myths serve different purposes.
Thomas Oberlies (1995: 121) emphasises the meaning of the narratives for the
development of the main plot. According to him, the stories that Lomaa narrates to
Yudhihira are meant to comfort the king in his unhappy situation of having lost
his kingdom by dealing with kings that had to cope with similarly miserable
situations as Yudhihira. An additional role of the myths within the main plot is to
explain the foundation of the respective sanctuaries by narrating the marvellous,
magic or heroic acts that extraordinary personalities executed in a remote antiquity.
Moreover, since the travel party participates in the religious merit and magical
power that the heroes of old had accumulated, the stories explain how and why the
pilgrimage leads to the empowerment of the four Pava brothers and their
common wife.
3.1. Towards the end of their journey, the Pavas reached the river Yamun.15 In
connection with great sacrifices that had taken palace at the banks of this river,
Lomaa mentioned the two kings Mndht and Somaka. He then told the
foundation myths of the sanctuary of the first of these kings. In this narrative
(Mahbhrata 3.126), king Yuvanva, after having accidently drunk a potion that
was meant to impregnate his wife, became pregnant himself and miraculously gave
birth to a son. This son, king Mndht, had a full command of Vedic knowledge,
conquered the whole world and literarily covered it with Brahmanical fire altars.
13

Brockington 1998: 30.

14

On pilgrimages in the Mahbhrata see Oberlies 1995 and Bigger 1999: 51-53. On the meaning of

the pilgrimage as a ritual empowerment of Yudhihira, see Oberlies 1995: 120. For the role and
meaning of pilgrimage in the Mahbhrata in relation to the public imagination in South Asian
societies see Hegarty 2012: 151-159.
15

MBh 3.125.23.

This narrative is intended to propagate the incredible supernatural power of

Brahmanical rituals and the benefit that kings may accrue from a close alliance with
Brahman priests.
3.1.1. Immediately afterwards, Jantus Tale follows. The narrative is part of the inventory of stories of the Trthaytraparvan from an early stage of the written transmission of the Mahbhrata onwards, possibly as early as the first century BCE.
The comparatively early time of the composition of Jantus Tale can be established
from the fact that the narrative is transmitted in all the manuscripts that were used
for the critical edition of this part of the Mahbhrata with only minor textual
differences. Moreover, Jantus Tale is listed in the two divergent tables of contents
that are part of the first book of the Mahbhrata and appear in MBh 1.2.1111.2.122 and 1.2.128*, respectively.16 The appearance of Jantus Tale in the older of
these list shows that the narrative belongs to an early stock of pilgrimage narratives
in the Mahbhrata. That the narrative in its transmitted version is a story all of a
piece and not the result of redactorial expansions can be concluded from the
analysis of the narrative that will be presented below. The story consists of four
clearly distinguishable parts that are closely related to each other and each of which
is indispensable for communicating the message of the narrative. Before going into
details of interpretation, however, I would like to summarize this narrative, which is
unexpectedly satirical in its initial episode.
3.1.2. The virtuous (dharmika) king Somaka was married to one-hundred appropriate (sad) wives.17 Although he tried hard to beget sons, he only managed to
father a single one after a long time when he was already far advanced in age. His
16

With regard to the inventory and sequence of stories of the Trthaytraparvan, the table of

contents that is presented as the main text in the critical edition of the Mahbhrata in MBh 1.2.1111.2.122 differs to some extent from the list presented in the critical apparatus of this edition as MBh
1.2.128*. The list in MBh 1.2.128* agrees, however, with the actual sequence of narratives of the
Trthaytraparvan. Apparently, the table of contents in the critically edited text represents and earlier
redactorial stage of the textual development of the Mahbhrata than the sequence of stories in the
third book of the MBh according to critically edited version. The difference between the tables of
contents in the critically edited version from the actual sequence of narratives in the Trthaytraparvan (and from the table of contents in in MBh 1.2.128*) concerns the stories of Mndht
(MBh 3.16.1-126.43) and Yavakrta (MBh 3.135.1-3.139.24), which were added into the
Mahbhrata as stories number five and nine, whereas the story of ibi (3.131.1-3.131.32) appears
to have been transposed from the second to the seventh position of the stories.
17

It may be possible that the author of the Jantpkhyna used Somaka as the name of the

protagonist of this narrative in order to evoke the prestigious memory of Somaka Shadevya, who is
mentioned as a prince in g Veda 4.15.9 and in Aitareya Brhmaa 7.34. Moreover, Somaka as a
king is mentioned at different places in the Mahbhrata. He appears as a ruler of the Pacla
country who performed impressive sacrifices. See Srensen 1904-1924: 646af.

wives pampered the child, whose name was Jantu (which means living being,
person) and permanently turned their back to the pleasures of love.18 One day,
an ant stung Jantu on his buttock so that the boy started to cry. In despair, his one
hundred mothers joined in. Their terrible clamour disturbed king Somaka in performing his governmental business so that he had to leave the council. Somaka
entered the womens quarters and comforted his son himself.19 Back at work,
Somaka complained to his court chaplain about the miserable situation of being the
father of a single weak boy. Could there not be a remedy that would gain him one
hundred sons? The priest suggested sacrificing Jantu in a ritual that he offered to
carry out himself. He would kill Jantu and burn his fat on a sacrificial fire. Then the
smell of his burning omentum should impregnate the kings wives who would then
give birth to one hundred glorious (rmant)20 and very manly (sumahvra)21 sons.
Moreover, Jantu would be born again with a golden mark at his left side. The king
agreed to this suggestion. Against the resistance of the mothers, the priest killed and
butchered Jantu according to prescriptions (vidhi), burned his omentum in the
sacrificial fire so that the mothers inhaled the smoke, became pregnant, and gave
birth to one hundred sons. Jantu was born first and from his previous motheras
predictedwith a golden mark on his left side. Since he possessed all virtues, he
became even dearer to his ninety-nine stepmothers than their own sons. After a
short time, the sacrificial priest passed away, and soon afterwards king Somaka
died too. On arriving in the afterworld, Somaka saw his priest suffering in a terrible
hell. The perplexed king stood up for his former priest and complained. The god
Dharma (or Yama),22 the judge of the dead, informed him that the torment of the
priest resulted from the priests killing of Jantu in the sacrifice. Somaka disagreed
with this verdict. He demanded the release of his priest and punishment in hell for
himself instead. Dharma (or Yama), however, refused. Because the king had lived a
virtuous life, the god appointed to him a stay in heaven as his well deserved postmortem fate.23 Somaka, however, insisted on experiencing the same destiny as his
priest. Dharma (or Yama) finally offered to judge the cases in such a way that king
and priest had to share the same post-mortem fate. Initially they were to stay in hell
18

mtara ... satata phata ktv kmabhogn ... MBh 3.127.5.

19

The author of the story indicates that this situation is completely inappropriate for a king by

designating the king who comforts his son and his wives as the tamer of his enemies (aridama)
in MBh 127.10d.
20

MBh 3.127.19c.

21

MBh 3.127.20c.

22

The southern recension of the Mahbhrata has Yama as the name of the god. On Yama in

different periods of South Asian religious history see Shnen-Thieme 2009.

23

My translation of the Sanskrit term gati with post-mortem fate is adopted from Wezler (1979:

53, n. 25), who translates gati into German as Nachtodschicksal.

and then they were allowed to partake of heaven. Somaka agreed, and after having
served their sentence in hell, the priest and king rose jointly to a heaven.
This is the end of the foundation myth of Somakas hermitage, and the narrative
returns to the frame plot. The Pavas had reached the vicinity of Somakas
hermitage (rama), and Lomaa explained that a man who stayed there patiently
for six nights would gain a good post-mortem fate. Jantus Tale ends with Lomaa
suggesting to the Pavas that they stay for exactly this time in Somakas
hermitage.
3.2. With the exception of the first stanza of Jantus Tale, which contains Yudhihiras question concerning Somakas hermitage and as such provides the occasion
for the narrative to be told, the whole story is designed as a monologue delivered by
Lomaa, in which two levels of narration can be discerned. On the first level,
Lomaa, the omniscient narrator, reports the events that constitute the narrative. It
appears that Lomaas expositions correspond strictly with the voice of the author
of the narrative. The second level of narration consists of dialogues of the
characters of the narration, which sustain the plot. Here, the statements of the
characters may deviate from the voice of the author or even contradict it, whenever
this may support the development of the story line.
The narrative structure of Jantus Tale results from this vertical composition in two
different levels and the horizontal arrangement of the narrative into four parts that
follow in sequence one after the other. In the first part, the opening of the frame
story, Yudhihira enquires about king Somaka and thereby provides the opportunity for Lomaa to narrate the main plot. The second part, which may be designated as the Episode in This World, deals with the problems that king Somaka
has with his wives and with his son. These are solved by means of the successful
performance of the sacrifice. The third part, the Post-mortem Episode, deals with
the events that take place after the death of Somaka and his priest. It narrates the
retribution in hell for the human sacrifice and the intervention of Somaka on behalf
of his priest with the god Dharma (or Yama), which leads to the voluntary stay of
Somaka in hell. Finally king and priest ascend jointly to heaven. The fourth and
final episode of Jantus Tale is the continuation of the frame story. The Pavas
reach Somakas hermitage, which provides the occasion for Lomaa to mention the
merits of a stay at this sacred place as well as to hint at the religious practices that
the Pavas will perform.
3.3. The first part of the frame story consists of a single question, which Yudhihira
asks to Lomaa in order to receive information about king Somaka. It appears that
Yudhihira, as in the case of other narratives that Lomaa tells on Yudhihiras
9

request, already has a certain expectation of the content of the myth that he wants to
be told.24
Which vigour (vrya) did king Somaka, the best of donors, possess? I want to
hear the truth about his actions (karman) and about his power (prabhva).
kathavrya sa rjbht somako dadat vara25 / karmy asya prabhva
ca rotum icchmi tattvata // (MBh 3.127.1).
In this stanza, Yudhihira enquires about the vigour and the power of the king, as
well as about his actions. Manliness and power are very fitting attributes for a king.
However, in the present context of a pilgrimage to sacred places, these terms may
also be interpreted as pointing to religious practices. On the one hand, vigour
(vrya) and power (prabhva) evoke the association of ascetic practices (tapas),
because these words refer to the aim of ascetic practice par excellence in the
Mahbhrata.26 The word action (karma), on the other hand, may either refer to a
certain version of the law of karmic retribution, or to a ritual action (karman) in the
context of a Vedic sacrifice. As we shall see below, all these conceptions provide
the key for understanding the message of Jantus Tale, i.e., establishing a hierarchy
of competing causalities that determine post-mortem fates. However, initially, i.e.
in the first part of the Episode in This World, the expectation of the audience that
the key terms mentioned in the introductory stanza will figure prominently remains
unfulfilled.
3.3.1. At the beginning of this episode, king Somaka is portrayed neither as a mighty
king nor as an ascetic, nor as performing extraordinary (ritual) acts. He is rather a
troubled man. We learn that although Somaka is married to one hundred wives, he
cannot manage to father a single son for a long time. In this way, a central aim in
the life of a Vedic householder remains unfulfilled. When his son Jantu is finally
born, the situation remains tense. His wives turn their back on the pleasures of love
24

See, for example MBh 3.94.2f., where Yudhihira, in requesting Lomaa to narrate the story of

Agastya, reveals that he already knows that Agastya kills of a demon, Vtapi by name, who
possessed extraordinary power.
25

Instead of the epithet dadat vara best of givers, which is transmitted by a number of

northern mansucripts as well as in the Southern Recension of the MBh, the critically edited text
reads vadat vara o best of narrators, which refers as a byname to Lomaa. The former reading,
which is used also in MBh 3.128.13, is a) the more difficult reading, and b) preferable for stemmatic
reasons.
26

See Hacker 1978: 343: Out of this fervour the human being processes a power that exceeds the

normal, which may be designated with the word prabhva. My translation; the German original
reads as follows: Aus dieser Glut [tejas] heraus hat der Mensch dann eine ... ber das Normale
hinausgehende Macht, welche mit dem Wort prabhva bezeichnet werden kann. See also Shee
1986: 211, 218f. and 222.

10

and, moreover, fail to educate their son in manliness, apparently by caring for him
too much.27 The situation escalates when the king has to leave the royal assembly,
i.e. he has to neglect his duties as a king, in order to comfort his crying son and
wives. This situation leads the king to wish for a hundred sons.
The king justifies his wish by means of his worry about his own future and that of
his wives, which depend on the permanently threatened life of his son.28 However,
since an ant sting in the buttocks of the boy is hardly an appropriate cause for
Somakas reflections on the vulnerability of human life in general, it is much more
the kings acute stress that provides the backdrop for his request.
In the further course of the Episode in This World, a ritual action (karman), i.e.
the second religious conception to which Yudhihira alludes in his introductory
stanza, figures more prominently. However, in contradistinction to the expectations
of the audience, namely to learn something about an exemplary ritual that might
justify the foundation of a sanctuary, the episode describes an ethically objectionable rite. When the king asks his priest for a way to obtain a hundred sons, Somaka
explicitly mentions the possibility of performing an act that is difficult to perform
(dukara),29 and in the course of the following dialogue with his priest, he even is
willing to accept a misdeed (akrya).30
An additional indication that the sacrifice of Jantu is ethically objectionable can be
found in Lomaas description of the preparation for the sacrifice. There we read
that the priest pulls Jantu by his left hand towards himself, whereas the crying

27

That Jantu is of feeble character is indicated in the description of the ant bit, which makes him cry

so heavily that his mothers join in (MBh 3.127.6). In a warrior milieu, which may be the intended
audience of this narrative, an ant bite will not have been considered a justification for a hysterical
reaction. This appears also to have been the impression of the unknown redactor of the
Jantpkhyana in the Skanda Pura, who changed the motive of an ant bite into that of a scorpion
bite, and, accordingly, into a much severer injury. On the Jantpkhyana in the Skanda Pura, see
Bedkar 1968.
28

In this world, it is a misery to have only a single son. It would be better to have no son at all.

Since all beings are permanently ill, having a single son is a permanent worry. The youth, o best of
twiceborn, is completely gone for me and my wives. Their lives and mine exclusively depend on this
single sonny (putraka). dhig astv ihaikaputratvam aputratava vara bhavet / nityturatvd
bhtn oka evaikaputrat vaya ca samatta me sabhryasya dvijottama / s pr
samyatt mama ctraikaputrake / (MBh 3.127.12.15b).
29

... may it be a great or a small, or may it even be a difficult act/ritual. mahat laghun vpi

karma dukarea v // (MBh 3.127.16cd).

30

Whether the task by which I will obtain a hundred sons is good or bad, take it to be already

executed. Reverend, please relate it to me. krya v yadi vkrya yena putraata bhavet /
ktam eva hi tad viddhi bhagavn prabravtu me // (MBh 3.127.18).

11

mothers, who are trying to prevent the sacrifice, drag at his right hand. In this
description, the right hand of the son apparently symbolises the right way of
conduct, whereas the left hand, which is under control of the priest, represents the
wrong way.
The ritual itself is not described in any detail. We only learn that the sacrificial
priest cut him (i.e., Jantu) as prescribed and offered his fat.31 This brief statement,
which alludes to a sacrificial prescription (vidhi) for the cutting of the body of the
victim as well as to the fator more specifically, to the greater omentum as the part
of the sacrificial victim that is actually burned in the sacrificial fireallows for the
conclusion that the author of this passage wanted his audience to conceive the
human sacrifice as being in accordance with the prescriptions of the Vedic ritual
literature,32 which contains, indeed, a number of references to human sacrifice.33
The text passage that is presumably most frequently studied in connection with
human sacrifices in Vedic literature is the legend of unaepa, the oldest version
of which occurs in the Aitareya Brhmaa (33.2-6).34 In this narrative, king
Haricandra, who has a hundred wives but no son, obtains a male child as a favour
from the god Varua on condition that he will later sacrifice him to the god.
However, Haricandras son Rohita escapes. The god therefore afflicts the king
with a disease. When Rohita learns about this while he is in exile, he decides to
relieve is father and buys unaepa, the son of a poor Brahmin, as a substitute for
himself. Varua accepts the substitute, and the sacrifice of unaepa is prepared.
However, before the rite is actually executed, unaepa praises various Vedic
gods, and in consequence of this is rescued and Rohitas father is nevertheless
cured.
This narrative shows that the execution of a human sacrifice was conceivable in the
middle Vedic time, i.e. at ca. 800 BCE. However, it is less clear whether human
sacrifices at this time were in reality performed in Vedic Brahmanism or whether
human sacrifices were regarded as theoretical extrapolations of the theory of animal
sacrifices.35 In the present context, however, this question is not of much concern.
31

viasya caina vidhin vapm asya juhva sa // (MBh 3.128.4cd).

32

This is also the interpretation of Nlakaha, the 17th century commentator of the MBh, who

glosses the word jantun with paubhtena. For the prescriptions that govern the carving of the
sacrificial animal see Malamoud 1996:170, which is based on Schwab 1886: 134-148.
33

See Weber 1864.

34

For a comprehensive survey of secondary literature on the unaepa legend, see Parpola 2007:

165, note 26.

35

According to Parpola (2007: 161) Vedic texts do indeed attest [that] real human sacrifices

[were] performed within the memory preserved by the authors, and that by the time of the Brhmaa

12

Here it is much more important to notice that even for the author of the oldest
version of the unaepa legend a human sacrifice was ethically objectionable. This
may not only be concluded from the fact that the Vedic gods release unaepas
bonds in order to spare him from being sacrificed, but also from the end of the
narrative, in which unaepas father Ajgarta Sauyavasi, who had first sold his
son for a hundred cows and then agreed to perform the binding and the slaughter of
unaepa for a payment of additional two hundred, regrets his ethically bad (ppa)
action.36
The unaepa legend shares with Jantus Tale not only the motive of a human
sacrifice, which is depicted as ethically objectionable in both narratives, but also the
motive of a king who remains childless for a long time, although he is married to
one hundred wives. It is therefore conceivable that the Episode in This World of
Jantus Tale was actually designed to allude to the unaepa legend in a satirical
manner.
In any case, the Episode in This World does not fulfil the expectations that the
introductory stanza has raised. The episode deals neither with exemplary actions
nor with the ascetic powers of king Somaka. On the contrary, king Somaka is
depicted as a Vedic householder, whose principal aims in life remain largely
unfulfilled. He has no son for a long time, and when he finally gets one, his hundred
wives deny him sexual pleasures. Moreover, their excessive care for the single child
in the end even keeps him from performing his duties as a king. In order to change
this situation for the better, he takes recourse to an ethically bad ritual action.
Therefore, the events narrated in this episode do not justify the foundation of a
sanctuary in honour of Somaka. Accordingly, if the narrative has a moral, it has to
be found in the Post-mortem Episode.
3.3.2. The Post-mortem Episode of Jantus Tale is located at an unnamed place in
the next world. Somaka is able to perceive from this location his priest suffering in
a hell and he can talk to him as well to the god Dharma (or Yama), the judge of the
dead in the next world. Although the information provided by the narrative is not
very comprehensive, one may suspect that the dialogue of Somaka and Dharma (or
Yama) takes place in the court (sabh) of Yama, which MBh 2.8.1 describes in

texts, the actual practice of bloody offerings had already begun to diminish. For a brief survey of
secondary literature on human sacrifice in pre-modern South Asia see also Wujastyk 2009: 193.
36

Verily, Ajgarta Sauyavasi said: My son, this very evil act that I have committed causes me

pain. sa hovcjgarta sauyavasi: tad vai m tta tapati ppa karma may ktam / (Aitareya
Brhmaa 33.5 (853.26)).

13

more detail.37 There the god executes, in analogy to the worldly jurisdiction in
which the law is administered by kings,38 the cognizance over the dead. It is this
function of a king to which his epithet dharmarja refers.39
When Somaka enters the entrance area to the next world, he realizes that his priest
is being roasted on fire in a terrible hell.40 Asked by the king why he has to suffer in
hell, the priest replies:
O king, you sacrificed through me.41 This is the result of that action (or
ritual). tva may yjito rjas tasyeda karmaa phala // (MBh
3.128.11cd).
The text does not elaborate on the specific grounds for the verdict of the priest. It
only states that the priest has to suffer in hell, because he served the king as a
sacrificial priest, apparently in the sacrifice of Jantu. But why did Dharma consider
this an evil act? In principle, two possible answers that are not mutually exclusive
may be considered. The priest may have violated the general prohibition of killing a
human being,42 or he may have become guilty of performing a prohibited ritual, i.e.
an act of black magic.43
For king Somaka, however, the question concerning the nature of the crime of his
priest is irrelevant. He demands immediately that his highly distinguished or very
virtuous (mahbhga) priest should be released and claims that he himself deserves
to stay in hell. The king justifies his claim with the argument that his priest is
rotting in hell on his account, or for him (matkte).44

37

In MBh 2.8.8 Somaka is listed at the fifth position within a list of 108 royal seers who attend upon

the god Yama.

38

The epithet dharmarja that Somaka (MBh 3.128.15a) as well as Lomaa (MBh 3.128.12b) use to

refer to the god, points to this function of a king.

39

Somaka as well as Lomaa use this epithet in MBh 3.128.15a and MBh 3.128.12b, respectively.

40

atha ta narake ghore pacyamna dadara sa / (MBh 3.128.10 ab).

41

The causative of the Sanskrit-root yaj means to assist anyone of a priest at a sacrifice from the

middle Vedic times onwards. See PW, vol. 6, p. 9a, s.v. yaj.
42

That killing of living beings leads to a punishment in hell is, for example, stated in the following

passage: Killing is a very evil act that was authoritatively declared to lead to hell, this is certain.
ppa eva vadha prokto narakyeti nicaya (MBh 12.286.7 cd).
43

The MDh prohibits sorcery (abhicra) and root witchcraft (mlakarman) in 11.64 (tr. Olivelle

2005: 218, see also Olivelles note on the unclear meaning of the designation root witchcraft on p.
340).
44

I want to enter this hell. Release my sacrificial priest! Because this highly virtuous man is roasted

on hell fire on my account. aham atra pravekmi mucyat mama yjaka / matkte hi
mahbhga pacyate narakgnin // (MBh 3.128.12 c-f.).

14

Even if this vague formulation does not allow for a conclusion of how exactly the
king views his own involvement in the case, it becomes clear that Somaka does not
want to take the sentence of his priest out of pity or sympathy. He demands to be
punished instead of his priest, because he thinks that the god Dharma (or Yama)
made a mistake when he condemned the priest. In the view of the king, the verdict
against his priest is simply wrong. But why does he think so? Why does Somaka
think that he is liable to the retribution of the sacrifice, whereas his priest is
innocent?
One could try to answer these questions by arguing that Somaka regards himself,
and not the priest, as guilty, because he had ordered the sacrifice. This line of
argument appears, however, not to appear be the one that the anonymous author of
this narrative mainly had in mind. I would rather suggest that Somaka disapproves
of the gods verdict against the priest because he presupposes a certain efficiency of
sacrificial rituals in the next world. Before going into detail, I would like to briefly
recall the fundamental concept of agency on which Vedic rauta rituals, i.e. rituals
which involve the agency of sacrificial priests, are based. Hillebrandt describes this
conception as follows:
The result of a sacrifice, its phala, accrues to the sacrificer. However, the
voluntary or involuntary mistakes of the priests are also imposed on him
(Hillebrandt 1897: 98).45
Hillebrandt does not state whether he takes voluntary or involuntary mistakes to
imply technical or ethical shortcomings, and it remains equally open from the cited
passage whether the result of the sacrifice refers to the destiny of the sacrificer in
this world or in the next. However, the question concerning the execution of a ritual
in this world and its efficiency in the next was already discussed in the earliest
literature of Mms, namely in Mmsstras 3.7.18-20. The conception that
the execution of certain rituals yields the sacrificer a post-mortem fate in heaven is
accepted as the common opinion.46 Different views are, however, discussed with
regard to the question of which actions the sacrificer has to perform himself in
order to obtain the desired result. The conclusion of this passage states that the
sacrificer is not required to (or even may not) perform any other action than to

45

Die Frucht des Opfers, sein phala kommt dem Opferherrn zugute, aber die absichtlichen und

unabsichtlichen Fehler der Priester, , fallen ihm ebenfalls zur Last. My translation.
46

In his commentary on this passage, abara (MS 563.1f.) lists the morning and evening libation

(agnihotra), the new- and full-moon sacrifice (darapramsa) and the jyotioma, which belongs
to the Soma rituals.

15

secure for himself the service of his priests (utsarga).47 In his commentary on
Mmsstra 3.7.20, abara expresses this quite in the following words:
[The sacrificer], by means of securing the service of the priests himself,
makes the whole sacrifice being performed by himself. utsarga tu svaya
kurvat sarvam svaya ktam bhavati (abarabhya 396.23 ad MS 3.7.20).
Although the technical term utsarga is not used in Jantus Tale, it is nevertheless
clear that the conception of securing the service of a priest plays a role in the
narrative. In order to produce a result for himself, Somaka instructs his priest to
perform the ritual. For him, as a Vedic householder, it is clear that he, the sacrificer,
has to experience the results of the ritual. Therefore, Somakas protest against the
verdict of god Dharma and his willingness to take the place of his priest in hell do
not result from pity for the priest. They are based on Somakas conviction that
Dharma (or Yama) misjudged the case. This conviction is in turn based on Somakas conception of human agency in rituals that is identical with the Vedic theory of
agency in rituals. Good sacrificial rituals lead the sacrificer, not the priest, to a
place in heaven, whereas bad rituals are punished in hell. Somaka demands the
release of his priest, because he holds this this conception of agency.
The god, however, judges the sacrifice on the basis of completely different
premises. According to his view, it is not the ethical value of sacrificial acts, but the
ethical value of acts in general that decides the post-mortem fate of humans.
According to his view, a sacrifice, irrespective of its result in this world, is irrelevant for the fate of men after death. Dharma expresses his karma theory when he
justifies his verdict against the priest and denies Somaka a place in hell.
O king, nobody other than the performer of an action ever experiences its
result. Most generous one, the results that you will see are yours. nnya
kartu phala rjann upabhukte kadcana / imni tava dyante phalni
dadat vara // (MBh 3.128.13ab).

47

[First position:] The result of rituals known from Sacred Knowledge (stra) affects the person

who performs the ritual, because this is indicated by this Sacred Knowledge. Therefore he himself
has to [act] during the performance. [Second position:] Because the main thing is done by securing
the service of the priests, he is the one who performs besides the main thing [also] the remainder.
Therefore it should be he or another one [who acts during the performance]. [Conclusion:] It has to
be another one [who acts during the performance], because securing the service of the priests is
prescribed and because it would lead to a contradiction if he (i.e., the sacrifice) would apply this
[prescription] to himself. straphala prayoktari tallakaatvt tasmt svaya prayoge syt MS
3.7.18 (395.19). utsarge tu pradhnatvt eakr pradhnasya tasmt anya svaya v syt MS
3.7.19 (396.9f.). anyo v syt parikraymnnd vipratiedht pratyagtmani MS 3.7.20 (396.15f.).

16

In the passage cited above, the god Dharma reveals that he regards Somaka as free
of any karmic relevant responsibility for the killing of Jantu. According to him, it is
the priest who deserves punishment, because heand not the kingcommitted the
crime of killing and burning Jantu in the ritual. The divine verdict is not the result
of an arbitrary judgement of the god Dharma, but a reflection of the principle of
reciprocity of act and punishment, which is also what determines the post-mortem
fate of humans in Jaminya Brhmaa 1.42-44.48 The divine verdict it based,
however, on a rather straightforward conception of karmic agency that only takes
the concrete execution of an action as juridically valid.
This conception of karmic agency has parallels in Sanskrit literature that are
historically not too far removed from the time of the composition of Jantus Tale.
The Puras and the dharma literature contain comprehensive lists in which misdeeds are allotted in a schematic fashion to undesirable post-mortem fates.49 In the
contexts of these allocations, the concept of human agency refers exclusively to the
concrete execution of actions. Similar to this, but historically earlier, is the early
Jain conception of human agency, which also takes exclusively the concrete
execution of an action, and not the intentions of the agent, as decisive for the karmic
value of action.50 It therefore appears that a conception of agency that is similar to
that of the god Dharma in the passage under consideration may indeed have been
the basis of an early and simple karma theory in South Asia.
On the backdrop of the obvious analogy between such a karma theory and the
worldly jurisdiction, it is even conceivable that the author of Jantus Tale may have
composed this myth as an implicit protest against a too simple karma theory as well
as a protest against an overly-narrow definition of juridical responsibility.
Irrespective of the question as to which authorial intentions exactly may have lead
to the composition of Jantus Tale, we may notice a clash in the disputation of
Somaka and Dharma between two contradictory views concerning the post mortem

48

See Halbfass 2000: 46.

49

The Pretakalpa of the Garua-Purna schematically allots undesirable re-births on earth to evil-

doers. See Abegg 1921: 82ff. (cited in Halbfass 2000: 219f.). The same work refers, however, also
to the conception that the fruits of evil action ripen in hells. See PK 3.64 as translated in Abegg
1921: 72. These two different conceptions of karmic retribution are integrated into a single comprehensive concept in MDh 12.54-82, which states that grievous sins (mahptaka) cause a rebirth on
earth after a sentence in hell had to be served.
50

See Johnson 1995: 20-22.

17

fate of humans.51 Somaka holds the opinion that good or bad sacrificial actions
decide the fate of humans in the next world. This view cooresponds to that of Vedic
Brahmanism. In contradistinction to this, Dharma or Yama maintains a karma
theory, according to which the ethical value of actions in general decides fate of
humans after death. As mentioned above (n. 49), this teaching, a kind of retribution
automatism, is similar to the karma theories of early Jainism and of the
Brahmanical puric and juridical literature.
In the course of the disputation, Somaka modifies his initial position and suggests a
different solution of the problem.
Somaka said: I do not desire the worlds of merit without my Veda-teacher.
Only together with him, o King Dharma, I want to live in the world of gods or
in hell, because I am the same as he is with regard to this (ritual) action.
Whether its result is good or bad, it has to be the same for both of us.
somaka uvca: puyn na kmaye lokn te ha brahmavdinam / icchmy
aham anenaiva saha vastu surlaye // 14 // narake v dharmarja karmasya samo hy aham / puypuyaphala deva samam astv avayor idam //
15 // (MBh 3.128.14-15).
Somakas argument differs on the one hand from his initial view, according to
which sacrificial acts decide the post-mortem fate of the sacrificer. In view of the
factual validity of a karma theory as the basis of divine jurisdiction, the Vedic
ritualistic concept of human agency turned out to be unfounded. Somaka has to
realize that it is the law of karma that determines the fate after death. On the other
hand, Somakas modified position on what would be a just verdict differs also
markedly from the divine concept of action that was voiced by Dharma, according
to which the exclusive karmic responsibility falls on the executor of an action. With
regard to its wording as well as with regard to its content, Somakas argument is
similar to a juridical principle that is formulated in the pastamba Dharmastra:
1. The instigator, the one who agrees, and the actor partake of actions that
have as their fruit a post-mortem fate in heaven or in hell. 2. To the share of
him, who is mostly involved, the fruit falls in a distinctive way. prayojit
mant karteti svarganarakaphaleu karmasu bhgina || 1 || yo bhya rabhate
tasmin phalaviea || 2 || (pastamba Dharmastra 2.11.29.1-2).

51

On similarly conflicting views in Indian philosophy, see Halbfass 1991: 291-345 (with a special

emphasis on Mms). Houben 1999 deals comprehensively with the ethical problem of ritual
killing in South Asian pre-modern intellectual history.

18

This passage from the pastamba Dharmastra and Somakas argument with
Dharma include the concepts of complicity and shared responsibilities between
several individuals. In the context of Jantus Tale, this elaborate version of the law
of karmic retribution is presented as a synthesis of the Vedic ritualistic conception
of agency and the conception of agency that provides the basis of a simple karma
theory.
In order to establish this improved conception of human agency, Somaka is willing
to give up his own well-being in heaven and to stay together with his priest in hell.
This makes Dharma finally change his mind. He replies as follows:
King, if you wish it to be this way, experience the fruit together with him and
for the same time. Thereafter, you will gain a good post-mortem fate together
with him. yady evam psita rjan bhukvsya sahita phalam / tulyakla
sahnena pact prpyasi sadgatim // (MBh 3.128.16).
The god offers Somaka the opportunity of changing the law of karma for his priest,
if the king is willing to suffer jointly with his priest in hell. Somaka accepts this
offer, and in the end, king and priest jointly reach a heaven.
And again, he who loved his teacher, gained together with his Brahmin
teacher his own beautiful worlds, which he had conquered by his action.
puna ca lebhe lokn svn karma nirjit ubhn / saha tenaive viprea
guru gurupriya // (MBh 3.128.17 c-e).
It is only in this final stanza of the episode in the next world that the initial
expectations, which Yudhihiras question in the introductory stanza had raised,
are actually fulfilled. Here, the audience is informed about an extraordinary act
(karman) of king Somaka, namely his voluntary stay in hell. Moreover, this
exemplary act provides him with the ascetic power not only to change the post
mortem fate of his priest, but to improve (i.e. to render more just) the law of karmic
retribution by introducing the conception of complicity.52
If one is willing to accept this interpretation of Jantus Tale, it is possible to
understand the message of this myth as an attempt to establish a hierarchy of
competing causalities for post-mortem fates. Sacrifice, according to this outline, is a
powerful tool to manipulate the fate of the sacrificer in this world. It is, however,
52

Strictly speaking the narrative does not allow to answer the question of whether Somaka achieves

a general modification of karmic retribution, or whether Dharma approves of an exception. I would,

however, prefer an interpretation along the lines of the first mentioned alternative, because
Somakas improvement of karmic retribution would constitute the more impressive achievement.

19

ineffective in the next world. After death, it is the law of karma that determines the
fate of beings. There is, however, a means to overcome, or at least to modify, the
law of karmic retribution, namely ascetic practices, i.e. the voluntarily enduring of
pain.53
3.3.3. The possibility of influencing the post-mortem fate by means of asceticism
also plays an important role in the continuation of the frame story, in which the
Pavas reach Somakas rama. Lomaa introduces this place as follows.
In front of us appears Somakas meritorious hermitage. A man, who stays
there for six nights patiently, gains a good post-mortem fate. We shall stay
there for six nights free from fever and restrained. O Kurdvaha, be prepared! ea tasyrama puyo ya eo gre virjate / kta uytra artra
prpnoti sugati nara // etasminn api rjendra vatsymo vigatajvar /
artra niyattmana sajjbhva kurdvaha // (MBh 3.128.18-19b).
Although this passage does not contain much detailed information about how the
Pavas are going to spend their time in Somakas hermitage (rama), it is still
comprehensive enough to allow for some conclusions. First, the very fact that the
word rama occurs, implies that that the Pavas reach a place where ascetics
live and where asceticism (tapas) is practiced.54 Moreover, the Pavas will
probably perform ascetic practices themselves. This can be concluded from
Lomaas call on Yudhihira to be prepared (sajjbhava), which may imply a dk,
i.e. a bodily, mental and spiritual preparation for the future practice of
asceticism.55 Also the six-night duration56 of the the stay as well as the attributes
restrained (niyattman) and patient (knta) point to religious observances57
and states of mind58 that are constitutive of the practice of asceticism. Finally, the
result of the stay in Somakas hermitage is largely identical with the result of
Somakas voluntary stay in hell. It is designed to procure the Pavas a favourable
post-mortem fate in exactly the same way as Somaka had conquered for himself
and the priest the heavenly worlds.

53

The element of voluntariness, of consciously enduring physically and mentally incriminatory

situations, is constitutive for ascetic practices in general. My translation; the original German reads:
Das Element der Freiwilligkeit, des bewuten Erduldens von krperlich und psychisch belastenden
Situationen, ist konstitutiv fr die Wirksamkeit der Askesebung; (Shee 1986: 191).
54

See Shee: 1986: 305f.

55

Shee: 1986: 335f., translated from the German original.

56

Six nights is also the duration of an ascetic practice in MBh 3.146.1.

57

See Shee 1986: 341.

58

See Wezler 1979: 56.

20

4. If one is willing to view Somakas voluntary stay in hell as the archetype of the
stay of ascetics in Somakas rama, it is possible to infer the way in which an early
audience of Jantus Tale may have imagined the method and the aim of asceticism
that was practiced in the hermitage. It appears that ascetics in Somakas rama
were viewed as exposing themselves voluntarily to heat much in the same way as
Somaka endured voluntarily the pain of hellfire.59 Also, the aim of Somakas
asceticism may have been taken to be largely identical with that of ascetics in the
kings hermitage. Just as Somaka had gained the power to change the Dharmas
verdict of the priest that was based on the law of karma, so ascetics in Somakas
hermitage were believed to obtain the power to change their own karma. Their
ascetic practice was meant to provide a secure way to heaven, irrespective of the
karmic value of their former or future acts. According to this view, asceticismand
this may be taken as the message of Jantus Taleis the most powerful causal
factor with regard to the post-mortem fate of humans. It even exceeds the power of
the law of karmic retribution, which for all beings, except ascetics, determines their
fate after death. In contradistinction to this, ritual actions, i.e. Vedic sacrifices,
which are believed to be omnipotent in this world, are of no avail for the destiny of
humans in the next world.
4.1. This hierarchy of competing causalities of the post-mortem fate of humans
reflects developments in the intellectual and religious history of South Asia that
were presumably caused in the centuries around the beginning of the common era
by the conflict between the world view of Vedic Brahmanism and ramaa
religions as presented above. As is well-known, the belief in the efficiency of Vedic
rituals to secure for the sacrificer a permanently blissful post-mortem fate began to
be challenged in the late Vedic period even within Brahmanical circles. This
critique of the efficacy of Vedic sacrificial rituals received its most pointed
formulation perhaps in the late Vedic Muaka Upaniad, for which I would
suggest a dating around the first century CE.60 In stanza 1.2.10, which in its
59

Pain is an essential constituent of the ascetic struggle; in this regard, pain resulting from heating

and drying occupies also in epic texts the foreground. My translation. The German original reads as
follows: Der Schmerz ist wesentlicher Bestandteil des asketischen Sich-Abmhen; dabei steht der
aus Erhitzung und Ausdrrung resultierende Schmerz auch in epischen Texten im Vordergrund
(Shee 1986: 194).
60

Cohen (2008) devotes her monograph study to solving the problem of the relative chronology of

the so-called older Upaniads. As far as I can see, she refrains, however, from judging the absolute
dates of the works. Salomon draws attention to the fact that the language of the MU differs
considerably from the normal standards of late Vedic / early classical Sanskrit (Salomon 1981:
100), whereas the MU shares a number of features with epic and Buddhist (Hybrid) Sanskrit. This
leads Salomon to adopt the designation Vernacular Sanskrit for the language of the MU. Salomon
stresses correctly that this linguistic peculiarity neither justifies the assumption the the MU is later

21

transmitted version poses a number of text-critical and metrical problems that

cannot be solved here, we read:
Perfect fools regard the merit of sacrifices and donations as the best and
cannot think of anything better. But when they have experienced the merit of
their well performed rituals on the vault of heaven, they come again to this
deplorable world.61 iprta manyamn variha nnyac chreyo
vedayanti pramh / nkasya phe te sukte nubhte ima loka
hnatara cvianti // 10 // (MU 1.2.1).
The passage of the Mudaka Upaniad that contains this stanza (MU 1.2.7-10)
criticizes the belief in the unlimited power of Vedic rituals. Repeatedly, the
proponents of the Vedic sacrificial religion (karmin) are called fools (mha) or
even, as in the passage cited above, perfect fools (pramha), because they do not
recognize that ritual activities do not, and cannot, lead to a permanent result. Vedic
rituals, according to this critique, yield for the sacrificer a post-mortem fate in
heaven. However, the duration of his stay is limited to a certain time span, after
which a rebirth on earth is inevitable. Therefore, the critics of the Vedic ritual do
not regard a ritually-earned residence in heaven to be a desirable salvic aim.
Nevertheless, since the Muaka Upaniad concedes that rituals lead to a temporal
stay in heaven, its authors (and redactors) acknowledge the validity of the notion
that sacrificial activity determine the post-mortem fate of the sacrificer. The critique
of Vedic ritualism in the Muaka Upaniad differs in this respect from the
criticism that is implicitly voiced in Jantus Tale, according to which Vedic rituals
are of no avail in the next world.62 The determining factor for the destiny of the
sacrificer after death, according to Jantus Tale, is not the ritually-accumulated
merit, but the ethical value of actions that were performed during the life time, i.e.
the compliance of ethically relevant actions with the law of karma. In this regard,
the critique of the Vedic ritual in Jantus Tale is even more radical than that of the
Muaka Upaniad. Since the acceptance of karma theories is one of the shared
characteristics of the early ramaa religions, it appears quite probable that the
than other early or middle Upaniads, nor that the MU originally was a Jaina or a Buddhist work
(Salomon 1981:101f.). However, since the linguistic peculiarities of the Sanskrit in the MU have
parallels in Buddhist (Hybrid) and epic Sanskrit, it appears to me that the time of composition of the
MU is probably close to the time of the linguistic turn towards Sanskrit as a medium of expression
for Buddhist and Jain authors, as well as to the time of the composition of the bulk of the Sanskrit
epics in the beginning of the first century CE.
61

My translation follows with some variation the German translation of Slaje (2009: 357).

62

The god Dharma states this in MBh 3.128.13ab, cited above on p. 16, when he justifies his verdict

of the priest by saying that nobody other than the performer of an action ever experiences its
result.

22

author of Jantus Tale was influenced by ideas that were prominent within this
religious milieu.
The karma theory propagated in Jantus Tale differs considerably, however, from
the early karma theories of the ramaa religions, which presuppose a karmic
retribution that works, as it were, automatically and impersonally, i.e. without being
under control of any deity. According to the early theories of karma in the ramaa
religions, as we can reconstruct them from Jaina and Buddhist sources, the gods
were not conceived as having karmic retribution under their command, but as being
subject to its efficacy. The occurrence of the specific karma theory of Jantus Tale
within the Mahbhrata, according to which the god of the netherworld Yama or
Dharma rules the law of karma, appears therefore to be the result of the hesitant
acceptance of the new religious doctrines of karma within the intellectual milieu of
late Vedic Brahmanism.
One aspect of early Hindu karma theories that may have facilitated the transfer of
this religious belief from the ramaa milieu into early Hinduism consists in the
limitations that the scope of karmic retribution underwent during its process of
assimilation. Whereas in early Jainism as well as in early Buddhism the quality of
the life of all living beings was believed to be largely determined by the law of
karma, the karma theories of the late Vedic and early classical period of South
Asian religious history, as they can be reconstructed from the Sanskrit epic
literature, comprise a considerable scope for alternatives and modifying causes. For
example, fate and time are important factors that either substitute or complement
karmic retribution in the Mahbhrata.63 Moreover, a whole range of empowering
activities such as Vedic rituals, ascetic practices, pilgrimages, and last but not least
the listening to recitations of the Mahbhrata,64 are believed to interfere with, and
modify, the destiny and post-mortem fate of humans.

63

On time as the decisive factor for the fate of men see Scheftelowitz 1929.

64

See Hegarty 2012: 58-64.

23

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