Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Homosexuality&Psa 2008
Homosexuality&Psa 2008
Jack Drescher, M.D., Training and Supervising Analyst, William Alanson White
Institute; Adjunct Clinical Assistant Professor, New York University Postdoctoral
Program in Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis; Clinical Assistant Professor of
Psychiatry, New York Medical College.
This paper is modified from the Presidential Lecture presented at the 50th Annual
Meeting of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, Toronto,
Ontario, CA, May 19, 2006.
Journal of The American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, 36(3) 443460, 2008
2008 The American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry
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are essentially disagreeable people, regardless of their pleasant or unpleasant outward manner . . . [their] shell is a mixture of superciliousness, fake
aggression, and whimpering. Like all psychic masochists, they are subservient when confronted with a stronger person, merciless when in power,
unscrupulous about trampling on a weaker person. (pp. 28-29)
While Berglers harsh comments may have a dissonant ring to contemporary analysts ears, they were rather typical of mid-20th century psychoanalytic conversations about homosexuality. And as Lewes
(1988) has noted, organized psychoanalysis neither rebuked nor repudiated such public pronouncements. How did that happen and how
have things changed? One aim of this article is to provide a chronicle
of evolving attitudes toward homosexuality within organized psychoanalysis, beginning with a discussion of Freuds views on homosexuality in historical context and concluding with the current state of affairs.
THEORIES OF ETIOLOGY
Any history of psychoanalytic attitudes toward homosexuality is intimately associated with how one theorizes homosexualitys etiology.
Whether biological, environmental, or psychological, etiological theories generally fall into three broad categories (Drescher, 1998, 2002),
Theories of normal variation treat homosexuality as a phenomenon
that occurs naturally; that homosexual individuals are born different, but natural, like left-handed people; in contemporary culture,
this theory underlies the belief that people are born gay.
Theories of pathology treat adult homosexuality as a disease, a condition that deviates from normal, heterosexual development; atypical gender behavior or feelings are symptoms of the disease; these
theories hold that an external, pathogenic agent causes homosexuality and that such agents can act pre- or postnatally (intrauterine
hormonal exposure, excessive mothering, inadequate or hostile fathering, sexual abuse, gender identity disorder).
Theories of immaturity regard aspects of homosexuality at a young
age as a normal step toward adult heterosexuality; ideally, homosexuality is a passing phase to be outgrown; as a developmental
arrest, adult homosexuality is stunted growth.
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Freud was tolerant for his time. He signed a 1930 petition to decriminalize homosexuality (Abelove, 1985/1993). Yet, although he did not
consider homosexuality an illness, his theory did not quite constitute a
clean bill of healthcalling someone immature, rather than sick, is not
as offensive, but neither appellation is particularly respectful. Nor did
3. Since same-sex activities preclude penile-vaginal intercourse, in Freuds nosology,
homosexual acts could only be regarded as immature forms of sexual expression.
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Freud hide his contempt for the normalizing, third sex theories of his
eras German homophile (gay rights) movement:
The mystery of homosexuality is therefore by no means so simple as it
is commonly depicted in popular expositions a feminine mind, bound
therefore to love a man, but unhappily attached to a masculine body; a
masculine mind, irresistibly attracted by women, but, alas! imprisoned in
a feminine body. . . . Tendentious literature has obscured our view of this
interrelationship by putting into the foreground, for practical reasons [the
kind of object choice], which is the only one that strikes the layman, and
in addition by exaggerating the closeness of the association between this
and [physical hermaphroditism] . . . If [psychoanalytic] findings are taken
into account, then, clearly, the supposition that nature in a freakish mood
created a third sex falls to the ground. (Freud, 1920, pp. 170-171)
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Psychoanalytic Dissenters
While most American psychoanalysts and all of their professional
organizations maintained that homosexuality was a pathological condition, there were prominent dissenters. Foremost was Judd Marmor,
whose early contribution to the early psychiatric debate on homosexuality was Sexual Inversion (1965). There he tried to assemble relevant
information in every sector of the complexity of [homosexuality]history, comparative zoology, genetics, endocrinology, sociology, anthropology, law, psychology, and psychoanalytic psychiatry (p. 1). Marmor
was not averse to airing views with which he disagreed; the volume
included contributions from Rado, Bieber, and Ovesey. He asserted that
the fundamental issue raised by the diagnostic status of homosexuality
was neither medical nor semantic, but moral (Marmor, 1972).
Another psychoanalytic dissenter was Thomas Szasz. In The Myth of
Mental Illness (1960). he criticized mental health professionals in general for labeling many unconventional behaviors as signs of illness. He
argued that mental illness was a metaphor, rather than an actual illness like a viral infection or a broken leg. Rather than practicing medicine, Szasz accused his fellow psychiatrists of using diagnoses as a way
to increase their own power and influence. As a spokesperson of the
anti-psychiatry movement, he would take psychiatrists to task for
diagnosing not only homosexuality, (1965) but other diagnoses like
substance abuse (1974) as well.
Robert Stoller (1968), a psychoanalyst whose clinical work and writings included the study of transsexual and intersex patients, introduced
sexology concepts into the analytic literature. Most important was his
importation of John Moneys (Money, Hampson, & Hampson, 1957)
concept of a gender identity distinct from a sexual orientation. Stollers
theoretical contributions would further undermine traditional analytic
theories of homosexuality that typically conflated gender identity and
sexual orientation.
The Sexologists
While a psychoanalytically dominated psychiatry was trying to
cure homosexuality, sexology researchers of the mid-20th century
tried to make sense of human sexual behavior in the general population. Analysts drew conclusions from a self-selected group (patients
seeking treatment for their homosexuality) and wrote up findings as
case reports. Sexologists, on the other hand, went into the field and
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lical prohibitions against it, and if gay people are able and prepared to
function as productive citizens, then what is wrong with being gay?4
The psychoanalytic community, however, would take longer than
others to adopt this perspective. Following the 1973 decision, and as
their influence gradually declined in the mental health professions,
psychoanalysts circled their wagons. As normalization was taking
place in the rest of the culture, analysts, in their journals and at their
meetings, continued to write and speak about homosexuality in pathological terms. More troubling, they continued to deny openly gay men
and lesbians training in their institutes.
However, after 1973, there were stirrings of change within mainstream psychoanalysis. Richard C. Friedman (a member of the American and later of the Academy) wrote an early critique, but published
it in Contemporary Psychoanalysis (a journal of a non-APsaA institute
William Alanson White). Stephen A. Mitchell (a White-trained psychologist) wrote two seminal papers (1978, 1981) that criticized the theories
and techniques of mainstream analysts who pathologized homosexuality, including one published in the International Review of Psycho-analysis (1981). At a 1983 Fall Meeting of the APsaA, a panel (with Stanley
Leavy, Richard Isay, Robert Stoller, and Richard C. Friedman) aired critical views of the then-dominant analytic perspective (Isay & Friedman,
1986). Both Isay (1985, 1989) and Friedman (1988) would later offer historically significant criticisms of mainstream psychoanalytic attitudes
and theories of that time.
By the 1980s, most institutes were still not accepting gay and lesbian
candidates (Domenici & Lesser, 1995; Magee & Miller, 1997). There were
exceptions, as in the case of the White Institute (which had accepted
gay candidates since the 1950s, but did not want it publicly known)
or in the American, as in the case of Sidney H. Phillips (personal com-
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munication) who was openly gay and accepted for training at Western
New England Psychoanalytic Institute in 1980.
Things would change. In 1989, the American Academy of Psychoanalysis adopted a sexual orientation non-discrimination policy in regard to membershipa first for any psychoanalytic organization. In
1991, in response to a threatened discrimination lawsuit (Isay, 1996; Socarides, 1995). the APsaA adopted a sexual orientation non-discrimination policy regarding the selection of candidates and revised it in 1992
to include selection of faculty and training analysts as well. In 1992, the
American would also create a Committee on Issues of Homosexuality (later the Committee on Gay and Lesbian Issues). The Committees
would identify areas of antihomosexual bias and work with institutes
and the APsaA toward opening up its institutes, changing attitudes,
policies, and curriculum (Hoffman et al., 2000; Roughton, 1995).
THE QUEERING OF PSYCHOANALYSIS
Prior to the 1990s, when most psychoanalytic institutes would not
train openly gay candidates, those analysts who did come out in the late
1980s and early 90s were, with a few exceptions, mostly psychologists
and mostly trained outside the APsaA. Many of their intellectual and
theoretical influences derive from sources outside traditional, medical
psychoanalytic circles. Included in this group are analysts from Great
Britain (OConnor & Ryan, 1993) and from the American interpersonal
and relational traditions (Blechner, 1993; Corbett, 1993; Drescher, 1996a,
b 1996; Lesser, 1993; Schwartz, 1993).
Many of these analysts found themselves either influenced by or
resonating with queer theory, a postmodern academic discipline. Queer
theorists challenge implicit assumptions that underlie conventional,
binary categories like masculinity/femininity, or homosexuality/
heterosexuality. They criticize cultural (and analytic) norms by deconstructing the implicit assumptions upon which those norms are
based. Queer theorists writings draw attention to the ways in which
identities (including but not limited to sexual identities) can be socially
constructed through history (Foucault, 1978/1980), language and custom, and most do not believe that these identities arise from biological
(essentialist) factors.
The earlier critics of pathologizing theories addressed nonanalytic attitudes (Marmor, 1980; Mitchell, 1978, 1981); or offered alternative normative developmental theories using oedipal models (Isay, 1989; Lewes,
453
1988; Morgenthaler, 1984/1988); or sidestepped dynamic causes altogether and attributed or hypothesized a biological basis for same-sex
desire (Friedman, 1988; Isay, 1989). In contrast, the literature of postmodern gay and lesbian analysts would shift the clinical and theoretical focus from questions about what causes homosexuality to, among
other things, inquiring why people ask questions about etiology in
the first place. As Corbett (1997) puts it, the goal of analysis should not
be why homosexuality but how homosexuality (p. 500).
A major showcase for this emerging perspective took place in December 1993, at a conference of the New York University Postdoctoral
Program in Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis. Entitled, Perspectives on Homosexuality: An Open Dialogue, it was an unprecedented
gathering of heterosexual and gay analysts. In the published proceedings, Disorienting Sexuality (Domenici & Lesser, 1995). Adrienne Harris
foreword noted: To characterize the appearance of a group practicing
identity politics in psychoanalysis in 1993 as courageous is to immediately mark the uniqueness and the entrenched difficulties in considering homosexuality within psychoanalysis. What is commonplace
in most institutional settings is and has still been radical and resisted
within psychoanalysis (p. xi).
The 90s saw a growth in publications by gay and lesbian analysts
raising new issues and asking previously unexplored questions. They
wrote of psychoanalytic history and technique, of gay therapists treating gay and straight patients, posited normal developmental models
for children who grow up gay, questioned traditional analytic concepts
of masculinity and femininity, modified psychoanalysis to treat patients
with HIV, and cast light on the previously invisible but historic contributions to the early psychoanalytic movement of lesbians like Bryher
(Annie Winifred Ellerman) and H.D. (Hilda Doolittle; Blechner, 1997;
Corbett, 1996; DErcole, 1996; Frommer, 1994; Glazer, 1998; Lewes, 1999;
Magee & Miller, 1996; Phillips, 1998; Schaffner, 1996; Schwartz, 1996;
Vaughan, 1999). They also wrote and edited psychoanalytic texts for
the next generation of analysts (Drescher, 1998; Glassgold & Iasenza,
1995; Lesser & Schoenberg, 1999; Magee & Miller, 1997; OConnor &
Ryan, 1993; Schwartz, 1998; Young-Bruehl, 1996).
Changes were taking place in the psychoanalytic mainstream as well.
In 1997, the APsaA became the first mainstream mental health organization to endorse gay marriage (Hausman, 1998). a position the American Psychological and American Psychiatric Associations would adopt
only later, in 2003 and 2005, respectively.
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ment. The patient and the analyst were both motivated to answer the
question of how the family got the patient off the track toward normal
heterosexuality. For as Schafer (1995) notes:
. . . it seems like a straightforward technical principle that in doing character analysis one must render what is ego-syntonic ego-alien, thereby making it possible to analyze pathological character traits. . . . one realizes how
much space this technical principle leaves for the analysts personal values
to be imposed on the patient. Here we need think only of the ego-syntonic
homosexual orientation in whatever way that is structured in character,
and of how so many analysts tried to make these orientations ego-alien or
else resignedly thought it was hopeless even to try. (p. 200)
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This history of psychoanalytic attitudes toward homosexuality reinforces the impression that psychoanalytic theories cannot be divorced
from the political, cultural, and personal contexts in which they are formulated. This history also shows that analysts can take positions that
either facilitate or obstruct tolerance and acceptance. In 1921, Ernest
Jones asked whether a homosexual candidate should be accepted for
analytic training. In a circular letter to Freuds inner circle, he and
Rank (1921) replied that homosexuality alone should not be an exclusionary criterion and that an individuals other qualities should be taken into account. After a somewhat rocky start, in the second century of
psychoanalysis, that now seems to be the case. Today, gay and lesbian
analysts speak as respected subjects within their analytic communities,
no longer regarded as derided objects. As a result, they can now advocate for and focus psychoanalytic attention on the psychological needs
of their gay and lesbian patients.
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