REVIEW:

In the labour market for young Pakistanis, two connected tendencies have occurred
concurrently. The section of young people ending post-secondary qualifications,
including graduating from university, has improved. Many postgraduates work parttime. Does this disturb their academic performance? Employment during studies could
progress grades if working develops aspects that are balancing with academic success, for
instance productiveness or time management skills, or as a substitute decrease grades by
restricting time and energy available for university work.
Then again, working might be connected with academic performance, yet not directly
impact it, if overlooked student differences influence both labour supply and grades.The
student labour market, comprising mostly low-skill, casual jobs in the service sector, has
expanded. The group of young people presently leaving full-time education for full-time
employment have been labelledas less committed to work and employment at the same
time as possessing quixotically high expectations of work. The idea considers whether
there is a connection between the two trends by examining the research question, how
does student employment affect university graduates outlooks toward work and
employment.
According to the Labour Force Study 41% of male full-time students aged 20 -24 and
52% of female full-time students in the same age group were working during the 2012-13
academic year. Should it be cared if students are working more than they ever have
before? It is believed that the answer depends on whether employment has a positive or
negative effect on student success. A commonly held view is that working too much will

compromise the success of even the brightest and most capable students. And almost
everyone believes that working only few hours a week will have little effect on academic
success. Beyond those simple presumptions, however, the situation is quite unclear.
BACKGROUND:
Why are students working? Employment is a very important source of income for postsecondary students, and that is the most obvious reason why they work.
According to Ouellette (2006, Table 6), 26% of full-time students named income from
current employment as their most important source of funds, a percentage exceeded only
by the 27 % who reported personal savings as the most important source. Just over 60 %
of students reported that current employment was one of their funding sources; once
again, this was the second-highest proportion observed, exceeded only by the 79 % who
drew on personal savings (Ouellette, 2006, Table 2).
The increase in work may be due to rising tuition fees over the period 19952009. Neills
(2007) examination of the effect of tuition fee increases on student employment
suggested that there was a positive relationship between tuition increases and higher
employment among full-time university students.
The labour market aimed at young adults (20-24 years old) and teenagers (15-19 years
old) operates differently to the labour market for matured age workers (25-54 years old).
Compared with older workers, younger workers are more likely to work part-time, more
likely to be casual, experience higher unemployment, and change jobs more frequently.
Though, these differences were not always so unambiguous. The make-up of the
Pakistani labour market has changed radically in the last years. The primary force driving

this change has been the collapse in the full-time teenage labour market. The proportion
of teenagers working full-time has fallen by two-thirds in the last years since 1986. More
female than male teenage jobs disappeared during this period, as a result of three factors,
first, low skill jobs in manufacturing areas such as textiles, which are primarily held by
female workers, have disappeared or moved offshore following the end of cost
protection. This change has also affected teenage males to a degree. Second, as a result of
technological change, low skill white-collar employment in occupations such as typists,
stenographers, and telephonists, has greatly decreased. Third, changes to the skill level of
female professions such as nursing mean that young people now have to complete further
training before they can enter these jobs.
In contrast to teenage workers, there is greater variety of occupations among young adult
workers. Young adults are less likely to work as elementary clerical, sales or service
workers or labourers and more likely to be working in professional, associate
professional and technical occupations. There is also considerable variation in the
occupational distribution within the young adult unit. Most young people in higher
education complete their studies sometime between 20 and 25. In contrast,
apprenticeships are mostly completed before this age, as are diploma- and certificatelevel courses. Mostly, young adults working in such jobs are working full-time, but
greater numbers of university students are finding part-time work at these levels. Unlike
teenagers, young adults mostly work full-time. But as with all age groups, part-time
employment as a proportion of young adult employment has been increasing. New jobs
have been created in the service industries to replace those lost in the manufacturing,

commercial, and communications industries. Whereas the lost jobs were overwhelmingly
full-time, the new jobs in the service industries are more precarious. New jobs are parttime and casual, allowing employers to schedule labour to meet demand at peak periods.
The proportion of young men and women working part-time has continued to increase.

As with the trend to part-time employment, casualization of the young adult workforce
has occurred faster than that of older workers. In 1984, 11.9 per cent of employed males
aged 20-24 years old and 16.7 per cent of employed females aged 20- 24 years old were
employed as casuals. By 2001, the percentage of casual employment had more than
doubled. As demonstrates, over a third of all young workers did not receive leave
entitlements. Young adults are twice as likely as teenagers to have a permanent job and
only half as likely to be working casually. This reflects the fact that most 15-19 year olds
are still studying full-time at high school. More significantly, the rate of permanent
employment among young adult workers is nearly as high as that for 25-44 year old
workers. This is because the older category has a much higher percentage of workers
operating their own businesses. As young people are unlikely to move from casual

employment to starting their own business, the figures nonetheless suggest that there is a
proportion of young adults who will eventually move into permanent work but are yet to
do so. As the number of full-time jobs available to young workers decreased, more young
people have extended their participation in post-compulsory education. As with
secondary school students, this has not meant that all of these young people have
withdrawn from the labour market, but it has changed the nature of their labour market
participation. Students are a significant proportion of the labour market of young adults,
those aged 20-24. Only 15.9 per cent of young adults were combining work and study in
1988 in 2002, the proportion had risen to 24 per cent Most young adults working parttime are students.
Structural factors also affected what jobs students had. There were differences in
occupational distribution between traditional students, who enrol in university study
immediately after secondary school, delayed entry students, who do not enter straight
from school but enrol before turning 25, and mature age entry students, who are those
students who enrol after turning 25. Across all categories, most students worked as
elementary clerks, sales and service workers, especially traditional entry students:
.Mature age entry students were more likely than the other groups to have professional or
technical employment. However, more than one in ten traditional entry students and
nearly one in four delayed entry students were not working in typical student jobs and
had found employment in managerial, professional, or technical jobs. Approximately a
third of students were working to improve their chances of employment after university,
and a similar proportion were working to gain experience in their field of study as

important reasons for working while studying .The combination of tertiary qualifications
and relevant, paid employment experience is promoted as the ideal preparation for
attracting the interest of graduate employers especially as studies of employers of schoolleavers suggest that employers prefer experience in a part-time job to an unpaid work
experience . Most students, though, considered that their future employment intentions
were not important reasons for working in their current job.
OBJECTIVES:
Our focus is on the question of whether working while in university has an impact on
academic success either in terms of grades or progress toward a university degree.
The contribution of this paper is to examine the impact of employment while studying on
the academic performance of students. Education theory and economic theory provide
useful frameworks for studying the consequences of student employment. Tintos (1993)
social integration model hypothesizes that a few hours of work can help integrate
students into life and increase maintenance, whereas long hours of work, can have the
opposite effect, not only because it limits the available time for students to study but also
because it limits opportunities for interaction with other students and faculty.
Human capital theory, as put forward by Becker (1962), suggests that it may optimal for
individuals to work only after their education has been completed. The reasoning behind
this view is that education is considered an investment that increases human capital, and
therefore in the absence of credit constraints (whereby students can borrow money to
cover the costs of attending postgraduates), postponing work until after graduation can
allow individuals to fully reap the benefits of their investment.

In addition to the increased prominence of paid employment during the student phase,
changes to the phase after graduation also point to a greater significance of student
employment for graduate workers. The graduate labour market has become less distinct
from the general labour market. Graduates still enjoy a labour market advantage over
non-graduates. Even though the cost of higher education has risen, on average graduates
earn sufficiently more than non-graduates to justify the cost. Indeed, there continue to be
a return on income to graduates. A closer examination of the graduate surveys, however,
reveals that finding a job is not the same as beginning a career it is not unusual to
find that six months after graduation, of those with jobs less than a third consider their
job to be a desired career position. A decreasing proportion of university graduates are
finding work in their professional vocational fields after completing university.
Analysis of Gradate Destination Survey data by Andrews and Wu (1998) demonstrates
that the graduate labour market is sensitive to changes in the overall labour market, and
graduates have widened their post-study options accordingly. For example, their analysis
revealed an inverse relationship between the unemployment rate and the proportion of
university graduates choosing to pursue further study after enrolment. Graduates are also
more willing to take on part-time work, even though full-time work remains the preferred
option. In other words, more graduates are taking up jobs in clerical and sales positions,
presumably because they are unable to find work that fully utilises the skills developed
during their degree. An occupation defines all jobs requiring a university degree as either
professional or managerial occupations. The trend has affected graduates overall, but it
has been particularly marked for graduates of the generalist arts, science, and business

degrees, as well as law graduates, and less significant for vocational graduates in
engineering, architecture, health, and education. Other studies have demonstrated the
under-employment of graduates in arts.
It is unclear whether over qualification is a temporary or persistent problem investigated
over qualification among Pakistani graduates using data from the 1991 and 1996 census.
He estimated that there had been a small increase in over qualification, so that in 1996,
between one-sixth and one-fifth of all graduates are overqualified. It is found that over
qualification is higher for younger graduate workers than older graduate workers. There
are two possible explanations.
One is that younger graduates take time to find a match to their educational level. Over
qualification was present among older workers, but not as prevalent.
In any case, the result of the changing nature of standard employment is that working
patterns begun while still studying may persist after graduation. Dwyer identified four
broad paths into careers among participants in the Life Patterns Study. One group
immediately secured access to permanent career work. This group was not universitytrained but had completed apprenticeships or traineeships in service areas like hospitality,
real estate, and office administration. A second group experienced prolonged career
transitions. Teachers, nurses and other professionals who were predominantly employed
in the public sector found it difficult to secure permanent employment in their area and
had to settle for contract, temporary or part-time work as an entry into their profession.
The third group comprised those who had achieved a flexible and gradual entry into their
career. Many graduates in this group, predominantly from the business and engineering

areas, considered themselves in stepping stone jobs that would hopefully lead to
permanent full-time work in the future. The final group had experienced the toughest
period after graduation. Less than half of this group believed they had career jobs.
These young people, many of them university graduates from the traditional arts and
science generalist degrees, were changing or re-evaluating their career plans. In some
cases non-standard outcomes did not imply a negative career outcome. Particularly for
teachers, nurses, and professionals in the allied health areas, it would seem that shortterm contracts have become the standard entry point into these professions. In spite of
their high expectations, these well-educated youth had had to contend with a labour
market redefined by the individualisation of risk.
Graduates responded to the risk by compromising their expectations on some aspects of
employment: permanence, the number of hours, the level of skill required, or the
relevance to their studies.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
This study makes a contribution to the literature identifying and examining the factors
that impact student performance in universities while they are working in the service
industry.A starting point is to ask working students about the effects of their work on
their studies. Our surveys of students collect information only on the number of hours
worked, wage rates and type of work performed.
Our questions to working students that how concerned they were that the hours you are
working for pay are having a negative impact on the time you can devote to your

studies. Of the working respondents, 28 %reported being moderately concerned and 29

% reported being very concerned.
A second way we have approached the issue is to analyse the relationship between
Student responses to survey questions about the number of hours spent working with the
following variables
a) Students reports/ projects
b) The midterm/ hourly exam
c) Monthly assignment
d) Daily study time
e) Surprise quizzes
These analyses can either be descriptive, ascertaining the correlation between the two
variables, or causal, trying to establish whether working while in university affects
academic success.
SCOPE OF STUDY AND LIMITATTIONS:
The determination of this study is to examine the effects of postgraduates employment
on academic success.
Presently, 55% to 80% of students are employed while attending postgraduates (Miller,
1997; King, 1998). These high percentages have led some to believe that students who
work suffer from decreased academic performance (Steinberg, Fegley, & Dornbusch,
1993). However, others feel that employment can have a positive effect if in the proper
proportions (Dallam & Hoyt, 1981). Research regarding this topic is mixed.

Consequently, the current study will attempt to provide further realisticsubstantiation

with which to better understand the effects of employment on academic accomplishment.
Much of the research reread has dispensed with how many hours students put into their
jobs and what types of jobs they held. Since the results were not consistent, this study
examines similar variables in order to provide further evidence to the debate regarding
the effects of employment on academic achievement.
Centred upon research suggestion, the following hypotheses were developed:
1. Fewer hours worked lead to higher academic achievement
2. Jobs or internships (paid or unpaid) that are related to the students' majors have a
positive impact on academic achievement
3. Higher class standing of students lead to higher academic achievement
4. Students who take fewer credit hours will have higher academic achievement; and
5. More flexible work schedules lead to higher academic achievement.
STUDY VARIABLES
1. Employment: The student had a job or an internship (paid or unpaid) during the
summer semester of 2014.
2. Academic Achievement: The students grade point average during the summer
semester of 2014.
3. Hours Worked: The average number of hours a student spent on the clock per
week at their place of employment during the summer semester of 2014.How
many hours the student spent at their internship (paid or unpaid).

4. Flexible Work Schedule: Employers that work with students' schedules regarding
when students worked and how many hours they spent working.
a. Very flexible meant that employers worked completely around students
schedules
b. Somewhat flexible meaning that the employers take students schedules
into consideration, but do not make it a number one priority.
c. Not too flexible meaning that employers only make special scheduling
considerations if absolutely necessary.
d. Not flexible at all meaning that employer does not take into account the
students schedules at all.